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diff --git a/77834-0.txt b/77834-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6daf392 --- /dev/null +++ b/77834-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11667 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77834 *** + TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE + + Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. + + Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been + placed at the end of the paragraph. + + A superscript is denoted by ^x or ^{xx}, for example und^r or 36^{th}. + + Although the song on page 345 is notated as if it were one song, + perhaps for comparison purposes, these are actually two separate + songs, one German, one Mexican. Each has been transcribed separately, + with separate MP3 and MusicXML (.mxl) files. A soprano voice is used + for both. + + Music transcription, translations and new original cover art included + with this eBook are granted to the public domain. + + More information and comments on minor changes to the text are noted + at the end of the book. + + + + + INSTITUTTET + FOR SAMMENLIGNENDE + KULTURFORSKNING + + [Illustration: (Institute Logo)] + + SERIE B: SKRIFTER + + VIII + + FRANZ BOAS: PRIMITIVE ART + + + OSLO 1927 + + H. ASCHEHOUG & CO. (W. NYGAARD) + + LEIPZIG PARIS LONDON + + OTTO HARRASSOWITZ HONORÉ CHAMPION WILLIAMS & NORGATE, LTD. + + CAMBRIDGE, MASS. + + HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS + + + + + INSTITUTTET + FOR SAMMENLIGNENDE KULTURFORSKNING + + PRIMITIVE ART + + BY + + FRANZ BOAS + + PROFESSOR OF ANTHROPOLOGY AT COLUMBIA + UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK + + OSLO 1927 + + H. ASCHEHOUG & CO. (W. NYGAARD) + + LEIPZIG PARIS LONDON + + OTTO HARRASSOWITZ HONORÉ CHAMPION WILLIAMS & NORGATE, LTD. + + CAMBRIDGE, MASS. + + HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS + + + + + PRINTED IN NORWAY + + DET MALLINGSKE BOGTRYKKERI + + + + + PREFACE + + +This book is an attempt to give an analytical description of the +fundamental traits of primitive art. The treatment given to the +subject is based on two principles that, I believe, should guide all +investigations into the manifestations of life among primitive people: +the one the fundamental sameness of mental processes in all races and +in all cultural forms of the present day; the other, the consideration +of every cultural phenomenon as the result of historical happenings. + +There must have been a time when man’s mental equipment was different +from what it is now, when it was evolving from a condition similar +to that found among the higher apes. That period lies far behind us +and no trace of a lower mental organization is found in any of the +extant races of man. So far as my personal experience goes and so +far as I feel competent to judge ethnographical data on the basis of +this experience, the mental processes of man are the same everywhere, +regardless of race and culture, and regardless of the apparent +absurdity of beliefs and customs. + +Some theorists assume a mental equipment of primitive man distinct from +that of civilized man. I have never seen a person in primitive life +to whom this theory would apply. There are slavish believers in the +teachings of the past and there are scoffers and unbelievers; there are +clear thinkers and muddleheaded bunglers; there are strong characters +and weaklings. + +The behavior of everybody, no matter to what culture he may belong, is +determined by the traditional material he handles, and man, the world +over, handles the material transmitted to him according to the same +methods. + +Our traditional experience has taught us to consider the course of +objective events as the result of definite, objective causation. +Inexorable causality governs here and the outer world cannot be +influenced by mental conditions. Hence our hesitating wonder at the +phenomena of hypnotism and suggestion in which these lines seem no +longer sharply drawn. Our cultural environment has impressed this +view upon our minds so deeply that we assume as a fundamental fact +that material phenomena, particularly outside of the field of human +behavior, can never be influenced by mental, subjective processes. +Still, every ardent wish implies the possibility of fulfilment and +prayers for objective benefits or for help do not differ in principle +from the attempts of primitive man to interfere with the uncontrollable +course of nature. The credulity with which fantastic theories bearing +upon health are accepted, the constant rise of religious sects with +abstruse dogmatic tenets, as well as the fashions in scientific and +philosophic theory prove the weakness of our claim to a rational view +of the world. + +Anyone who has lived with primitive tribes, who has shared their +joys and sorrows, their privations and their luxuries, who sees in +them not solely subjects of study to be examined like a cell under +the microscope, but feeling and thinking human beings, will agree +that there is no such thing as a “primitive mind”, a “magical” or +“prelogical” way of thinking, but that each individual in “primitive” +society is a man, a woman, a child of the same kind, of the same way of +thinking, feeling and acting as man, woman or child in our own society. + +Investigators are too apt to forget that the logics of science,—that +unattainable ideal of the discovery of pure relations of cause +and effect, uncontaminated by any kind of emotional bias as well +as of unproved opinion,—are not the logics of life. The feelings +underlying taboo are ever-present among us. I remember that as a +boy, when receiving instruction in religion,—that is in dogma,—I had +an insuperable inhibition against uttering the word “God”, and I +could not be brought to answer a question that required the answer +“God”. If I had been older I should have searched for and found a +personally satisfying explanation for this inhibition. Everyone knows +by experience that there are actions he will not perform, lines of +thought that he will not follow, and words that he will not utter, +because the actions are emotionally objectionable, or the thoughts find +strong resistances and involve our innermost life so deeply that they +cannot be expressed in words. We are right in calling these social +taboos. It requires only a dogmatic standardization to transform them +into true taboos. + +And magic? I believe if a boy should observe someone spitting on his +photograph and cutting it to pieces he would feel duely outraged. I +know if this should have happened to me when I was a student, the +result would have been a duel and I should have done my level best to +do to my adversary _in natura_ what he had done to me _in effigie_ and +I should have considered my success as a compensation for the harm done +me;—all this without any psychoanalytic meaning. I do not believe that +my feelings would have differed much from those of other young men. +Again a standardization and dogmatization would bring us right back to +“magical” attitudes. + +Dr. Tozzer’s[1] collection of superstitions of College students with +the enlightening remarks by those who hold the beliefs will be read +with profit by all those who are convinced of our mental superiority +and the lack of ability of clear thinking among the primitives. + +[1] A. M. Tozzer, Social Origins and Social Continuities, New York, +1925, pp. 242 et seq. + +Still other considerations should caution us against the assumption +of a radical difference between primitive and civilized mentality. +We like to see this distinction in greater individual mental freedom +from social bondage expressed in a free critical attitude that makes +possible individual creativeness. + +Our much admired scientific training has never proved a safeguard +against the seductiveness of emotional appeals, just as little as +it has prevented the acceptance as gospel truth of the grossest +absurdities, if presented with sufficient energy, self assertion and +authority. If anything, the late war with its organized governmental +and private propaganda should make us understand this truth. Opinions +energetically propagated and spurious facts diligently disseminated +color the thinking of the people, and not only of the uneducated. The +intellectual is deceived as easily as the untutored by sanctimonious +professions that conform to the moral code of time and place and +flatter the feeling of self-righteousness. They gloss over the conflict +of deed and word and, when uttered by those in authority, make +criminals appear like saints. + +Our advantage over primitive people is one of greater knowledge of the +objective world, painfully gained by the labor of many generations, a +knowledge which we apply rather badly and which we, or at least most of +us, discard just as soon as a strong emotional urge impels us to do so, +and for which we substitute forms quite analogous to those of primitive +thought. + +The much maligned introspective psychology proves to the unbiased +observer that the causes that make primitive man think as he does, are +equally present in our minds. The particular behavior in each case +is determined by the traditional knowledge at the disposal of the +individual. + + * * * * * + +The second fundamental point to be borne in mind is that each culture +can be understood only as an historical growth determined by the +social and geographical environment in which each people is placed +and by the way in which it develops the cultural material that comes +into its possession from the outside or through its own creativeness. +For the purpose of an historical analysis we treat each particular +problem first of all as a unit, and we attempt to unravel the threads +that may be traced in the development of its present form. For this +reason we may not start our inquiries and interpretations, as though +the fundamental thesis of a single unilineal development of cultural +traits the world over, of a development that follows everywhere the +same lines, had been definitely proven. If it is claimed that culture +has run such a course, the assertion must be proven on the basis of +detailed studies of the historical changes in single cultures and by +the demonstration of analogies in their development. + +It is safe to say that the critical study of recent years has +definitely disproved the existence of far-reaching homologies which +would permit us to arrange all the manifold cultural lines in an +ascending scale in which to each can be assigned its proper place. + +On the other hand dynamic conditions exist, based on environment, +physiological, psychological, and social factors, that may bring forth +similar cultural processes in different parts of the world, so that it +is probable that some of the historical happenings may be viewed under +more general dynamic viewpoints. + +But historical data are not available and when prehistoric research +does not reveal sequences of cultural changes, the only available +method of study is the geographical one, the study of distribution. +This has been emphasized in the last third of the past century by +Friedrich Ratzel. It has probably been most rigidly developed in the +United States. I illustrated this method in 1891 by a study of the +distribution of folk-tales in North America[2] and it has become more +and more the method of analytical study of cultural forms. + +[2] Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. IV, pp. 13-20; also Science, +Vol. XII (1888), pp. 194-196. + +Its very fruitfulness, however, has led to extremes in its application +that should be guarded against. I pointed out, in print in 1911 and +often before and since that time in speaking, that there is a certain +homology between universal distribution of cultural facts and their +antiquity. The fundamental principle involved in this assumption was +fully discussed by Georg Gerland in 1875,[3] although we are hardly +ready to accept his conclusions. The data of prehistoric archaeology +prove that some of these universal achievements go back to paleolithic +times. Stone implements, fire and ornaments are found in that period. +Pottery and agriculture, which are less universally distributed, appear +later. Metals, the use of which is still more limited in space, are +found still later. + +[3] Anthropologische Beiträge, Halle a/S, pp. 401 et seq. + +Recent attempts have been made to raise to a general principle this +point of view which, with due caution, may be applied here and +there. Herbert Spinden in his reconstruction of American prehistoric +chronology, Alfred Kroeber in his analysis of cultural forms of the +Pacific Coast, and quite recently Clark Wissler have built up, founded +on this principle a system of historic sequences that appear to me +as quite untenable. That widely distributed cultural traits develop +special forms in each particular area is a truism that does not +require any proof. That these local developments may be arranged in +a chronological series, that those of the most limited distribution +are the youngest, is only partially true. It is not difficult to find +phenomena that center in a certain region and dwindle down at the +outskirts, but it is not true that these invariably arise on an ancient +substratum. The converse is often true, that an idea emanating from a +center is diffused over a wide area. Neither may the origin always be +looked for in the area of the strongest development. In the same way +as we find animals surviving and flourishing in regions far distant +from the locality in which they developed, so cultural traits may be +transferred and find their highest expression in regions far away from +their origin. The bronze castings of Benin; the wood carvings of New +Zealand; the bronze work of ancient Scandinavia; the giant stone work +of Easter Island; the early cultural development of Ireland and its +influences over Europe are examples of this kind. + +Equally unsafe are the methods used by Fritz Graebner and Pater W. +Schmidt who claim the stability of certain very old and, as I fear, +fictitious correlations between cultural traits. + +It is probably not necessary to point out the utter inadequacy of +Elliott Smith’s attempt to reduce all ethnological phenomena to a +single, and anthropologically speaking, late source and to assume a +permanence of cultural forms that exists nowhere. + +It has often been observed that cultural traits are exceedingly +tenacious and that features of hoary antiquity survive until the +present day. This has led to the impression that primitive culture is +almost stable and has remained what it is for many centuries. This does +not correspond to the facts. Wherever we have detailed information we +see forms of objects and customs in constant flux, sometimes stable for +a period, then undergoing rapid changes. Through this process elements +that at one time belonged together as cultural units are torn apart. +Some survive, others die, and so far as objective traits are concerned, +the cultural form may become a kaleidoscopic picture of miscellaneous +traits that, however, are remodelled according to the changing +spiritual background that pervades the culture and that transforms +the mosaic into an organic whole. The better the integration of the +elements the more valuable appears to us the culture. I believe that it +may be said that the coherent survival of cultural features that are +not organically connected is exceedingly rare, while single detached +elements may possess marvellous longevity. + + * * * * * + +In the present book the problem of growth of individual art styles will +be touched upon only incidentally. Our object is rather an attempt +to determine the dynamic conditions under which art styles grow up. +The specific historical problem requires much fuller material than +what we now possess. There are very few parts of the world in which +we can trace, by archaeological or comparative geographical study, +the growth of art styles. Prehistoric archaeology in Europe, Asia, +and America shows, however, that, as general cultural traits are in a +constant state of flux, so also do art styles change and the breaks +in the artistic life of the people are often surprisingly sudden. It +remains to be seen whether it is possible to derive generally valid +laws that control the growth of specific art styles, such as Adama +van Scheltema has tried to derive for North European art.[4] With +increasing technical skill and perfection of tools, changes are bound +to occur. Their course is determined by the general cultural history of +the people. We are not in a position to say that the same tendencies, +modified by local historical happenings, reappear in the course of art +development everywhere. + +[4] Die altnordische Kunst, Berlin, 1923. + +I wish to express my thanks to those who have assisted me in gathering +the illustrative material for this volume. I am indebted to the +American Museum of Natural History, especially to Dr. Pliny E. Goddard +for permission to have drawings made of specimens, for liberal help in +their selection and also for the use of illustrative material from the +Museum publications. I am also indebted to the Field Museum, Chicago; +the United States National Museum, Washington; the University Museum +of the University of Pennsylvania at Philadelphia, the Free Public +Museum of the City of Milwaukee and to the Linden Museum at Stuttgart +for illustrations of specimens. The drawings were made by Mr. W. Baake, +Miss M. Franziska Boas and Miss Lillian Sternberg. + + + + + INTRODUCTION + + +No people known to us, however hard their lives may be, spend all their +time, all their energies in the acquisition of food and shelter, nor +do those who live under more favorable conditions and who are free +to devote to other pursuits the time not needed for securing their +sustenance occupy themselves with purely industrial work or idle away +the days in indolence. Even the poorest tribes have produced work that +gives to them esthetic pleasure, and those whom a bountiful nature or a +greater wealth of inventions has granted freedom from care, devote much +of their energy to the creation of works of beauty. + +In one way or another esthetic pleasure is felt by all members of +mankind. No matter how diverse the ideals of beauty may be, the general +character of the enjoyment of beauty is of the same order everywhere; +the crude song of the Siberians, the dance of the African Negroes, +the pantomime of the Californian Indians, the stone work of the New +Zealanders, the carvings of the Melanesians, the sculpture of the +Alaskans appeal to them in a manner not different from that felt by us +when we hear a song, when we see an artistic dance, or when we admire +ornamental work, painting or sculpture. The very existence of song, +dance, painting and sculpture among all the tribes known to us is proof +of the craving to produce things that are felt as satisfying through +their form, and of the capability of man to enjoy them. + +All human activities may assume forms that give them esthetic values. +The mere cry, or the word does not necessarily possess the elements +of beauty. If it does so it is merely a matter of accident. Violent, +unrestrained movements induced by excitement; the exertions of the +chase and the movements required by daily occupations are partly +reflexes of passion, partly practically determined. They have no +immediate esthetic appeal. The same is true of all products of +industrial activity. The daubing of paint, the whittling of wood or +bone, the flaking of stone do not necessarily lead to results that +compel our admiration on account of their beauty. + +Nevertheless, all of them may assume esthetic values. Rhythmical +movements of the body or of objects, forms that appeal to the eye, +sequences of tones and forms of speech which please the ear, produce +artistic effects. Muscular, visual and auditory sensations are the +materials that give us esthetic pleasure and that are used in art. + +We may also speak of impressions that appeal to the senses of smell, +taste and touch. A composition of scents, a gastronomical repast may be +called works of art provided they excite pleasurable sensations. + +What then gives to the sensation an esthetic value? When the technical +treatment has attained a certain standard of excellence, when the +control of the processes involved is such that certain typical forms +are produced, we call the process an art, and however simple the forms +may be, they may be judged from the point of view of formal perfection; +industrial pursuits such as cutting, carving, moulding, weaving; as +well as singing, dancing and cooking are capable of attaining technical +excellence and fixed forms. The judgment of perfection of technical +form is essentially an esthetic judgment. It is hardly possible to +state objectively just where the line between artistic and pre-artistic +forms should be drawn, because we cannot determine just where the +esthetic attitude sets in. It seems certain, however, that wherever a +definite type of movement, a definite sequence of tones or a fixed form +has developed it must become a standard by which its perfection, that +is, its beauty, is measured. + +Such types exist among mankind the world over, and we must assume that +if an unstandardized form should prove to possess an esthetic appeal +for a community it would readily be adopted. Fixity of form seems to be +most intimately connected with our ideas of beauty. + +Since a perfect standard of form can be attained only in a highly +developed and perfectly controlled technique there must be an intimate +relation between technique and a feeling for beauty. + +It might be said that achievement is irrelevant as long as the ideal +of beauty for which the would-be artist strives is in existence, +although on account of imperfect technique he may be unable to attain +it. Alois Riegl expresses this idea by saying that the will to produce +an esthetic result is the essence of artistic work. The truth of this +assertion may be admitted and undoubtedly many individuals strive for +expression of an esthetic impulse without being able to realize it. +What they are striving for presupposes the existence of an ideal form +which the unskilled muscles are unable to express adequately. The +intuitive feeling for form must be present. So far as our knowledge of +the works of art of primitive people extends the feeling for form is +inextricably bound up with technical experience. Nature does not seem +to present formal ideals,—that is fixed types that are imitated,—except +when a natural object is used in daily life; when it is handled, +perhaps modified, by technical processes. It would seem that only in +this way form impresses itself upon the human mind. The very fact +that the manufactures of man in each and every part of the world have +pronounced style proves that a feeling for form develops with technical +activities. There is nothing to show that the mere contemplation of +nature or of natural objects develops a sense of fixed form. Neither +have we any proof that a definite stylistic form develops as a product +purely of the power of the imagination of the workman, unguided by his +technical experience which brings the form into his consciousness. It +is conceivable that elementary esthetic forms like symmetry and rhythm, +are not entirely dependent upon technical activities; but these are +common to all art styles; they are not specifically characteristic +of any particular region. Without stability of form of objects, +manufactured or in common use, there is no style; and stability of +form depends upon the development of a high technique, or in a few +cases on the constant use of the same kind of natural products. When +stable forms have been attained, imaginative development of form in an +imperfect technique may set in and in this case the will to produce an +esthetic result may outrun the ability of the would-be artist. The same +consideration holds good in regard to the esthetic value of muscular +movements used in song and dance. + +The manufactures of man the world over prove that the ideal forms are +based essentially on standards developed by expert technicians. They +may also be imaginative developments of older standardized forms. +Without a formal basis the will to create something that appeals to the +sense of beauty can hardly exist. + + * * * * * + +Many works of art affect us in another way. The emotions may be +stimulated not by the form alone, but also by close associations that +exist between the form and ideas held by the people. In other words, +when the forms convey a meaning, because they recall past experiences +or because they act as symbols, a new element is added to the +enjoyment. The form and its meaning combine to elevate the mind above +the indifferent emotional state of every day life. Beautiful sculpture +or painting, a musical composition, dramatic art, a pantomime, may so +affect us. This is no less true of primitive art than of our own. + +Sometimes esthetic pleasure is released by natural forms. The song of a +bird may be beautiful; we may experience pleasure in viewing the form +of a landscape or in viewing the movements of an animal; we may enjoy +a natural taste or smell, or a pleasant feeling; grandeur of nature +may give us an emotional thrill and the actions of animals may have a +dramatic effect; all of these have esthetic values but they are not +art. On the other hand, a melody, a carving, a painting, a dance, a +pantomime are esthetic productions, because they have been created by +our own activities. + +Form, and creation by our own activities are essential features of +art. The pleasure or elevation of the mind must be brought about by a +particular form of sense impression, but this sense impression must +be made by some kind of human activity or by some product of human +activity. + +It is essential to bear in mind the twofold source of artistic effect, +the one based on form alone, the other on ideas associated with form. +Otherwise the theory of art will be one-sided. Since the art of man, +the world over, among primitive tribes as well as among civilized +nations, contains both elements, the purely formal and the significant, +it is not admissible to base all discussions of the manifestations of +the art impulse upon the assumption that the expression of emotional +states by significant forms must be the beginning of art, or that, like +language, art is a form of expression. In modern times this opinion is +based in part on the often observed fact that in primitive art even +simple geometrical forms may possess a meaning that adds to their +emotional value, and that dance, music and poetry almost always have +definite meaning. However, significance of artistic form is neither +universal nor can it be shown that it is necessarily older than the +form. + +I do not intend to enter into a discussion of the philosophical +theories of esthetics, but will confine myself to a few remarks on +the views of a number of recent authors who have treated art on the +basis of ethnological material, and only in so far as the question is +concerned whether primitive art is expressive of definite ideas. + +Our views agree fundamentally with those of Fechner[5] who recognizes +the “direct” appeal of the work of art on the one side and the +associated elements that give a specific tone to the esthetic effects +on the other. + +[5] G. T. Fechner, Vorschule der Aesthetik. + +Wundt[6] restricts the discussion of art to those forms in which the +artistic work expresses some thought or emotion. He says, “For the +psychological study art stands in a position intermediate between +language and myth.... Thus the creative artistic work appears to us as +a peculiar development of the expressive movements of the body. Gesture +and language pass in a fleeting moment. In art they are sometimes +given a higher significance; sometimes the fleeting movement is given +a permanent form.... All these relations are manifested principally +in the relatively early, although not in the very earliest stages of +artistic work in which the momentary needs of expression of thought +dominate art as well as language.” + +[6] Wilhelm Wundt, Völkerpsychologie, Vol. 3, Die Kunst; third edition, +Leipzig, 1919, p. 5. + +Max Verworn[7] says: “Art is the faculty to express conscious processes +by means created by the artist himself in such a manner that they may +be perceived by our sense organs. In this general sense language, +song, music and dance are art, just as well as painting, sculpture and +ornamentation. The graphic and plastic arts in the narrow sense of the +term result from the ability of making conscious processes visible in +permanent materials.” + +[7] Die Anfänge der Kunst, Jena, 1920, p. 8. “Kunst im allgemeinsten +Sinne ist, wie das Wort schon sagt, ein ‘Können’.” + +Richard Thurnwald[8] accepts the view-point of Wundt when he says, +“Art, however inadequate its means may be, is a means of expression +that belongs to mankind. The means employed are distinct from those +used in gesture, language and writing. Even when the artist is intent +only upon the repetition of what he has in mind he does so with +at least the subconscious purpose of communicating his ideas, of +influencing others.” + +[8] Richard Thurnwald, Handbuch der vergleichenden Psychologie, +herausgegeben von Gustav Kafka, Vol. I, p. 211. + +The same onesidedness may be recognized in Yrjö Hirn’s[9] opinion, who +says: “In order to understand the art impulse as a tendency to esthetic +production we must bring it into connection with some function from the +nature of which the specifically artistic qualities may be derived. +Such a function is to be found, we believe, in the activities of +emotional expression.” + +[9] Yrjö Hirn, The Origins of Art, London, 1900, p. 29. + +It will be seen that all these authors confine their definition of art +to those forms which are expressions of emotional states or of ideas, +while they do not include in art the pleasure conveyed by purely formal +elements that are not primarily expressive. + +Ernst Grosse[10] expresses similar views in somewhat different form. +He stresses the practical purpose of artistic forms which appears to +him as primary. However, he assumes that these forms, while devoted +first of all to practical purposes, are intended at the same time to +serve an esthetic need that is felt by the people. Thus, he says, +that primitive ornament is by origin and by its fundamental nature +not intended as decorative but as a practically significant mark or +symbol, that is to say as expressive. If I understand him correctly +this practical significance implies some kind of meaning inherent in +the form. + +[10] Ernst Grosse, Die Anfänge der Kunst, 1894, p. 292. + +Emil Stephan[11] concludes from his detailed discussion of Melanesian +art that technical motives offer no sufficient explanation for the +origin of artistic forms (pp. 52 et seq.). He considers all ornament +as representative and sees the origin of art in that unconscious +mental process by which the form appears as distinct from the content +of the visual impression, and in the desire to give permanence to the +form (p. 51). For this reason he considers the artistic forms also +as equivalents of the way in which the form appears to the primitive +artist. + +[11] Emil Stephan, Südseekunst, Berlin, 1907. + +Alfred C. Haddon[12] and W. H. Holmes[13] seek the origin of all +decorative art in realism. They discuss the transfer of technical forms +to ornament but they see in these also results of the endeavor to +reproduce realistic form, namely; technical details. Henry Balfour[14] +agrees, on the whole, with this position but he stresses also the +development of decorative motives from the actual use of technical +processes. + +[12] Alfred C. Haddon, Evolution in Art, London 1895. + +[13] W. H. Holmes, Origin and Development of Form in Ceramic Art, +Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, Vol. 4, 1886, pp. 443 et seq. + +[14] Henry Balfour, The Evolution of Decorative Art, London 1893. + +Gottfried Semper[15] emphasizes the importance of the form as +determined by the manner of use. He also stresses the influence of +designs developed in weaving and of their transfer upon other forms of +technique, particularly upon architectural forms. + +[15] Gottfried Semper, Der Stil in den Technischen und Tektonischen +Künsten, 1860. + +Alois Riegl[16] is also inclined to stress the representative character +of the most ancient art forms, basing his argument essentially upon +the realistic paleolithic carvings and paintings. He sees the most +important step forward in the attempt to show the animals in outline, +on a two-dimensional surface which necessitates the substitution of +an ideal line for the three-dimensional form that is given to us by +every day experience. He assumes that geometric ornament developed from +the treatment of the line, obtained by the process just mentioned, +according to formal principles. + +[16] Alois Riegl, Stilfragen, 2nd edition, Berlin, 1923, pp. 2 et seq. + +Setting aside the assumed sequence of these two aspects, his view-point +is distinguished from that of the authors referred to before, by the +recognition of the principle of form as against that of content. + +The principle of form is still more energetically defended by van +Scheltema, who tries to prove definite developmental processes through +which the formal treatment of North European art has passed, first in +the Neolithic period, then in the bronze age and finally in the iron +age.[17] + +[17] F. Adama van Scheltema, Die altnordische Kunst, Berlin, 1923. +For a comprehensive review of works on primitive art up to 1914, see +Martin Heydrich, Afrikanische Ornamentik, Internationales Archiv +für Ethnographie, Supplement to Volume XXII, Leyden, 1914; also the +bibliography in Eckert von Sydow, Die Kunst der Naturvölker und der +Vorzeit, Berlin, 1923; and Herbert Kühn, Die Kunst der Primitiven, +München, 1923. An excellent review of the subject has been given by +Elizabeth Wilson, Das Ornament (Dissertation, University of Leipzig). + +Alfred Vierkandt[18] also emphasizes the fundamental importance of the +formal element in the esthetic effect of all manifestations of art. + +[18] Prinzipienfragen der ethnologischen Kunstforschung, Zeitschrift +für Aesthetik und allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft, Vol. XIX, Berlin, 1925, +pp. 338 et seq. See also Jahrbuch für historische Volkskunde, Vol. II; +Vom Wesen der Volkskunst, Berlin, 1926; Rafael Karsten, Civilization of +South American Indians, New York, 1926. + + + + + GRAPHIC AND PLASTIC ARTS + + THE FORMAL ELEMENT IN ART + + +An examination of the material on which our studies of the artistic +value of objects of primitive manufacture are founded shows that in +most cases we are dealing with products of an industry in which a +high degree of mechanical skill has been attained. Ivory carvings +of the Eskimo; fur clothing of the Chukchee; wood carving of the +northwest coast of America, of New Zealand, the Marquesas, or central +Africa; metal work of Africa; appliqué work and embroidery of the Amur +River; pottery of the North American Pueblos; bronze work of ancient +Scandinavia are examples of this kind. + +The close relation between technical virtuosity and the fullness of +artistic development may easily be demonstrated by an examination of +the art of tribes with one-sided industries. While people like the +African negroes or the Malay are in possession of many industries, such +as basketry, carving, weaving, metal work and pottery, we find others +among whom the range of industrial activities is so narrow that almost +all the utensils for their manifold needs are made by the same process. + +The Californian Indians present an excellent example of this kind. +Their chief industry is basketry. Almost all their household goods, +receptacles for storage, cooking vessels, mortars for preparing +food, children’s cradles, receptacles for carrying loads, are made +of basketry. As compared to this industry others employed for the +manufacture of weapons and tools are insignificant. The building +of houses, of canoes, woodcarving, and painting are only slightly +developed. The only other occupation in which an unusual degree of +skill has been attained is featherwork. A great deal of time is +therefore given to the manufacture of baskets and an unusual degree +of virtuosity is found among the basketmakers. The beauty of form, +the evenness of texture of the Californian baskets are well known +and highly prized by collectors. At the same time the baskets are +elaborately decorated with a variety of geometrical designs or by +the addition of shells and feathers. (Plate I.) Basketmaking is an +occupation of women and thus it happens that among the Californian +Indians only women are creative artists. They are virtuosos in their +technique and on account of their virtuosity productive. The works of +art made by the men are, as compared to theirs, insignificant. + +[Illustration: Fig. 1. Front of painted box, Tlingit, Alaska.] + +It so happens that conditions among the northern neighbors of the +Californians are reversed. From Puget Sound northward the household +goods and implements of the Indians are made of wood, and much of the +time of the men is spent in woodworking. They are skilled joiners +and carvers who through constant practice have acquired virtuosity +in the handling of wood. The exactness of their work rivals that of +our very best craftsmen. Their boxes, buckets, kettles, cradles, and +dishes are all made of wood, as those of the Californians are made of +basketry. In their lives basketry plays a relatively unimportant part. +The industry in which they have attained greatest proficiency, is, at +the same time, the one in which their decorative art is most fully +developed. It finds expression, not only in the beauty of form of the +woodwork, but also in elaborate decoration. Among these people all +other aspects of decorative art are weak as compared to their artistic +expression in woodwork or in art forms derived from woodwork (fig. 1). +All this work is done by men and hence it follows that the men are the +creative artists while the women seem to be lacking in inventiveness +and artistic sense. Here also virtuosity in technique and artistic +productivity go hand in hand. + +[Illustration: PLATE I. + +Maidu Baskets. 1-2. Butterfly design. 3. Raccoon design. 4. Rim: +mountains; body: flying geese. 5. Moth-miller.] + +As a third example we might mention the Pueblo Indians of the Southern +United States. In many villages of this region pottery is the dominant +industry and in pottery is found the highest expression of art. The +form of the clay vessel is characterized by great regularity and it +becomes the substratum for decoration. Since pottery is a woman’s +art, women are the most productive artists among the Pueblos (fig. +2). However, the industrial activities of the Pueblos are not quite +so one-sided as those of California and British Columbia. Therefore +the men who are experienced in industrial work devoted to ceremonial +purposes are not lacking in the ability of artistic expression. + +[Illustration: Fig. 2. Jar from Zuni.] + +I believe these examples demonstrate that there is a close connection +between the development of skill in an industry and artistic activity. +Ornamental art has developed in those industries in which the greatest +skill is attained. Artistic productivity and skill are closely +correlated. Productive artists are found among those who have mastered +a technique, among men when the industries are in their hands, among +women when they are devoted to industrial activities. + +It will be admitted that aside from all adventitious form elements, +the product of an experienced worker in any handicraft has an artistic +value. A child learning to make a basket or a pot cannot attain the +regularity of outline that is achieved by the master. + +The appreciation of the esthetic value of technical perfection is +not confined to civilized man. It is manifested in the forms of +manufactured objects of all primitive people that are not contaminated +by the pernicious effects of our civilization and its machine-made +wares. In the household of the natives we do not find slovenly work, +except when a rapid makeshift has to be made. Patience and careful +execution characterize most of their products. Direct questioning +of natives and their criticism of their own work shows also their +appreciation of technical perfection. Virtuosity, complete control +of technical processes, however, means an automatic regularity of +movement. The basketmaker who manufactures a coiled basket, handles the +fibres composing the coil in such a way that the greatest evenness of +coil diameter results (fig. 3). In making her stitches the automatic +control of the left hand that lays down the coil, and of the right +that pulls the binding stitches over the coil brings it about that +the distances between the stitches and the strength of the pull are +absolutely even so that the surface will be smooth and evenly rounded +and that the stitches show a perfectly regular pattern,—in the same +way as an experienced seamstress will make her stitches at regular +intervals and with even pull, so that they lie like beads on a string. +The same observation may be made in twined basketry (fig. 4). In the +handiwork of an expert the pull of the woof string will be so even that +there is no distortion of the warp strings and the twisted woof will +lie in regularly arranged loops. Any lack of automatic control will +bring about irregularities of surface pattern. + +[Illustration: Fig. 3. Coiled basketry.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 4. Twined basketry.] + +A pot of well-rounded form results also from complete control of a +technique. Primitive tribes make their pottery without the aid of the +potter’s wheel, and in most cases the potter builds up his vessel by +the process of coiling, analogous to the coiling of a basket. Long +round strips of clay are laid down spirally beginning at the bottom. By +continued turning and gradual laying on of more and more strips in a +continued spiral the pot is built up. Complete control of the technique +will result in a perfectly round cross section and in smooth curvatures +of the sides. Lack of skill will bring about lack of symmetry and of +smoothness of curvature. Virtuosity and regularity of surface and form +are here also intimately related. + +[Illustration: Fig. 5. Chipped flint implements: _a_ North America; _b_ +Egypt.] + +A similar correlation is found in the manufacture of chipped stone +implements. After the brittle stone has been roughly shaped it is given +its final form either by pressure with an implement that squeezes off +long, thin flakes or by indirect chipping. In the former case the +flaking implement is held in the right hand and by sudden pressure with +the point of the flaker long flakes or small bits are removed from +the surface. When the worker has attained complete control of this +technique his pressure will be even and executed with equal rapidity; +the distances between the points of attack will be the same and he will +move his flaker in regular lines. The result is a chipped implement +of regular form and surface pattern in which the long, conchoidal +depressions caused by the flaking off of thin chips are of equal size +and regularly arranged (fig. 5). + +When indirect chipping is applied the thin part of the object which is +to be worked is placed on a hard, sharp edge and by a smart blow on +the body of the flint a strong vibration is produced which results in +a break just over the sharp edge. In this way, place and size of the +flake are perfectly controlled by the expert craftsman. + +Quite similar are the conditions in woodwork. The smoothing of large +surfaces is generally done with the adze. A skilled worker handles his +adze automatically. The strength of the stroke and the depth to which +it enters the surface of the wood are always the same and the chips +removed have always the same size and form. The workman will also +move the adze in even lines and strike the surface at even distances. +The result of automatic action is here, also, evenness of surface and +regularity of surface pattern (fig. 6). + +These conditions are well-described by Sophus Müller, who says,[19] +“A great part of the work on flint must be designated as luxury, and +was done with the sole intent of producing a masterpiece of handiwork. +When making an adze blade all that is needed for practical purposes +is a good cutting edge. Smoothness of face, back and sides is not +necessary, particularly since a large portion of these were covered +by the attachment to the handle. With coarse and conchoidal chipping +the blade would be equally serviceable. However, the maker wanted to +produce excellent stone work, to the making of which he devoted all +the care, taste and skill at his command and by this the manufactured +objects undoubtedly increased in value. These objects might be called +therefore, in the strict sense of the term, works of artistic industry.” + +[19] Sophus Müller, Nordische Altertumskunde, Strassburg 1897, Vol. I, +p. 190. + +All these examples show that complete automatic control of a technique, +and regularity of form and surface pattern are intimately correlated. + +[Illustration: Fig. 6. Part of surface of wooden sail, Vancouver +Island.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 7. Painted board, Tierra del Fuego.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 8. Bushman designs from ostrich eggs and from horn +bracelet.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 9. Kaffer headrests.] + +However, besides these, attempts at decoration occur in which a mastery +of technique has not been attained. Among a few tribes almost all +artistic work is of this character. Among the inhabitants of Tierra +del Fuego are found only meagre examples of painting, lacking in skill +(fig. 7). The patterns are simply dots and coarse lines in which +the arrangement is the essential artistic element. It is intelligible +that a feeling for symmetry may exist without the ability of perfect +execution. The modern Bushmen scratch patterns on ostrich eggs which +serve as receptacles for water (fig. 8). Here we find the intent to +give expression to form but with inadequate means. It is important to +note that the same motive, two circles connected by a narrow band, +occurs several times in these etchings. The circle might be suggested +to the workman by the perforation of the shell of the ostrich egg +through which the water is poured out, but the combination can hardly +be derived on the basis of Bushman industries. Shall we consider the +pattern as the result of the play of their imagination or as an attempt +at representation? It seems to me important to note that the neighbors +of the Bushmen, the negroes of the Zambezi, use the same pattern and +that rows of triangles and diamonds, such as are used by the Bushmen, +are found on their implements also (fig. 9). The pattern may therefore +have come from an outside source.[20] Perhaps the decoration on ostrich +eggs is poor only on account of the difficulties of handling the +material. At least the zig-zag patterns (fig. 8), found on a bracelet, +show a much greater technical perfection than those found on the +ostrich eggs. + +[20] F. von Luschan, Buschmann-Einritzungen auf Strausseneiern, +Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Vol. 55 (1923), pp. 31 et seq.—Hendrik +P. M. Muller et John F. Snelleman, L’Industrie des Caffres dans le +sud-est de l’Afrique. (Pl. XIV, Figs. 2-5). See also P. C. Lepage, La +décoration primitive; Afrique, Paris, Librairie des arts décoratifs, +Plate 5, where similar designs are shown on pottery vessels. + +Here may also be mentioned the painting and carving of the Melanesians. +We see among them a wealth of forms in carvings of excellent technique. +In some specimens, particularly from western New Guinea, we find +complete mastery of the art. In the majority of cases, however, there +is an imperfect control of technique, while there is an astounding +multiplicity of forms. The lines generally lack regularity and evenness +(fig. 10 _a_, _b_). There is no clear proof of a general degeneration +of the art and we may perhaps assume that in this case the development +of a keen sense for form among all the carvers and painters of +the tribe did not go hand in hand with a corresponding mastery of +technique. It is not unlikely that foreign influence has led here to an +exuberant form perception. + +Setting aside any esthetic consideration, we recognize that in cases +in which a perfect technique has developed, the consciousness of the +artist of having mastered great difficulties, in other words the +satisfaction of the virtuoso is a source of genuine pleasure. + +[Illustration: Fig. 10. Paddle and shield, New Ireland.] + +I do not propose to enter into a discussion of the ultimate sources +of all esthetic judgments. It is sufficient for an inductive study of +the forms of primitive art to recognize that regularity of form and +evenness of surface are essential elements of decorative effect, and +that these are intimately associated with the feeling of mastery over +difficulties; with the pleasure felt by the virtuoso on account of his +own powers. + +I can give at least a few examples which illustrate that the artist has +not in mind the visual effect of his work, but that he is stimulated by +the pleasure of making a complex form. + +[Illustration: Fig. 11. Plan of rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 12. Rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians.] + +The raw hide boxes of the Sauk and Fox Indians are made of a large +piece of hide which is carefully ornamented according to a definite +plan (fig. 11). The boxes are made by folding the hide. There are five +sides of approximately equal width (1-5). These are the four sides +of the box: front (5), bottom (4), back (3), top (2), and a flap (1) +covering the front. A strip on each side (_a_-_e_) is folded over and +the marginal piece (_d_) belonging to the bottom segment is folded +in along diagonal lines as we fold in the ends of a paper wrapper, +so that the marginal strips, _e_ and _c_, form the sides of the box. +Another similar fold is made in _b_ when the top is folded over the top +opening of the box. The folds at the bottom are sewed in firmly, while +the fold on top remains open. The resulting form is shown in fig. 12. +Those parts of the surface that are entirely invisible are indicated by +horizontal shading (fig. 11). These are folded in and sewed in on the +inside of the box. Those parts that may be seen when the box is opened +are indicated by diagonal shading; while the white area is that part of +the surface that is visible when the box is closed and tied up. It will +be noticed that the fields _c_ and _e_ overlap on the short sides of +the finished box. + +[Illustration: Fig. 13. Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox +Indians.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 14. Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox +Indians.] + +The decoration of these boxes is carefully laid out on a flat piece of +rawhide. Corresponding to the five faces of the box most of the designs +are divided into five equal fields and corresponding to the folded +margins two marginal fields are set off from the central field. This, +however, is so narrow that in folding part of the lateral design is +turned over so that it becomes invisible. When the boxes are folded the +cohesion of the pattern is completely lost. Not only do the folds fail +to agree with the divisions, but owing to the method of folding and +the complete covering of the field _d_ and of part of _e_, the whole +pattern is broken up and on the short sides we find only fragments +adjoining in the most irregular way (fig. 12). When the box is closed +field _e_ adjoins field 1, and the overlapping section _c_ adjoins it +in the middle of the narrow side. On top it adjoins field 2 and at the +bottom field 4. The whole formal idea of the carefully planned pattern +is lost in the completed box. We find even patterns laid out in four +strips instead of five, so that the fundamental pattern and the sides +do not coincide (fig. 14). It will be seen, therefore, that the artist +spends his ingenuity in decorating the rawhide but that in the box the +fundamental ideas of his carefully planned decoration are lost. + +[Illustration: Fig. 15. Designs on rawhide boxes, Sauk and Fox Indians.] + +The disregard of the original pattern is such that in some specimens +(fig. 15) part of the design has been cut off in order to make the +sides fit together. In our illustration the parts cut off,—the right +upper corners,—have been reconstructed. + +It might be said that similar conditions prevail in modern, patterned +fabrics that are made into garments. In this case the manufacturer +tries to attain a pleasing effect for the fabric as a whole. If economy +of material did not interfere, the tailor would fit the pattern +together, but we always feel the conflict between the pattern and the +requirements of the finished garment. + +[Illustration: Fig. 16. Fringe from legging, Thompson Indians.] + +As another example I mention a legging made by an Indian woman from +the interior of British Columbia. It bears the usual decoration,—a +long fringe along the outer seam. The fringe consists of a long piece +of curried skin cut in narrow strips. These strips are decorated in +rhythmic order (fig. 16), a string decorated by one glass bead and two +bone beads in alternating order is followed by a plain string, next +by one decorated with single alternating glass and bone beads, then a +plain one and finally one like the first. When we indicate the plain +and decorated strips by letters, we find the arrangement + + . . . | A B C B A | A B C B A | . . . + +repeated over and over again.[21] The important point to be noted is, +that when in use, the fringe hangs down without order along the outer +side of the leg so that the elaborate rhythmic pattern cannot be seen. +The only way in which the maker can get any satisfaction from her work +is while making it or when exhibiting it to her friends. When it is in +use there is no esthetic effect. + +[21] James Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Publications +of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, New York 1900, Vol. I, p. 382; +see also Gladys A. Reichard, The Complexity of Rhythm in Decorative +Art, American Anthropologist N. S., Vol. 24 (1922), p. 198. + +Other cases occur in which motives are applied that are practically +invisible. Thus in mattings from Vancouver Island, the weaver will +alternate the direction of the strands in squares without any attempt +to set off the surface in colors (fig. 17). When the matting is new +these patterns may be seen in reflected light, but after a very short +time they disappear almost completely. + +[Illustration: Fig. 17. Twilled weaving showing alternation of +patterns.] + +Similarly the woven patterns on arm rings from the Ucayali are +practically invisible.[22] + +[22] Max Schmidt, Besondere Geflechtsart der Indianer im +Ucayaligebiete, Archiv für Anthropologie, N. S., Vol. VI (1907), p. 270. + +To sum up: Objectively the excellence of workmanship results in +regularity of form and evenness of surface which are characteristic +of most uncontaminated primitive manufactures, so much so that most +objects of every day use must be considered as works of art. The +handles of implements, stone blades, receptacles, clothing, permanent +houses, canoes are finished off in such a way that their forms have +artistic value. + +[Illustration: Fig. 18. Carving on bow of Bella Bella canoe, British +Columbia.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 19. Rattle, Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia.] + +Expert workmanship in the treatment of the surface may lead not only +to evenness but also to the development of patterns. In adzing the +form of the object to be smoothed will determine the most advantageous +direction of the lines in which the adze has to be carried. In a large +Bella Bella canoe, the body of the canoe is adzed in horizontal lines, +while prow and stern show vertical lines. The wolf carved on the bow of +the same canoe shows surface patterns on its body and limbs (fig. 18). +Decorative use of adzed lines, is also found on a rattle (fig. 19). +In this specimen there is no technical need for the alternation in the +direction of the groves, and the fields on the top of the rattle can +the explained only as determined by the pleasure felt by the variation +of the simple activity in novel and more complicated ways.[23] + +[23] See also page 41. + +In chipping of flint zig-zag lines are produced by the meeting of two +lines on a ridge (fig. 20). + +[Illustration: Fig. 20. Base of flint knife, Scandinavia.] + +Technical experience and the acquisition of virtuosity have probably +led to the general prevalence of the plane, the straight line and +regular curves such as the circle and the spiral, for all of these are +of rare occurrence in nature, so rare indeed, that they had hardly ever +a chance to impress themselves upon the mind. + +Plain surfaces are represented by crystals, by the cleavage of some +kinds of rock, or by the surface of water during a calm. Straight lines +by the shoots and stems of plants or by the sharp edges of crystals; +regular curved lines by the shells of snails, by vines, bubbles on +water or by smooth pebbles, but there is no obvious motive that would +induce man to imitate these particular abstract forms, except perhaps +in those cases in which regularly curved shells are worn as ornaments +or employed as utensils. + +On the other hand, the straight line develops constantly in technical +work. It is a characteristic form of the stretched thong or cord and +its importance cannot be ignored by the hunter who hurls a lance or +flies an arrow. The technical use of the straight shoot may well have +been important in its derivation. Plants like the bamboo or the reed +may thus have helped man to discover the value of the straight line. + +More essential than this seems to be the possession of a perfect +technique, which involves great accuracy and steadiness of movement. +These in themselves must lead necessarily to regular lines. When +the uncertain wobbling of the cutting tool is eliminated, smooth +curves will result. When the potter turns the pot he is making and +his movements are quite regular the pot will be circular. Perfectly +controlled coiling of basketry or of wire will lead to the formation of +equidistant spirals. + +[Illustration: Fig. 21. Face painting, Tierra del Fuego.] + +A number of other characteristic features may be observed in the art of +all times and all peoples. One of these is symmetry. Symmetrical forms +are found even in the simplest forms of decorative art. The tribes of +Tierra del Fuego[24] decorate their faces and bodies with designs, many +of which are symmetrical. Vertical lines on both sides of the body +or a series of symmetrically arranged dots running from ear to ear +across the nose are of this kind (fig. 21). They also use symmetrically +decorated boards with which they adorn their huts (see fig. 7, +page 23). The Andaman Islanders like to decorate their bodies with +symmetrical patterns (Plate II). Many of the designs of the Australians +are symmetrical (fig. 22) and in paleolithic painting geometrical forms +occur that exhibit bilateral symmetry (fig. 23). In a few cases the +elements arranged symmetrically are so complex that the symmetry can +have been attained only by careful planning. Examples of this kind are +necklaces of Indians in British Columbia in which we find as many as +eighteen beads of different colors irregularly arranged, but repeated +in equal order right and left.[25] + +[24] W. Koppers, Unter Feuerland-Indianern, p. 48, Pl. 7. + +[25] See Gladys A. Reichard, American Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. 24 +(1922) p. 191. + +[Illustration: PLATE II. + +Andaman Islander.] + +The causes that have led to the widespread use of symmetrical forms +are difficult to understand. Symmetrical motions of the arms and hands +are physiologically determined. The right and left are apt to move +symmetrically and the motions of the same arm or of both arms are +often performed rhythmically and symmetrically from right to left and +from left to right. I am inclined to consider this condition as one of +the fundamental determinants, in importance equal to the view of the +symmetry of the human body and of that of animals; not that the designs +are made by right and left hand, rather that the sensation of the +motions of right and left lead to the feeling of symmetry. + +[Illustration: Fig. 22. Australian shields.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 23. Paleolithic paintings.] + +In by far the greatest number of cases symmetrical arrangements are to +the right and left of a vertical axis, much more rarely above and below +a horizontal one. + +The prevalence of horizontal and the rarity of vertical symmetry +is presumably due to the absence of vertically symmetrical +movements,—except in those rhythmic movements in which the arms are +alternately raised and lowered,—and in the rarity of natural forms +that are vertically symmetrical. + +In nature we see generally more fundamental differences in vertical +direction than in horizontal layers. In animals, legs, body and head +are on different levels. In landscapes, earth, trees, mountains and +sky follow one another in vertical succession. On the other hand, we +are liable to find in horizontal sequence sameness or variations of +analogous form. This may be one of the reasons why there are found in +ornamental art frequent arrangements in a series of horizontal bands +that differ fundamentally in pattern, while in each horizontal band we +find either symmetry, rhythmic repetition, or variations of similar +forms (figs. 24, 25, 26). Exceptions however, occur, for instance in +the decorations of Melanesian houses (Plate III). + +Other causes may contribute to the development of symmetrical patterns. +In the making of coiled pottery or coiled basketry symmetry results +from the process of manufacture. By regular turning of the pot or +basket a circular form is produced. The process of winding twine around +a holder may have the same effect. In two-handed implements, such as +the bow of the bowdrill, symmetrical forms also develop, but implements +of this type are not by any means numerous and their occurrence is no +adequate explanation of the general occurrence of symmetry. + +We must leave it undecided whether the circumstances here referred to +are adequate to account for the symmetry of form of such implements +as lance heads, arrow-heads, baskets and boxes. We must be satisfied +with the establishment of their general occurrence and the knowledge +that they have an esthetic value wherever they are found. Examples of +symmetrical arrangements are very numerous. The boxes from British +Columbia (fig. 274, p. 263), neckrests of the Kaffers (fig. 9, p. +23), Melanesian shields and paddles (fig. 10, p. 25), and the painted +rawhides of the Sauk and Fox (figs. 13-15, pp. 27, 28) may serve +as exemples. A special type of symmetrical design is found in our +heraldic style with its animals rampant on each side of a central +field. It is interesting to note that the same arrangement is very +ancient. It occurs on the Lions’ Gate of Mycenae. It has also developed +independently in prehistoric Peru (fig. 27). + +[Illustration: PLATE III. + +Decorated House, Northern New Guinea.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 24. Patterns from bamboo combs, Malay Peninsula.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 25. Design from bamboo spear, New Guinea.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 26. Etruscan vase.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 27. Peruvian designs.] + +On objects that are frequently seen from different sides are found +forms that are symmetrical both ways, when seen right and left and when +seen up and down. Examples of this are the Australian shield fig. 22 +(p. 33), and the parfleches of the North American Indians (fig. 89, +p. 97). On objects of similar character made by the same technical +processes and by the same tribe, such as rawhide bags (fig. 28) double +symmetry may also occur. + +[Illustration: Fig. 28. Painted rawhide bags, Shuswap, British +Columbia.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 30. Carved board Kaiserin Augusta Fluss, New +Guinea.] + +In circular forms the diameter is often the axis of symmetry. In +other cases symmetrical fields are radially arranged and there may +be a number of repetitions. The circumference takes the place of the +horizontal, the radius that of the vertical (fig. 29). + +[Illustration: Fig. 29. Designs of the Dayak.] + +In a number of cases we find instead of normal symmetry an inversion of +the two symmetrical halves so that what is above to the right, is below +to the left. Arrangements of this type are, however, less numerous than +true symmetry. Such forms occur in New Guinea. They are due to the +decorative development of the two branches of a double spiral (fig. +30). This form results sometimes from circular rhythmic repetitions in +which the whole circle is filled by two or more units. This is found +for instance, in pottery from the southwestern Pueblos (fig. 31) and +also quite commonly in Central America.[26] + +[26] See, for instance S. K. Lothrop, Pottery of Costa Rica and +Nicaragua, New York, 1926, Plates 39, 46, fig. 195. + +[Illustration: Fig. 31. Designs from pottery of the ancient Pueblos.] + +Other figures resulting from rotation, that is from a decorative +pattern applied rhythmically in the same direction, as for instance +the swastika and S shaped figures occupying the center of a decorative +field, present the same type of inverted symmetry. The same treatment +is found in the art of ancient Scandinavia (fig. 32). + +[Illustration: Fig. 32. Bronze ornament, Sweden, 7th Century A. D.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 33. Design from Peruvian textile.] + +A curious development of this decorative device is applied in the art +of ancient Peru. On many fabrics we find patterns consisting of a +diagonal arrangement of squares or rectangles. In each diagonal the +same design is repeated, while the next diagonal has another type. In +each diagonal line the design is shown in varying positions. If the +one faces the right, the next faces the left. At the same time there +is an alternation of colors, so that even when the form is the same, +the tints and the color values will not be the same. A characteristic +specimen of this type will be described later on (p. 47). + +The plan of one of these designs is illustrated in fig. 33.[27] There +are eight rectangular fields with two designs (1 and 2); those right +and left of the middle line and those above and below the horizontal +middle line are symmetrical in regard to form. In color, 1 corresponds +to 1^b and 1^a to 1^c; also 2 corresponds in color to 2^b and 2^a to 2^c. +The colors being in all these cases, on the whole, reversed. 1, 2, and +1^b, 2^b have a yellowish background and a red field surrounding the +tree shaped design; 1^a, 2^a and 1^c, 2^c have a light red background +and a greenish field surrounding the tree shaped figure. The whole +field, consisting of four sections, is followed in the whole decorated +stripe by another set of four sections in form like the preceding one. +In this the background of 1 and 2, 1^b and 2^b is blue, of 1^a, 2^a +and 1^c, 2^c yellowish. The field surrounding the tree shaped figure +is yellowish in 1 and 1^b, greenish in 1^a, and 1^c. Taken as a whole, +the right side is practically the same as the left, turned upside down. +The order of fields on the left from the top downward and for the right +side from below upward, is according to the color of the background, +abbreviating, r red, y yellow, b blue: + + r r y y / y y b b / r r y y / y y + b b / r r y y / y y b b / r r y y /. + +[27] Walter Lehmann, Kunstgeschichte des alten Peru, Berlin 1924, +Plates 3 and 4. + +[Illustration: Fig. 34. Designs from Peruvian textile.] + +A second example is shown in fig. 34. In this specimen the diagonally +arranged fields marked 1, _a_, 2, _b_ [28] have the same color scheme. + +[28] These remarks refer also to the fields marked as 1′, 1″ etc. + +The larger fields in 1 are yellow, the lesser black. The larger fields +in 2 are pink, the lesser grey. The background in _b_ is grey, the +scroll purple. The background in _a_ is dark grey, the scroll light +purple. + +[Illustration: Fig. 35. Pot of coiled pottery, Prehistoric Pueblo +Indians.] + +Another fundamental element of decorative form is rhythmic repetition. +Technical activities in which regularly repeated movements are employed +lead to rhythmic repetition in the direction in which the movement +proceeds. The rhythm of time appears here translated into space. +In flaking, adzing, hammering, in the regular turning and pressing +required in the making of coiled pottery, in weaving, regularity of +form and rhythmic repetition of the same movement are necessarily +connected. These rhythmic movements always produce the same series of +forms. Examples of rhythmic surface forms determined by perfect control +of a technique are found in many industries and in all parts of the +world. Exquisite regularity of flaking is found in the Egyptian flint +knives (see fig. 5, p. 21). It is not so frequent in the flaking of +American Indians. The adzed boards of the Indians of the North Pacific +Coast bear chipping marks of great regularity that give the appearance +of a pattern (figs. 6, p. 23 and 18, p. 30). On surfaces that are to +be painted these marks are often polished off with grit-stone or shark +skin, while on unpainted parts they are kept, presumably on account of +their artistic effect. In Oriental metal work the strokes of the hammer +are so regular that patterns consisting of flat surfaces originate. +Other examples of the artistic effect of the regularity of movement +are found in the prehistoric corrugated pottery of the North American +South West. The coils are indented by pressure of the fingers and a +series of indentations form a regular pattern on the surface (fig. +35). The effect of automatic control is seen nowhere more clearly than +in basketry, matting and weaving. It has been pointed out before (p. +20) that evenness of surface results from regularity of movement. The +rhythmic repetition of the movement leads also to rhythmic repetition +of pattern. This is most beautifully illustrated by the best examples +of California basketry. + +The virtuoso who varies the monotony of his movements and enjoys his +ability to perform a more complex action, produces at the same time a +more complex rhythm. This happens particularly in weaving and related +industries such as braiding and wrapping with twine. Skipping of +strands,—that is twilling (see fig. 17, p. 30) is the source of many +rhythmic forms and twilling is undertaken by the virtuoso who plays +with his technique and enjoys the overcoming of increased difficulties. + +[Illustration: Fig. 36. Necklace of Thompson Indians.] + +In many cases rhythmic complexity is clearly the result of careful +planning. I have referred before to the rhythmical arrangement on +fringes of the Thompson Indians of British Columbia, (p. 29). + +Another good example (fig. 36) is a double necklace in which the +rhythmic series is— + + black, red, yellow, green, blue, green, + +both in the inner and outer lines while the connecting links have the +order + + black, red, yellow, green, red, blue.[29] + +[29] In this specimen (see American Anthropologist, N. S., Volume 24, +1922, p. 188), the connecting links between the two strings have been +misplaced, the inner string of beads being shifted three units to the +right, i. e. the central connecting link is attached to the first +yellow bead to the left of the red center; the others being shifted +correspondingly. They have been corrected here so as to bring out the +arrangement which was evidently planned. + +Dr. Reichard[30] has discussed a number of other examples from the +same region which have similar characteristics. In one example the +arrangement of the fringe elements is more complex than in the one +previously described. Designating different colors by numbers and +dentalia shells by D, we find the order + + 1 2 3 D 2 1 2 3 2 1 2 D 3 2 1[31] + + +[30] American Anthropologist l. c., pages 198-199. + +[31] Owing to a probable error the arrangement of the beads, the order +of the last five beads to the right is + + D 2 3 2 1 instead of 2 D 3 2 1. + +The change of D and 2 makes the arrangement symmetrical. The same +result might be obtained by changing the first five beads from 1 2 3 D +2 to 1 2 3 2 D and leaving the right end undisturbed. + +Other examples of complex rhythms from this region have been given by +Dr. Reichard in the essay previously referred to. + +In some instances the rhythms are not so distinct, but nevertheless +discernible. As an example may serve a neckband consisting of a double +string in which beads of various colors are interspersed among red +beads in the following order + + -r- r--r---r --- r----r---r--r- + / / / / | \ \ \ \ + -r--r--r- -r---rrr---r----r---r--r- + +In Eastern Siberia similar conditions occur.[32] + +[32] See W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Publications of the Jesup North +Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI, pp. 688 et seq.; and in the publication +previously referred to by Dr. Reichard. + +A fairly simple sequence is shown on an embroidered strip (fig. 37 a) +consisting in regular sequence of squares followed by three narrow +strips; the middle strip is a little wider than the two lateral strips. + +[Illustration: Fig. 37. Koryak embroideries.] + +A more complex rhythm is shown in figure 37 b. The long fringe which is +caught in the seam near the upper border of the embroidery is repeated +at regular intervals. An embroidered strip near the upper part of the +design is interrupted and the black bars on the central white strip are +omitted at these places. A division of the upper row of embroidery, +between the sets of fringes, into three parts of unequal length will be +noticed. Just under the breaks in this row are two groups of tufts of +seal fur, a little wider below than on top, and these are set off more +definitely by the arrangement of groups of white lines on the lower two +rows. + +Still more complex are a number of borders embroidered in colored +yarn. In these we may distinguish between the rhythm of form and +of color (fig. 38). The arrangement is one combining symmetry with +rhythmic complexity. On one of these strips (fig. 38 a) some of the +rectangles with rhombic checkerwork have a white background; in these +there are two rows of blue or purple diamonds at each end and two rows +of red diamonds in the centre (design 1). Other rectangles have a +yellow background with red diamonds at the sides and blue ones in the +middle (design 2). Besides these there is one with red background and +black diamonds (design 3). The colors of the crosses are irregularly +arranged. There are four with predominating red and white (design 4) +and others with predominating yellow and blue (design 5). The most +symmetrical arrangement of this strip requires a yellow rectangle +in the middle of the front. One end of the stripe, as shown in the +illustration, has three short blue bars on a red background (design 6). +The peculiar cut at this end fits into a corresponding cut at the other +end and shows that the stripe as it is has been taken from a garment. +The general impression of the design is that the rhythm and symmetry of +the crosses is subordinated to the symmetry of the rectangles. For this +reason I have placed the crosses in the following arrangement in the +upper line, the rectangles in the lower line. + + Crosses 4 5 5 5 4 5 4 4 5 4 6 + Rectangles 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 3 1 + Front Back + +The embroidery on figure 38 b consists of four distinct elements; a +flower with leaves on each side (design 1); one branch with curved +leaves (design 2); one branch with terminal flowers (design 3). Besides +these there is one other element which occurs only once on the back of +the coat. It is marked design 4. The embroidered stripe is not sewed +symmetrically to the coat but has evidently been placed in such a +way that the arrangement in the front of the coat corresponds to the +sequence:— + + 2 3 2 1 _3_ 1 2 3 2 + +while the back is occupied by three designs (3). The small design (4) +is found on the back. The whole arrangement of the small designs on the +back being + + 2 2 4 2 + +Another specimen (fig. 38 c) consists of a double leaf design on a +plain background alternating with another design consisting of three +crosses. This pair of designs occurs in regular succession five times, +but under the left arm it is interrupted by the two patterns shown on +the right hand side of the figure. + +[Illustration: Fig. 38. Koryak embroideries.] + +In still another coat (fig. 38 d) we find the same series of designs in +symmetrical arrangement on the front and back. The middle is occupied +by a cross and the other designs follow as indicated. Under the right +arm appears an additional design, consisting of a central cross and +rhomboidal fields with central dots; while under the left arm a single +field is added differing in color from all the others but related to +them in form. + +An interesting feature in this series is the overlapping of form +and color. This condition appears even more clearly in designs from +ancient Peru. I observed the occurrence of this rhythmical form a +number of years ago and called the attention of Mr. Charles Mead to the +phenomenon. + +He described[33] a number of designs of this type which show a rhythmic +arrangement of six units, sometimes the same in form but different in +color. Sometimes with a double rhythm, one of form and one of color. + +[33] Charles W. Mead, Six-Unit design in Ancient Peruvian Cloth, Boas +Anniversary Volume, New York 1906, pp. 193 et seq. + +Plate IV, fig. 1 represents a border of vicuna wool, consisting of a +series of diagonal bars all of the same pattern. The sequence of color +is: + + 1. Bright red (1) with brown (7) dots. + 2. Blue (2) with pink (1*) dots. + 3. Dull yellow (3) with brown (7) dots. + 4. White (4) with pink (1*) & brown (7) dots. + 5. Dark green (5) with red (1) dots. + 6. Red (1) with green (2) dots. + +The triangular patterns (Plate IV, fig. 2) have the following sequence: + + 1. Background white figures red spots dark blue. + 2. — dark blue — red — dark yellow. + 3. — yellow — red — dark blue. + 4. — brown — red — yellow. + 5. — light blue — red — dark yellow. + 6. — dark yellow — red — light blue. + +The quadruple bird head pattern (Plate IV, fig. 3) has the following +colors for the background, bird, and bird’s eye: + + 1. Background pink 1 bird: yellow eye: pink. + 2. — yellow 2 — red — yellow. + 3. — dark yellow 3 — light yellow — yellow. + 4. — dark red 1^a — yellow — pink. + 5. — yellow 2^a — dark red — yellow. + 6. — dark yellow 3^a — light yellow — light yellow. + + +[Illustration: PLATE IV. + +Peruvian Textiles.] + +A large cloak from Ica is embroidered with designs representing a man +with a bow and headdress (fig. 39). The figures are the same all over, +except that the position and the objects they hold alternate right and +left. The color scheme, however, varies: there are six distinctive +types. Considering only the colors of coat, legs and face we may +arrange them in the following order: + + Coat. Legs. + 1. Yellow dark blue + 2. purple red + 3. red dark blue + 4. blue dark yellow + 5. black dark blue + 6. dark blue black + + Face, above. Face, below. + 1. dark yellow black + 2. yellow white + 3. brown dark yellow + 4. blue red + 5. brown dark yellow + 6. dark yellow light yellow + +The fifth and sixth type correspond in the rest of their color schemes +to the third and second types. + +[Illustration: Fig. 39. Peruvian embroidery from Ica.] + +The general arrangement of these types is as follows: + + 1 2 3 4 1 2 3a 4 1 6 5a 4 1 + 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 6 5 4 1 2 3 4 + 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 6 5 4 1 2 3 + 4 1 2 3 4 1 6 5 4 1 2 3 4 1 + 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 6 5 4 1 2 3 4 + 1 2 3 4 1 6b 5 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 + 4 1 2 3 4 1 6 5 4 1 2 3 4 1 + 2 3 4 1 6 5c 4 1 2b 3c 4 1 2 3 + 1 2 3 4 1 6 5 4 1 2 3 4 1 + +In the actual arrangement there are apparently three mistakes. In the +first horizontal line, the two figures marked with the note _a_ have +been exchanged. In line six and line eight the two figures marked with +the note _b_ have been transposed and in line eight the two figures +with the note _c_ have been exchanged. It will be seen that when these +transpositions have been effected the diagonal lines running from the +first row down to the left, follow a regular alternation of types. Type +6 is clearly related to 2, and type 5 to 3. Since in quite a number of +woven garments regular diagonal sequences may be observed, it seems +likely that these were particular determinants of the style. There are +in all, six different types, but if we imagine the lines continued, it +would be found that the same order will occur after twelve lines. The +embroidery does not represent a regular six-unit design but is rather +a four unit design of two distinct types—1 2 3 4 and 1 6 5 4,—in which +the former type is repeated twice and the latter once. + +Similar observations may be made on the fabrics illustrated in Reiss +and Stübel’s “Necropolis of Ancon”. I have selected a few specimens +that illustrate the rhythmic repetition of color. Figure 40[34] +represents a band with red background on which are animal figures in +the following sequence: + + _purple_, yellow, _green_, yellow, _white_, yellow, _green_, yellow + +in other words a sequence of eight units consisting of one purple and +one white design interrupted by the symmetrical color sequence yellow, +green, yellow. The yellow designs are surrounded by a heavy black +border. + +[34] Reiss and Stübel, Necropolis of Ancon, p. 67 b, fig. 3. + +[Illustration: Fig. 40. Peruvian fabric.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 41. Peruvian fabric.] + +In figure 41[35] we have another band which consists of diagonal +patterns framed by red lines except in one place where a black frame is +found. As on the preceding specimen the black serves to separate the +red and yellow. The design is the same all through, and the order of +the elements as follows: + +[35] Ibid, p. 67, fig. 6. + + yellow red yellow brown yellow + black frame black zig-zag red frame red zig-zag red frame + + blue-green yellow purple + red zig-zag red frame red zig-zag + +In other words the essential sequence is yellow, red, yellow, brown, +yellow, blue-green, yellow, purple; a series of eight elements. + +[Illustration: Fig. 42. Peruvian fabric.] + +In figure 42 we find a border of simple interlocking S shaped designs +in the order, white, dark blue, light blue, yellow, brown; a series of +five elements which are repeated regularly. + +[Illustration: Fig. 43. Peruvian fabric.] + +Figure 43 represents a part of a design on a poncho in which, from +above downward we have a series of six pairs of a fret design in the +following arrangement: + + green, red + yellow, blue + white, purple + yellow, brown + light red, black + +the sixth line repeats the color sequence of the first. + +Figure 44 is a somewhat complicated design which is not completely +shown in the section here represented. The principle of the pattern is +illustrated in figure 44_b_. The sequence of color of the S shaped head +design is purple, yellow, green, on a red background. + +In figure 45 we have a decorative band with the color sequence yellow, +green, yellow, green, light yellow, white, yellow, green, yellow; +obviously a series of six units. The designs on the background of these +colors are all in red. + + +[Illustration: _b_] + +[Illustration: Fig. 44. Peruvian fabric.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 45. Peruvian fabric.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 46. Peruvian fabric.] + +In figure 46 a border is shown which has the color arrangement, from +left to right: + + pink—black, + red—yellow, + light gray—dark gray, + black—pink, + yellow—red, + dark gray—light gray. + +In this specimen there is a systematic inversion of color values; what +is light in the first set of three is dark in the second three. This +tendency is quite marked in a considerable number of cases. We have for +instance, a series of + + white, red, yellow;—gray, pink, yellow, + +where the white corresponds to the dark gray and the red to the light +pink. + +The tendency to this repetition of colors is shown very clearly in +Mexican codices. For example in the Codex Nuttall, p. 82 (fig. 47), +we find in the figure in the left hand lower corner a base in which +stepped triangles are used with the sequence: yellow, red, black, +yellow, purple, reddish brown. On the same page, the feather fringes +on the coats of the figures represented are in the same order. Quite +a number of feather dresses may be found in which the same order is +preserved, as for instance on page 81 of the same Codex. The order +in which these colors are given runs sometimes from left to right; +sometimes from right to left, as for instance in the feather dress of +the lowest left hand figure, page 81. Sometimes a different set of +colors is used. On the feather headdress of a figure, page 75, we find +the order: + + white, red, yellow, blue, purple, brown, + white, purple, yellow, blue, red, brown (twice), + +and the latter order is repeated in figures found on page 67 in the +left hand lower corner on a base; in reverse order on page 67 on a +feather coat and also on page 62 in stripes on the figures in the lower +right hand corner. It seems that in this codex the order of colors is +quite definitely fixed. + +Remarkable rhythmic repetitions are found also on bead work from the +Zambesi. On quite a number of specimens the following order of colors +is regularly repeated: + +_Black_ white red yellow _green_ yellow red white. Or written in +another way: _Green_ yellow red white _black_ white red yellow. + +[Illustration: Fig. 47. Patterns from Mexican Codex.] + +These occur on a belt, a woman’s apron, a necklace, and on two +mats[36]. In a number of places blue is substituted for green, and +brown for red. + +[36] Muller et Snelleman, L’industrie des Caffres dans le sud-est de +l’Afrique. Pl. XIX figs. 3, 5, 7. Pl. XXIV figs. 1, 2. + +The rhythmic repetition and symmetry appears most clearly when we +substitute numbers for colors. I designate + +White 1, Red 2, Yellow 3, Brown 3′, Blue 4, Green 4′, Black 5. + +According to the description of the belt first mentioned, as given by +the authors, there is a regular repetition in the following order: + + 1 2 3 | _4_ | 3´ 2 1 | _5_ | 1 2 3 | _4´_ | 3 2 1 | _5_ | + 1 2 3 |4´| + +The same order is found on the handle of an axe which is decorated with +colored zig-zag lines[37]. + +[37] _Ibid._, plate XI, fig. 1. + +On a pouch[38] there is a lower field arranged in rows of diamonds, +followed by a middle field consisting of zig-zag bands, and an upper +field consisting again of diamonds. + +[38] _Ibid._, plate XXIV, fig. 3. + +In this the order is from below upward + + 2 1 _5_ 1 2 3 _4_ 3 2 | 4 3 5 1 5 3 5 1 | + diamonds zig-zags + 2 3 _4_ 3 2 + diamonds. + +Like symmetry, rhythmic repetition runs generally on horizontal levels, +right and left, although not quite as preponderantly as symmetry. + +Piling up of identical or similar forms occurs in nature as often as +lateral symmetry. Plants with their vertical succession of leaves, +branches of trees, piles of stones, ranges of mountains rising behind +one another, may suggest vertical arrangements of similar elements. +However, much more common are repetitions in horizontal bands; of +simple arrangements of single strokes in rows; and of complicated +successions of series of varied figures that recur in regular order +(fig. 48, Plate V). + +It follows from what has been said before that the forms here discussed +are not expressive of specific emotional states and in this sense +significant. + +This conclusion may be corroborated by a further examination of +decorative forms. + + +[Illustration: PLATE V. + +Kumiss Goblets of the Yakut.] + +We have already indicated that the artistic value of an object is not +due to the form alone, but that the method of manufacture gives to the +surface an artistic quality, either through its smoothness or through a +patterning that results from the technical processes employed. However, +the treatment of the surface is not controlled solely by technical +processes. We may observe that in the art products of people the world +over other elements occur that are due to the attempt to emphasize the +form. + +[Illustration: Fig. 48. Pottery vessels: _a_ Finland; _b_ Ica, Peru.] + +The application of marginal patterns is one of the most common methods +employed for this purpose. In many cases these are technically +determined. When, for instance, a woven basket is finished off, it +is necessary to fasten the loose strands and this leads generally to +a change of form and surface pattern in the rim. The strands may be +turned down, wrapped and sewed together, they may be braided, or woven +together and left standing as a fringe. In a bark basket the rim must +be strengthened by a band, to prevent splitting of the bark, and the +band and the sewing set off the rim from the body. A thin metal disk +may have to be strengthened by rolling in the outer rim. + + +[Illustration: Fig. 49. Birchbark vessels; _a_, _b_, Amur River; _c_, +Shuswap; _d_, _e_, Alaska.] + +The birchbark basketry of western North America and of Siberia +presents an excellent example of a marginal pattern originating +through technical necessity and regularity of motor habits. Necessary +protection of the rim is obtained by sewing on a hoop. The grain of +the bark runs parallel to the rim and if the stitches were all passing +through the same grain the whole rim of the basket would tear off. +It is therefore necessary to make the holding stitches of different +lengths. This is done in the most effective way by beginning with +a short stitch which passes through the bark immediately under the +strengthening hoop, by making the next stitch a little longer and +the following still longer. In this way the distance from the first +short stitch has become long enough to permit a repetition of the new +short stitch and by continuing in this way a marginal pattern of right +triangles develops. The same result may be attained by alternating a +few short stitches with a few long ones. From this results a different +type of pattern. The same method is used by the Golds of southeastern +Siberia (fig. 49[39]). + +[39] See for a fuller description the remarks by F. Boas in James Teit +“The Shuswap”, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific expedition, +Volume II, page 478-487. + +[Illustration: Fig. 50. Pottery vessels; _a_, _b_, Chiriqui, Costa +Rica; _c_ Ontario.] + +In woodwork, pottery and in most kinds of metal work these technical +motives are not present. Nevertheless marginal patterns are widely +distributed, although they cannot be explained on the basis of +technical considerations. It would be quite arbitrary to claim that +all these marginal patterns were primarily suggested in those types +of technique in which a distinctive treatment of the margin is a +necessity, for these are relatively few in number and of highly +specialized character, while rim patterns are well nigh universal. It +is instructive to observe that in coiled pottery the whole body of the +vessel is generally polished off and that sometimes the impressions +of the modelling fingers are left on the rim. There is no technical, +compelling reason that requires this mode of treatment, but it is +intelligible as an attempt to emphasize the form. Examples of this +mode of treatment are very numerous. Rows of small pellets, moulded +rims or incised lines along the rim of pots (fig. 50), small marginal +curves along the rim of bronze disks, lines accompanying the rims of +flat dishes and spoons such as are used by the Alaskan Eskimo, incised +lines on the rim of a soapstone pot of the Hudson Bay Eskimo, and on +their ivory combs (fig. 51), the spur line decoration of all the Eskimo +tribes (see fig. 78, p. 86), the jutting out of the rims of dishes from +Oceania, or on pots from ancient Europe are of this kind. As F. Adama +van Scheltema has justly pointed out, we cannot reduce this world-wide +tendency to any other ultimate cause than to a feeling for form, in +other words, to an esthetic impulse that prompts man to emphasize the +form of the object that he has made. + +[Illustration: Fig. 51. _a_, Part of soapstone kettle; _b_, _c_, _d_, +Ivory combs, Eskimo.] + +In a number of cases the form is not so much accentuated as rather set +off, closed in and separated from the surrounding space by a formal +limitation, a marginal line, thickening of the rim or a sharp crest, +by which means the individualization of the object is attained. Quite +often these limiting bands develop into decorative fields and serve +the double purpose of limitation and of decoration. They may attain an +individuality of their own. + +When the surface itself is decorated, these lines or ornamental bands +serve the additional purpose of limiting and closing the decorative +field. Examples of this kind are very numerous. We find them in +borders of our rugs, in architectural decoration, when the corners +and roof lines of a building are formed by ornamental stone work, in +book binding,—in short in practically all forms of modern decorative +art, but no less in primitive art. Blankets of the Alaskan Indians +(see figs. 269 et seq., pp. 259 et seq.), bronze work of ancient +Scandinavia, prehistoric pottery of Europe and of Central America, +gable boards of New Zealand houses, belts from New Guinea, baskets from +British Guinea (fig. 81, p. 90) and wooden cups from the Congo region +illustrate this tendency (fig. 52). + +[Illustration: Fig. 52. Wood carving, Bambala, Congo.] + +There are, however, many cases in which the decoration is so closely +adapted to the form of the object that the stimulus for developing a +closing outline is not felt. The decoration of the field appears as +a picture fitted into the object. In still other cases the smooth, +undecorated marginal field serves as a border setting off the central +ornamented area. In basketry with radial decoration, we find often a +lack of border designs and a tendency to let the ornament run right up +to the rim where it seems cut off. + +Another characteristic trait of decorative art must be mentioned. +Not only is the general form emphasized and limited, but its natural +divisions are determining elements in the application of decorative +patterns and bring it about that the decoration is arranged in distinct +fields. This is very apparent in pottery in which a neck is set off +from a body or in which the body is divided by a sharp angle into an +upper and a lower part. Such types are found in prehistoric European +art as well as in America (fig. 53). + +On pouches of American Indians (fig. 54) body and flap are treated as +separate units. In moccasins, the uppers form a field separate from the +rim (fig. 55). In clothing, the patterns on collars, pockets or sleeves +are often considered as separate units. Wissler has called attention to +the influence of the structure of garments upon their decoration[40]. + +[40] Clark Wissler, Structural Basis to the Decoration of Costumes +among the Plains Indians, Anthrop. Papers Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. 17, +pp. 93 et seq. + +[Illustration: Fig. 53. Pottery vessel, Molkenberg type, Megalithic +period.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 54. Pouch, Arapaho.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 55. Embroidered moccasin, Apache.] + +The tripartite division of the decorative field of Alaskan woven +blankets is determined by the position of the blanket. The wider middle +field is on the back of the wearer, the narrower, lateral fields are in +front of the body (see figs. 269 et seq., pp. 259 et seq.). + +In garments made of single pieces of fabric, or in sewed basketry (fig. +56) we find the seams sometimes decorated so that the seam becomes a +decorative element. In other cases seams are accompanied by decorative +bands. In leggings and shirts of American Indians the seams are often +emphasized by the attachment of fringes. + +In other objects prominent places are elaborated by the addition of +decorative elements. + +[Illustration: Fig. 56. Birchbark vessels; _a_, _b_, _c_, Eastern +Indians; _d_, Koryak.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 57. Pottery vessel, Arkansas.] + +In clay pots, the handles are so treated (fig. 57). On shields the +central knob becomes an object of decoration. The handles of canes +or other knob-like terminations are often elaborated as decorative +elements. + +Sometimes fields without natural breaks, such as wall surfaces, are +treated as units. Examples of this kind are our modern wall papers, or +the painted walls of ancient Egyptian buildings. Often the tendency to +break up the decorative field is so strong, that even where a natural +division is not given it may be broken up into smaller parts. We may +notice particularly that the marginal lines which emphasize or limit +the form, develop exuberantly and thus encroach more and more upon the +body of the object. In baskets from the interior of British Columbia +the marginal pattern has grown to such an extent that it occupies the +whole upper half or even more of the basket and is itself subdivided +into a number of fields that follow the outline of the margin (fig. +58). Similar conditions are found on the margins of blankets of the New +Zealanders (see Plate VIII, p. 182) and on the bronze work of ancient +Scandinavia. + +[Illustration: Fig. 58. Imbricated basket, Chilcotin, British Columbia.] + +Thus we reach the conclusion that a number of purely formal elements, +some of which are more or less closely connected with technical +motives, others with physiological conditions of the body and still +others with the general character of sense experience are determinants +of ornamental art. From this we conclude that a fundamental, esthetic, +formal interest is essential; and also that art, in its simple forms, +is not necessarily expressive of purposive action, but is rather based +upon our reactions to forms that develop through mastery of technique. +The same elements play also an important role in highly developed art +forms. If it is true that these elements are in part not purposive, +then it must be admitted that our relation to them is not essentially +different from those we have towards esthetically valuable phenomena of +nature. The formal interest is directly due to the impression derived +from the form. It is not expressive in the sense that it conveys a +definite meaning or expresses an esthetic emotion. + +It might be thought that this condition prevails only in the domain of +decorative art, and that representative art, dance, music, and poetry +must always be expressive. This is to a great extent true so far as +representative art is concerned, for the term itself implies that the +art product represents a thought or an idea. It is also necessarily +true in poetry, in so far as its materials are words that convey +ideas. Nevertheless a formal element may be recognized in these also, +a form element quite analogous to the one we found in decorative art. +It determines certain aspects of the characteristic style. So far as +representative art is ornamental, the formal principles of decorative +art enter into the composition and influence the representative +form. In dance, music and poetry, rhythm and thematic forms follow +stylistic principles that are not necessarily expressive but that have +objectively an esthetic value. We shall discuss these questions more +fully at another place[41]. + +[41] See p. 301. + + + + + REPRESENTATIVE ART + + +While the formal elements which we have previously discussed are +fundamentally void of definite meaning, conditions are quite different +in representative art. The term itself implies that the work does not +affect us by its form alone, but also, sometimes even primarily, by its +content. The combination of form and content gives to representative +art an emotional value entirely apart from the purely formal esthetic +effect. + +If has been customary to begin the discussion of representative art +with a consideration of the simple attempts of primitive people or of +children to draw objects that interest them. I believe that the art +problem is obscured by this procedure. The mere attempt to represent +something, perhaps to communicate an idea graphically, cannot be +claimed to be an art; just as little as the spoken word or the gesture +by means of which an idea is communicated, or an object,—perhaps +a spear, a shield or a box,—in which an idea of usefulness is +incorporated, is in itself a work of art. It is likely that an artistic +concept may sometimes be present in the mind of the maker or speaker, +but is becomes a work of art only when it is technically perfect, or +when it shows striving after a formal pattern. Gestures that have +rhythmical structure, words that have rhythmic and tonal beauty are +works of art; the implement of perfect form lays claim to beauty; and +the graphic or sculptural representation has an esthetic, an artistic +value, when the technique of representation has been mastered. When a +tyro attempts to create a work of art, we may recognize and study the +impulse, but the finished product teaches only his vain efforts to +master a difficult task. When man is confronted with a new problem like +the building of a house of new, unfamiliar material, he is apt to find +a solution, but this achievement is not art, it is a work adapted to a +practical end. It may be that the solution is intuitive, that is, that +it has not been found by an intellectual process, but after having been +solved it is subject to a rational explanation. + +Just so when man has to represent an object, he is confronted with a +problem that demands a solution. The first solution is not an artistic +but a practical achievement. We are dealing with a work of art only +when the solution is endowed with formal beauty or strives for it. The +artistic work begins after the technical problem has been mastered. + +[Illustration: Fig. 59 _a_. Embroidery, Huichol Indians, Mexico.] + +When primitive man is given a pencil and paper and asked to draw +an object in nature, he has to use tools unfamiliar to him, and a +technique that he has never tried. He must break away from his ordinary +methods of work and solve a new problem. The result cannot be a work +of art,—except perhaps under very unusual circumstances. Just like the +child, the would-be artist is confronted with a task for which he lacks +technical preparation, and many of the difficulties that beset the +child beset him also. Hence the apparent similarity between children’s +drawings and those of primitive man. The attempt of both are made in +similar situations. A most characteristic case of this kind was told +to me by Mr. Birket-Smith. He asked an Eskimo of Iglulik to draw with +a pencil on a piece of paper a walrus hunt. The native was unable to +accomplish this task and after several attempts he took a walrus tusk +and carved the whole scene in ivory, a technique with which he was +familiar. + +[Illustration: Fig. 59 _b_. Embroidery, Huichol Indians, Mexico.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 60. Decorated fishskin garment, Amur River.] + +The contrast between representation for the sake of representation and +representation as a work of art appears clearly in many cases. I select +a few examples. The Indians of the mountains of northwestern Mexico +wear beautifully embroidered or woven clothing, the designs of which +are largely based on Spanish motives. Heraldic patterns and isolated +animal figures combined with geometrical forms are the constituent +elements (fig. 59 _a_). Besides these embroidered and woven fabrics, +which are of excellent workmanship, we find small embroidered rags +(fig. 59 _b_), which are attached to arrows and serve the purpose +of representing a prayer to a deity. A roughly outlined figure of +a child expresses a prayer for the health of the child; that of a +deer, a prayer for success in hunting. The arrows with the attached +rags are stuck into the thatched roof of a temple where they are +allowed to decay. They are not intended as works of art but only as +representations that serve a temporary purpose; hence the disregard of +form and of exactness of workmanship. + + +[Illustration: PLATE VI. + +Shaman’s Dress, Amur River.] + +Quite similar observations may be made on the clothing of the Amur +tribes. The skin clothing worn by the people, particularly on festive +occasions, is beautifully ornamented in appliqué, or by painting. The +ornaments are in part geometrical, in part representative. Figures of +birds and fish abound (fig. 60). On the other hand the painted dresses +of shamans are roughly executed (Plate VI). They represent mythological +concepts and have a value solely on account of their meaning. The +interest does not center in the form. As compared to wearing apparel +they are crudely done, for the beauty of execution is of minor +importance. + +[Illustration: Fig. 61. Upper row, pictographs of Ojibwa Indians; lower +row, of Dakota Indians.] + +A third example is found among the North American Indians of the Great +Plains. Their representative art, in the strict sense of the term, is +almost entirely confined to a crude form of picture writing. They have +not developed a high technique of painting and the forms of horses, +men, buffaloes and tents are merely reminders of incidents in the life +of the people. The figures (fig. 61) are in no way ornamental and +bear no relation to the object on which they are depicted. They are +made for the purpose of representation only. They are not art in the +rigid sense of the term. Judging from the character of the figures +and their use we may safely say that the artistic interest is entirely +absent. We may even apply this observation to the picture writing of +the ancient Mexicans (fig. 62), which, as compared to their sculpture, +is of inferior value. The importance of communicating ideas outweighs +the artistic interest. We shall see later on that nevertheless there is +a definite relation between artistic style and the forms of inartistic +painting (see p. 164). + +[Illustration: Fig. 62. Mexican painting from Codex Borbonicus.] + +Incidentally it may be remarked here that the difference in interest +sometimes leads to contrasting art styles, provided the representative +work is also executed in a perfectly controlled technique. Thus the +Northwest Americans who have a very characteristic style of art +sometimes make carvings that are intended to deceive by their realism. +In one of their ceremonies a person is apparently decapitated and after +the decapitation the head is shown held by the hair. This head is +carved in wood and done with great care in a most realistic fashion. It +is entirely free of the stylistic characteristics of Northwest coast +carving and painting (see fig. 156, p. 185). + +We revert now to a consideration of the simple, crude representative +drawings. The most important inference that may be drawn from the +study of such representations, graphic as well as plastic, is that the +problem of representation is first of all solved by the use of symbolic +forms. There is no attempt at accurate delineation. Neither primitive +man nor the child believes that the design or the figure he produces is +actually an accurate picture of the object to be represented. A round +knob on an elongated cylinder may represent head and body; two pairs of +thin, straight strips of rounded cross section, arms and legs; or in a +drawing a circle over a rectangle may suggest head and body; straight +lines, arms and legs; short diverging lines at the ends of arms and +legs, hand and feet. + +[Illustration: Fig. 63. _a_, Carved figure, Philippine Islands; _b_, +Marble figure representing harpist, Thera.] + +The break between symbolic representation and realism may occur in one +of two ways. The artist may endeavor to render the form of the object +to be represented in forceful outline and subordinate all consideration +of detail under the concept of the mass as a whole. He may even discard +all details and cover the form with more or less fanciful decoration +without losing the effect of realism of the general outline and of +the distribution of surfaces and of masses. On the other hand, he may +endeavor to give a realistic representation of details and his work may +consist of an assembly of these, with little regard to the form as a +whole. + +An excellent example of the former method is the Filipino wood carving, +fig. 63 _a_. Head and chest show the concentration of the artist upon +the delimiting surfaces and an utter disregard of detail. The same +method is used in the figure of a harpist belonging to the ancient art +of the Cyclades (fig. 63 _b_). + +In fig. 64, an African mask, the surfaces of forehead, eyes, cheeks +and nose are the determinants of the form which has been treated +decoratively with the greatest freedom. There are no ears; the eyes are +slits with geometrical ornaments; the mouth a circle enclosing a cross. +In fig. 65, representing a painted carving from New Guinea, the outline +of the face, emphasized by the hair line, eyes, and mouth, is easily +recognized, but all the other parts are treated purely decoratively. + +[Illustration: Fig. 64. Wooden mask, Urua, Congo.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 65. Carved board, Papua Gulf, New Guinea.] + +The opposite method is found, for instance, in Egyptian paintings and +reliefs in which eyes, nose, hands, and feet are shown with a fair +degree of realism, but composed in ways that distort the natural form +and which are perspectively impossible (fig. 66). A still better +example is the drawing, fig. 67, an attempt of one of the best Haida +artists from Northern British Columbia to illustrate the story of +an eagle carrying away a woman. The face of the woman is evidently +intended as a three-quarter view. Facial painting will be noticed on +the left cheek; the left ear only is shown as seen in profile; the +mouth with teeth is placed under the nose in mixed full profile and +front view, and has been moved to the right side of the face. In the +lower lip is a large labret shown _en face_, for only in this view +was the artist able to show the labret with its characteristic oval +surface. The nose seems to be drawn in profile although the nostrils +appear _en face_. + +[Illustration: Fig. 66. Egyptian painting.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 67. Haida drawing representing eagle carrying away +a woman.] + +In a graphic representation of objects one of two points of view may be +taken: it may be considered as essential that all the characteristic +features be shown, or the object may be drawn as it appears at any +given moment. In the former case our attention is directed primarily +towards those permanent traits that are most striking and by which we +recognize the object, while others that are not characteristic, or at +least less characteristic, are considered as irrelevant. In the latter +case we are interested solely in the visual picture that we receive +at any given moment, and the salient features of which attract our +attention. + +This method is more realistic than the other only if we claim that the +essence of realism is the reproduction of a single momentary visual +image and if the selection of what appears a salient feature to us is +given a paramount value. + +In sculpture or modelling in the round these problems do not appear +in the same form. Here also attention may be directed primarily +towards the representation of the essential, and the same principles +of selection may appear that are found in graphic art, but the +arrangement of the parts does not offer the same difficulties that +are always present in graphic representation. As soon as man is +confronted with the problem of representing a three-dimensional object +on a two-dimensional surface and showing in a single, permanent +position an object that changes its visual appearance from time to +time, he must make a choice between these two methods. It is easily +intelligible that a profile view of an animal in which only one eye +is seen and in which one whole side disappears may not satisfy as a +realistic representation. The animal _has two_ eyes and _two_ sides. +When it turns I see the other side; it exists and should be part of a +satisfying picture. In a front view the animal appears foreshortened. +The tail is invisible and so are the flanks; but the animal has tail +and flanks and they ought to be there. We are confronted with the +same problem in our representations of maps of the whole world. In +a map on Mercator projection, or in our planiglobes, we distort the +surface of the globe in such a way that all parts are visible. We are +interested only in showing, in a manner as satisfactory as possible, +the interrelations between the parts of the globe. We combine in one +picture aspects that could never be seen at one glance. The same is +true in orthogonal architectural drawings, particularly when two +adjoining views taken at right angles to each other, are brought +into contact, or in copies of designs in which the scenes or designs +depicted on a cylinder, a vase, or a spherical pot are developed on a +flat surface in order to show at a single glance the interrelations of +the decorative forms. In drawings of objects for scientific study we +may also sometime adopt a similar view-point, and in order to elucidate +important relations, draw as though we were able to look around the +corner or through the object. Different moments are represented in +diagrams in which mechanical movements are illustrated and in which, in +order to explain the operation of a device, various positions of moving +parts are shown. + +In primitive art both solutions have been attempted: the perspective +as well as that showing the essential parts in combination. Since the +essential parts are symbols of the object, we may call this method the +symbolic one. I repeat that in the symbolic method those features are +represented that are considered as permanent and essential, and that +there is no attempt on the part of the draftsman to confine himself to +a reproduction of what he actually sees at a given moment. + +It is easy to show that these points of view are not by any means +absent in European art. The combination of different moments in one +painting appears commonly in earlier art,—for instance when in Michel +Angelo’s painting Adam and Eve appear on one side of the tree of +knowledge in Paradise and on the other side of the tree as being driven +out by the angel. As a matter of fact, every large canvass contains a +combination of distinct views. When we direct our eyes upon a scene +we see only a small limited area distinctly, the points farther away +appear the more blurred and indistinct the farther removed they are +from the center. Nevertheless most of the older paintings of large +scenes represent all parts with equal distinctness, as they appear to +our eyes when they wander about and take in all the different parts +one by one. Rembrandt forced the attention of the spectator upon his +main figures by strong lights, as upon the swords in the great scene +of the conspiracy of Claudius Civilis and his Batavians against the +Romans, but the distant figures are distinct in outline, although in +dark colors. On the other hand, Hodler, in his painting of a duel draws +compelling attention to the points of the swords which are painted in +sharp outline while everything else is the more indistinct the farther +removed it is from the point on which the interest of the artist +centers. + +Traits considered as permanent characteristics play a rôle even in +modern art. Until very recent times the complexion of man was conceived +as essentially permanent. At least the strong changes that actually +occur in different positions have not been painted until very recent +times. A person of fair complexion standing between a green bush and +a red brick wall has certainly a face green on one side and red on +the other, and if the sun shines on his forehead it may be at times +intensely yellow. Still we are, or at least were, not accustomed to +depict these eminently realistic traits. We rather concentrate our +attention upon what is permanent in the individual complexion as seen +in ordinary diffuse daylight. We are accustomed to see the accidental +momentary lights weakened in favor of the permanent impression. + +In primitive, symbolic representations these permanent traits appear +in the same way, sometimes strongly emphasized. It will be readily +seen that children’s drawings are essentially of the character here +described. They are not memory images, as Wundt claims, except in so +far as the symbols are remembered and reminders, but compositions of +what to the child’s mind appears essential, perhaps also as feasible. +A person has two eyes which have their most characteristic form in +front view, a prominent nose which is most striking in profile; hands +with fingers which are best seen when the palms are turned forward; +feet the form of which is clear only in profile. The body is essential +and so is the clothing, hence the so-called Röntgen pictures in which +covered parts are drawn. These drawings are a collection of symbols +held together more or less satisfactorily by a general outline, +although single traits may be misplaced. The same traits prevail +commonly in primitive drawings. When Karl von den Steinen had the +South American Indians draw a white man, they placed the moustache +as a characteristic symbol on the forehead, for it sufficed to place +it as a symbol on the most available space. The Egyptian paintings +with their mixture of profile and front views and transparent objects +through which hidden parts may be seen (fig. 68) must be viewed in the +same manner. They are not by any means proof of an inability to see and +draw perspectively; they merely show that the interest of the people +centered in the full representation of the symbols. + +[Illustration: Fig. 68. Egyptian drawings; above: bowl and pitcher; +below: sleeping person covered by blanket.] + +When exceptionally great weight is attached to the symbol, so that +it entirely outweighs the interest in the outline, the general form +may be dwarfed and forms originate that, from our perspective point +of view, lose all semblance of realism. The most characteristic +case of this kind is found in the art of the Northwest coast of +America, in which the whole animal form is reduced to an assembly of +disconnected symbols. A beaver is adequately represented by a large +head with two pairs of large incisors and a squamous tail (see pp. 186 +et seq.). However, in this case we are no longer dealing with crude +representations, but with a highly developed art. Its form proves that +in its development symbolic representation has been of fundamental +importance. + +[Illustration: Fig. 69. Eskimo etching on walrus tusk, Alaska.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 70. Bushman rock paintings.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 71. Paleolithic painting representing bison.] + +The second form of representation is by means of perspective drawing, +in which the momentary visual impression regardless of the presence or +absence of characteristic symbols, is utilized. This method is not by +any means absent in the drawings of primitive man as well as in those +of children, but it is not as common as symbolic representation. In a +way most crude symbolic forms contain a perspective element, although +it does not extend over the whole figure, but only over parts which +are more or less skilfully put together, so that a semblance of the +general outline is maintained. This is the case in Egyptian paintings, +in those of Australians and in North American picture writing (see +figs. 61, 62). In other cases the art of perspective drawing rises to +real excellence. The silhouettes of the Eskimo may be mentioned as a +case in point (fig. 69). Their figures are always small, scratched into +ivory, antler or bone, and filled with hachure or with black pigment. +Form and pose are well-done. Although there is generally no perspective +arrangement of groups, each figure is well executed and renders a +single visual impression. We find perspective of groups in the rock +paintings of South Africa (fig. 70), not perfect, but indicated by the +overcutting of figures and by the relative sizes of objects near by and +of those seen at a distance. Perspective realism of single figures is +even more fully developed in the paintings of later paleolithic man, +found in the caves of southern France and of Spain (fig. 71). Less +skilful efforts at perspective representation are not rare. On mattings +from the Congo region, on basketry hats from Vancouver Island (fig. +72) rather clumsy attempts have been made. In those from the former +region there are animals in profile in the latter whaling scenes: men +going out in a canoe and hauling in a harpooned whale. + +Much more common are carvings in wood, bone or stone, or pottery +objects that are not symbolic but true to nature. Ivory carvings of the +Eskimo, Chukchee and Koryak (fig. 73), prehistoric carvings, pottery +from North America are examples. + +[Illustration: Fig. 72. Hat of the Nootka Indians.] + +As stated before, a sharp line between the two methods of graphic +representation cannot be drawn. In most cases symbolic representations +are at least in part perspective, either in so far as the general +form is maintained, or as parts are shown in perspective form; while +perspective representations may contain symbolic elements. When +the Pueblo Indian paints the form of a deer with a fair degree of +perspective accuracy (see fig. 142, p. 167), but adds to it a line +running from the mouth to the heart as an essential symbol of life; +or when the symbols are arranged with a fair degree of correspondence +to perspective order we have forms in which both tendencies may be +observed. Indeed, some degree of conventional symbolism is found in +every drawing or painting, the more so, the more sketchy it is; in +other words, the more the representation is confined to salient traits. +This is particularly true in all forms of caricature. + +If representative art did develop into absolute realism, stereoscopic +color photography would be the highest type of art, but this is +obviously not the case. Setting aside the emotional appeal of the +object itself, an accurate copy of a natural object, such as a glass +flower, a painted carving, an imitation of natural sounds or a +pantomime may attain an intense emotional appeal, they may excite our +admiration on account of the skill of execution; their artistic value +will always depend upon the presence of a formal element that is not +identical with the form found in nature. + +[Illustration: Fig. 73. Koryak carvings.] + +Stress must be laid upon the distinctive points of view from which the +two methods of graphic representation develop, because the development +of perspective drawing is often represented as growing out of the +cruder symbolic method. As a matter of fact the two have distinct +psychological sources which remain active in the early, as well as +in the late history of art. Vierkandt[42] designates the various +methods of representation as suggestive (andeutend), descriptive +(beschreibend), and perspective (anschaulich). Of these the former +two correspond to what I have called here symbolic. They differ +only in the more or less fragmentary character of the symbols. The +perspective type does not develop from the former two as the result +of an evolution; it is based on a distinct mental attitude, the early +presence of which is manifested by the realistic, perspective paintings +of a number of primitive tribes. + +[42] Das Zeichnen der Naturvölker, Zeitschrift für angewandte +Psychologie, Vol. 6, (1912), pp. 347 et seq. + +The theory of a continuous development from symbolic to realistic art +is one of the numerous attempts to prove a continuous development of +cultural forms, a steady, unbroken evolution. This view-point has had a +deep influence upon the whole theory of ethnology. Evolution, meaning +the continuous change of thought and action, or historic continuity, +must be accepted unreservedly. It is otherwise, when it is conceived as +meaning the universally valid continuous development of one cultural +form out of a preceding type, such as the assumed development of +economic forms from food gathering through herding to agriculture. +In past times these three stages were assumed to be characteristic +of all human development, until it was recognized that there is no +connection between the invention of agriculture and the domestication +of animals,—the former developed through the occupation of woman who +gathered the vegetable food supply, the latter through the devotion +of men to the chase. The men had no occasion to become familiar with +the handling of plants, and the women had just as little opportunity +of dealing with animals. The development of agriculture and of herding +can, therefore, not possibly be derived from the same sources. + +It is no less arbitrary to assume that social forms must have developed +in regular universally valid sequence, one certain stage always being +based on the same preceding one in all parts of the world. There is no +evidence that would compel us to assume that matrilineal organizations +always preceded patrilineal or bilateral ones. On the contrary, it +seems much more likely that the life of hunters in single family units, +or that of larger groups in more fertile areas has led to entirely +different results. We may expect continuous evolution only in those +cases in which the social and psychological conditions are continuous. + +After this brief excurse, let us revert to our subject. Representations +become works of art only when the technique of their manufacture is +perfectly controlled, at least by a number of individuals; in other +words, when they are executed by one of the processes, that are +industrially in common use. Where carving is practiced, we may expect +artistic form in carvings; where painting, pottery, or metal work +prevail, artistic form is found in the products of those industries in +which the highest degree of technical skill is attained. The Eskimo +carves in ivory, antler or bone, of which he makes his harpoons and +many other utensils; his best representative work is made with the +knife and consists of small carvings and etchings in which he applies +the same methods that he employs every day. The New Zealander carves +in wood, makes delicate stonework, and paints; his best representative +work is made by these methods. Metal work and ivory carvings from +Benin (fig. 74), headmasks from the Cameroons (fig. 75, p. 82), wood +carvings from the Northwest coast of America (see figs. 154-156, pp. +184, 185), pottery from Peru, from the Yoruba country (fig. 76, p. 82), +Central America and Arkansas (fig. 77, p. 85), basketry of the Pima, +embroideries (see fig. 39, p. 47) and woven fabrics of the Peruvians +are other examples. + +[Illustration: Fig. 74. Bronze casting, Benin.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 75. Headmask, Cross River, Cameroon.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 76. Terra cotta head from Ife, Yoruba country.] + +Since representations that are intended to have artistic value are +made in the most highly developed technique it is not surprising +that the formal style of the technique gains an influence over the +form of the representation. The angular lines of weaving with coarse +materials and the steplike forms of diagonals which are determined +by this technique impress themselves often upon representations and +become part and parcel of a local style. There develops an intimate +relation between the formal and representative elements that brings it +about that representation receives a formal value entirely apart from +its significance. The deeper the influence of the formal, decorative +element upon the method of representation, the more probable it becomes +that formal elements attain an emotional value. An association between +these two forms of art is established which leads, on the one hand to +the conventionalization of representative design, on the other to the +imputation of significance into formal elements. It is quite arbitrary +to assume a one-sided development from the representative to the +formal or _vice versa_, or even to speak of a gradual transformation +of a representative form into a conventional one, because the artistic +presentation itself can proceed only on the basis of the technically +developed forms. At another place we shall discuss this subject more +fully (see pp. 118 et seq.). + +In all aspects of life may be observed the controlling influence of +pattern, that is of some typical form of behaviour. As we think in a +pattern of objective, material causality, primitive man thinks in a +pattern in which subjective causality is an important element. As our +personal relations to blood relatives are determined by the pattern +of our family, so the corresponding relations in other societies are +governed by their social patterns. The interpretation of the pattern +may change, but its form is apt to continue over long periods. + +The same stability of pattern may be observed in the art products +of man. When a definite type has once been established, it exerts a +compelling influence over new artistic attempts. When its control +continues over a long period it may happen that representations +are cast in an iron mould and that the most diverse subjects take +similar forms. It appears then as though the old pattern had been +misunderstood and new forms had developed from it. Thus, according to +Von den Steinen, the figurines on carvings from the Marquesas, which +originally represented two figures back to back, have determined the +type of entirely new representations, or, as he prefers to put it, +they have been misunderstood and developed in new ways. I do not doubt +that in some cases this process of misinterpretation occurs, but it is +not the one that interests us at this place. Striking examples of the +overmastering influence of a pattern may be found in many parts of the +world. The style of the Northwest coast of America is so rigid that +all animal figures represented on plain surfaces are cast in the same +mould (see pp. 185 et seq.); the overwhelming frequency of the spiral +in New Zealand is another example; the interwoven animal figures of +early medieval Germanic art; the angular patterns of the North American +Indians (see p. 176); all these illustrate the same condition. In an +art, the technique of which does not admit the use of curved lines +and in which decorative patterns have developed, there is no room for +curved lines, and the curved outlines of objects are broken up into +angular forms. The patterns, or as we usually say, the style, dominates +the formal as well as the representative art. + +However, the style is not by any means completely determined by the +general formal tendencies which we have discussed, nor by the relations +between these elements and the decorative field, but it depends upon +many other conditions. + +One more point must be discussed here. Attention has been called to +the apparent absence of purely formal elements in the art of those +tribes that are from an economical and industrial point of view most +primitive, namely the modern Bushmen of South Africa, the Eskimo +of Arctic North America, the Australians, and in remote times, the +paleolithic hunters. The statement is not quite correct, as has already +been pointed out by Vierkandt, because other tribes that live on the +same industrial level, do not share these characteristics; particularly +the Veddah and the Andaman Islanders. Furthermore, it is not by any +means certain that the South African rock sculptures were made by the +Bushmen. It seems fairly certain that the best ones of those recorded +were made in early times and that the living Bushmen know little +about their origin. In the South African paintings and petroglyphs +and in the art works of the other tribes mentioned before, we find a +highly developed realistic art which exhibits an astonishing truth of +perspective perception, in rest as well as in motion. Verworn has based +on this observation a distinction of what he calls the physioplastic +and ideoplastic art; the former containing truthful, momentary visual +images, the latter representing nature remodeled by thought and +therefore, in a conventional style. + +[Illustration: Fig. 77. Pottery head from Arkansas.] + +I do not believe that the assignment of these styles to distinct levels +of culture is tenable, for physioplastic representations are not by +any means confined to the tribes of simplest economic structure, +nor, as indicated just now, are they common to all of them. We must +avoid in these matters, as well as in all other ethnic questions, +treating tribes too much as standardized units. Individual variation +in physical appearance as well as in mental life is as important in +primitive society as in our own. There are artists and craftsmen in all +forms of society, as there are believers and unbelievers; there are +creative artists who rise above the level of the skilful artisan and +tradesmen who are satisfied with a slavish, though accurate adhesion +to existing patterns. Where representative art has fallen under the +rigid control of technique, there is little opportunity for the +development of a naturalistic style; where the technique is free, there +we may also expect free forms. This condition is realized in two ways, +namely, in those cases in which representative art is not enslaved by +a one-sided technique, and under conditions in which a high degree +of freedom in the use of a variety of technical processes has been +attained. A study of the whole range of art products shows that where +a technique is practised that gives tree range to the development of +form, naturalistic forms, that is forms relatively free of stylistic +mannerisms, although sometimes of bold generalization, occur. Carving +in wood, bone, ivory or stone, and modelling in clay are the principal +arts that give this freedom which is not so easily found in graphic +representation. Therefore we find in many cultures that are otherwise +under the strict control of conventional style, at least occasionally +figures in the round that are naturalistic. Examples are found in the +art of the North Pacific Coast; in bronze castings, wood carvings +and clay figures of Africa (figs. 74-76); in pottery of the ancient +inhabitants of Arkansas (fig. 77); and in stone work from Mexico, as +well as in Peruvian pottery. On the other hand, our modern realism +is based on the emancipation from a single rigid style that controls +all art production. Such freedom is not found to the same extent in +primitive art with its more limited number of technical processes. + +[Illustration: Fig. 78. Ivory and bone carvings, and tattooing of +eastern Eskimo.] + +Another error seems to me to underlie the theory propounded by Max +Verworn. It is not only incorrect to assume that representations true +to nature are confined to tribes on the lowest economic and industrial +level, it can also be shown that at least those living at the present +time have ideoplastic art as well as physioplastic art. This is +particularly true of the Eskimo. While they do produce a remarkable +number of realistic carvings and etchings, they also have a number of +conventional, geometric designs which are of regular occurrence. Most +prominent among these are the alternating spurline and the sequence +of Y shaped figures (fig. 78). The latter has sometimes a symbolic +meaning, just as other conventional geometric designs among other +groups of people. With small circles at the end of the bifurcated Y +it is interpreted as a flower. Furthermore, the clothing of men and +women is always decorated with motives that indicate or emphasize the +parts of the body they cover, as the shoulderblades or the breastbone. +Particularly among the Alaskan is this conventional art ideoplastic in +the meaning of Verworn. + +We have also shown examples of the geometric, ornamental art of the +Bushmen (fig. 8, p. 23); however, we do not know whether it has a +symbolic meaning. Their ornamental art is very meagre because they have +so little that can become the subject of ornamentation. + +It seems more than likely that man of later paleolithic time whose +implements are quite on the same level as those of modern primitive +tribes, who adorned his body and who used geometrical ornaments on +his bone implements, decorated also his clothing and other perishable +possessions of which no trace remains. If we imagine the remains of +the modern Indians of the plains, or those of Australians exposed for +thousands of years to the wet climate of Europe, nothing would remain +to give us an insight into the complexity of their culture and into the +existence of their symbolic, that is, ideoplastic art. + + + + + SYMBOLISM + + +We have seen that in the art of primitive people two elements may be +distinguished; a purely formal one in which enjoyment is based on form +alone, and another one in which the form is filled with meaning. In +the latter case the significance creates an enhanced esthetic value, +on account of the associative connections of the art product or of +the artistic act. Since these forms are significant they must be +representative, not necessarily representative of tangible objects, but +sometimes of more or less abstract ideas. + +In our previous discussion we have also shown that representative +art may be, and generally is, strongly influenced by technical form, +so much so, that in many cases the natural prototype is not readily +recognized. + +It is remarkable that in the art of many tribes the world over, +ornament that appears to us as purely formal, is associated with +meanings, that it is interpreted. Karl von den Steinen found that the +geometrical patterns of the Brazilian Indians represented fish, bats, +bees, and other animals, although the triangles and diamonds of which +they consist bear no apparent relation to these animal forms. The +design on top in figure 79 represents bats, indicated by the black +triangles. The figure below it represents the uluri, a small object +of clay used by women in place of a breech clout. The third figure +represents a fish, the large scales of which are indicated by diamonds. +The fourth and fifth figures also represent fish, while the last one is +called young bees. + +[Illustration: Fig. 79. Ornaments of the Auetö Brazil.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 80. Ornaments of the Karayá.] + +A number of clay dishes that were said to represent animals were in +part characterized by distinct heads, limbs, and tails, while others +bore no resemblance to the forms that they were claimed by the natives +to represent. A general similarity of form, however, exists between the +purely conventional and the realistic forms, which suggested to Von +den Steinen the conclusion that the former developed from the latter. +Later on Ehrenreich corroborated these observations both in South and +North America. A small number of designs with names are shown in fig. +80. The diamonds in the first figure on top, represents wasps nests and +may be compared to the young bees in fig. 79. The zig-zag band in the +second figure, which is symmetrically arranged and has rhythmically +repeated elements of unequal lengths, represents bats. In form these +are identical with the frigate bird of New Ireland (see fig. 101, p. +107). The third figure from the top represents the marking on the skin +of the rattlesnake, and the remaining figures also are marks on the +skin of various snakes. + +[Illustration: Fig. 81. Basketry patterns from British Guyana; _a_, +snake pursuing frog; _b_, man; _c_, dog; _d-f_, wild nutmeg.] + +W. E. Roth has recorded the significance of basketry designs of the +Indians of British Guiana.[43] Some of these designs contain realistic +figures, but many of them are geometrical derivatives of zig-zag bands +and meandric forms such as occur on coarse twined basketry in many +parts of the world. Most of these forms are explained as animals; some +identified by their form, others imitating the pattern of the skin +or being suggestive of parts of the body. There are also a number of +plant representations (figs. 81, 82). In some of these the meaning of +the form is readily recognized as in the snake pursuing a frog (fig. +81 _a_) or in the human form (fig. 81 _b_). The body of the snake is +represented by a broad meander, its head by a triangle. To the right +of the head is the frog. Less evident is the dog shown in fig. 81 _c_. +The interpretation of the designs in figs. 81 _d_, _e_ and _f_ and 82 +seems quite arbitrary. The meanders fig. 81 _d-f_ represent the wild +nutmeg. In _e_ the vertical connecting bar of the double T represents +the main branches, the horizontal one the secondary branches. Fig. 82 +_a_ is called the centipede, _b_ savanna grass, _c-f_ periwinkles, _g_ +butterflies, and the three designs _h-j_ represent snakes. The square +in the pattern in the left hand lower corner of _j_ is the head of the +snake. + +[43] W. E. Roth “Introductory Study of Arts, Crafts, and Customs of +the Guiana Indians” 38th Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, +Washington 1924, pp. 354 et seq. + +[Illustration: Fig. 82. Basketry patterns from British Guyana; _a_, +Centiped; _b_, Savannah grass; _c-f_, Periwinkles; _g_, Butterflies; +_h-j_, Snakes.] + +Ehrenreich was the first to observe the highly developed symbolism of +the North American Indians and his observation gave the impetus to the +studies of North American art which were largely instituted by the +American Museum of Natural History in New York. His observations were +made among the Cheyenne, and on account of their importance, they may +be quoted here;[44] “Representations of heavenly phenomena are found +in their highest development among the agricultural Pueblo tribes, +whose whole cult consists essentially in magic performances intended +to secure rain. Besides this, geographical motives are used, such as +mountains, rivers, trails, camping sites, which are important to the +Indians who inhabit the endless prairies. A typical example is found on +the ornament taken from a moccasin (fig. 83 _a_) in which a dark blue +series of triangles represent mountains, a light blue stripe a river, a +red one a trail. A second ornament, also taken, from a moccasin (Fig. +83 _b_) shows a series of tents. Red dots in the triangular tents +represent fire. + +[44] Ethnologisches Notizblatt, vol. II, 1, pp. 27 et seq. (1899). + +[Illustration: Fig. 83. Designs of the Cheyenne Indians.] + +“The hoods of cradle boards are generally richly ornamented. The +design of a specimen purchased by me is of peculiar interest on +account of the representation of abstract ideas (Fig. 83 _c_, _d_). +As usual, the upper surface of the hood is white, which color, in the +symbolism of the Indians designates the sky and life. The margin is +formed by a green line and the whole surface is divided into three +fields by two convergent blue lines. The large lateral fields are +strictly symmetrical. They contain three groups of stars represented by +rectangles. The lowest line,—four red rectangles with enclosed green +centers,—represent large, bright stars; and the top row, red without +centers, are the children of the stars. It is uncertain whether by this +term the smallest stars or falling stars are meant. + +“The middle field, bounded by blue lines, represents the path of life +of the child. In this field are found peculiar green figures which +terminate above and below in T shaped ends. They are diamond-shaped +and enclose a red and yellow checkerwork. They designate the child’s +good luck or the success that he will have in life. In this case green +symbolizes growth and development; yellow, maturity and perfection; +red, blood, life and good-fortune; all of which are related to the +deities. The lower rim of the hood is interrupted on both sides by +small white and blue squares. These are said to represent the child’s +age. I did not learn what was meant by this expression. Probably the +change of seasons was meant, since the alternation of blue and white +signifies the change of winter and summer. + +“The hood ends in a square flap which bears in its center a green +diamond terminating in cross bars, but smaller and simpler than the +corresponding figures of the central field. It represents the heart. +The blue lines and angles in the corners of the flap are continued in +the same way on the opposite side. They represent the unexpected events +of life. Attachments on each side are the child’s ears; the short lines +of beads embroidered on the back of the flap represents the hair of the +child.” + +Based on these results a somewhat extended study of the symbolism +of American Indian art was undertaken, in the course of which A. L. +Kroeber investigated the art of the Arapaho; Roland B. Dixon, that +of the Californian tribes; Clark Wissler, that of the Sioux and +Blackfeet, and H. H. St. Clair that of the Shoshone. Later on the study +was extended over other adjacent areas. + +[Illustration: Fig. 84. Moccasin, Arapaho.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 85. Knife case, Arapaho.] + +The results obtained by Kroeber indicate a close similarity between the +symbolism of the Arapaho and that of the Cheyenne. Here also abstract +ideas appear in considerable number. It will suffice here to give a +few examples. On a moccasin[45] (fig. 84) “the longitudinal stripe +signifies the path to destination. A small stripe at the heel of the +moccasin (not shown in the figure) signifies the opposite idea, the +place whence one has come. The variety of color in the larger stripe +represents a variety of things (which naturally are of many different +colors) that one desires to possess. The small dark blue rectangles +are symbols that are called ‘hiiteni’[46]. The white border of this +moccasin, on account of its color, represents snow. The figures in +it represent hills with upright trees. The stripe over the instep +signifies ‘up hill and down again’ (its middle portion being elevated +above the ends by the instep of the foot). The dots in this stripe +represent places left bare by the melting snow.” The knife scabbard[47] +represented in fig. 85 “has at the top a cross signifying a person. The +triangles above and below it are mountains. On the lower part, on the +middle line, are three green squares, symbols of life or abundance. +Red slanting lines pointing towards the squares are thoughts or wishes +directed towards the desired objects, represented by the life symbols.” + +[45] A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin American Museum of Natural +History, Vol. XVIII, pp. 39, 40. + +[46] _Hiiteni_ is explained as meaning life, abundance, food, +prosperity, temporal blessings, desire or hope for food, prayer for +abundance, or the things wished for (A. L. Kroeber, _ibid._, p. 40). + +[47] l. c. p. 88. + +Observations among the Sioux Indians made by Clark Wissler have given +similar results. The design on a legging (fig. 86) may serve as an +example. It represents a battle.[48] The diamond-shaped center is here +the body of a man. The large triangles are the tents of the village in +which the battle took place. The pronged figures represent wounds and +blood; the straight lines supporting them, the flight of arrows. The +crossed lines are said to represent arrows and lances. + +[48] Clark Wissler, Decorative art of the Sioux Indians, Bulletin +American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XVIII, p. 253. + +[Illustration: Fig. 86. Legging, Sioux Indians.] + +The Assiniboine, a closely related branch of the Sioux, did not yield +much information in regard to the meaning of designs, but the few +fragments collected by Robert H. Lowie[49] show that the principles +found among other tribes are or were not unknown to them. The designs +found on a drum illustrate this (fig. 87). + +[49] Robert H. Lowie, The Assiniboine, Anthropological Papers American +Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV, p. 26. + +“The gray central field is itself a drum; the concentric rings around +it are rainbow symbols, and the four sets of slanting lines (yellow, +black and whitish) represent the sunshine. The green color between +these lines denotes clouds; the four following rings the rainbow, and +the external ring has no ascertainable meaning. On the other side there +is a star in the center; the black circle stands for night, the blue +color at the circumference for twilight, and the oblique red, yellow +and white lines for the sunshine.” + +[Illustration: Fig. 87. Drum of the Assiniboine.] + +Some Arapaho designs are interpreted as representing geographical +features or a village in its geographical environment. In the specimen +shown in (fig. 88) “the two large triangles at the end represent tents; +the center diamond two tents; between them a white stripe with black +dots in it represents a buffalo path with buffalo tracks in it. The +four red obtuse triangles along the sides are mountains; small yellow +triangles enclosed by them are tents; the double blue lines surrounding +the entire pattern represent mountain ranges. Small rectangles in this +border, colored red and yellow, represent lakes.” + +Geographical interpretations are quite common among most of the Indian +tribes of the Great Plains. Mountains, caves, trees, streams, lakes, +trails, and tents are commonly symbolized in the angular forms of +their paintings and embroideries. As compared to these the association +between abstract ideas and geometric form is rather rare. + +A few examples may also illustrate the explanations given by Shoshone +Indians.[50] The interpretations are largely geographic. In fig. 89 +the red central rectangle represents the ground, the green background +trees. On this green ground is a lake, indicated by the blue area in +the center, the yellow line dividing the central field, is an inlet +of the lake. The obtuse blue triangle on the sides of the central +rectangle represents mountains with timber. The triangles on the short +sides are also mountains. The yellow apex is the sun shining on the +mountains, the red middle part of the triangle the ground, the green +area at the base, grass at the foot of the mountains. In the corners +we find small triangles representing sand and over them the yellow sun +light. + +[50] These are taken from observations by H. H. St. Clair at Wind River +Reservation. Lowie did not succeed in obtaining any explanations at the +Lemhi Agency, Idaho. + +[Illustration: Fig. 88. Rawhide bag, Arapaho.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 89. Design from parfleche, Shoshone.] + +On a second Shoshone parfleche obtuse triangles in the central +rectangle and smaller triangles in the longitudinal borderstrips +represent mountains, a red line in the center stands for a river, and +right angle triangles are tipis. + +Another Shoshone parfleche of similar pattern, was explained as +follows: a blue line enclosing an inner rectangle is a fort or +enclosure surrounded by the enemy, represented by red and green squares +of the border. A yellow and red line passing through the center is the +pass by which the people escape. + +[Illustration: Fig. 90. Bamboo case, Melanesia.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 91. Zuni bowl, broken and edges ground down.] + +A consistent geographically explained ornament has also been described +by Stephan (fig. 90). The upper zig-zag line (_a_) represents a snake; +the rectangular fields under it (_b_), the sea moved by the wind. The +dark corners of the rectangle (_c_) indicate calm on deep water. The +central field with cross hachure (_d_), rain on the sea or ripples +on the water. The lowest bands (_e_, _f_) and the top band (_a_) do +not belong to the sea picture. (_e_) is explained as the veins of the +coconut leaf, (_f_) as a kind of grass. + +In the opposite end (_a_) is not explained, (_b_) is a snake. The rest +of the design fits in with the geographical pattern, (_c_) being rocks +beaten by breakers. + +I am indebted to Miss Ruth L. Bunzel for the following consistent +interpretation of a Zuni bowl,—part of a deep bowl the upper part of +which has been broken off. Her informant explained it as follows (fig. +91): “We call the whole design ‘cloud all alone’. When a person does +not go to the dances when they dance for rain, after her death she +goes to the Sacred Lake and when all the spirits of the other dead +people come back to Zuni to make rain, she cannot go, but must wait +there all alone, like a single little cloud left in the sky after the +storm clouds have blown over. She just sits and waits all alone, always +looking and looking in all directions, waiting for somebody to come. +That is why we put eyes looking out in all directions.” + +Consistent symbolic interpretations have also been given for ceremonial +objects of the Huichol Indians.[51] + +[51] Carl Lumholtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs American +Museum of Natural History, Vol. III, page 125, fig. 133. + +[Illustration: Fig. 92. Ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, Mexico.] + +On a “front shield”, a sacred object (fig. 92) fertility symbols are +represented by geometrical figures: “The cross in the center represents +four clouds on the horizon, the colored segments completing the inner +circle represent red and blue birds (swifts) soaring above the clouds. +In the second circle are shown crosses representing red, yellow +and blue corn. In the outer zone is a zig-zag line in red and blue +representing Mother East-water, a Deity. Nine triangles between head +and tail of the serpent, crowded together, represent mescal (a narcotic +cactus) which is considered related to corn and is held as a prayer for +rain and for health.” + +Another example is a sacrificial back shield (fig. 93),[52] in which +the symbol (_a_) represents a serpent, (_b_) white clouds, (_c_) black +clouds, (_d_) rain, (yellow and white stripes); (_e_) three flowers, +(_f_) a squash vine, these two representing vegetation, springing up +after rain; and (_g_) the earth with its hills. + +[52] Page 146, fig. 173. + +Similar representations are found in embroideries in woven garments, +thus a zig-zag line on a pouch[53] (fig. 94) represents lightning, the +crosses the Pleiades. + +[53] Carl Lumholtz, Decorative Art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs +American Museum of Natural History, Vol. III, p. 325, fig. 257. + +Turning to Polynesia, von den Steinen[54] has given us a full +description of tattooing of the Marquesans, from which it appears that +in the minds of the natives the designs have definite significance. +I mention a series of black triangles on rectangular bases, called +the Fanaua, women who died in child birth (fig. 95 _a_); the cumulus +clouds of the northwind (fig. 95 _b_). In fig. 95 _c_ the upper row was +called by one informant, “the fellow with the step of the rooster”, +the lower one “the hero Pohu and his house”. Another informant +from another village, designated the figures with raised arms as +legendary miscarriages consisting of a chest, the low semicircular +and rectangular figures as others consisting of ribs only. Of the two +analogous figures, 95 _d_ and _e_, the former is called a crab, the +latter a turtle, while 95 _f_ is called the bath of the hero Kena. + +[54] Karl von den Steinen, Die Marquesaner und ihre Kunst, Berlin 1925; +also W. C. Handy, Tattooing in the Marquesas, Bernice P. Bishop Museum, +Bulletin 7, Honolulu 1922. + +[Illustration: Fig. 93. Woven ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, +Mexico.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 94. Design from a pouch, Huichol Indians.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 95. Tattooing designs, Marquesans.] + +We find in our civilization cases in which form or color composition +possess symbolic significance entirely apart of their form values. The +most obvious case is that of the national flags. They are not only +ornamental, but possess a strong emotional appeal. They call forth the +feeling of national allegiance and their values cannot be understood +on a purely formal basis, but are founded upon the association of the +form with definite fields of our emotional life. The same is true of +certain symbols. In Germany, at the present time, the swastika as the +symbol of antisemitism, and the David’s star as the Jewish symbol have +very definite political significance and are apt to excite the most +violent passions when used for decorative purposes,—not on account of +their form, but because of the emotional reaction to the ideas they +represent. Military insignia, emblems of secret societies, students’ +emblems and other regalia exert the same influence through their +associations. Owing to the strong emotional value of these patterns and +the specific character of the associations, the use of the ornament +may be restricted to special classes of objects, or reserved for +privileged classes or individuals. Thus, among ourselves, the cross, +or the flag, cannot appropriately be used at all places and at all +times, and insignia of rank are confined to those who have the right to +wear them. Just so, totemic devices may be used only by the privileged, +not by those who belong to another totem. Strong emotional values are +commonly associated with all forms that are used in important rituals. +The simple ornaments of cedarbark dyed red which are used by the +Indians of British Columbia have such an appeal, because the ornamental +attachments symbolize the gifts that the wearer has received from his +supernatural protector. + +It is readily recognized that these conditions can prevail only +when the interpretation of the ornament, and with it its emotional +significance are firmly established in the minds of the people; if all +react without fail, without hesitation to the same pattern. This is not +by any means the case everywhere. On the contrary, many cases are known +in which there is considerable wavering in regard to the meaning of the +symbol. One person may interpret it one way, another, another way. For +instance, in the designs of the Californian Indians, the same form will +be called by different people, or even by the same person at different +times, now a lizard’s foot, then a mountain covered with trees, then +again an owl’s claw. It is conceivable that an individual may feel +a strong emotional value of a design, but in a case of variable +associations the symbol has no binding emotional value for the whole +tribe. It will be the less relevant the more variable the individual +and tribal associations. I believe this is also the reason why among +ourselves an expressionistic art is impossible, or why at least it +cannot appeal to the people as a whole. It is possible for an artist +to train a group of followers and admirers in the symbolism that he +cultivates, but it is exceedingly unlikely that such symbolism should +develop in such a way that it would be felt automatically by all of us. +In music a few associations of this type exist. We feel, for instance, +the difference of mood in the major and minor keys; the former mood +joyful and energetic; the latter gentle, moody or even sad. It is well +to remember that these emotional tones are not by any means everywhere +connected with these two forms, but that in the music of other people +that have something comparable to our major or minor, the relations +may be quite different. We also feel a certain energy connected with +the major key of E flat, but undoubtedly this is due to very specific +associations that are not valid in other cultural areas. + +Expressionistic art requires a very firm and uniform cultural +background, such as is possessed by many peoples of simple social +structure, but that cannot exist in our complex society with its +manifold, intercrossing interests and its great variety of situations +that create different emotional centers for each of its numerous strata. + +It is, therefore, important to know whether there exist firm +associations between form and significance, and whether these +associations are accompanied by strong emotional reactions. + +[Illustration: Fig. 96. Patterns representing the star, Arapaho.] + +The former question may be investigated in two ways: By studying the +variety of forms which are used to represent the same objects, and +conversely by illustrating the variety of explanations given to the +same form. Arapaho designs collected by Kroeber offer a favourable +field for this study. The range of forms interpreted as the star +(fig. 96) is based on the tendency in the art of the Plains Indians +to use triangular and quadrangular figures and narrow lines, and on +the scarcity of polygons. We find, therefore, as representations of +stars, crosses, groups of squares, diamonds and a cross with triangular +wings. In the last quite exceptional figure of this series the star is +represented by a hexagon. In some cases the association between the +form and its meaning becomes more intelligible through the general +setting in which the design element is found, as for instance, through +the color contrast between design and background.[55] + +[55] See A. L. Kroeber “The Arapaho”, Bulletin of the American Museum +of Natural History, Vol. 17. + +The variety of forms which are used to represent a person may serve as +another example (fig. 97). Some of these are similar to the forms used +to represent the star. + +Still another example is the representation of the butterfly (fig. 98). +In this series one of the designs representing the star will be found. + +[Illustration: Fig. 97. Patterns representing persons, Arapaho.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 98. Patterns representing butterfly, Arapaho.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 99. Examples of chevrons from Neu-Mecklenburg; _a_, +Carved bamboo; _b_, Embroidered mat. The chevron to the left on the +bamboo represents a palm leaf, an armring or a worm; the same design on +the mat, tracks of a crustacean.] + +Conversely a diamond is explained as a person, a turtle, the navel, a +mountain, a lake, a star, an eye. The setting of the design does not by +any means explain sufficiently why these varying interpretations should +be used. + +A rectangle represents a camp circle, brush hut, a mountain, the +earth, a buffalo or life; a triangle with an enclosed rectangular or +pentagonal figure (see fig. 117, p. 120) is explained as a mountain +with trees, a cave in the mountain, a brush hut or a tent. + +The second form in fig. 98 is explained as a butterfly or the +morning-star. + +In bead embroidery we find frequently a central design in the form of +a diamond, from the acute angles of which, extend straight lines. To +the ends of these triangular designs or other small forms are attached. +In fig. 152 (p. 178) some of these designs are shown. The first one +is taken from a pouch (_j_); the central diamond represents a person, +the triangular designs at the ends of the lines, buffalo hoofs. A +similar design (_k_) from a moccasin represents the navel and arrows; +the background is snow. In a third example (_q_) the central diamond +represents a turtle, the lines its claws and the small patterns at the +ends of these lines, eggs. + +Another example of the variation of explanation of the same design is +found in designs from New Ireland[56] (fig. 99). The chevron represents +the leaf of a palm, an armring, a worm, the foot of a bird, tracks of a +crustacean, or fish bones. + +[56] Stephan, Neu-Mecklenburg, p. 114, fig. 120. The same figure is +found in the same author’s “Südseekunst”, p. 15, fig. 19, with somewhat +different explanations, presumably due to an oversight. + +The great variety of these interpretations of the same figure and of +the many forms by means of which the same ideas find expression, show +clearly that the terms by which designs are described must not be +conceived simply as names, but that rather a certain association exists +between the general artistic pattern and a number of ideas which are +selected according to tribal usage, and also in accordance with the +momentary interest of the person who gives the explanation. + +Often the range of ideas associated with forms follows a fairly +definite pattern in each tribe. We may compare this condition with +attitudes which we assume in regard to forms that may have varying +types of symbolic connotation. To a Canadian, a British flag surmounted +by maple leaves would be closely associated with patriotic feeling, and +in this connection the maple leaf has a definite significance; in other +combinations it may appear with quite a different meaning. A red maple +leaf may be symbolic of the fall of the year. + +During the World War the bloody hand was used on posters to excite the +populace to hatred, because it was symbolic of the imaginary cruelty of +the German soldier and this association was assiduously cultivated by +word and letter. In another setting a bloody hand may be a symbol of +suffering or of sacrifice, as the red hand impressed on church walls or +sanctuaries. + +A white rose may be a symbol of death or innocence. A crescent may +bring up a thought of Turkey, a beautiful summer night, or it may be +conceived purely as form. + +Not only is the significance of designs variable, the explanations of +forms found on the same object seem often quite incoherent. The cases +are not very numerous in which we find a clearly defined, consistent +symbolism extending over the whole pattern. + +Judging from information given by Stephan in regard to paintings and +carvings from Melanesia,[57] the explanations, varied and incoherent as +they may be, are given without hesitation and although the same pattern +elements are not given every time the same interpretation, the whole +grouping, expressed at any given time, seems to be clear in the mind of +the person who gives the explanation. + +[57] Emil Stephan, Südseekunst, p. 86. + +In by far the majority of cases the interpretation appears to us as +entirely incoherent. The terms by which the same forms are designated +by different individuals and at different times are so varied that it +is difficult to assume that we are merely dealing with names of design +elements. + +As a typical example of lack of relation between the symbols composing +the ornament may be mentioned an Arapaho knife scabbard[58] (fig. 100). +“The green lines forming a square at the top represent rivers. The +figure within is an eagle. The two larger dark portions of this figure +are also cattle-tracks. The two rows of triangles on the body of the +scabbard represent arrow-points. The squares in the middle are boxes, +and the lines between them are the conventional morning-star cross. The +small squares on the pendant attached to the point of the scabbard are +cattle-tracks.” + +[58] Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. 18, p. 87. + +[Illustration: Fig. 100. Embroidered knife sheath, Arapaho.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 101. Painted board, Neu-Mecklenburg.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 102. Decorated paddle, Neu-Mecklenburg.] + +As another example I select a decorated object from New Ireland +described by Stephan. In fig. 101 (_a_) represents a frigate bird, +(_b_) fish bones, (_c_) buttons for strings of shell money, (_d_) +men’s arms, and (_e_) a fish head. On a paddle (fig. 102) the spirals +represent the opercula of a snail; the connected triangles, the wings +of the frigate bird. On other specimens the spirals represent young +fern fronds. + +[Illustration: Fig. 103. Blanket of mountain-goat wool, Tlingit. +Alaska.] + +In the art of the North Pacific coast a definite totemic meaning is +given to conventional figures. There is no general agreement as to +their significance, but to many forms is assigned a meaning according +to the totemic affiliation of the owner for whom it thus attains a +value based on its meaning. Explanations of a blanket design (fig. +103) obtained by G. T. Emmons and John R. Swanton, may serve as an +example. According to Emmons the design represents a whale diving, in +the lateral fields are ravens sitting. The head with nostrils and mouth +is shown below. The central face represents the body, the inverted +eyes along the upper border, the tail. According to Swanton the design +represents a wolf with young. The head is shown below. The hind legs +and hip joints are represented by the two large inverted eyes and the +adjoining ornament along the upper border. The two dark segments just +above the eyes are explained as the feet. The face in the middle of +the design represents, as usual, the body of the animal. The small eye +designs, with adjoining ear and wing feathers, in the middle on each +side of the body, are interpreted as forelegs and feet. The designs in +the lateral panels are explained as young wolves sitting. + +It seems likely that wherever varied interpretations of the same +form, or of closely allied forms occur within the same social unit, +conditions of this kind prevail. + +We have no information whatever that would enable us to decide whether +the ideas expressed are entirely incoherent. It is conceivable that +there may be associations that are unknown to us and that create a +greater unity than appears on the surface. I am under the impression +that connected with the interpretation there exists a certain emotional +tone that may be weak, but that is, nevertheless, not negligible in the +esthetic effect of the whole object. + +[Illustration: Fig. 104. Basketry patterns of the Pomo Indians, +California.] + +It would seem that in a considerable number of cases ornamental +patterns have definite names that are always applied, no matter in what +combination the design may occur. Many Californian basketry patterns +are of this kind. Barrett[59] gives the names of decorative patterns +used by the Pomo Indians, from which I select a few as an illustration +(fig. 104). The northern and eastern Pomo call fig. 104 _a_, _b_ +butterflies; the central Pomo call them arrow-heads; the designation +for _c_ is sharp arrow-heads. The northern Pomo call _d_, pointed broad +band, deer back, or darts for a game; the central Pomo call them +crow-foot or crow-track; the eastern Pomo, zig-zag or marks of the east. +The design _e_ is called quail plumes; _f_ and _h_, by the northern +Pomo, “sharp points and in the middle striped water snake”; the central +Pomo call them “similar to slender arrow-heads”, and the single +triangles, turtle-neck. The eastern Pomo call the designs butterfly and +“in the middle (gaya) striped water snake”. The design _g_ is called by +the northern Pomo, empty spaces and quail tip patterns; by the eastern +Pomo, butterfly and quail plumes; _i_ by the central Pomo quail plumes +arrowhead. + +[59] S. A. Barrett, Pomo Indian Basketry, Univ. of California +Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Vol. VII, No. 3. + +[Illustration: Fig. 105. Drawn work, Mexico.] + +This usage corresponds to our terms when we speak, for instance, of +the “egg and dart” design. Among the Shetland Islanders patterns on +knit stockings are called “flowers”, flowers serving as a synonym for +pattern. The drawn work of Mexico bears also names.[60] Here we find +names as for instance, “Little Jesus”, “Beehive” (_a_) (fig. 105), +“Partridge’s Eye” (_b_), “Tomato Seed and Peel” (_c_), liana (_d_), +“Spider Net” (_e_). The same is true of the embroidery of Paraguay.[61] + +[60] Journal American Folk-Lore Vol. 33, 1920, pp. 73 et seq. + +[61] E. Roquette-Pinto, On the Ñanduti of Paraguay. Proceedings of the +Congress of Americanists, Gotenburg, 1925, pp. 103 et seq. + +Named designs among more primitive people are particularly common in +Africa, where, according to all investigators, the complex designs are +conceived as compounds of single elements which bear names. + +[Illustration: Fig. 106. Designs of the Ruanda.] + +Czekanowski[62] says in discussing the ornaments found in Ruanda +(fig. 106): “On account of the simplicity of the Ruanda ornament its +elements are easily determined. We shall enumerate them here according +to their names: quiver (_a_); shield (_b_); millet (_c_); knife (_d_); +arrowhead (_e_); kindly person (_f_); ferrule of a spear (_g_); wings +of a swallow (_h_); large tail (_i_, _j_); arrows (_k_). The three last +patterns may be considered as compound forms. The pentagon occupies an +exceptional position. All these elements consist of straight lines. +Curves occur as segments, crescents, spirals and circles. Wide-lined +circles are called arm rings (_m_); narrow ones, bracelets (_n_).” The +general ornamentation consists of horizontal rows of black triangles +or diamonds on a plain background or a white triangle on a black +background. The arrowhead design (_e_) appears in long rows, the +point of one head touching the notch of the other. Zig-zag bands in +diagonal or vertical rows of the pattern _i_ and _j_ occur also. The +characteristic point seems to be that only the elements of the whole +pattern bear names. + +[62] Jan Czekanowski, Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Deutschen +Zentral-Afrika Expedition, 1907-1908, Vol. VI, Part 1. pp. 329 et seq. + +I infer from Tessmann’s[63] description that among the Pangwe of +West Africa also the single pattern elements bear names while the +multifarious combinations lack explanations such as we find in America +or in Melanesia. In fig. 107 patterns in woodcarving are represented +which are named as follows: (_a_) file; (_b_) string of cowrie shells; +(_c_, _d_) triangular leaf used for feathering arrows for the cross bow +(triangle with wide base); point of iron money, spear point (triangle +with narrow base); (_e_) tail of armadillo; (_f_) kerf; (_g_) rainbow; +(_h_) fish bone; (_i_) triangular spear; (_k_) spider net. + +[63] Günter Tessmann, Die Pangwe, Berlin 1913, Vol. 1, p. 243 et seq. + +[Illustration: Fig. 107. Designs of the Pangwe.] + +Of the Bushongo Torday[64] says that the nomenclature is not certain +(p. 216). “The Bushongo do not consider the design as a whole, but +they divide it into various elementary patterns. They take one of +these elements as characteristic of the whole figure and call the +whole design by this term. The motives obtained by interrupting woven +patterns[65] at regular intervals are built up of small details which +are found variously combined in other motives. Therefore, owing to the +analytical mind of the natives, the curious phenomenon results that the +same name may be given to two designs, apparently quite dissimilar, +at least so far as the general impression is concerned, and that the +natives of opposite sex will give to the same design different names +because either considers a particular element as the principal part.” +The closely related patterns fig. 108 _b_ and _d_ are derived from +interwoven strands (fig. 108 _a_). The form _b_ is called imbolo +(interwoven?); _c_ is called the xylophone and _d_ the foot of Matarma. +The Bangayo call the same pattern in carving (_e_, _f_) back and head +of the python. The patterns 108 _g_, _h_ are called the knee and _i_ +the knot. + +[64] E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, Notes ethnographiques sur les +peuples communément appelés Bakuba, etc. Les Bushongo, Documents +ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II, +number 1, Brussels, 1910, pp. 217, 219. + +[65] i. e. the element consisting of a single warp strand showing +between two woof strands and the adjoining similar elements, formed in +simple up and down weaving. + +[Illustration: Fig. 108. Designs of the Bushongo.] + + * * * * * + +[Illustration: Fig. 109. Feet of pottery dishes, Chiriqui, Costa Rica.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 110. Polynesian ornaments.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 111. Crocodile arrows, New Guinea.] + +The significance of primitive ornament has also been studied in another +way. In a number of cases it has been shown that series can be arranged +in which we may place at one end a realistic representation of an +object. By degrees we may pass to more and more conventional forms +that show each a distinct similarity to the preceding one, but end in +a purely conventional, geometric design in which the initial stage can +hardly, if at all, be recognized. I believe the first to discover this +phenomenon was Frederic Ward Putnam, who described the development, +as he called it, of the hollow, slit feet of Chiriquian (Costa Rican) +pottery from a fish form to a purely conventional design (fig. 109). +He was followed by others who made studies of similar transitions in +other parts of the world. William H. Holmes described the so-called +alligator vases of Chiriqui, showing the relations between the +alligator design and curious irregular painted forms (see fig. 129, p. +137). Hjalmar Stolpe, and about the same time, Charles H. Read (fig. +110) discussed the relations of human figures and geometrical designs +in Polynesian ornaments; Haddon studied the so-called crocodile arrows +(fig. 111) and the frigate bird (fig. 112) designs of New Guinea in +their gradual transition from fairly realistic forms in which the +crocodile and the bird are easily recognized, to geometrical types in +which the prototype is entirely obscured. Similar relations are found +in the facial urns of prehistoric times, (fig. 113) in some of which +we find a perfectly plain and distinct face, while in others there are +only a few knobs that, on account of their position, recall the face. +George Grant MacCurdy takes us back to Chiriqui where he collected +from museum collections series of types beginning with the form of the +armadillo and ending with small decorative points (fig. 114). Von den +Steinen forms out similar phenomena in the tattooings of the Marquesans. + +[Illustration: Fig. 112. Designs representing frigate bird and +crocodile.] + +In a few cases the striking similarity of the patterns which +contradicts the diversity of names suggests an historical relation +between the forms. This is the case, for instance, with the Bushongo +antelope and beetle patterns (fig. 115). The resemblance between the +realistic antelope head (_a_) and beetle design (_d_) is evident. It +is, however, not necessary to assume a transition from the antelope to +the beetle design, but the question has to be answered in how far the +stylistic form may have moulded the two representations in the same +form or, on the other hand, why an ornamental form may have outlines +that, on the one hand, express an antelope’s head and, on the other +hand, the body of a beetle.[66] + +[66] E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, Notes ethnographiques sur les +peuples communément appelés Bakuba, etc. Les Bushongo, Documents +ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II, +number 1, Brussels, 1910, p. 212. + +[Illustration: Fig. 113. Facial urns.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 114. Armadillo designs, Chiriqui.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 115. Designs of the Bushongo representing the head +of the antelope and the beetle.] + +Here arises the important problem whether we are to assume that all +these forms are developments from realism to conventionalism, as has +often been assumed, or whether the converse process may not also have +occurred, namely that a geometrical design existed and that a gradual +development towards a realistic form took place, that a meaning was +read into the geometric pattern and that in this way the significant +forms originated. Unfortunately historical evidence is hardly ever +available and we are compelled to rely upon indirect evidence. We +cannot follow the excellent example set by Riegl in his detailed study +of the history of the introduction of curved lines in Mediterranean art. + +However, we can apply the geographical method, the only one that +has made it possible to unravel part of the historical development +of people that do not possess written records, and for cultures the +development of which cannot be traced by archaeological evidence. +It is possible to establish with a high degree of probability the +relationship of cultural forms and their gradual spread by means of +a study of the distribution of ethnic phenomena and their variations +in the sections of the area in which they are found. This method is +strictly analogous to the one applied by biologists in their studies of +the gradual distribution of plants and animals. + +In our case we must try to trace the distribution of designs together +with the interpretations given to them by different tribes. If we +should find consistent interpretations of the same form over large +areas, perhaps even more realistic forms in a central district, more +conventional ones in outlying parts of the country, but in all of them +the same interpretation, we should have to consider this as plausible +evidence of an origin of the conventional types from a realistic +representation. If, on the other hand, it should be found that in the +whole area realistic forms and conventional forms were irregularly +distributed and that furthermore the meanings of identical or similar +forms did not agree, then the origin of conventional forms from +realistic ones would seem to be quite unlikely. Then we should have +to assume one of two possibilities; either the form must have spread +gradually over the whole area and must have been given a meaning +independently by each people,—in other words the meaning must have been +read into the pattern,—or it may have been that a dominating style has +forced a diversity of realistic representations into the same geometric +patterns. + +In the latter case we should have to consider the processes by +which realistic forms should gradually change into unrecognizable +conventional ones; in the former the processes by which from a +conventional form a representative one develops. + +[Illustration: Fig. 116. Design representing the buffalo, Arapaho.] + +That both ways are possible is easily shown. When the Plains Indians +represent a buffalo in a stiff angular form, like a hide spread out +provided with legs, head and tail (fig. 116); and if also a rectangle +without these attachments is called a buffalo, it may be as well the +buffalo hide that has been abbreviated, so to speak, as that the +hide has been read into the rectangle. The process of reading in is +not at all unfamiliar to us. We see realistic forms in the shapes +of mountains and clouds and in marks on rocks, and we enjoy the +play of fancy that endows natural forms with new meanings. There is +no reason to doubt that the same tendency prevails among primitive +peoples. Koch-Grünberg’s[67] observations among the natives of South +America prove this point. He tells us that the Indians, when camping +at a portage and waiting for the rivers to become navigable, take up +accidental marks on the rocks and by pecking develop them into forms +suggested by the natural outlines, or that they take up the lines left +by a preceding party who amused themselves in the same way and whose +play was interrupted when they were able to resume their journey. +We have also ample evidence to show that curiously formed rocks are +not only compared with animate beings, but that they are actually +considered as men or beasts transformed into stone. Thus the Pueblo +Indians tell in their migration legend that a person or an animal +became tired on account of the fatigue of the long travel, sat down and +was transformed into stone. The forms of a hawk, man, bear, and of a +woman carrying a basket are still pointed out. On Vancouver Island are +shown the tracks of the culture hero, where he stepped on a rock. In +the interior of British Columbia a large boulder is said to be Coyote’s +basket.[68] + +[67] Th. Koch-Grünberg, Südamerikanische Felszeichnungen. Berlin, 1907. + +[68] James A. Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, +Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, Pl. 19. + +[Illustration: Fig. 117. Designs of North American Indians; the first +nine Arapaho, the next six Eastern Algonquin; the last line; first +Hopi; then archaeological specimens, Pueblo region.] + +I shall illustrate this point by the discussion of a design found +widely spread among the Indians of North America. Their decorative art +is characterized by the use of straight lines, triangles and rectangles +that appear in manifold combinations. One of the most typical forms +is that of an isosceles triangle with enclosed rectangle, sometimes +provided with spurs at the base (fig. 117). This design is found in +an extended area. It occurs most frequently on the great plains but +also on part of the western plateaus and among the Pueblo Indians +(fig. 118). To the west it is found among the tribes of the woodlands +and certain peculiar patterns of New England and the interior of +Labrador are strongly reminiscent of it. The stylistic similarity, +or better, identity of the pattern on the plains is so great that +it cannot possibly have developed from several independent sources. +It is part and parcel of the general art style of the area that has +developed either in one spot, or what seems more probable, by the +conflux of artistic activities of a number of tribes. Thirty or forty +years ago, under the strong influence of the evolutionary theory, the +psychologising ethnologist might have interpreted this similarity as +due to the sameness of the reaction of the human mind to the same +or similar environmental causes,—as Daniel G. Brinton explained +the similarity of Algonquin and Iroquois mythologies. However, the +development of our science since that time has so firmly established +the fact that even the most primitive cultures must be considered +as having had a historical development no less complex than that of +civilization, that the theory of independent origin of almost identical +phenomena in contiguous areas can no longer be maintained and has been +given up by all serious students. + +[Illustration: Fig. 118. Triangular design, prehistoric Pueblo.] + +When we study the significance of the pattern we find the greatest +possible divergence of meaning. As pointed out before, different +individuals in one tribe, do not all assign to it the same meaning, but +more or less decided tendencies to certain interpretations are found +in each tribe. The design is sometimes drawn steeply and the sides of +the triangle extend slightly beyond the apex. Thus the form of a tent +with tent poles, doorway and pegs for pinning down the tent cover is +expressed. At other times the triangle is more obtuse and represents a +hill. It may be placed on a white background which signifies snow or +sand; blue lines extending downward from the base indicate springs of +water and small triangles may be placed in the inner triangle. Thus +it becomes the mythical mountain in which, at the beginning of time, +the buffaloes were kept and which is located on a snowcovered plain. On +the slopes of the mountain grow trees. Again, quite different, is the +interpretation given by the Pueblo Indians. In their arid country the +greatest need is rain without which their crops wither and starvation +stares at the people. The communal life centers around the idea of +fertility to be attained by an abundance of rain. Accordingly they +interpret the symbol as a cloud from which the rain falls. Since their +art is far less angular in style than that of the Plains Indians, they +often substitute a semicircle for the triangle and attain a greater +realistic resemblance to clouds by superimposing three of these +semicircles, from which flow down the rain lines. When we turn to the +western plateaus, we find among the Shoshone the regular design of the +obtuse triangle applied and explained on the basis of geographical +features; it suggests to them mountain-passes and a fort protected by +palisades. Further to the north we do not find the enclosed rectangle, +but the triangle and the spurs at the base persist. These are explained +as paws of a bear, the triangle being the sole of the foot, the spurs +the claws. In the eastern woodlands new developments occur. The +triangle now is exceedingly narrow, so that there is no room for the +enclosed rectangle which is reduced to a triangle. The sides of the +triangle are produced beyond the apex, even more so than among the +Sioux Indians, and a considerable number of almost straight vertical +lines are added to the sides. The form bears now a certain resemblance +to a fish tail and is so interpreted. Still more curious are the +developments in New England. The triangle and the enclosed rectangle +are still unmistakably present, although curved lines, characteristic +of eastern American art, are added on. The interpretation has changed +again. The pattern is a symbol of the town or of the tribe and its +chief. + +Among none of these tribes do we find any indication of the existence +of more realistic forms from which the conventional triangle might +have been derived. The realistic forms of the western tribes are almost +exclusively crudely pictographic and no transition from the pictograph +to ornamental, geometric patterns can be traced. The realistic forms +of the eastern tribes are found particularly in mattings and weaving. +These also show no relation to the triangular forms that we are +discussing. The theory that the pattern has developed under the stress +of a compelling style that cast a variety of realistic forms into the +same mould does not find support in the facts, because transitional +forms are lacking. We conclude, therefore, that the sameness of +form and the difference of meaning are not due to a geometrisation +of realistic forms but to a reading in of significance into old +conventional patterns. This view is corroborated by the prevailing +uncertainty in regard to many of the meanings. The Blackfeet, according +to Clark Wissler,[69] have practically no feeling whatever for the +significance of these designs. The Arapaho behave somewhat differently +on different occasions. Ceremonial paraphernalia may have fairly +definite meaning, while clothing, bags and other objects are given +interpretations that are quite subjective and which show therefore +great individual differences. + +[69] Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 18, p. +276. + +The importance of the social position, or perhaps better, of the social +interests of the owner of an object, in determining the meaning of +ornaments has been demonstrated most clearly among the Sioux Indians. +In former times their ornamentation was made in porcupine quill +embroidery, but at present beads have taken place of the quills. Men +and women use to a considerable extent the same ornamental designs, but +with distinctive meaning. A diamond-shaped pattern with attached double +triangular appendages, when found on a cradle, or a woman’s legging, is +interpreted as a turtle, the turtle being a symbol closely associated +with birth and maturity of the woman. When found on a man’s legging it +represents a slain enemy.[70] + +[70] Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians, Bull. Am. Mus. +Nat. Hist., Vol. 18, pp. 253, 273. + +I will mention one more case in which the actual process of reading +in has been observed. At one time, when I visited British Columbia, +I purchased a woven bag from an elderly woman. It was decorated with +a series of diamonds and small embroidered cross-like figures. Upon +inquiry I learned that the bag had been purchased from a neighboring +tribe and that the new owner did not know anything about the +original significance of the pattern,—if such a significance existed +which is doubtful, because the tribe in question is not given to +interpretations. It appeared to the new owner that the diamonds looked +like a series of lakes connected by a river. The different colors of +the diamonds appeared to her to suggest the colors of the lakes;—a +green border, the vegetation of the shore, a yellow area inside the +shallow water, and a blue center the deep water. The interpretation +did not seem to her sufficiently clear, and in order to emphasize it +she added, in embroidery, figures of birds flying towards the lakes. +Thus she gave greater realism to her conception and made it more +intelligible to her friends (Plate VII). + + +[Illustration: PLATE VII. + +Woven Pouch, British Columbia.] + +The needle cases of the Alaskan Eskimo offer an excellent example of an +elaboration of geometrical into realistic forms. It must be remembered +that all the Eskimo tribes, east and west, are very fond of carving and +that they produce many small animal figures that serve no practical +purpose but which are made for the pleasure of artistic creation, and +that many of their small implements are given animal forms. The mind of +the worker in ivory is imbued with the idea of animal representation. +The Alaskan needle cases have a stereotyped form to which the bulk of +the specimens conform (fig. 119). The type consists of a tube slightly +bulging in the middle, with flanges at the upper end, with lateral +knobs under the flanges on opposite sides. On the body of the tubing, +between the flanges, is a long narrow concave face, set off from the +flanges and the body of the tube by parallel lines with small forks at +the lower ends. Lines border the sides and ends of the flanges and the +upper end of the concave face, and an alternate-spur band is found at +the lower end of the tube. This type is presumably related to the +ancient type of needle case from Hudson Bay, which is characterized by +a tubular form, flanges at the upper end and a pair of large wings in +the middle part of the tube. These, I believe are the prototypes of the +small knobs at the sides of the Alaskan type. These are sometimes so +small that they can hardly be seen, although they may be felt when the +fingers glide lightly over the surface of the tube. However this may +be, the majority of Alaskan specimens are of the type here described. +The variations in geometrical form are very slight.[71] + +[71] See Franz Boas, Decorative Designs on Alaskan Needlecases, +Proceedings of the United States National Museum, Volume XXXIV, (1908), +pages 321-344, Washington, D. C. + +[Illustration: Fig. 119. Alaskan needle cases.] + +In a number of cases part of the needle case or the whole object is +elaborated in representative forms. In a few specimens the knobs +have been given the form of seal heads. A slight enlargement and the +addition of eyes and mouth are sufficient to bring about this effect +(fig. 119 _c_). In other cases the flanges have been developed into +walrus heads (fig. 119 _d_) or into other animal forms that fit the +form of the flange (fig. 119 _e_). By adding a point for the eye and by +cutting out the inner part of the flange the outer form is essentially +preserved and the form of the bulky walrus head with its large tusks is +successfully attained; or the walrus motive may be repeated so that the +original form of the needle case is considerably obscured. By adding a +seal’s head at the lower end the lower part of the object receives more +or less the form of a seal. + +It is important to note that in all specimens of this type the double +spur ornament persists, although it interferes with the seal’s head +that is often added at the lower end. It seems very unlikely that +the many animal forms attached to the needlecases were the primary +forms from which the geometrical form developed. On the contrary, the +wide distribution and the great frequency of the geometrical forms, +their agreement with Eskimo geometrical style and the occurrence of +this geometric style on specimens that do not imitate animal forms +are entirely in favor of the assumption that the earlier form is +geometrical, whatever the origin of the flanges and knobs may have +been. Presumably the habit of carving animal forms has induced the +artist to produce the variants described here. + +[Illustration: Fig. 120. Reels of Alaskan Eskimo.] + +Equally interesting are the reels used by the Alaskan Eskimo. Their +prototype is a piece of caribou antler cut as shown in fig. 120. +This, however has been developed into animal forms. One specimen has +a geometrical decoration on the body, while three of the ends are +elaborated as animal heads. In another one the two prongs on one side +are given the form of seal heads which are connected by a long line +with the flippers which are shown on the opposite side. Still another +specimen has been treated like a much distorted form of a wolf. The +head is at the prong of one end, the forelegs at the other prong of +the same end; the two hind legs are carved on the two prongs at the +opposite end. + +Similar observations may be made on arrow shaft straighteners and snow +knives of the Alaskan Eskimo.[72] + +[72] E. W. Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, Annual Report Bureau +of American Ethnology, Volume XVIII, pl. 40, 48, 94. + +[Illustration: Fig. 121. Eye shades and vessel, Ammassalik.] + +The examples which I have given demonstrate beyond cavil that the +process of reading in exists and accounts for the significance of +many geometrical forms; that it is not necessary to assume in each +and every case that geometrical ornament is derived from realistic +representations. Hjalmar Stolpe to whose researches on primitive art we +owe so much had an exaggerated opinion of the importance of realistic +designs, for he believed that every geometric form must have been +derived from a representation. Stephan expresses the same opinion. I +may perhaps illustrate Stolpe’s point of view by one example. Among the +Eskimo of East Greenland is found an eye-shade decoration consisting +of notched pieces of ivory placed side by side. Stolpe explained this +form as a derivation from carvings representing seals, abbreviated due +to the rhythmic repetition of the seal design (fig. 121). However, we +know that the Eskimo when making small blocks of ivory, such as are +used for the manufacture of toggles or other similar objects, cut the +walrus tusk just in this manner, so that through a technical process +they have become familiar with the ornamental form. Therefore it is not +indispensable to assume a realistic origin for the design. + +It is interesting to compare the process with which we are dealing with +other ethnic phenomena of similar import. The essential conclusion +drawn from our observations is that the same form may be given +different meanings, that the form is constant, the interpretation +variable, not only tribally but also individually. It can be shown +that this tendency is not by any means confined to art, but that it is +present also in mythology and in ceremonialism, that in these also the +outer form remains, while the accompanying interpretations are widely +different. In the case of mythology we may observe that in the same way +as patterns have a wide distribution, so also motives of myths, or even +whole plots are found over extended areas. For example, the well known +tale of the magic flight, which is one of the most widely distributed +fairy tales, occurs in a number of North American localities. Among +the Eskimo it is given as accounting for the origin of fog; in British +Columbia it is made to account for the origin of certain cannibalistic +ceremonials. Another example is the so-called star husband story, a +tale of two girls who were taken up to the sky by the stars. The story +is widely spread and is told as the explanation of a great variety of +phenomena. The child of one of the women becomes the culture hero and +destroys the monsters infesting the world. Customs, ceremonials, and +prerogatives of clans are explained by this tale, in accordance with +the chief interests of the tribes concerned. The nature myths collected +from all parts of the world by Dähnhardt[73] are full of examples +of this kind: the most diverse features are explained by the same +tales. This shows that it is quite untenable to assume that the tales +developed through the immediate effect of viewing natural phenomena, +that much rather the tales preexisted and the explanatory part was +tacked on at a later time, precisely as the art forms preexisted +and their meaning was tacked on according to the peculiar mental +disposition of the individual or the tribe. + +[73] Oskar Dähnhardt, Natursagen, Vol. 4. Leipzig 1912. + +The same observation has been made in regard to ceremonials. The +so-called sun dance is performed by almost all the tribes of the +great plains. The general run of the ceremonial is essentially the +same everywhere, although different tribes have added on special +characteristic details. The meaning, on the other hand, presents far +greater variations. In one case the performance is made in fulfilment +of a vow made when supernatural aid is invoked in time of distress; in +another case it is undertaken to purchase the right of ownership in a +sacred bundle, and then again it is a tribal, seasonal ceremonial.[74] + +[74] Leslie Spier, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of +Natural History, Vol. XVI, (1921), pp. 457 et seq. + +These three examples illustrate that the psychological explanation of a +custom and its historical development are not by any means the same; on +the contrary, owing to secondary interpretations that in course of time +set in and the general character of which depends upon the cultural +interest of the people, the psychological explanation is much more +likely to be quite independent of the actual historical happenings. The +mere fact that a tribe explains forms according to a certain pattern +does not prove, that they have developed from actual representations of +the objects they now represent. + +It might perhaps be admitted that in the special case of the North +American triangle which we have discussed the argument is convincing +because no transitional forms exist, that, however, when an almost +continuous series of forms is found, beginning with the most realistic +and ending with a purely geometrical one, the conclusion cannot be +avoided that the development has been in the direction from realism +to conventionalism. I have already indicated that as long as there is +no historic proof, the sequence might as well be reversed. In all the +cases that have been described and that are based on direct inquiry +among primitive people regarding the meaning of designs, realistic and +conventional forms have been found to occur at the same time. It would +therefore be necessary to give a reason why some excellent artists +should use the one style, others, equally good ones the other; or why +even the same artist should combine the two styles. + +It is generally claimed that slovenly execution brings about +deterioration of pattern and through this, causes misunderstandings. +I do not consider this explanation as tenable under the conditions of +life prevailing among primitive people, because there is no slovenly +execution among natives who make utensils for their own use. The +pottery and paintings of the South American Indians, observed by Von +den Steinen, the crocodile arrows of New Guinea, the frigate bird +carvings, are all carefully made. We find often that people will use +inferior wares for exchange with neighboring tribes, while they keep +the good material for themselves. The natives of Vancouver Island +for instance, adulterate with elderberries berry cakes that are made +for trade, while those made for home consumption are made of the +more valuable berries, such as blueberries or salmonberries without +the addition of other material of inferior value. This tendency, +particularly when combined with the desire to manufacture quickly +large masses of material, leads to poor work. The question then +arises, what happens in cases of this kind. Does slovenly work lead to +misunderstandings and to conventionalism? Balfour has tried to make the +process clear. He let an individual copy a design and used the first +reproduction as original for a second copy. By continuing in this way +he received the most astonishing transformations. Such results may +occur when work executed in a highly developed technique is imitated by +people of lesser accomplishments. The standard example is that of the +degeneration of Greek coins when copied by Keltic imitators[75] which +led to a complete disruption of the original design. However, this +example is not to the point, because we are ordinarily not dealing with +copies of designs borrowed from people of higher technical development, +but with those belonging to a single tribe. + +[75] See Max Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, Vol. 6, pp. 301 et +seq. + +I have had occasion to observe the effect of factory production and of +slovenly execution in some Mexican material. In western Mexico dishes +are made of tree calabashes which are covered with an orange laquer. By +the lost-color process these are overlaid with designs in green laquer. +The industry is probably of Spanish origin. Old specimens made of wood +are of excellent workmanship. These are decorated mostly with animal +forms, deer, fish, and so on. At present the work is of much poorer +execution and the ware is sold in market places, as in Oaxaca (fig. +122). On some specimens the fish designs of ancient type are still +used, but we find also, even more frequently, leaf patterns and we may +here apparently observe just that kind of misunderstanding described +by Balfour. The gill region becomes the base of the leaf. The head of +the fish corresponds to the base of the leaf; the fins to the marginal +indentations, and the ribs of the fish to the veins of the leaf. Since +both the fish and the leaf occur in modern types it may be doubted +whether we are dealing with an actual transformation, with a real +misunderstanding. It might be as well that the psychological process +involved has been rather the substitution of new subject matter for the +old, in which process the new subject was rigidly controlled by the +old, stereotyped form. We shall see that conditions of this kind are +often very potent. + +[Illustration: Fig. 122. Designs from vessels made of tree calabashes, +Oaxaca.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 123. Fragments of pottery vessels, Texcoco.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 124. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan.] + +Another good example is the pottery made for sale by the ancient +inhabitants of the Valley of Mexico. Pottery was made here in great +masses and, as described by Sahagun,[76] sold in the market places. +The vessels show plainly the effect of factory production and of the +resultant slurring. The Aztec pottery is fundamentally of uniform type. +In Culhuacan, a small village at the foot of the Sierra de la Estrella, +a coarse kind of this ware was made. Great masses of potsherds are +found in the swampy soil which was used in early times as garden beds. +The pottery is thick, dark orange, painted black. It is a pronounced +local form, darker than the light ware of Texcoco (fig. 123); the +painted lines are broad and coarse, while those of Texcoco are very +delicate. The patterns are fixed, but the rapidity of manufacture has +developed a definite style, analogous to the styles of handwriting. +Each painter had his own method of handling the brush, with the result +that his individuality may easily be recognized.[77] I select a few +examples here in order to show the effect of slurring upon design. It +is essential to note that on the same specimen the lines are always +drawn in the same way; that is, that the hand of the painter followed +very definite motor habits. + +[76] Bernardino de Sahagun, Historia general de las cosas de Nueva +España, ed. C. M. de Bustamente, México, 1830, Vol. 3, p. 56. + +[77] See, Franz Boas y Manuel Gamio, Album de colecciones +arqueológicas, México 1912. + +One of the simplest designs is instructive in regard to the effect of +slurring and the development of individual style. One of the decorative +elements consists of a series of S shaped, interlocking figures (fig. +124). It will be noticed that, in fig. 124 _b_ the lines which seem to +have developed from the S shaped forms, are degenerating into simple +curves, while in _c_ the lines are drawn more carefully. Fig. 124 _d_ +represents the decoration from the outer side of a vessel and here the +S shaped curves have been carefully connected and are developing into a +new pattern. + +[Illustration: Fig. 125. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan.] + +Another simple pattern which illustrates the effect of rapid production +consists of a regular repetition of a curve and two vertical strokes. +It seems likely that the form is derived from a circle followed by +vertical strokes such as are also found in the finely painted pottery +of Texcoco (Fig. 125 _a_). The corresponding Culhuacan specimens are +shown in fig. 125 _b_, _c_. While in a few cases the curve is a more or +less carefully drawn circle (_b_, _c_), it has generally the shape of +a spiral. One of the most striking characteristics of the development +of this pattern is the tendency to change the direction of the vertical +strokes to an inclined position (fig. 126). According to the tendency +of the painter the strokes incline either strongly from right above to +left below (_a_, _b_ inside, _c_, _d_ outside), while in _e_ and _f_ +the strokes run from the left to the right. In the rapid creation of +these forms the vertical lines are transformed into hooks. They are so +characteristic that it seems perfectly feasible to recognize the same +hand in these specimens. + +There is still another way the design is treated. In fig. 127 _a_ the +spiral lies in the direction opposite to the one usually given to it +and a single dividing vertical line is placed between the two spirals; +the end of the first spiral taking the place of the second vertical +line. Here again the method of treatment is consistent. In a few cases +the spiral line instead of terminating abruptly is continued under the +vertical strokes (_b_). In still another case, a separate single or +double horizontal line is placed under the spiral (_c_). + +[Illustration: Fig. 126.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 127.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 128. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan.] + +A frequent design of which many specimens have been collected consists +of a spiral with attached curves. Presumably it is derived from a +circle and straight lines (fig. 128 _a_). In rapid execution, the +center of the circle is connected with the circumference so that the +whole line is transformed into a spiral. Sometimes the spirals develop +into a simple hook (_b_), and the lowest point of the circumference +of the circle is continued into the adjoining horizontal line. In by +far the majority of specimens the distinction between the circle and +the adjoining line may be recognized by a sudden turn, or at least an +indention in the lowest horizontal line (_c_). The form developing +from the original pattern depends entirely upon the peculiar turn of +the brush used by the artist. In many cases (_b_, _c_) the spiral, +continuing into the lowest horizontal line and turning back into the +central horizontal line, is made in one stroke and the upper horizontal +line is added on by a separate movement, adjoining the middle and +forming a hook. In other cases (_d_, _e_), the spiral and lowest +horizontal are drawn in the same way. The horizontal lines, however, +are made separately by drawing a right angle, probably from the top +downward and adding a central line. In these cases, the horizontal ends +at the far side in a sharp angle. In fig. 128 _f_, the two horizontal +lines are separated from the curve; in _g_, they are made very long +and apparently the middle one is made in one stroke with the spiral. +The method of producing _h_ is the same as that applied in _b_ and _c_ +but the upper horizontal line is very much reduced in size. The same +method is applied in _i_ with the difference that the lower horizontal +is turned up and ends rather abruptly, and that the upper and middle +horizontals are made in the form of a single horseshoe curve. In _j_ +and _k_ quite a different method is applied, the spiral remains as +before but the horizontal lines are made separately in the form of a +3. In _l_ and _m_ the whole curve is made in one continuous line which +has led to the doubling of the middle horizontal in the form of a +loop. In _n_ the three horizontals are treated quite differently; the +long S shaped figure starting above on the left being substituted for +the lines attached to the lowest horizontal. A similar principle, but +beginning on the opposite side, is applied in _o_, in which specimen +the three horizontals have taken the form of a spiral ending below in +an almost vertical spur. In _p_ we recognize a form in which the S +shaped curve is made separately; in the middle an additional horizontal +line is added and furthermore, the lowest part of the S shaped curve is +connected with the lower horizontal. The form _q_ is reversed and by +attaching the S shaped curve to the center of the spiral, a divergent +form is developed. + +[Illustration: Fig. 129. Alligator designs from Chiriqui pottery.] + +I believe that many of the highly irregular forms that occur in painted +pottery must be explained in the same way. Another instance of this +kind is represented by the so-called alligator ware of the Chiriqui +(fig. 129) on which W. H. Holmes based his arguments of gradual +degeneration of realistic forms into conventional forms. Although +the pot itself is well made, the painting is almost always slovenly; +evidently the result of mass production. The most characteristic trait +of decoration of this ware is line and dot work. All the designs are +characterized by the use of black and red lines interspersed with +dots. The geometrical designs, as well as the animal forms are crudely +executed. Professor Holmes has called attention to the fact that the +dots are used to indicate the scales of the alligators, but this fact +does not prove that all the dots are derived from alligator scales. +Forms like those shown in fig. 129 to the right above may well be +understood as attempts in general decoration in black and red lines +and dots, badly executed. This seems more probable since the dotted +triangle has a much wider distribution than the alligator motives. A +representation of the alligator might then be explained as executed +in accordance with the technique applied to geometrical motives. +Owing to slovenly execution the animal form may degenerate according +to the motor habits of the individual artist. However, this would +not prove that the alligator, as such, is older than the line and dot +decoration. It must be borne in mind also, that the upturned snout of +the alligator, of which much is made as a means of identification, +is a character of much wider distribution than the alligator motive +itself. Representations of monkeys have it and we find it also in +representations from the interior of Costa Rica and from some parts of +South America. All this is also true of the curious nuchal appendage +which occurs in Costa Rica as well as in South America. + +Equally instructive is the application of small nodes and fillets +to pottery which has been explained by Dr. G. G. MacCurdy as +resulting from degeneration of armadillo figures.[78] The essential +characteristic of all this ware is the use of small nodes and fillets +applied to the surface of the vessel or to some of its parts, like +feet, neck, shoulder or handle. These attachments are decorated by a +series of short parallel impressions. An oval node with single medial +line or lines is often used to indicate an eye; a similar nodule with +several parallel lines indicates the foot; a series of parallel, short +fillets with short parallel crosslines, are applied to forms that +represent animals, but they are also found on the bodies of vases. Dr. +C. V. Hartman[79] and S. K. Lothrop[80] describe the same technical +motives from other parts of Costa Rica. In technical character these +are so much like the Chiriqui specimens that we can hardly doubt that +they are derived from the same device. This method of decoration is +widely spread. Its use extends over Central America and the West +Indies. It is most characteristic of archaic ware, particularly +figurines of this early period are always modelled by means of +attaching nodules and fillets. During this period the eye is regularly +represented by a nodule with one or several incisions. This technique +is also found in Ecuador[81] up to more recent times. In the Toltec +period the adornment of vessels by attached nodule decoration reached +its highest development. In North America it is not common. Incised +fillets occur in remains from the middle Mississippi region but even +here they are not one of the pronounced features. In contrast with its +frequency in the highly developed pottery of early Central America its +rarity may be noted in Africa, where highly developed forms are by no +means absent, and where lids with animal figures might seem to suggest +readily the application of the device.[82] This is true also of the +prehistoric pottery of Europe. The nodule appears in the pottery of +Michelsberg, in Jaispitz (Moravia) and in a few other late localities. +Only in the slip (barbotine) decorations of the terra sigillata do we +find anything resembling the American appliqué ornamentation, but since +the material is applied in a semifluid state, it does not attain the +same freedom of treatment. Nodes that do occur in European prehistoric +pottery were apparently made rather in imitation of punched bronze +decorations and belong to a late period. Attached animal figures, made +in clay, like those found at Gemeinlebarn, also seem to be imitations +of metal work and have never reached that development which is so +characteristic of Central American ceramic art. + +[78] George Grant MacCurdy, A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Memoirs +Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol. 3 (1911), pp. 48 et seq. + +[79] C. V. Hartman, Archaeological Researchers in Costa Rica, +Stockholm, 1901. + +[80] Samuel Kirkland Lothrop. Pottery of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, New +York, Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1926. + +[81] Marshall H. Saville, The Antiquities of Manabi, Ecuador, New York, +1910. + +[82] See a relief ornament on a red ware vessel from Banana, Belgian +Congo, Annales du Musée du Congo; Notes analytiques sur les collections +ethnographiques, Vol. 2, Brussels, 1907, Les industries indigènes, Pl. +III, fig. 34. + +The characteristic slit rattle feet of Chiriqui pottery prove even more +conclusively than the application of fillets and nodes, that the art +forms of this province must be considered as a special development of +forms characteristic of a much wider area. This type of foot is widely +spread beyond the territory in which the fish forms prevailed.[83] + +[83] See Franz Boas y Manuel Gamio, Album de colecciones arqueológicas, +México, 1912, Plates 36, 42, 51. + +We are thus led to the conclusion that the use of the nodes and fillets +for building up armadillo motives, are historically related to the +method of decorating vessels by means of the attachment of separate +pieces. The armadillo motive can then be only a specialized application +of building up animal motives from the elements in question. The +elements themselves must not be considered primarily as symbols of +the armadillo, nor can all the animals built up of these elements be +interpreted as armadillos. + +The essential point of this consideration lies in the wide distribution +of technical and formal motives over large areas, although differing +in details in various localities. These technical and formal motives +are the materials with which the artist operates and they determine +the particular form which a geometrical motive or a life motive +takes. If the notched fillet and node are the material with which the +hand and the mind of the artist operate, they will occur in all his +representations. + +The investigators who have tried to prove that conventionalized forms +originate through a process of degeneration from representations, have +generally overlooked the strong influence of motor habits and of formal +arrangements upon the resultant style. In those cases in which there +is a tendency to organize decorative motives in rectangular panels, in +circular areas, or in fields defined in other ways, the result must be +quite different from others in which the artist habitually arranges +his material in large fields or in continuous bands. The habit of +decorating pottery by moulding and by adding on relief forms, must +lead to results different from those which are obtained by painting +or engraving. The use of lines and the habit of using dots or circles +will also effect the resultant style. I think there can be very little +doubt that if an artist is in the habit of using dot designs combined +with lines and if, later on, he tries to represent an animal, this +particular method will be applied in the representation. The origin of +the motor habits must probably be looked for in technical processes, +that of arrangement in the same processes and in the forms of familiar +utensils. + +Our examination of the factory-made material shows that the process +of slurring, or slovenly execution leads first of all to the +development of individual characteristics that can best be compared +with handwriting. Pronounced mannerisms permit us to recognize the hand +of the artisan. It is only when an unusually careful and ingenious +person operates with this traditional material that new forms develop, +analogous to those described by Balfour. It will readily be seen that +these conditions are not often realized in primitive society. + +[Illustration: Fig. 130. Chinese embroidery representing bats.] + +I believe another cause is more potent in bringing about a modification +of design. Ornamental patterns must be adjusted to the decorative field +to which they are applied. It is not often that the artist is satisfied +with representing part of his subject and cutting it off where the +decorative field ends. He will much rather distort and adjust the +parts in such a way that they all fit in the field that he has at his +disposal. When a bird is represented with outspread wings, which would +occupy approximately a square field, and the space to be decorated is +long and narrow, the artist may twist body and tail about, and draw out +the wings and thus squeeze the design into the available space. Henry +Balfour[84] gives as an instance the adjustment of Chinese figures of +bats to an ornamental band (fig. 130). + +[84] The Evolution of Art, 1893, p. 50. + +The northwest coast Indians, who always take the greatest liberties +with the outer forms of animals, do not hesitate to distort them in +a way that allows the artist to adjust the animal to the decorative +field. Their method will be discussed in greater detail at another +place (see pp. 183 et seq.). + +On shell discs from the mounds of Tennessee the rattlesnake is so +represented (fig. 131). The head of the rattlesnake with upturned upper +jaw is readily recognized in fig. 131 _a_. Behind the mouth, the eye +represented by a number of circles, will be seen. The body continues +along the lower rim towards the right and terminates on the left, in +a rattle. The analogy between fig. _b_ and _a_ is easily recognized; +the essential difference consists in the fact that the body in _b_ +is undecorated; the rattle lies just over and behind the eye. Figure +_c_ still preserves the same form, but added to the decorations found +in the preceding specimens, is the long loop with small circles +surrounding the eye. The position in _d_ is slightly changed; the eye +will be easily recognized and just to the right of it, more upright +than in the preceding specimens, is the mouth with a fang. The body +is in the same position as before, following the rim of the disk and +ending in a rattle. In _e_ the mouth is very much shortened and the eye +is reduced to a single small circle, while the body and tail retain +their characteristic features. + +[Illustration: Fig. 131. Shell with representation of rattle snake.] + +The formal elements which were discussed in the beginning of this book +exert a far-reaching influence upon decorative forms. The exigencies of +symmetry within a decorative field require adjustments which may modify +the representative form considerably. A peculiar effect of inverted +symmetry may be seen in those Borneo shields in which the whole shield +represents the face of a demon; one half to the left of the vertical +middle line right side up, the other half upside down.[85] + +[85] A. R. Hein, Die bildende Künste bei den Dayaks of Borneo, figs. +48, 49, 51. + +Much more potent than the necessities of formal adjustment is the +symbolic tendency which is liable to lead to abbreviations in which +the representation is reduced to the slightest indications. In our +former discussions we have seen that symbolic representations are +very common and that it happens in many cases that the symbol itself +is represented in a more or less perspective way. Wherever the art of +the people wavers between the symbolic and representative modes of +delineation, opportunity arises for the occurrence of realistic and +abbreviated forms, side by side. To this class belong the face urns, +the prehistoric representations of human figures in stone, and even +our busts and portraits may be considered as continuing this practice, +for they are fragmentary in so far as they show only that part of the +body in which we find the character of the individual most clearly +expressed; in part, because the rest of the body is always covered by +inexpressive clothing which hides whatever individuality may exist. +The principal character of forms of this type will be the tendency to +suggest an object by the indication of a few of the most characteristic +traits. It would probably be erroneous to speak in these cases of a +gradual breaking up of the realistic form and the development from it +of a conventional form, for this is not what actually happens. The two +types occur side by side. + + + + + STYLE + + +We have to take up now the problem of individual art styles. The +general formal elements of which we spoke before, namely symmetry, +rhythm, and emphasis or delimitation of form, do not describe +adequately a specific style, for they underlie all forms of ornamental +art. Representative art is more apt to develop differential features, +for in each area symbolic, perspective and wavering representations +have peculiar, pronounced characteristics. The principles of symbolic +selection and the method of composition help to individualize +representative art forms; but, besides these, many formal elements +are integral parts of every art style and these give it its most +specific character. The New Zealander, the Melanesian, the African, +the Northwest American, the Eskimo,—all are in the habit of carving +human figures in the round. They are all representative, and still the +provenience of each is easily determined on account of very definite +formal characteristics. + +We shall direct our attention to an elucidation of the principles by +which art styles may be described. We shall also ask ourselves, in how +far the historical and psychological conditions under which art styles +grow up and flourish may be understood. + +It will be well to begin with a simple problem. We have seen that we +may consider as works of art undecorated implements made by a perfectly +controlled technique,—in other words made by a virtuoso. Such are +polished stone axes, chipped arrow or lance heads, iron spear heads, +spoons, boxes; in short, any object of daily use, provided only the +form which we may recognize as conceived in crude specimens, is worked +out in a perfect technique. Objects of this kind, used for the same +purposes, have not by any means the same form everywhere. The specimens +accumulated in ethnological museums prove that, until very recent +times, before contamination by European wares, each locality, and +also each cultural period had developed fixed types that were rigidly +adhered to. + +This observation is illustrated by the utensils of prehistoric times as +well as by those collected among the primitive tribes of our times. The +throwing sticks of the Eskimo may serve as an example. They are used to +give greater impetus to the hand-thrown weapon. The principle of their +use is the same among all the Eskimo tribes, but they present highly +specialized local forms, so distinct in appearance that each type may +with certainty be assigned to the region from which it comes (fig. 132). + +[Illustration: Fig. 132. Throwing sticks of the Eskimo; _a_, Greenland; +_b_, Ungava Bay; _c_, Cumberland Sound; _d_, Point Barrow; _e_, Alaska +(exact location doubtful); _f_, Cape Nome.] + +For the purpose of our inquiry it is important to understand the +reasons that bring about this fixity of type. In a tool like the +throwing stick it is obviously related to the manner of its use. The +clumsy board of Baffinland must feel unwieldy to the hand of a native +who has learned to handle the narrow, pegged stick from Bering Sea. The +adaptation of the hand to the handle does not permit the use of forms +that require unusual muscular movements which would lessen the accuracy +and ease of use. Therefore the variations of form are confined within +the limits established by the fixed motor habits of the people. Even if +a variation of form should appeal to the eye, it will not be adopted if +it should require a new adjustment of the hands. The more fundamental +the motor habits that determine the form of the implement, the less +likely will be a deviation from the customary type. + +The motor habits which find expression in the forms of utensils are in +part highly specialized,—like those required for the effective use of +the throwing sticks just referred to,—but others are much more general +in character, and it would seem as though large divisions of mankind +were characterised by habits of this kind which influence the forms of +their implements and household goods. The restriction to the islands +of the Pacific Ocean of the process of producing fire by ploughing; +the areas of different types of arrow release described by Edward S. +Morse; the extended use of throwing clubs in Africa and their relative +insignificance in many parts of America are other examples of this kind. + +A curious instance of the stability of motor habits is found among the +Eskimo; notwithstanding their great inventiveness the ancient Eskimo +does not seem to have used the saw for cutting large bones. The cutting +was always done by drilling holes close together along the line on +which the bone was to be divided. When enough holes had been drilled +the parts were separated by a blow of a hammer or by means of a wedge; +it seems that saws of flaked stone were entirely unknown to these +people. + +Another instance may be cited; the Indians of the North Pacific Coast, +from southern Alaska to central Vancouver Island, do not practice +the art of stone chipping and flaking. All their stone work was made +either in tough stones that are handled by sawing, battering, pecking +and polishing, or in soft stones that can be cut with a knife and +rubbed down with polishing materials. The beautiful chipped blades, +characteristic of their Eskimo neighbors in the north and their Indian +neighbors on the interior plateaus and of the southern coast tribes, +are missing here entirely. + +Similar observations may be made in regard to the handling of the +knife. The North American woodcarver of modern times uses principally +the crooked knife, the blade of which forms part of a spiral surface. +Archaeological specimens of this type are rare[86] so that it is +not certain whether this method of cutting was extensively used in +olden times. At present it is undoubtedly distributed over the whole +continent.[87] The knife is used like a spoke-shave, being drawn +towards the body. In Africa, on the other hand, carving is done with +a rasp and a straight[88] double-bladed knife. I find the use of a +crooked, sickle shaped knife mentioned only once, as being applied +to the shaving down of an arrow shaft and, presumably, to similar +purposes. Schweinfurth[89] mentions that the Mangbattu are the only +people in the regions he visited,—including even Egyptians—, who are +familiar with the use of the single-edged carving knife, while all the +others use the double-edged knife. Of the Ila speaking people it is +also said that they use a spear blade for carving[90]. + +[86] Harlan I. Smith, Archaeology of the Thompson River Region, Publ. +Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, fig. 352 _d_, p. 418; James +Teit, The Thompson Indians, _ibid._ figs. 125, 126. p. 184; perhaps +also the beaver tooth knife, _ibid._ fig. 49, p. 144. + +[87] Otis T. Mason, Report U. S. National Museum, 1897, pt. 1, pp. 725 +et seq. + +[88] M. Weiss, Die Völkerstämme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas, p. 421 et +seq.; also G. Tessmann, Die Pangwe, p. 222; Jan Czekanowski (Ruanda) l. +c. (see p. 111) p. 155. + +[89] G. Schweinfurth, Im Herzen von Afrika, 3d ed. p. 349. + +[90] E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern +Rhodesia, Vol. I, p. 199. + +Another example illustrating our point is presented by the hammers +used by the Indians of the northwest coast of North America. The coast +tribes of Washington use a hand hammer made of a single bowlder with a +lateral striking head, the tribes of Vancouver Island, a hand hammer +also made of a single bowlder, with a cylindrical shaft and a flat +striking head at the lower end[91]; those of northern British Columbia +a heavy hammerstone lashed to a large wooden handle. + +[91] Franz Boas, The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, Publications of the +Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. 5, pp. 314 et seq. + +In another way habits of movement or position find expression in +household furniture and dress. Tribes among which squatting on the +ground is habitual do not use stools or chairs. Those in the habit of +lying on their sides do not use neck rests which are found among people +with elaborate hair dress that lie on their backs. + +The clothing of women is adapted to the manner in which they carry +their children. The hood of the Eskimo woman of Baffinland accommodates +the child that is carried on the back. The wide boot of the women of +Southampton Island and of the ancient styles of Hudson Strait served to +protect the child that was carried on the hip. + +It is hardly likely that the habits of the people originated from forms +of the household goods they used. It is much more probable that the +inventions were determined by older habits. In later times the relation +may have been reversed, in so far as each generation stabilizes its +habits in accordance with the objects to which it is accustomed. + +A similar permanence of form of utensils which are adjusted to definite +motor habits exists in modern times, as is illustrated by the rigidity +of form of many tradesmen’s tools or the permanence of the keyboard of +the piano. + +The same conservatism, although based on the training of another sense +organ, is found in the stability of the forms of the letters of our +alphabet. In writing, both the firmly established motor habits and +the fixity of the associations between visual image and form, help to +stabilize old forms and to make difficult innovations. + +The stability of language is another phenomenon of the same kind. +The fundamental phonetic characteristics of a language are based on +motor habits; the use of vocabulary and of grammatical forms partly on +auditory associations. In all these cases; in the use of tools, forms +and language the mind becomes so thoroughly adjusted to the use of +definite motor habits, and to certain types of association between +sense impressions and definite activities, that a resistance to change +appears as the most natural mental attitude; if for no other reason, +because it requires the effort of unlearning and relearning. It must be +understood that this does not imply an absolute stability, which does +not exist, but merely the individual resistance to sudden changes. + +In another way this resistance is expressed through an emotional +attachment to customary forms. In the domain of tools it is perhaps +not so much the pleasure of play that induces man to bestow much labor +upon the manufacture of his utensils, as rather the love of the special +tool that he is using, a love that implies pleasure in the customary +movements as well as in the form of the implement. This mental attitude +is one of the most important sources of the conservatism in the form +of objects of use, and of the tendency to give to them the greatest +possible technical excellence. The intensity of the emotional relation +between a person and his tool is naturally greatest when maker and +user are the same person; it must decay with the ease with which +substitutes are obtained. Here is one of the causes of the rapid decay +in the beauty of form of native utensils as soon as European tools and +manufactures are introduced. + +While the lack of variation in the forms of utensils, and their +regional characterisation are often expressions of definite motor +habits, or of other sensory reactions that are firmly associated +with useful activities which have become culturally fixed, there are +other cases in which conservative retention of form may not be thus +explained. This is true particularly when the use of an object does +not depend to any considerable extent upon its form. Whether a basket +is round or oblong, angular or without corners does not influence the +mode of its use, unless it serves as a carrying basket. Still, in many +cases the familiarity established through long use of the objects +may readily lead to an emotional attachment that finds expression +in permanence of form, and in the refusal to accept new, unfamiliar +shapes for every day use, an emotional resistance to change that may +be variously expressed,—as a feeling of impropriety of certain forms; +of a particular social or religious value, or of superstitious fear of +change. Permanence of form is also favored by the participation of many +individuals in the manufacture of objects. In most cases every person +supplies his own needs. The number of original minds is certainly no +larger in primitive society than in our own, although I do not believe +that it is any smaller. The bulk of the makers of objects of every day +use are, therefore, imitators, not originators, and the mass of uniform +material that is in use and constantly seen will restrict the free +play of imagination of the original minds. The desire for deliberate +attempts to create something novel, that characterises the industries +of our times, is not present, just as little as it is present among our +peasants, so far as they are uncontaminated by city influences. I do +not mean to imply that primitive forms are absolutely stable. Nothing +could be farther from the truth; but the conscious striving for change +that characterizes our fashions, is rare. We are also conservative in +forms, a modification of which would require fundamental changes of +habits. + +The stability of the inner arrangements of houses, notwithstanding +all variations in detail; the adherence to types of windows used in +different countries; the forms of churches, our localized food habits +are all examples of a considerable degree of conservatism. This +prevails also at least in part, in the fundamental patterns of male and +female attire. + +Conservatism of form makes itself felt in many cases in which an object +is made of new material. The relinquishment of the old material may +be due to lack of an adequate supply of the old material, or it may +be an innovation due to an inner creative impulse. It constitutes +a break with the past. The old forms, however, are often retained. +Such substitutions are the more liable to occur the more plastic the +new material. Pottery, to a lesser extent wood, and also stone are +the principal materials in which forms can be imitated in the round. +Particularly pottery lends itself readily to the manufacture of a great +variety of forms. When the necessary skill in tempering the clay, in +modeling and firing has been attained, the opportunity is presented +for copying a great variety of forms. Thus we find shell dishes and +spoons, gourd vessels and basket forms imitated in pottery. We still +continue doing so. We have in our China ware innumerable instances of +copies of even the finest fabrics. In Africa we find clay lamps which +are evidently derived from the forms of bronze lamps of antiquity +in which the complicated feet are imitations of wire work, and many +pottery vessels seem to be copies of baskets. For instance, the handled +ceremonial clay dishes of the Pueblo Indians look more like baskets +than like pottery forms. + +On account of the great frequency of imitative forms in pottery the +theory has been advanced, that all pottery forms must have originated +from prototypes that were first made in some other technique. Professor +Schuchardt[92] assumes that the first neolithic forms which are +pointed at the base, must be copies of bottles made of hide. Cushing +and Holmes[93] have advocated the theory that pottery and pottery +designs developed from basketry, that pots were first of all modeled +over a basket and that the basket with its clay cover was then fired. +The basket was thus burnt and the clay vessel remained in the form of +the basket. In corroboration of this theory it has been pointed out +that actually clay covered baskets have been found, on the surface of +which the ornamental pattern that is usually found on the basket is +painted on the clay. These attempts do not seem to me convincing. The +oldest pottery that we know is very crude and does not recall any other +technical form. The Eskimo made clay lamps of unbaked clay that seems +to be merely squeezed into shape. It seems much more likely that the +firing of clay was discovered when foods were cooked on clayey soil or +in pits in clayey ground, than that baskets should be made watertight +by an application of clay and that the basket, the making of which is +a laborious process, should then have been intentionally destroyed. +However, I do not wish to introduce a new unproven theory in place of +others. For our purpose it is sufficient to recognize the frequent +copies of natural and technical forms in pottery. + +[92] Carl Schuchardt, Alteuropa, Berlin 1919, p. 44. + +[93] W. H. Holmes, Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in +Ceramic Art, Frank Hamilton Cushing, A Study of Pueblo Pottery; Fourth +Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1886. There is, however, +evidence that pots were moulded on baskets, then removed and fired. + +The same happens, although not quite so extensively in wood carving and +even in stone work, particularly in soft stones that may be worked with +a knife. Wooden copies of objects made of buffalo horn occur in Africa. +Many of the beautifully carved wooden goblets from the Congo region +look to me like pottery vessels, held in place by stone supports. +Carvings in wood imitate forms made by joining pieces together. In some +regions we find stone vessels of the same form that is usually used for +wooden ones. Best known among imitative stone forms are the prehistoric +European stone axes which are copies of the forms of bronze weapons +that were in use in more southern regions, or the stone settees of +ancient South America, copies of wooden seats. + +We have spoken so far only of the general forms of the objects, not +of decoration or ornament. We have seen in our discussion of the +purely formal elements that the technique will sometimes bring about +patterns on the surfaces of the manufactured objects. We mentioned +the patterns produced by flaking of stone, by adzing and by weaving +with coarse material. The importance of these surface patterns for +the development or ornament can hardly be overstated. When a large +board is adzed, the workman must shift his position in order to cover +the whole board. According to the way he moves, different patterns of +adjoining surfaces may develop. Much more important are the patterns +that naturally develop when a weaver plays with his technique, that +is when he or she is no longer satisfied with the simple weaving up +and down, but begins to skip strands and thus introduces more complex +rhythms of movement. The solidity of the fabric requires alternations +of skipping and thus the twilling leads immediately to diagonal surface +patterns. The more complex the rhythmic movements, the more complex +will also be the patterns. The attempt has been made to trace the +origin of all important decorative patterns to this source. I presume +this is an exaggeration, because other conditions may as well lead to +the discovery of designs. I say advisedly discovery, not invention, +for I believe, with those investigators who would derive all patterns +from weaving, that intentional invention is less important than the +discovery of possibilities which come to be observed as an effect of +the play, particularly the rhythmic play with technical processes. + +I presume that the occurrence of a number of simple ornamental elements +may be explained as technically determined. We have seen before that +the straight line and the regular curve such as circle and spiral +presuppose an accurate technique, that they are too rare in nature to +be considered as representative in character. The straight line may +be the result of cutting, folding or splitting some kinds of wood, of +the use of reeds or similar materials, of stretching fibres and of +many other processes. Circles may originate by the regular turning of +coiled basketry and of coiled pottery: spirals by the laying of coarse +coils. Weaving in coarse material leads to rectangular figures, to +checker patterns, steplike diagonals and to many other complicated +forms. Tying with cord produces straight lines intersecting at various +angles and also parallel, circular and spiral forms. We may confidently +claim independent origin in separate areas for the triangular design in +basketry (fig. 104 _a_, _b_, p. 109); for simple radial forms in coiled +basketry placques; for the swastika cross, the meander and for many +other simple forms, like the spirals of prehistoric Bohemia; of eastern +Siberia; of Melanesia and of ancient New Mexico; in the sameness of +design elements from Africa and America; in the occurrence of the +circle and central dot in prehistoric Europe and among the Eskimo. +The principle of symmetry, of balance, of rhythmic repetition and of +emphasis laid upon prominent points or lines apply to all kinds of +technique and many lead to parallel developments. + +We have seen that in some cases, simple elements which develop +independently, possess stylistic peculiarities that differentiate +one locality from another. But even if the forms are identical, the +arrangement in the decorative field is liable to give a specific form +to the art of each locality. + +The negroes of the Congo present an excellent example of the transfer +of design from one technique to another. Their woven patterns consist +largely of intersecting bands, imitating the interweaving of broad +bands. These motives appear in most of the decorative work of these +tribes. Their embroidered pile cloth (fig. 133) imitates the interwoven +patterns; they reappear on their wood carvings, particularly on their +goblets (see fig. 52, p. 59), and on carvings on buffalo horns. + +[Illustration: Fig. 133. Pile cloth, Congo.] + +Interwoven bands that look like imitations of coarse weaving are also +very common in American art. They are found in many parts of South +America and among the Pueblo Indians. Some of the wood carving of Tonga +is evidently influenced in style by the artistic methods of tying, +which are highly developed in the islands of the Pacific Ocean. + +Granting all this, it still remains obscure why there should be that +degree of individualization of style that is actually observed even +where similar technical processes prevail. The Indians of Guiana and +the Indonesians use the same methods of weaving in rather broad, stiff +materials. The technical conditions controlling their basketry work are +practically the same. Nevertheless the styles of art they use are quite +distinctive. + +We conclude from this that besides the influence of the technique +there must be some other causes that determine the individual style of +each area. I doubt very much that it will ever be possible to give a +satisfactory explanation of the origin of these styles, just as little +as we can discover all the psychological and historical conditions that +determine the development of language, social structure, mythology or +religion. All these are so exceedingly complex in their growth that +even at best we can do no more than hope to unravel some of the threads +that are woven into the present fabric and determine some of the lines +of behavior that may help us to realize what is happening in the minds +of the people. + +We have to turn our attention first of all to the artist himself. +Heretofore we have considered only the work of art without any +reference to the maker. Only in the case of slovenly work have we +referred to the artisan. It has appeared that his behavior as revealed +in his work helped us to understand the fate of the designs. We may +hope, therefore, that in the broader question also knowledge of the +attitude and actions of the artist will contribute to a clearer +understanding of the history of art styles. Unfortunately, observations +on this subject are very rare and unsatisfactory, for it requires an +intimate knowledge of the people to understand the innermost thoughts +and feelings of the artist. Even with thorough knowledge the problem is +exceedingly difficult, for the mental processes of artistic production +do not take place in the full light of consciousness. The highest type +of artistic production is there, and its creator does not know whence +it comes. It would be an error to assume that this attitude is absent +among tribes whose artistic productions seem to us so much bound by +a hard and fast style that there is little room for the expression of +individual feeling and for the freedom of the creative genius. I recall +the instance of an Indian from Vancouver Island who was suffering of +a lingering malady that confined him to his bed. He had been a good +painter but his productions did not differ stylistically in any way +from those of his tribe. During his long illness he would sit on +his bed, holding his brush between his lips, silent and apparently +oblivious of his surroundings. He could hardly be induced to speak, +but when he spoke he dilated upon his visions of designs that he could +no longer execute. Undoubtedly his was the mind and the attitude of a +true, inspired artist. + +The general character of the artistic productions of man, the world +over, shows that the style has the power of limiting the inventiveness +of the productive artist; for, if we grant that potential genius like +the one just described is born in all cultures, then the uniformity of +art forms in a given tribe can be understood only by these limitations. + +The restriction of inventiveness is not due, as might perhaps be +supposed, to the habit of copying old designs and to a sluggishness +of the imagination of the artisan who finds it easier to copy than to +invent. On the contrary, primitive artists hardly ever copy. Only in +very exceptional cases are found working designs such as we employ in +embroidery, dressmaking, woodcarving and architecture. The work is +laid out in the mind of the maker before he begins and is a direct +realization of the mental image. In the process of carrying out such +a plan technical difficulties may arise that compel him to alter his +intentions. Such instances can easily be discovered in the finished +product and are highly instructive, because they throw a strong light +upon the mental processes of the workman. We may see particularly +in richly decorated basketry how such difficulties arise and what +influence they exert upon the development of the design. + +Even in the making of mass products, like the pottery which we +described before, (pp. 132 et seq.) copying is evidently not +practised. The patterns are so simple and require only a small number +of standardized movements which are combined in a variety of ways. +The method of work corresponds strictly to our method of writing in +which also a number of standardized movements occur in a multitude of +combinations. + +Although the artisan works without copying, his imagination never +rises beyond the level of the copyist, for he merely uses familiar +motives composed in customary ways. It does not require much practice +to learn how to carry out such simple work without patterns. The method +of procedure is the same as that followed in European folk art. The +embroidered or woven patterns, the wood carvings of European peasants +are not copies of patterns but the results of individual composition. +Pattern books appear only at a time when the folk art is decadent. +Therefore, notwithstanding the rigidity of style it would be difficult +to find two objects that have identical ornamentation. + +When designs are very complex, and rigid symmetry or accurate rhythmic +repetitions are required, we find sometimes the use of stencils. It +does also happen, that one person plans a design and another executes +it. In these cases actual copying may occur; both of these instances +are rare in primitive culture and do not modify the general picture as +here outlined. + +It is interesting to hear the opinions of individuals who create new +designs. We have already seen that the novelty consists generally in +the combination of old pattern elements in new ways. Nevertheless, the +authors of these designs are convinced that they have created something +new. I have information on the attitude of these artists only from the +North American Indians. They call designs of this kind “dream designs”, +and claim that the new pattern actually appeared to them in a dream. +This explanation of the origin of the new form is remarkably uniform +over the whole continent. It has been recorded on the Great Plains, +on the north western Plateaus and among the Pueblo Indians. There is +little doubt but that this is merely another term for invention. It +expresses a strong power of visualization which manifests itself when +the person is alone and at rest, when he can give free play to the +imagination. Perhaps the artists have greater eidetic power than most +adults among ourselves. The few individuals who create new forms in +this manner have probably a good control over the technique and wide +command over a multitude of current forms. In the one case which has +been investigated with some care by James Teit the woman who created +new basketry patterns was also one of the best technicians and had full +command over the greatest variety of forms. + +When the patterns made by individual artists are compared, it is seen +that the number of designs made by different individuals differs very +considerably. Some have command of the full range of forms, while +others are satisfied with a small number which they repeat over and +over again. + +The controlling power of a strong, traditional style is surprising. +The Northwest coast people have characteristic methods of representing +heads, eyes, eyebrows and joints; fig. 67 (p. 71) shows the attempt of +an excellent Haida artist who tried to illustrate the tale of an eagle +who carried away a woman. + +The general form of the eagle is quite realistic, but the artist could +not avoid placing the characteristic eye design in the wing joint of +the eagle, and to render the head in the conventional style in which +the eagle is shown. The woman whom the eagle carries has the typical +eyebrow and cheek patterns. The style has penetrated the picture which +was planned as a realistic representation. + +Similar observations may be made in regard to the Wasgo, the fabulous +sea-monster with a wolf’s body and large ears. In fig. 134 it is shown +carrying a whale between its ears, another one in its tail, and a +person in the mouth. It has the characteristic high nose of the wolf, +the ears turned back (here shown as transparent). The large shoulder +and hip joints and the hands and feet in form of eyes are features of +Northwest coast art. The whale with its round eyes, blow-hole, and +characteristic tail conforms also to the local art style. Still the +artist attempted to give a realistic painting. + +[Illustration: Fig. 134. Haida painting representing a sea-monster in +the form of a wolf, carrying two whales.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 135. Haida drawing representing the story of a +young man who caught a sea-monster.] + +Quite analagous is another painting by the same Haida artist, Charles +Edensaw (fig. 135) who tried to illustrate for me a Haida story of +a man who caught the sea-monster Wasgo by placing a split cedar tree +under water. It was held open by means of a spreading-stick. A child +was placed in it as bait and when the monster appeared to devour the +child, the youth knocked out the spreading-stick; the tree closed and +caught the monster. In this sketch the tree is shown by the black, +sharp angle, set on the inside with teeth that killed the monster. The +spreading-stick, which holds the split tree apart is indicated by the +black crossbar. The Wasgo in the form of a wolf with large dorsal fin +is shown biting the head of the child, while the youth sits on the +tree. The story continues telling that the youth dons the Wasgo skin +and goes every night to hunt sea game which he deposits on the beach of +the village. His mother-in-law claims shamanistic power and pretends to +have obtained the game. When the youth makes known that he has killed +it, his mother-in-law falls down being shamed by the young man. She is +shown on the left in shamanistic dress with shell rattles, shamanistic +apron, neck ring of bone ornaments and the shamanistic crown. Her +position indicates that she is falling. It will be noticed that here +also every figure shows characteristic traits of the northwest coast +ornamental style. + +[Illustration: Fig. 136. Haida drawing representing part of the raven +story.] + +In fig. 136 part of the raven story is represented. The human figure +in the left hand upper corner presumably represents the owner of the +halibut hook. Under it is shown the raven flying and carrying on his +back the owner of the halibut hook. According to this story he throws +him into the sea, takes the halibut hook and begins to fish. This +incident is shown on the right hand side of the sketch. The meaning of +the seal in the upper right hand corner is not clear. + +We have seen that in representative art the particular type of +perspective or symbolic form or the combination of the two determines +in part the local style. We have to turn now to a consideration of the +purely formal elements that characterize style. We may distinguish +here between the forms of ornamentation and their composition. A +general survey of the field of primitive art convinces us at once of +the great variety of elementary forms and of their sharp localization. +As an instance of the importance of fundamental forms I choose the +occurrence of the spiral. It is characteristic of the art of New +Zealand, of Melanesia, and of the Amur tribes,—to select only a few +typical examples. And still, how great are the differences, how sharply +specialized the spiral of each of these districts! + +Practically all the spirals in primitive art are equidistant. It can +easily be shown that spirals develop in many different ways. As has +been pointed out by Semper, the coiling of wire or the making of coiled +basketry or pottery must lead to the discovery of the ornamental +spiral. Wrapping with twine may have a similar result. In other cases +the spiral develops without technical motives from natural forms. This +is exemplified, for instance, by the spirals used for expressing the +nostrils of the beaver, bear and dragon-fly in northwest coast art (see +figs. 157 p. 186, 175 p. 193). It is, however, doubtful whether the +spiral has ever become in this manner a dominant motive of local art. + +[Illustration: Fig. 137. Types of New Zealand spirals.] + +The New Zealand carved spiral (fig. 137) is generally double; one +arm running in, the other out, and the two clasping each other in the +center. The spirals are so placed that their general contours harmonize +with the decorative field, although their outer turns often cut into +its borders. The appearance of the spiral is strongly influenced by +the application of a common pattern of carving, which consists of a +long lineal field with crosshatching limited by two or more equidistant +lines. The two arms of the spiral are connected at regular intervals +by small bars having crossline decoration. In other cases the spirals +themselves are decorated with crosslines, while the surrounding +lines are smooth. Sometimes the spirals are given a notched outline. +Single spirals consisting of a number of equidistant lines, occur in +tattooing and in wood carving representing tattooed faces. Spirals are +often connected and form S shaped figures and when placed serially +in a narrow field, they are accompanied by a series of equidistant +lines,—fragments of the outer turns that would have shown if the spiral +had been able to develop freely. + +The spiral of eastern New Guinea is in some ways similar to the one of +New Zealand. The double spiral appears commonly in both areas, also +the notches or scallops on the spiral and the filling in of the gore +with curved lines accompanying the outer turns of the spiral (fig. +138). The lack of connecting bars, of the crossline decoration and the +fundamentally different design arrangement, as well as the treatment in +black and white differentiate the New Guinea spiral from that of New +Zealand. The curves are fitted much more rigorously in the decorative +field. The great freedom of the New Zealand forms, the delicate +accuracy of all the constituent elements, and the multiplicity of forms +connected with the spiral, are absent. + +The third area, the Amur region, in which the spiral is used +extensively, represents fundamentally different forms, (fig. 139). +While the spirals of New Zealand and those of New Guinea are equally +wide through the whole distance of their course, those of the Amur +region show peculiar lateral developments. The spirals of this area are +generally single, and broad; or double, but the spirals do not clasp +each other. The outlines of the spiral bands are varied by strictures. +Where the general course of these spirals leaves fields that would +remain undecorated, they are filled in by broad tendrils, leaf like +projections or by independent circular ornaments that help to keep the +background broken up in bands that retain throughout approximately the +same width. Often the variations in the lines of spirals form animal +figures, particularly birds and fishes; sometimes of fairly realistic +form. + +[Illustration: Fig. 138. Types of spirals from eastern New Guinea.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 139. Spirals from the Amur River.] + + * * * * * + +[Illustration: Fig. 140. Pictographs representing human beings: _a_, +Potawatomi; _b_, Wahpeton Sioux; _c_, Blackfoot; _d_, Dakota; _e_, +Alaskan Eskimo; _f_, Pencil sketches by Eskimo from the west coast of +Hudson Bay.] + +Fixity of form occurs even in crude representative drawings made +without such technical skill as is developed in industrial occupations. +This is strikingly illustrated by certain forms used by the Algonquin +tribes of the woodlands around the western Great Lakes and also by the +neighboring Siouan tribes. In their pictographs the human figures +appear regularly with broad shoulders, tapering down in straight +lines to the waist. Sometimes the figure is cut off at this place; +sometimes it expands downward from the waist. Fig. 140 _a_ represents +a Potawatomi drawing; fig. 140 _b_ a Wahpeton Sioux drawing of the +same type. In the winter counts of the Sioux published by Mallory, +the human figure is represented in quite a different style, (fig. +140 _d_). This type occurs both in the La Flamme and Lone-Dog winter +counts. We may compare these forms with the typical symbol used by the +Blackfeet to represent a slain enemy, which, according to Wissler, +has always the form given in _c_. On the reproductions of pictographs +the same form appears, often with only one leg. Quite distinct from +these Plains Indians types are the forms used by the Alaskan Eskimos +in their etchings on bone, antler, and ivory (_e_). The forms are +always small silhouettes in lively motion and the realism of form and +movement of the Eskimo etchings forms a strong contrast when compared +to the conventional style of the Plains and Woodlands Indians. Even +the pictographic representations of men in motion, which do occur in +other types of Plains Indian drawings, differ entirely in style from +those of the Eskimo. The style of the eastern Eskimos representation of +the human form differs considerably from that of the Alaskan Eskimo. +They do not use silhouettes but draw their forms true to life with +particular attention to the details of the clothing (fig. 140 _f_). + +[Illustration: Fig. 141. Pictographs; _a_, _b_, _c_, from the Cueva de +los Caballos; _d_, Bushman.] + +Quite distinct from these forms are the representations of the human +form made by the Bushman and by paleolithic man. They are always +silhouettes of large size with strong exaggerations of characteristic +forms and movements of the body, (fig. 141). Obermaier has described +these in detail.[94] Some of the figures in lively motion are +represented with thread-like legs and body, while in other cases +the calves of the legs are shown in exaggerated sizes. The Bushman +paintings are somewhat similar in type to those of the paleolithic +period. We find the same exaggeration of the length of the limbs and +particularly in the representation of females, exaggeration of all the +characteristic features of the body. + +[94] H. Obermaier, P. Wernert, Las Pinturas Rupestres del Barranco de +Valletorta. (Castellon) Comisión de investigaciones paleontológicas +y prehistóricas, Mem. No. 23. Museo Nacional de ciencias naturales, +Madrid 1919. + + * * * * * + +In almost every art definite stylistic forms may be recognized. I will +add a few additional examples based on certain classes of objects which +illustrate this. + +Miss Ruth Bunzel has given to me a full description of the decoration +of the water jar of the Zuni. “It is characterized by great stability +in decorative style. The form of the jar itself shows very slight +variations. The outer surface is slipped with white clay which serves +as a background for painted decorations in black and red. The most +characteristic feature of the decorative scheme is the boxing off of +the field into clearly defined areas outlined by heavy black lines. The +ways in which the field is thus divided and the designs permissible in +each section are all definitely prescribed by prevailing standards of +taste. + +“Essential on every jar is the division of the field into two zones +known as neck and body. Neck designs are always used in pairs, four +or six alternating units being used on each jar. At the present +time the choice of designs for the neck is limited to two sets of +designs, the way in which they are combined being absolutely fixed. +Alternating diamond and triangular patterns, both highly elaborated, +are used together, and, on the other hand a scroll and conventionalized +prayer-stick are used together on other jars. + +“For the body there is a greater choice of design, but the choice is +between certain well known patterns, and the ways in which each may be +used are definitely fixed. The most characteristic and, at the present +time, the most popular type is the deer-sunflower pattern (fig. 142). +Two large medallions representing sunflowers are painted on opposite +sides of the jar. Three such medallions are sometimes used, but two +is the preferred number. The space between the medallions is divided +horizontally by a narrow band. The band may be filled with small +conventionalized birds or with an interlocking scroll figure. In each +of the spaces formed by this band are painted two deer, each surrounded +by graceful scroll work, called in Zuni terminology ‘the deer’s house’. +In all, eight deer are used, two in each of the four fields. The deer +are always painted in exactly the same way, in profile with the head +to the right, and with certain of the internal organs indicated. +There is no variation even in the ornamental scrolls surrounding the +representation. In small jars it is permitted to substitute for the +deer on the lower and smaller part of the jar one of several well +defined crook or scroll patterns, but any other departures from the +established scheme are severely criticised. The first of the two rim +designs referred to above is always used with the deer pattern. The +whole composition in precisely the combination described appears over +and over again in water jars now in use at Zuni as well as in older +specimens now in our museums, and the fixity of the type is clearly +recognized by native artists. + +[Illustration: Fig. 142. Zuni pot.] + +“This is only one of a number of equally fixed types of decoration at +present in favor at Zuni. There is, for instance, one very elaborate +terraced figure repeated in literally hundreds of specimens of water +jars, and always without the slightest variation either in the figure +itself or in its application to the jar. It is always used in threes +and with the second of the two rim designs. There are other types also, +any one of which is known to and can be described by any well informed +Zuni potter. Although the invention of new designs is considered +eminently desirable among them, the actual number of Zuni pots that do +not belong to one or the other of these recognized types is exceedingly +small.” + +[Illustration: Fig. 143. Haussa embroideries.] + +As another example I choose the style of embroidery on Haussa shirts +(fig. 143). Felix von Luschan has called attention to the rigidity of +the general pattern.[95] A narrow elongated field in the left hand +upper corner of the design surrounded on the left by a thin white line, +on the right by a white field with long pointed triangles, limits the +hole through which the head passes. The white disk to the left of it +rests, therefore on the right side of the chest, the upper disk on +the right shoulder blade. The line dividing the design into an upper +and lower part, beginning just at the lower end of the slit through +which the head passes, sets off the embroidery on the body of the shirt +from that on the large pocket below. The upper rim of the pocket is +always decorated with a central design, consisting of a square field +with checkered figures, to the left of which are two triangles, to +the right, three. In many specimens there is, on the right border of +the field, a looped band. The design on the lower part of the pocket +and the one on the body of the shirt are, in the main, symmetrical. +The three-barbed arrow pattern of the lower border reappears on top +followed inside by the same type of rosette. The two designs differ, +however, in so far as the three-pointed pattern with the connected loop +band is repeated to the right of the slit for the head, turned at right +angles to the corresponding portion on the pocket border. This pattern +disturbs the symmetry of the upper and lower designs and produces a +distortion of the upper one which, however, does not influence the +pattern elements. On the pocket below and to the left, is a rectangular +band with a leaf design forming an inner border. + +[95] Felix von Luschan, Beiträge zur Völkerkunde, p. 50. Patterns of +the same kind have been figured by Leo Frobenius in “Das sterbende +Afrika,” Pls. 58-60. + +Great fixity of design appears also in the rawhide boxes of the Sauk +and Fox Indians, to which I referred before (p. 25 et seq.). The +characteristic feature is the division of the rectangular hide that is +to form the box, into three fields lengthwise, five fields crosswise. +The five fields are determined by the way in which the box is folded; +four sides forming front, bottom, back and top, and the fifth a flap +covering the front. The lengthwise division is not so determined, for +the width of the box differs considerably from that of the central +field. The design elements are based on common patterns of the Indians +of the northern part of North America: rectangles divided by central +longitudinal lines and obtuse triangles on each side of it. It should +be noticed that the design unit is not the diamond but the rectangle +with two obtuse triangles that have the apex near the central dividing +line. This appears clearly in the specimen shown in fig. 144 _b_ in +which every design begins at the margin with a triangle pointing inward +towards the opposite triangle and also in the other figures in which, +in accordance with the art style of the eastern woodlands, a segment +is substituted for the acute triangle. A second element in these +designs is the acute triangle with lines, or a single line, extending +from the apex; a form which is also common to all the woodland and +plains Indians. + +[Illustration: Fig. 144. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 145. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.] + + +Two styles of these paintings may be distinguished; one in which the +five crosswise fields are so treated that the patterns on the three +central rectangular fields (2, 3, 4) are at right angles to those in +the two extreme fields (1, 5). In the central fields the long sides +of the rectangles run parallel to the narrow side of the hide and in +the outer ones, the rectangles are turned so that the long sides are +parallel to the long side of the hide. The central lengthwise field +extends only over the three middle fields and is very narrow (figs. +14, 144, _a_, _b_). The only ornament on fig. 144 _b_ is the rectangle +with two obtuse triangles facing at the apex. To the four rectangles +on 2, 3, 4 correspond four corresponding ones in the fields 1 and +5. In fig. 144 _a_ there is an alternation of two designs in these +fields. There are two triangles with protruding lines with complex +frames, and rectangles with the obtuse triangles transformed into +segments. The central dividing line in these rectangles is missing. It +will be noticed that here also the number of rectangles in the three +inner fields (2, 3, 4) corresponds to the number in the outer fields +(1 and 5), but their order is reversed. Left and right triangles in +the outer fields (1 and 5) are also in reverse positions. The narrow +central field is occupied by a single acute triangle. In fig. 145 _b_ +we have a similar arrangement, but in place of the rectangle with +obtuse triangles, we find a new arrangement of acute triangles. Fig. +14 (p. 27) differs from those just described in that the central field +is divided into two divisions instead of four. The obtuse triangles +in the four corners are treated somewhat differently and the figure +between them in the middle of the short side is treated as though the +essential design were the diamond, not the obtuse triangle. The heart +shaped design and the star like figures give the impression of a new +development of older patterns. + +[Illustration: Fig. 146. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.] + +In figures 13, 15, 145 _a_ and 146 the rectangles are all placed in the +same direction; the long side parallel to the short side of the hide. +Fig. 145 _a_ consists throughout of curved segments corresponding to the +obtuse triangles. At the apices of these segments the rectangles are +divided by central lines. The fields separating the rectangles bear +each an acute triangle with prolonged apex. In the narrow central field +we find also the acute triangle with extending lines. Fig. 15 consists +of the acute triangle with the usual frame but with scolloped edges +instead of the angular figures of fig. 145 _b_. The central field is +treated in the same way as in fig. 145 _a_. Fig. 13 corresponds nearly +to fig. 145 _a_, except that the rectangular fields are not divided by +a central line, but have a central figure somewhat hour-glass shaped +enclosing an acute triangle at each end. The crosses in the middle +field are also derived from the acute triangles. The three central +fields of the long side of fig. 146 _b_ correspond to fig. 144 _a_. +Since the rectangles in the marginal field on the short side are not +turned, the acute triangle design did not fit and we find, therefore, +instead the cross design. The lack of symmetry between the extreme +upper and lower fields is quite unusual. In fig. 146 _a_ we find, as +in fig. 14, only four fields. The designs are similar in character +to those of fig. 146 _b_, except that the acute triangle design is +developed in a peculiar manner. + +[Illustration: Fig. 147. Painted rawhide, Ioway.] + +The Ojibwa and Ioway use another method of building up their boxes. The +short sides are made of separate flaps and there is no flap covering +the front. The bottom is not decorated and the hide is folded over +simply in box form and sewed together (fig. 147). The method used by +the Otoe and sometimes by the Ioway, is still different. There is +a short flap covering part of the front; the sides are folded in, +somewhat in the same manner as done by the Fox and there is also a +complete lack of coherence between the design as laid out on the hide +and as it appears in the completed box (fig. 148). + +[Illustration: Fig. 148. Painted rawhides; _a_, Ioway; _b_, Otoe.] + +Still another example of fixity of type is presented in the woven bags +of the Ojibwa and Potawatomi (figs. 149, 150). The two opposite sides +have always distinct patterns. The purely geometrical patterns are +always laid out symmetrically. There is a broad central figure bordered +by a number of narrow stripes. These are followed, above and below by +a wide stripe of a pattern different from the central one. Sometimes +the colors above and below are inverted. The dividing line runs all +around the bag, but the patterns in the broad bands change. On the one +side there are often representative figures above, and in this case +there is no correspondence between the upper and lower designs. Similar +bags are used by other neighboring tribes. The Potawatomi use the same +decorative arrangements, except that the central band often remains +undecorated.[96] + +[96] See Alanson Skinner, The Mascontens or Prairie Potawatomi Indians, +Bull. Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, Vol. 6, No. 2, Plate 21. + +[Illustration: Fig. 149. Design from pouch, Ojibwa.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 150. Design from two sides of pouch, Potawatomi.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 151 _a_. Type of parfleche and pouch painting, +Arapaho.] + +For a clear understanding of the character of a local style a +comparison with related forms in contiguous areas is indispensable. +Historical conditions like those that may be traced in the development +of art forms in prehistoric and historic times in Europe and in Asia +have been determinants in forming the art of primitive people also. +There is probably not a single region in existence in which the art +style may be understood entirely as an inner growth and an expression +of cultural life of a single tribe. Wherever a sufficient amount of +material is available, we can trace the influence of neighboring +tribes upon one another, often extending over vast distances. +Dissemination of cultural traits that has made the social structures, +the ceremonials and the tales of tribes what they are today, has also +been a most important element in shaping the forms of their art. The +local distribution of technical processes, of form elements, and +of systems of arrangement contribute to the character of each art +style. In another place we have discussed the distribution of pottery +decorated by means of applied pellets and fillets (see p. 138), and +it appeared that the technical process covers a wide continuous area +and that it is applied in different ways by each cultural group. +We have also seen that the characteristic triangular design with +enclosed rectangle, often with spur lines along the base, is widely +disseminated over the North American continent. We found that this form +is common to the Pueblos, the Indians of the northwestern plateaus and +of the plains, and that the fundamental pattern may be recognized in +New England and Labrador. Patterns composed of lines, triangles and +rectangles are characteristic of the art of the North American Indian. +Notwithstanding their simplicity, these forms are practically confined +to North America. Their strong individuality proves that their present +distribution must be due to mutual influence among various North +American cultures. We cannot determine where the pattern originated but +it is quite certain that its present distribution is due to cultural +contact; its occurrence is probably related to the use of stiff +rawhide for receptacles, to the method of painting used by the Indians, +and to the old method of decorating with porcupine quill weaving and +embroidery. I have called attention to the difference in arrangement +of these patterns among a number of tribes and A. L. Kroeber, R. H. +Lowie, and Leslie Spier[97] have discussed these questions in greater +detail (fig. 151). The parallel stripe arrangement is characteristic of +the Arapaho; a central field surrounded by a square, of the northern +Shoshone. Owing to the close contact in which these two tribes live at +the present time, which favors intertribal trade, the distribution is +not quite so clear as it has probably been in earlier times. + +[97] Leslie Spier, An Analysis of Plains Indian Parfleche Decoration, +University of Washington Publications in Anthropology, Vol. I, pp. 89 +et seq. where the earlier literature has been quoted. + +[Illustration: Fig. 151 _b_, _c_. Types of parfleche and pouch +painting, Shoshone.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 152. Arapaho designs.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 153. Sioux designs.] + +Certain differences may also be observed in the arrangement of bead +embroidery the forms of which are very uniform over an extended area of +the western prairies. A characteristic form of this design consists of +a central diamond or rectangle, from the corners of which emanate lines +that terminate in triangles facing the central field either with the +apex or with the base; sometimes a crossbar with prongs is found at the +end of these lines. Among the Arapaho (fig. 152) these patterns appear +singly on a plain background; among the Sioux (fig. 153) the central +square is seldom used. While among the Arapaho the lines are usually +attached to only two opposite ends, the Sioux almost always attach them +to the four corners of the central diamond. Furthermore, the Sioux like +to vary the background by inserting stars or crosses and the design +seems to occur more frequently symmetrically doubled than among the +Arapaho. + +Another good example of differentiation in arrangement and identity +of pattern elements is presented by the basketry of the Indians of +British Columbia. Among the Thompson Indians the design elements +are distributed evenly over the whole side of the basket; among the +Lillooet they are confined to the upper part of the side while the +lower part remains undecorated; among the Chicotin there are three +bands of decoration along the upper part of the basket (see p. 297). + +As another case of the wide distribution of a design element, evidently +due to diffusion, we may mention the so-called quail tip ornament of +California which consists of a right angle with a thin upright stem and +a short heavy horizontal arm. This pattern is found commonly throughout +California and extends northward as far as the Sahaptin tribes of +Columbia River. It is particularly important to note that technically +the basket of the Sahaptin tribes belongs to the coiled and imbricated +type used by the Thompson Indians farther to the north; while in the +southern regions a multiplicity of methods of basket weaving are used. +In all of these the same quail tip occurs (see p. 109). + +We have spoken so far of local styles as though in every case only a +single style occurred in a tribal unit. This might seem plausible on +account of the comparative uniformity of tribal life. Still there are +many cases in which fundamentally different styles may be observed in +the same community. I have referred several times to the realistic +carving and drawing of the Eskimos, which is often combined with very +characteristic but subordinate geometrical patterns, particularly +with the double line with alternating spurs, a series of “Y” shaped +figures, arranged on a continuous line; and circles and dots (see fig. +78, p. 86). In certain cases realistic forms are used for the purpose +of ornamentation. On some modern specimens from the west coast of +Hudson Bay, the representations of human beings or animals are found +(see fig. 51 _b_, p. 58). In Greenland wooden vessels are ornamented +by attached ivory carvings representing seals, which are nailed on to +the surface (fig. 121, p. 127). Pieces of skin in which needles are +kept, are ornamented with appliqué figures.[98] On the east coast of +Greenland similar decorative motives are in use. + +[98] Kaj Birket-Smith, Ethnography of the Egedesminde District, +Meddelelser om Grønland, Vol. 66, (1924), pp. 522, 550. + +The style of ornamenting cloth is quite different. There is no realism +and the formal patterns which are used are broad bands, accompanying +the borders of the garments and long lines of fringes. The basis of +this ornamentation is a feeling for color contrast and a tendency to +emphasize outlines. The representative tendency is entirely absent. In +a single specimen in which it appears as a representation of a human +hand, it looks strangely out of place.[99] This decorative type is +fully developed in Greenland where checker work is applied to garments, +buckets, and also to wooden goggles. + +[99] Franz Boas, The Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson Bay, Bulletin +American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 15, (1907), Plate 9. + +I presume the principal cause for the difference of these styles is +found in the difference of the technical processes, but perhaps even +more in the circumstance that the realistic work is made by the men, +the clothing and sewed leather work by the women. + +Two fundamentally distinct styles occur also among the Indians of +the North Pacific coast. I have referred a number of times to their +symbolic representations of animals with the curious disregard of +natural relations between the parts of the body. This style of art +is confined primarily to woodwork and to other industries allied to +woodwork. It occurs also in appliqué and in embroidery in porcupine +quill,—probably copied from painted designs,—so that it is practiced by +both men and women. It is, however, entirely absent in modern basketry +made for home use, and in matting. The decorative patterns in these +types of technique are always geometrical and bear no relation to the +art of carving. Only in the woven blankets of the Tlingit which are +copied by the women from pattern boards made by the men do we find the +typical symbolic style. + +I might also refer to the contrast between the pictographic +representations of the Indians of the Plains and their ornamental art, +if it were not for the fact that their pictography never rises to the +dignity of an art. + +The cases might be considerably increased in which a difference of +style is found in different types of technique, or in different parts +of the population. Birchbark baskets of the interior of British +Columbia have their own style of border decoration and their sides +are often covered with pictographic designs. Coiled baskets from the +same district have geometrical surface patterns. Central American +painted pottery differs in style from other types in which painting is +not used, but in which plastic ornamentation is applied. New Zealand +borders of woven mattings have geometric style and lack patterns that +might be considered derived from the elaborate spiral decoration that +characterizes Maori carving (Plate VIII). + +Such differences in style are, however, not by any means the rule. As +has been stated before, we find much more commonly (p. 154) that the +most highly developed art is liable to impose its style upon other +industries and that mat weaving and basketry have been particularly +influential in developing new forms and powerful in imposing them upon +other fields. + +[Illustration: PLATE VIII. + +Woven Blanket, New Zealand.] + + + + + ART OF THE NORTH PACIFIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA[100] + +[100] The present chapter is a revised edition of my essay, “The +Decorative Art of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast of America” +(Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IX, pp. 123-176, +1897). + + +The general principles discussed in the preceding chapters, may now be +elucidated by a discussion of the style of the decorative art of the +Indians of the North Pacific Coast of North America. + +Two styles may be distinguished: the man’s style expressed in the art +of wood carving and painting and their derivatives; and the woman’s +style which finds expression in weaving, basketry, and embroidery. + +The two styles are fundamentally distinct. The former is symbolic, the +latter formal. The symbolic art has a certain degree of realism and +is full of meaning. The formal art has, at most, pattern names and no +especially marked significance. + +We shall discuss the symbolic art first. Its essential characteristics +are an almost absolute disregard of the principles of perspective, +emphasis of significant symbols and an arrangement dictated by the form +of the decorative field. + +While the Eskimo of Arctic America, the Chukchee and Koryak of Siberia, +the Negroes and many other people use carvings in the round which +serve no practical ends, but are made for the sake of representing a +figure,—man, animal, or supernatural being,—almost all the work of +the Indian artist of the region that we are considering serves at +the same time a useful end. When making simple totemic figures, the +artist is free to shape his subjects without adapting them to the +forms of utensils, but owing to their large size, he is limited by the +cylindrical form of the trunk of the tree from which they are carved. +The native artist is almost always restrained by the shape of the +object to which the decoration is applied. + +[Illustration: Fig. 154. Tlingit helmet.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 155. Mask representing dying warrior, Tlingit.] + +The technical perfection of carvings and paintings, the exactness and +daring of composition and lines prove that realistic representations +are not beyond the powers of the artist. This may also be demonstrated +by a few exquisite examples of realistic carvings. The helmet shown +in fig. 154 is decorated with the head of an old man affected with +partial paralysis. Undoubtedly this specimen must be considered a +portrait head. Nose, eyes, mouth and the general expression, are highly +characteristic. In a mask (fig. 155) representing a dying warrior, the +artist has shown faithfully the wide lower jaw, the pentagonal face, +and the strong nose of the Indian. The relaxing muscles of mouth and +tongue, the drooping eyelids, and the motionless eyeballs, mark the +agonies of death. Plate IX represents a recent carving, a human figure +of rare excellence. Posture and drapery are free of all the formal +characteristics of North West coast style. Only the treatment of the +eye and the facial painting betray its ethnic origin. Here belongs +also the realistic head previously referred to, made by the Kwakiutl +Indians of Vancouver Island (fig. 156), which is used in a ceremony and +intended to deceive the spectators who are made to believe that it is +the head of a decapitated dancer.[101] + +[101] The selection of North West Coast art given by Herbert Kühn +(Die Kunst der Primitiven, pp. 100, 104, Plates 48, 50, 51 are +characteristic only of realistic representations. Only Plates 47, 49 +and part of 52 are stylistically typical). + +[Illustration: PLATE IX. + +Carved Figure, British Columbia.] + +When the artist desires realistic truth he is quite able to attain it. +This is not often the case; generally the object of artistic work is +decorative and the representation follows the principles developed in +decorative art. + +[Illustration: Fig. 156. Carved head used in ceremonial, Kwakiutl +Indians.] + +When the form of the decorative field permits, the outline of the +animal form is retained. The size of the head is generally stressed as +against that of the body and of the limbs. Eyes and eyebrows, mouth and +nose are given great prominence. In almost all cases the eyebrows have +a standardized form, analogous to that in which the Indian likes to +trim his own eyebrows,—with a sharp edge on the rim of the orbits, and +a sharp angle in the upper border, the brows being widest at a point a +little outward from the center, tapering to the outer and inner angles +and ending quite abruptly at both ends. The eye is also standardized. +In many cases it consists of two outer curves which indicate the +borders of the upper and lower eyelids. A large inner circle represents +the eyeball. The lip lines are always distinct and border a mouth which +is given an extraordinary width. Generally the lips are opened wide +enough to show the teeth or the tongue. Cheeks and forehead are much +restricted in size. The trunk is not elaborated. The ears of animals +rise over the forehead (fig. 157). These are almost always applied in +reproductions of mammals and birds, while they are generally missing +in those of the whale, killer-whale, shark and often also of the +sculpin. The human ear is represented in its characteristic form, on a +level with the eye (figs. 207 and 209, pp. 217, 218). Whales and fish +often have round eyes, but exceptions occur (figs. 233, 234, 235, pp. +229-231). + +For clear presentation of the principles of this art it seems +advantageous to treat the symbolism and the adjustment of the animal +form to the decorative field before taking up the purely formal +elements. + +Fig. 157 _a_ is a figure from the model of a totem pole, which +represents the beaver. Its face is treated somewhat like a human face, +particularly the region around eyes and nose. The position of the +ears, however, indicates an animal head. The two large incisors serve +to identify the rodent par excellence,—the beaver. The tail is turned +up in front of the body. It is ornamented by cross-hatchings which +represent the scales on the beaver’s tail. In its forepaws it holds a +stick. The nose is short and forms a sharp angle with the forehead. +The nostrils are large and indicated by spirals. The large incisors, +the tail with cross-hatchings, the stick, and the form of the nose +are symbols of the beaver and the first two of these are sufficient +characteristics of the animal. + +[Illustration: Fig. 157. Carvings representing the beaver from models +of Haida totem poles carved in slate.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 158. Carving from handle of spoon representing +beaver, Tlingit.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 159. Headdress representing beaver; a dragon-fly is +shown on the chest of the beaver, Haida.] + +Fig. 157 _b_ is another representation of a beaver from the model of a +totem pole. It resembles the former one in all details, except that the +stick is missing. The beaver is merely holding its three-toed forepaws +raised to the chin. In other carvings the beaver is shown with four or +five toes, but the symbols described here never vary. + +On the handle of a spoon (fig. 158), the head and forepaws of the +beaver are shown; and in its mouth are indicated an upper pair of +incisors, all the other teeth being omitted. The scaly tail is shown +on the back of the spoon. The nose differs from the one previously +described only in the absence of the spiral development of the nostril. +Its form and size agree with the preceding specimens. + +In the centre of the front of a dancing headdress (fig. 159), a beaver +is represented in squatting position. The symbols mentioned before +will be recognized here. The face is human, but the ears, which +rise over the forehead, indicate that an animal is meant. Two large +pairs of incisors occupy the center of the open mouth. The tail, +with cross-hatchings, is turned up in front of the body, and appears +between the two hind legs. The forepaws are raised to the height of +the mouth, but they do not hold a stick.[102] The nose is short, with +large round nostrils and turns abruptly into the forehead. On the +chest of the beaver another head is represented over which a number +of small rings stretch upward. This animal represents the dragon-fly, +which is symbolized by a large head and a slender segmented body.[103] +Its feet extend from the corners of its mouth towards the haunches of +the beaver. Its face resembles a human face; but the two ears, which +rise over the eyebrows, indicate that an animal is meant. In many +representations of the dragon-fly there are two pairs of wings attached +to the head. Combinations of two animals similar to the present one are +found frequently, as in figs. 165, 170 and 235. + +[102] For additional representations of the beaver see figs. 216, 225, +228, 229, 230, 255, 283. + +[103] See p. 192. + +In a painting from a Kwakiutl house-front (fig. 160), which was made +for me by an Indian from Fort Rupert, the large head with the incisors +will be recognized. The scaly tail appears under the mouth. The broken +lines (1) around the eyes, indicate the hair of the beaver. The design +on each cheek (3) the bones of the face, the high point of the nose (2) +its sudden turn. The nostrils are large and round as in the specimens +described before. Under the corners of the mouth are the feet. The +meaning of the two ornaments over the head is doubtful. + +[Illustration: Fig. 160. Painting for a house-front placed over the +door, representing the beaver, Kwakiutl Indians.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 161. Halibut hook with design representing a +sculpin swallowing a fish, Tlingit. + +Fig. 162. Part of a totem pole with design representing a sculpin, +Tsimshian.] + +A carved halibut hook (fig. 161) is decorated with the design of the +sculpin. The symbols of the fish are fins and tail, those of the +sculpin, two spines rising over its mouth, and a joined dorsal fin. The +sculpin is represented swallowing a fish, the tail of which protrudes +from its mouth. The two spines appear immediately over the lips, their +points being between the two eyes which are represented by two circles +with small projections. The two pectoral fins are indicated over the +eyes. The joined dorsal fin extends from the eyes upward toward the +narrowest part of the body. The tail of the animal extends toward the +place where point and shank of the hook are bound together by means of +a strip of spruce root. + +[Illustration: Fig. 163. Woolen legging with appliqué designs +representing sculpin, Haida.] + +The same animal is represented in a slightly different way on the lower +portion of a totem pole (fig. 162). The lowest figure is probably the +sun, or perhaps a starfish. Its arms extend upward, and are held in +the mouth by a sculpin, standing head downward, back forward, and tail +extending upward. Two crescent-shaped ornaments above the corners of +the mouth represent the gills of the fish. Above these are the pectoral +fins. On the level of the pectoral fins towards the middle appear the +symbols of the sculpin, two spines, the lower portions of which are +decorated with small human faces. The round eyes are placed just under +the spines. The dorsal fin commences at the height of the eyes, and +merges into the tail which is clasped by a human figure cut in two by +the fish tail. This carving is also characterized by two symbols,——the +two spines and the joined dorsal fin. + +On a legging made of blue cloth (fig. 163) the sculpin is shown in red +cloth appliqué. Its teeth, eyes, and dorsal fin are represented by +buttons of abalone shell. Two small triangles cut out to the right and +left of the mouth represent the gills. Immediately over the eyes, and +extending toward the middle of the back, are the two spines, indicated +by two slender triangular pieces of red cloth cut out in their middle +parts. The pectoral fins are indicated by two broader pieces of red +cloth extending from the eyes outward and upward toward the margin of +the body of the fish, the dorsal fin by the long slits along the back +of the animal. The species is characterized by the two spines which +appear over the eyes.[104] + +[104] For additional representations of the sculpin see figs. 206, 219, +224, 262. + +In facial paintings the sculpin is generally indicated by the two +spines which are painted just over the lips (fig. 164). + +Figs. 165-168 represent the hawk which is symbolized by an enormous +hooked beak, curved backward so that its slender point touches the +chin. In many cases the face of the bird is that of a human being, the +nose being given the shape of the symbol of the hawk. It is extended in +the form of a beak, and drawn back into the mouth, or merged into the +face below the lower lip. + +On the headdress, fig. 165, the upper, larger face is that of the hawk. +The face in human; but the ears, which rise over the forehead, indicate +that an animal is meant. The body is small, and is hidden behind the +face of a sea-monster with bear’s head and flippers. The wings of the +hawk are grasped by the arms of the sea-monster whose flippers may be +seen over the arms. + +Fig. 166 is the handle of a spoon on which is represented the head of a +hawk, symbolized by its beak. The top of the spoon represents a man who +is holding a small animal with a segmented body, which may represent +the dragon-fly, although the head seems rather smaller than usual.[105] + +[105] See also figs. 207, 243, 257. + +In figs. 167 and 168 the same symbols of the hawk will be recognized. +It is worth remarking that in most of these specimens the mouth is +entirely separated from the beak and has the form of the toothed mouth +of a mammal. A characteristic form of the hawk’s beak is shown in the +facial painting fig. 169. + +[Illustration: Fig. 164. Facial painting representing the sculpin, +Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 165. Headdress representing a hawk, Tsimshian.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 166. Handle of a spoon made of mountain-goat horn; +lowest figure representing a hawk; upper figure representing a man +holding a dragon-fly, probably Tsimshian.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 167. Rattle with design of a hawk, Tlingit.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 168. Dish made of horn of big-horn-sheep, Tlingit.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 169. Facial painting representing hawk, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 170. Headdress representing an eagle bearing a frog +on its chest, Tsimshian.] + +Fig. 170, the front of a headdress representing the eagle, is quite +similar to the forms of preceding series; but it differs from them in +that the beak of the bird is not turned back so as to touch the face, +but ends in a sharp point extending downward, and that there is no +mammal mouth indicated. The wings of the eagle are shown extending from +the border of its body inward. The shoulder joint is indicated by the +head of a human figure which is ornamentally carved on the wings. The +feet are seen at the sides of the lower border of the carving, under +the wings. On the body of the eagle is a rather realistic carving of a +toad. An eagle is also shown on top of the Haida house post (fig. 171). +The wings are turned in in front of the body and the curves of the +lower figures fit into the curved side.[106] + +[106] See also fig. 215. + +[Illustration: Fig. 171. Housepost representing eagle above, cormorant +below, Haida.] + +In figs. 172 and 173 I give two representations of the hawk (or fish +hawk) made by the Kwakiutl. The treatment is different from that of the +Haida, but the sharply curved beak is found here also. On the paddle +(fig. 172), (1) represents the eyebrow and ear, (2) the cheek, (3) the +wing, (4) the beak. Fig. 173 is taken from a painting on a settee. On +the back is shown a man with ears (4) over the head, like those of the +Haida animals. (1) is the navel, (2) the wrinkles running down from +the nose to the corners of the mouth, (3) is painting on the cheeks. +The head of the hawk is placed on each side of the human figure. On +the lower border of the settee is the lower jaw (5), over the eyes the +feathers on the head (6), the eye next to the head on the side wing of +the settee, is the shoulder joint. The bone of the wing is shown in +(7), the long wing feather in (8), the feathers of the body in (9). + +[Illustration: Fig. 172. Painting on paddle representing hawk, +Kwakiutl.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 173. Painting on back and one end of a settee +representing man and hawk, Kwakiutl.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 174. Handle of spoon of mountain-goat horn +representing dragon-fly.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 175. Berry spoon with engraving representing +dragon-fly.] + +The dragon-fly is represented with a large head, a long segmented body +and two pairs of wings. The representation on the headdress, fig. 159, +has been referred to before. The head is human but provided with animal +ears. It has also been mentioned that the animal with segmented body +in fig. 166 may be a dragon-fly, although it is lacking the wings. +According to Edensaw, the spoon handle (fig. 174) also represents the +dragon-fly. It has a strongly curved beak; wings are placed under +the lower jaw and the segmented body forms the tip of the handle. A +particularly good representation of a dragon-fly is found on the Haida +berry spoon[107] (fig. 175). Attention should be called to the spiral +proboscis on this specimen. + +[107] These flat, wooden spoons are used for eating soapberries which +are beaten to a foam. + +The most important characteristic of the killer-whale as represented +by the Haida is the long dorsal fin,—often with white circle or white +stripe in the middle, and a face or eye indicating a joint at the base. +The head is elongated, the mouth long and square in front. The nostril +is large, high, and at the same time elongated. The distance from the +mouth to the eyebrow is long and on totem poles and spoon handles +the head is always so placed that the long snout points downward. +When seen in profile the front of the face is square on account of +the forward extension of the nose over the front part of the mouth. +The eye is generally round but sometimes surrounded by elongated lid +lines with sharp inner and outer corners. Sometimes the blow-hole is +shown by a circular spot over the forehead. In fig. 176 are shown a +few representations of the killer-whale as found on handles of spoons +made of mountain-goat horn. In (_a_) and (_b_) the dorsal fin rises +immediately over the head of the animal. The inverted face in (_b_) +probably represents the blow-hole. In (_a_) and (_c_) the fins are +folded forward; in the latter specimen the tail is turned up in front +on the body. On the rattle (fig. 177) the characteristic large head +with steep face appears. The mouth is set with large teeth; the eye is +round. In front of the dorsal fin is a blow-hole. The Haida float (fig. +178) is abnormal in so far as it has a very small dorsal fin (see also +fig. 182 _d_). + + +[Illustration: Fig. 176. _a_-_e_ Carvings from handles of spoons of +mountain-goat horn representing killer-whale, Tlingit.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 177. Rattle representing killer-whale, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 178. Wooden float representing killer-whale, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 179. Masks and dishes representing the +killer-whale, Kwakiutl.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 180. Helmet representing the killer-whale, Tlingit.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 181. Carvings from the handles of spoons of +mountain-goat horn representing the bear.] + +A number of Kwakiutl masks and dishes representing the killer-whale are +shown in fig. 179. Although there are some differences in the treatment +of the animal, the main features are common to both tribes. All these +specimens, except _h_, have the dorsal fin; the last named specimen +shows the head only. The long, high nose is found in all except in _c_, +_d_, _e_. The high, steep face is common to all of them. Fig. _e_, a +large house dish,[108] is said to represent the They are emblems of +the family of the houseowner.] whale. It will be noticed that _b_, +_c_, _d_ have round eyes while in _a_ and _h_ the regular oblong eye +is used. In _e_ and _g_ the fundamental form of the eye is also round. +Fig. 180 is a Tlingit helmet which is characterized as the killer-whale +by the large mouth set with teeth, the sudden turn of the nose towards +the forehead, the fin made of hide which rises over the crown of the +head, and the fin which is painted on the left cheek. Ordinarily the +killer-whale has no ears. In facial painting red under and on the lower +jaw up to a line running from the angle of the jaw to a point a little +below the lips, represents the throat of the killer-whale. + +[108] These dishes are used in great feasts. Some of them are of +enormous size. + +The bear is symbolized by a large mouth set with many teeth, often in +the act of swallowing some animal. Very often the tongue protrudes. +The nostrils are high and round, sometimes represented by spirals (see +also figs. 157, 175). On totem poles and carved spoon handles they are +similar to those of the killer-whale but do not extend quite so far +backward. There is a sharp turn in the profile from the nose to the +forehead. The paws are large (fig. 181). + +[Illustration: Fig. 182. Berry spoons representing bear; _a_, _b_, +Tsimshian; _c_, Tlingit; _d_, representing killer-whale.] + +In fig. 182 three berry spoons are shown which, according to Charles +Edensaw, represent the bear. Fig. 182 _a_ is quite clear. At the end +of the spoon is shown the head with an enormous ear (1), the size of +which is determined by the form of the spoon. Two teeth are indicated +by red curves (2). Under the mouth is a broad black curve, the +foreleg (3), and to the right of it (4) the fore-paw. The lowest part +represents the hindlegs. Fig. 182 _b_ is not so clear. The face in the +middle is the hip joint, under it, to the right, the thigh, to the left +the paw with long claws. Edensaw considered the design over the hip +joint as the tail, the end as the head, but I doubt the correctness +of this interpretation. The end of the spoon looks more like the head +of a sea-monster and the design over the hip joint like the fin. Fig. +182 _c_ was also called a bear by the same informant, while 182 _d_ +was called a killer-whale. I place these side by side, because the +formal agreement of the lower part is striking. The right half of the +base of 182 _c_ has the characteristic form of the dorsal fin of the +killer-whale and corresponds to an analagous design in fig. 182 _d_. +In both cases the inverted eye above the “fin” would be the joint. The +rest of the design consists of eye and flipper elements that are not +readily recognized. In 182 _d_ the flat curves in the middle may be the +body; in front to the left the fin, and over it eye and mouth. In 182 +_c_ the elements are still less clear. According to Edensaw there is no +head, only a tail at the upper end of the spoon. + +There are quite a number of representations of the sea-monster, +the form of which is partly that of a bear and partly that of a +killer-whale. In a number of cases the monster has a bear’s head (fig. +183) and body, but fins are attached to the elbows. In other cases the +head is that of a killer-whale and the body that of a bear. In this +form it appears on many horn spoon handles (fig. 184). In still other +cases the characteristics of bear and killer-whale are intermingled in +other ways. + +The frog is characterized by a wide toothless mouth, a flat nose, and +lack of a tail. + +The following series (figs. 185-188) are representations of the +dogfish or shark. When the whole body of this animal is represented, +it is characterized by a heterocerc tail, a large mouth, the corners +of which are drawn downward, a series of curved lines on each cheek +which represent the gills, and a high tapering forehead imitating the +inferior position of the mouth. It is often decorated with two circles +(the nostrils), and a series of curved lines (wrinkles) similar to the +gill lines on the cheeks. + +[Illustration: Fig. 183. Carving representing a sea-monster, Tlingit.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 184. Carvings from handles of spoons made of +mountain-goat horn representing a sea-monster.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 185. Part of totem pole carved in slate +representing shark surmounted by an eagle, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 186. Handle of a dagger representing the head of a +shark, Tlingit.] + +Fig. 185 represents a shark devouring a halibut, from the upper part +of a totem pole. The head has the characteristic symbols, to which +are added here the numerous sharp teeth that are found often, but +not regularly, as symbols of the shark. The greater part of the body +has been omitted, since the animal is sufficiently identified by the +symbols found on the head; but under the chin will be noticed the two +pectoral fins which identify it as a fish. + +Fig. 186 is the handle of a copper dagger on which the mouth with +depressed corners, the curved lines on the cheeks, and the ornament +rising over the forehead, characterize the shark. + +[Illustration: Fig. 187. Wooden pipe representing a shark, Tlingit.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 188. Tattooing representing a shark, Haida.] + +A small pipe (fig. 187) has the form of a shark. The square end at +the right hand side is the face of the animal (fig. 187). Eyes and +mouth are inlaid with abalone shell. On account of the narrowness of +the face, the three curved lines generally found on the cheeks are +placed under the mouth. The forehead has the characteristic high form +described before. The opposite end of the pipe shows the tail turned +upward. On the sides are carved the pectoral fins, which extend over +the body of the pipe. + +Fig. 188 is a copy of a tattooing on the back of a Haida woman. Here we +have only the outline of the head of a shark, again characterized by +the peculiar, high forehead, the depressed corners of the mouth, and +curved lines on each cheek. + +The shark[109] (or dogfish) is found frequently on Haida carvings and +paintings. It is rare among the southern tribes. + +[109] See also figs. 213, 214, 217, 232, 233, 261. + +The ts’um’os, the personified snag, is represented in a form similar +to the bear. According to Edensaw the form of the head is analogous to +that of the bear but the corners of the mouth are drawn down like those +of the dog-fish (fig. 189). This is contradicted by the representation +of a third snag monster, in which the mouth is square like that of the +bear. The region behind the mouth has, however, the characteristic +curvature demanded by Edensaw. The fins of this being correspond to the +concept of the sea-monster. + +[Illustration: Fig. 189. Handles of spoons representing sea-monster, +Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 190. Handles of spoons made of mountain-goat +representing snail, Tlingit.] + +In fig. 190 are represented two spoon handles, representing, according +to Edensaw, the snail. The characteristic feature seems to be the +long snout with its sudden, angular turn. The conventional concept of +the animal form with eye and nose is strikingly brought out in this +instance. + +Let us briefly recapitulate what we have thus far tried to show. +Animals are characterized by their symbols, and the following series of +symbols has been described in the preceding remarks: + +1. Of the _beaver_: large incisors; large, round nose; scaly tail; and +a stick held in the fore paws. + +2. Of the _sculpin_: two spines rising over the mouth, and a continuous +dorsal fin. + +3. Of the _hawk_: large, curved beak the point of which is turned +backward so that it touches the face. + +4. Of the _eagle_: large, curved beak, the point of which is turned +downward. + +5. Of the _killer-whale_: large, long head; elongated large nostrils; +round eye; large mouth set with teeth; blow-hole; and large dorsal fin. + +6. Of the _shark_ or _dogfish_: an elongated rounded cone rising over +the forehead; mouth with depressed corners; a series of curved lines +on the cheeks representing gills; two circles and curved lines on the +ornament rising over the forehead representing nostrils and wrinkles; +round eyes; numerous sharp teeth; and heterocerc tail. + +7. Of the _bear_: large paws; and large mouth set with teeth; +protruding tongue; large, round nose; and sudden turn from snout to +forehead. + +8. Of the _sea-monster_: bear’s head; bear’s paws with flippers +attached; and gills and body of the killer-whale, with several dorsal +fins; or other mixtures of bear and killer-whale type. + +9. Of the _dragon-fly_: large head; segmented, slender body; and wings. + +10. Of the _frog_: wide, toothless mouth; flat nose; and lack of tail. + +11. Of the personified _snag_: like a bear with mouth depressed at the +corners like that of the dogfish. + +12. Of the _snail_: long snout with sudden downward turn.[110] + +[110] See also characterization of wolf, p. 207. + +I have had occasion to examine the Kwakiutl in greater detail in regard +to the symbols used in designating certain animals. One artist gave +me a series of eye patterns together with the adjoining parts of the +face and explained in what way each is characteristic of the animal in +question. These are shown in figs. 191 and 192. + +[Illustration: Fig. 191. Types of eyes of various animals, Kwakiutl; +_a_, sea bear; _b_, grizzly bear; _c_, beaver; _d_, wolf; _e_, eagle; +_f_ raven; _g_, killer-whale.] + +The grizzly bear of the sea (_a_) has a large eye, the form of which +is not definitely determined, a very large, round nostril, large teeth +and a large ear. The grizzly bear (_b_) has a round eye with white +rim, smaller than that of the grizzly bear of the sea. The nose is +not round, but high, the teeth large but smaller than those of the +grizzly bear of the sea. The ear is small and pointed. The beaver (_c_) +has, besides the large incisors, a high, round nose and a very small +ear. The wolf (_d_) has a slanting, long eye; the ear is laid down +backward; he has many teeth. The eye of the eagle (_e_) has a white +crescent behind the eyeball, the nostril is slanting and placed high +up on the beak. The eye of the raven (_f_) is white in the center. +The killer-whale (_g_) has a very large eyebrow, a long eye and face, +long nose and a long mouth with many teeth. The whale (fig. 192 _a_) +has a round eye and nose. The sea lion (_b_) has a round nose, large +teeth, the eye near to the nose and a small ear. The frog (_c_) has +an elongated eye, flat mouth and flat nose. The fabulous double-headed +serpent (_d_) has a small eye like that of the wolf, a spiral nose and +a spiral plume. The eyes of a man, of the woodman, and of the seaspirit +who gives wealth, are shown in _e_, _f_, and _g_. + +[Illustration: Fig. 192. Types of eyes of various beings, Kwakiutl, +_a_, whale; _b_, sea lion; _c_, frog; _d_, double-headed serpent; _e_, +man; _f_ merman; _g_, spirit of the sea.] + +The Kwakiutl also claim as the standard for the bird’s tail, a +joint with a single eye, although sometimes there may be two +eyeballs enclosed in one eye. The rounded feathers (fig. 193) are +also characteristics of the bird’s tail. The tail of the whale, +killer-whale, and porpoise, on the other hand, has two joints and the +flukes have double curvatures on the inner side. + +The Kwakiutl also claim a definite distinction between the designs +representing wing feathers and those representing fins, (fig. 194). The +wing feathers should be pointed; the fin, on the other hand, has no +point and is cut off square. + +In figs. 195 and 196 are represented the characteristic elements of +the halibut and of the wolf. These elements are supposed to be used +by the Kwakiutl in the representation of these animals, selected +according to the requirements of the decorative field. In the figures +here reproduced they are given without any reference to the decorative +field. Fig. 195 represents the halibut; (1) the mouth and over it the +nose, (2) the eyes, (3) the bone of the top of the head and (4) the +side of the head. In (5) are shown the gills; (6) and (8) represent +the intestinal tract, and (7) is the part of the intestinal tract just +under the neck; (9) is the collar bone, (10) the lateral fin, the bones +of which are shown in (11). (12) is the clotted blood that is found in +the dead halibut under the vertebral column; (13) represents the joint +of the tail, (14) part of the bone in the tail, and (15) the tip of the +tail. + +[Illustration: Fig. 193. Styles of tails, Kwakiutl; above bird; below +sea mammals.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 194. Styles of wing designs and of fin designs, +Kwakiutl; above, fin; below, wing.] + + +[Illustration: Fig. 195. Elements used in representing the halibut, +Kwakiutl.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 196. Elements used in representing the wolf, +Kwakiutl.] + +Fig. 196 represents, in the same way, the wolf. The head with the +elevated nose is easily recognized. (1) represents the throat. (2) The +humerus connected with the forearm is shown in the lower left hand +side of the pattern; (3) represents the collarbone, the four circles +(4) the backbone, (5) the back with hair. The three thin slanting lines +(6) are the ribs, (7) the sternum and the hooks over it the intestinal +tract, (9) is the hind leg, corresponding to (2), (10) the toes, (11) +the foot, (12) connects the backbone with the tail. The thin lines (13) +represent the hair of the tail, (14) is supposed to be a second joint +in the tail, (15) the hairy tail, and (16) the ears. + +[Illustration: Fig. 197. Painting from bow of a canoe, representing the +wolf.] + +Fig. 197 represents the wolf, a painting from the bow of a canoe. Here +again the elevated nose of the wolf will be recognized. The hachure +(1) represents the pelvis, (2) and (3) the intestinal tract, (4) the +humerus, (5) the cheek, (6) the facial bones, and (7) the ear. + + +[Illustration: Fig. 198. Masks and dishes representing the wolf, +Kwakiutl.] + +An examination of carved and painted specimens shows clearly that this +description of symbols is theoretical rather than rigidly normative, +for in many cases considerable freedom in their use may be observed. +An example of this kind is presented by the wolf masks used by the +Kwakiutl in the dance “Brought-Down-From-Above”[111] (fig. 198). Most +of these have the slanting eye and pointed ears. In one specimen, +however, the ear is pointed forward. The snout slants backward, the +nose is high. The identity of treatment of the specimen shown in figs. +_d_ and _f_ is interesting. The former was collected by Captain Adrian +Jacobsen, 1884, and the latter by Captain Cook more than a hundred +years earlier. The double mask, fig. _a_, resembles them in general +shape, but the eye is treated quite differently and the ear, while +narrow, is not pointed and the backward slant of the snout is not +sufficiently pronounced. The double-headed wolf dish (_e_), has small +reclining ears and long eyes. The ears of figs. _c_, _d_, _e_, are +small and recline, but the eye of _c_ and _d_ is rounded. + +[111] See Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl +Indians, Annual Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, p. +477, illustrations p. 493, Plate 37. + +The forms of animals used by the northern tribes vary considerably +also. It is not safe to base our arguments on models or on objects made +for the trade. I shall use, therefore, exclusively, older specimens +which have been in use. + +[Illustration: Fig. 199. House post, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 200. Designs from a set of gambling sticks.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 201. Designs from a set of gambling sticks.] + +Swanton[112] gives two interpretations of the Haida house post fig. +199. He had two informants; both explained the top figure as an eagle +but they differed as to the meaning of the rest. The one claimed that +the lower part of the pole represented the story of a woman being +carried away by a killer-whale. The woman’s face shows just below the +eagle’s beak, and the whale’s blow-hole is represented by a small face +above the face of the killer-whale. The second informant, however, +explained the large face at the bottom as that of a grizzly bear, +presumably meaning thereby, the sea grizzly bear; and the small figure +over it as the “sea ghost” which usually rides upon its back. The +woman’s face he left unexplained. From an objective point of view, the +face at the base of the pole appears as a grizzly bear’s face. Attached +to it on each side are the ears and above these, the flippers. Just +under the talons of the eagle is found the inverted tail of a fish or +aquatic mammal, which presumably belongs to the figure at the bottom, +although it seems rather small. It seems doubtful whether the upper +face, to which belong the two hands just under it and the legs, in +squatting position below the tail, is that of a woman because there +ought to be a large labret in the lower lip. Furthermore, the face has +animal ears so that it does not seem likely that the intention of the +artist was to represent a woman. + +[112] John R. Swanton, The Haida, Publications of the Jesup North +Pacific Expedition, Vol. V, p. 128. + +It is true that in some other cases in which this same story is +represented,[113] the person sitting on the back of the killer-whale +has no labret, while in other cases it is shown. Obviously in this case +the symbolism is not clear enough to enable an Indian who does not +know the artist or who does not know the meaning of the carving, to +interpret it correctly. + +[113] See Swanton, The Haida, pl. 15, fig. 1, where the woman is shown +without labret while in the specimen pl. 14, fig. 5, she wears a large +labret. + +The uncertainty of interpretation becomes the greater the more +fragmentary the figure. A set of gambling sticks which in 1897 I +submitted to the best carver and painter (Charles Edensaw) among the +Haida, could not be satisfactorily interpreted by him (figs. 200, 201). +For example: Number 35 he recognized as a series of three dorsal fins +without being able to tell to what animal they belonged. Number 36 he +explained as a shoulder on the right, and a tail on the left, but he +was unable to identify the particular animal. Number 37 he explained, +hesitatingly, as a mosquito. For the following group he felt quite +unable to give any satisfactory explanation. + +The uncertainty of explanation appears particularly clearly in the +interpretation of Chilkat blankets. I give here a few examples +according to Lieutenant George T. Emmons.[114] + +[114] George T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, Memoirs of the American +Museum of Natural History, Vol. 3. Part 4, N. Y. 1907, pp. 352, 369, +372, 377, and 387. + +The blanket shown in fig. 202 represents a bear with young. The large +central figure represents the male bear; the two inverted eyes in the +middle of the lower border, with the adjoining elongated designs with +round tips, the hind quarters of the bear and the legs; the three heads +in the middle of the upper margin, the female and the young bears. +The central head in the middle of the upper margin was also explained +as the forehead of the bear. The lateral panels represent each a +young bear. The design along the lower border of the lateral panel is +the freshwater stream on which the bear lives. According to John R. +Swanton the blanket represents the sea grizzly bear. The explanation +of the principal parts is the same as that given by Lieutenant Emmons, +except that the three heads in the middle along the upper border were +explained, the middle one as the top of the head, the lateral ones as +ears. The wing designs which extend sideways from the border, cutting +into the middle parts of the lateral panels, were explained as part of +the forelegs, representing, probably, the fins which are believed to be +attached to the arms of the sea grizzly bear. The two inverted eyes in +the lower border, with the ornaments attached to the right and left of +the eyes, were said to represent the hind legs. + +[Illustration: Fig. 202. Chilkat blanket.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 203. Chilkat blanket.] + +The blanket shown in figure 203 represents, according to Emmons, a +female wolf and young. The body of the wolf is given the form of a +hawk; the two eyes and the wing designs between them, near the lower +border of the blanket, being the face of the hawk. The double feather +design over these eyes represents the hawk’s ears. The face in the +center of the lower border of the blanket represents the body, the +wing feather designs extending downward under the corners of the jaws +of the wolf, the wings of the hawk. In the lateral panels the young +wolf is shown sitting up. These designs represent probably at the same +time, the sides and back of the wolf’s body. According to Swanton the +blanket represents a young raven. The body of the raven is occupied +by two profiles of ravens, represented by the two large eyes near the +lower border of the blanket. The face in the centre of the lower border +is the raven’s tail. The lateral wing designs extending downward from +under the corners of the jaws of the large head, are the wings of the +raven. The lateral panels represent two young ravens in profile. + +[Illustration: Fig. 204. Chilkat blanket.] + +The blanket shown in fig. 204 shows, according to Emmons, on top, a +brown bear sitting up. On the body of the bear is a raven’s head. The +hind-quarters are treated like a whale’s head. The eyes being at the +same time the hip joints, the mouth the feet of the bear. He was given +another explanation: the principal figure being explained as a whale, +the head of which is below. The body, which is turned up, is treated as +a raven’s head, and the tail as a bear’s head. The side panels are the +sides and the back of these animals, but represent at the same time, +an eagle in profile on top, and a raven in profile below. According to +Swanton the design represents a halibut. The head is below. The whole +large middle face represents the body; and the large face nearer the +upper border, the tail. The wing designs in the lateral panels, next +to the lowest head, are the small pectoral fins and the rest of the +lateral fields, the continuous border fin. + +[Illustration: Fig. 205. Chilkat blanket.] + +The blanket in Fig. 103 (p. 108) represents, according to Emmons, a +diving whale and the lateral fields a raven sitting. The head, with +nostrils and mouth, is shown below. The central face represents the +body. The eyes near the upper border are the flukes of the tail. The +face designs at the sides of the body represent the fins. In the +lateral panels is shown a raven sitting. According to Swanton the same +blanket represents a wolf with young. The head is shown below. The hind +legs and hip joints are represented by two large eyes and the adjoining +ornaments along the upper border, the two dark segments just over the +eye, being the feet. The face in the middle of the design represents, +as usual, the body of the animal. The small eye design, with adjoining +ear and wing feather designs, in the middle on each side of the body, +are interpreted as foreleg and foot. The lateral panels are explained +as representing each a young wolf sitting. + +There are also considerable discrepancies in the explanation of +the blanket shown in fig. 205. According to Emmons it represents a +killer-whale. In each lower corner is one half of the head with teeth; +right in front of the teeth, the nostril; between the two halves of +the head, in the lower border of the blanket, the tail. The inverted +face in the middle of the upper border, represents the body. The +large square designs containing the goggle design, on each side, are +interpreted as water blown out from the blow-hole. One half of the +dorsal fin is indicated by a small round wing feather design in each +upper corner, the human face in profile under it, representing one +half of the blow-hole. According to Swanton a spirit of the sea is +represented. One half of the head is shown in each lower corner, the +eye design in front of the tongue being interpreted as chin. The two +faces in the middle of the lower border are explained as the young +ones of this sea spirit; the flicker-feather designs over them, as the +inner part of the body of the old animal; the inverted large face in +the middle of the upper border, as its hat; the large square designs on +each side of this face, containing the goggle designs, as the dorsal +fin; the two human faces in profile near the upper corners, the young +ones whose bodies are shown by the round feather design over the face. +Still another explanation of the same pattern was given to me. In each +lower corner is shown one half of the head of a killer-whale. Its food +is represented by the eye design in front of the mouth. The tail is +below in the middle; the two halves of the dorsal fin are just over the +tail; the inverted face in the middle of the upper border is the chest; +the adjoining square designs and the attached round feather design +are the flippers. Accordingly the profile faces near the upper, outer +corners should be the blow-holes. + +[Illustration: Fig. 206. Model of totem pole with three figures +representing, from below upward; sculpin, dog-fish, and sea-monster; +Haida.] + +These examples show clearly that there is ample room for the fancy of +the interpreter. The symbols lend themselves to various explanations, +which are presumably selected in accordance with totemic affiliations +of the owner. Not all of them seem quite consistent with the best +northwest coast usage; for instance, Swanton’s explanation of the last +named blanket seems doubtful on account of the inverted position of the +hat and the explanation of a single wing design as a body. + +So far I have considered the symbols only in connection with their use +in representing various animals. It now becomes necessary to inquire in +what manner they are used to identify the animals. We have seen that +in a number of the preceding cases entire animals were represented, +and that they were identified by means of these symbols. However, the +artist is allowed wide latitude in the selection of the form of the +animal. Whatever its form may be, as long as the recognized symbols are +present, its identity is established. We have mentioned before that the +symbols are often applied to human faces, while the body of the figure +has the characteristics of the animal. + +We find this principle applied on the totem pole, fig. 206. Each of +the three animals represented has a human face, to which are added +characteristic symbols. In the top figure the ears indicate an animal; +the arms, to which flippers are attached, the sea-monster (see fig. +183). The next figure below represents the shark. Originally a large +lip with a labret was attached to it. This would indicate that a female +shark is represented. Its symbols are the peculiar high snout which +rises over its forehead, and the fins, which are placed under the chin. +The body of the lowest figure which is shown under the face represents +a fish; and the two large spines which rise over the eyebrows specify +the sculpin. + +In many cases the bodies of the animals are not represented and the +essential symbols are applied to a purely human face. This style is +found on masks and in facial paintings. + +[Illustration: Fig. 207. Mask representing the hawk, Tlingit.] + +Fig. 207 has a human face with human ears. Only the nose indicates that +the mask is not intended to represent a human being. It is strongly +curved, and drawn back into the mouth, thus symbolizing the hawk. + +[Illustration: Fig. 208. Mask with painting symbolizing the flicker, +Tlingit.] + +In fig. 208 we see the face of a woman with a moderately large labret. +The ears, as explained before, are those of an animal. The nose, which +has been lost, had undoubtedly the form of a bird’s beak. Thus the face +was characterized as that of a bird. It was specified partly by the +form of the beak, but principally by the ornaments painted in red and +black on the cheeks and forehead. These represent the feathers of the +red-winged flicker. + +[Illustration: Fig. 209. Mask with eyebrows symbolizing the squid, +Tlingit.] + +A small mask representing a human face (fig. 209) has, in place of the +eyebrows, two rows of circles, the sucking-cups of the squid. By means +of this symbol the face is recognized as that of the squid. + +[Illustration: Fig. 210. Mask with painting symbolizing the +killer-whale, Tlingit.] + +In the same manner the mask fig. 210 is identified as the killer-whale +by the two black ornaments painted on the left cheek and extending down +to the chin. They represent the dorsal fin of the killer-whale. + +These symbols are also used as facial paintings and body paintings +by dancers, who are thus recognized as personifying the animal in +question, or as belonging to the social group with which the animals +are associated (see figs. 264, 265, pp. 250, 251). Sometimes these +symbols are attached to the garments. To this class belongs the +ornament (fig. 212), which represents the dorsal fin of a killer-whale +and which is worn attached to the back part of the blanket. + +Having thus become acquainted with a few of the symbols of animals, +we will next investigate in what manner the native artist adapts the +animal form to the object he intends to decorate. First of all, we +will direct our attention to a series of specimens which show that he +endeavors, whenever possible, to represent the whole animal on the +object that he desires to decorate. + +[Illustration: Fig. 211. Wood carving representing the killer-whale, +Tlingit.] + +Fig. 211 is a club used for killing seals and halibut before they +are landed in the canoe. The carving represents the killer-whale. +The dorsal fin, the principal symbol of the killer-whale, cannot be +omitted. If placed in an upright position on the club, the implement +would assume an awkward shape. Therefore the artist bent it down along +the side of the body, so that it covers the flipper. The tail of the +whale would have interfered with the handle, and has been turned +forward and lies flat over the back. + +The distortion of the body has been carried still further in the handle +of a spoon (fig. 176 _a_, p. 195) which represents the same animal. The +large head of the whale, to which the flippers are attached is near +the bowl of the spoon. The body has been twisted backward so that it +is completely doubled up. Therefore, the surface pattern of the tail +is carved on the back of the spoon, and the two projections just below +the mouth are the two tips of the whale’s tail. The dorsal fin extends +upward from the head of the whale, between the legs of the man who +forms the tip of the handle. + +[Illustration: Fig. 212. Wood carving representing dorsal fin of the +killer-whale, Tlingit.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 213. Model of a totem pole representing a shark, +Haida.] + +Fig. 213 is a small totem pole representing the shark. The tip of its +tail forms the top of the pole, while the face is placed at its lower +end. Since most of the symbols of the shark are found on its face, it +was necessary to bring the face into such a position as to be seen in +front view, but the artist also desired to show the back of the fish. +For this reason the head has been twisted around entirely, so that it +appears in front view over the back of the fish. The flippers are made +visible by having been pushed backward far beyond the place to which +they properly belong. + +[Illustration: Fig. 214. + +Speaker’s staff representing a shark, Tlingit.] + +The speaker’s staff (fig. 214), which also represents the shark, has +been distorted in the same manner; but here the head has been turned +round entirely, so that it faces the back of the fish. The pectoral +fins are shown below the chin. + +[Illustration: Fig. 215. Berry Spoon with design representing the +eagle.] + +On the berry spoon (fig. 215) is an eagle whose head which is turned +back completely. The small wing occupies the field under the head. The +upper margin with geometrical decoration represents the body under +which the hip joint, leg and feet are shown. + +The changes of position and of the relative sizes of parts of the body, +which result from such adaptations to the form of the object to be +decorated, are still more far-reaching in the following specimens. + +[Illustration: Fig. 216. Halibut hook representing a beaver, Tlingit.] + +On a halibut hook (fig. 216) carved with a design of the beaver, the +two incisors, the symbols of the beaver, have been moved to the same +side of the mouth. In reality only one of the incisors is visible in +profile, but being important symbols, both are shown. + +[Illustration: Fig. 217. Part of totem pole representing a shark, +Haida.] + +Fig. 217 is a shark represented on the top of a totem pole. The head of +the animal is shown in the form of a human face with the characteristic +symbols. Under the chin are two flippers. The body must be considered +turned upward; but it has been shortened so much that only the tail +remains, which rises immediately above the face. + +[Illustration: Fig. 218. Dancing-hat representing a killer-whale, +Tsimshian.] + +On a wooden dancing-hat (fig. 218) the symbols of the killer-whale +are attached to its head. Since the whole body has been omitted, the +dorsal fin, the essential symbol, has been moved from the back to the +head, and the flippers are attached to the head behind the eyebrows. + +In all these cases the artist has taken great liberties with the form +of the animal body, and has treated it so that the symbols become +clearly visible. On the whole, he endeavors to represent the whole +animal. When this is not possible, all its essential parts are shown. +The insignificant parts are often omitted. + +Far-reaching distortions result from the adjustment of the animal +body to the decorative field and from the necessity of preserving its +symbols. + +[Illustration: Fig. 219. Wooden hat with carving representing the +sculpin.] + +Fig. 219 is the top view of a wooden hat on which is carved the figure +of a sculpin. The animal is shown in top view, as though it were lying +with its lower side on the hat. The dancing-hats of these Indians have +the forms of truncated cones. To the top are attached a series of +rings, mostly made of basketry, which indicate the social rank of the +owner, each ring symbolizing a step in the social ladder. The top of +the hat, therefore, does not belong to the decorative field, which is +confined to the surface of the cone. The artist found it necessary, +therefore, to open the back of the sculpin far enough to make room for +the gap in the decorative field. He has done so by representing the +animal as seen from the top, but split and distended in the middle, so +that the top of the hat is located in the opening thus secured. + +[Illustration: Fig. 220. Grease dish representing seal.] + +Fig. 220 represents a dish in the shape of a seal. The whole dish is +carved in the form of the animal; but the bottom, which corresponds to +the belly, is flattened, and the back is hollowed out so as to form the +bowl of the dish. In order to gain a wider rim the whole back has been +distended so that the animal becomes inordinately wide as compared to +its length. The flippers are carved in their proper positions at the +sides of the dish. The hind flippers are turned back, and join the tail +closely. A similar method of representation is used in decorating small +boxes. The whole box is considered as representing an animal. The front +of the body is painted or carved on the box front; its sides, on the +sides of the box; the hind side of the body, on the back of the box +(see figs. 282 et seq., p. 270). The bottom of the box is the animal’s +stomach; the top, or the open upper side, its back. These boxes are +bent of a single piece of wood and are represented here unbent. + +In the decoration of silver bracelets a similar principle is followed, +but the problem differs somewhat from that offered in the decoration of +square boxes. While in the latter case the four edges make a natural +division between the four views of the animal,—front and right profile, +back and left profile,—there is no such sharp line of division in the +round bracelet, and there would be great difficulty in joining the four +aspects artistically, two whole profiles offer no such difficulty. This +is the method of representation adopted by the native artists (figs. +221; 255-257 p. 245). The animal is imagined cut in two from head to +tail, so that the two halves cohere only at the tip of the nose and +at the tip of the tail. The hand is put through this hole, and the +animal now surrounds the wrist. In this position it is represented +on the bracelet. The method adopted is therefore identical with the +one applied in the hat (fig. 219), except that the central opening is +much larger, and that the animal has been represented on a cylindrical +surface, not on a conical one. + +[Illustration: Fig. 221. Design on a bracelet representing a bear, Nass +River Indians.] + +An examination of the head of the bear shown on the bracelet (fig. +221), makes it clear that this idea has been carried out rigidly. It +will be noticed that there is a deep depression between the eyes, +extending down to the nose. This shows that the head itself must not be +considered a front view, but as consisting of two profiles which adjoin +at mouth and nose, while they are not in contact with each other on a +level with the eyes and forehead. The peculiar ornament rising over the +nose of the bear, decorated with three rings, represents a hat with +three rings which designate the rank of the bearer. + +We have thus recognized that the representations of animals on dishes +and bracelets (and we may include the design on the hat, fig. 219) must +not be considered as perspective views, but as representing complete +animals more or less distorted and split. + +The transition from the bracelet to the painting or carving of animals +on a flat surface is not a difficult one. The same principle is +adhered to; and either the animals are represented as split in two so +that the profiles are joined in the middle, or a front view of the +head is shown with two adjoining profiles of the body. In the cases +considered heretofore the animal was cut through and through from the +mouth to the tip of the tail. These points were allowed to cohere, and +the animal was stretched over a ring, a cone, or the sides of a prism. +If we imagine the bracelet opened, and flattened in the manner in which +it is shown in fig. 221, we have a section of the animal from mouth to +tail, cohering only at the mouth, and the two halves spread over a flat +surface. This is the natural development of the method here described +when applied to the decoration of flat surfaces. + +[Illustration: Fig. 222. Painting representing bear, Haida.] + +It is clear that on flat surfaces this method allows of modifications +by changing the method of cutting. When the body of a long animal, such +as that of a fish or of a standing quadruped, is cut in this manner, a +design results which forms a long narrow strip. This mode of cutting +is therefore mostly applied in the decoration of long bands. When the +field that is to be decorated is more nearly square, this form is +not favorable. In such cases a square design is obtained by cutting +quadrupeds sitting on their haunches in the same manner as before, and +unfolding the animal so that the two halves remain in contact at the +nose and mouth, while the median line at the back is to the extreme +right and to the extreme left. + +Fig. 222 (a Haida painting) shows a design which has been obtained +in this manner. It represents a bear. The enormous breadth of mouth +observed in these cases is brought about by the junction of the two +profiles of which the head consists. + +[Illustration: Fig. 223. Painting from a house-front representing a +bear, Tsimshian.] + +This cutting of the head is brought out most clearly in the painting +fig. 223, which also represents the bear. It is the painting on the +front of a Tsimshian house, the circular hole in the middle of the +design being the door of the house. The animal is cut from back to +front, so that only the front part of the head coheres. The two halves +of the lower jaw do not touch each other. The back is represented by +the black outline on which the hair is indicated by fine lines. The +Tsimshian call such a design “bears meeting”, as though two bears had +been represented. + +[Illustration: Fig. 224. Wooden hat painted with the design of a +sculpin, Haida.] + +In a number of cases the designs painted on hats must also be explained +as formed by the junction of two profiles. This is the case in the +painted wooden hat (fig. 224), on which the design of a sculpin is +shown. It will be noticed that only the mouth of the animal coheres, +while the eyes are widely separated. The spines rise immediately over +the mouth. The flippers are attached to the corners of the face, while +the dorsal fin is split into halves, each half being joined to an eye. + +[Illustration: Fig. 225. Hat made of spruce roots painted with design +of a beaver, Haida or Tsimshian.] + +The beaver (fig. 225) has been treated in the same manner. The head +is split down to the mouth, over which rises the hat with four rings. +The split has been carried back to the tail, which, however, is left +intact, and turned up towards the centre of the hat. The importance +of the symbols becomes very clear in this specimen. If the two large +black teeth which are seen under the four rings, and the tail with the +cross-hatchings, were omitted, the figure would represent the frog. + +[Illustration: Fig. 226. Tattooing representing a duck, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 227. Tattooing representing a raven, Haida.] + +In other designs the cut is made in the opposite direction from the +one described heretofore. It passes from the chest to the back, and +the animal is unfolded so that the two halves cohere along the middle +line of the back. This has been done in the Haida tattooings figs. 226 +and 227, the former representing the duck, the latter the raven. In +both the tail is left intact. The duck has been split along the back so +that the two halves of the body do not cohere except in their lowest +portions, while the two halves of the raven are left in contact up to +the head. + +[Illustration: Fig. 228. Dancing-apron woven of mountain-goat wool, +design representing a beaver, Tsimshian.] + +Fig. 228 is a dancing-apron woven from mountain-goat wool, and fastened +to a large piece of leather, the fringes of which are set with puffin +beaks. The woven design represents the beaver. Its symbols, the two +pairs of incisors and the scaly tail, are clearly represented. While in +most carvings and paintings the tail is turned upward in front of the +body, it is hanging down here between the two feet. The meaning of the +ornaments in the upper part of the apron to the right and to the left +of the head is not quite clear to me, but, if they are significant at +all, I believe they must be considered as the back of the body split +and folded along the upper margin of the blanket. If this explanation +is correct, we have to consider the animal cut into three pieces, one +cut running along the sides of the body, the other one along the back. + +[Illustration: Fig. 229. Painted legging with design representing a +beaver sitting on a man’s head, Haida.] + +Fig. 229 shows the design on a leather legging, a beaver squatting on +a human head. In this specimen we observe that the proportions of the +body have been much distorted owing to the greater width of the legging +at its upper part. The head has been much enlarged in order to fill the +wider portion of the decorative field. + +[Illustration: Fig. 230. Gambling-leather with engraved design +representing a beaver, Tlingit.] + + +The gambling-leather (fig. 230) is treated in a similar manner. It +represents the beaver, and must probably be explained as the animal +cut in two. The symbols,—the large incisors and a scaly tail,—appear +here as in all other representations of the beaver, but the lower +extremities have been omitted. It might seem that this design could +be explained as well as a front view of the animal, but the deep +depression between the two eyes is not in favor of this assumption. The +head consists undoubtedly of two profiles, which join at the nose and +mouth; but the cut has not been continued to the tail, which remains +intact. + +[Illustration: Fig. 231. Embroidered legging representing a sea-monster +with a bear’s head and body of the killer, Haida.] + +Fig. 231 is one of a pair of leggings embroidered with quills on +a piece of leather. The design, which represents the sea-monster +described in fig. 183, must also be explained as a representation of +the animal split along its lower side, and flattened. In the lower +portion of the legging the two profiles are seen, which are joined on a +level with the eyes, while the two mouths are separated. The nostrils +are shown in the small triangle below the line connecting the two +eyes. Owing to the shape of the legging, the arms are not attached to +the body, but to the upper part of the head. They appear at the right +and left borders of the legging, and are turned inward along the +lower jaws, the three-toed paws touching the lower border. The fins, +which are supposed to grow out of the upper part of the arms, adjoin +the elbows, and are turned upward. Another pair of fins, which do not +appear in most representations of this monster, are attached to the +upper part of the back, and form the two flaps to the right and left +of the upper margin. On the back we see a series of circles, which +probably represent the dorsal fin. The tail occupies the centre of the +upper margin. The smaller ornaments in the outside corners of the head, +adjoining the mouth, probably represent the gills. + +[Illustration: Fig. 232. Painting representing a dog-fish, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 233. Slate dish design representing a shark, Haida.] + +In the following figures we find a new cut applied. Figs. 232 and 233 +represent the shark. I explained, when discussing the symbols of the +shark, that in the front view of the animal the symbols are shown to +best advantage. For this reason side views of the face of the shark are +avoided, and in representing the whole animal a cut is made from the +back to the lower side, and the two sides are unfolded, leaving the +head in front view. + +The painting (fig. 232) has been made in this manner, the two halves +of the body being entirely separated from each other, and folded to +the right and to the left. The heterocerc tail is cut in halves, and +is shown at each end turned downward. The pectoral fins are unduly +enlarged, in order to fill the vacant space under the head. + +The shark which is shown in fig. 233 is treated in a slightly different +manner. Again the head is left intact. The cut is made from back to +chest, but the two halves of the animal are not separated. They cohere +at the chest, and are unfolded in this manner, so that the pectoral +fins and dorsal fins appear to the right and left of the body. The +heterocerc tail is not clearly indicated in this specimen. + +[Illustration: Fig. 234. Painting on edge of a blanket representing a +killer-whale, Tlingit.] + +The method of section applied in fig. 234 is still different. The +figure represents a painting on the border of a large skin blanket. The +animal here represented is the killer-whale. The upper painting clearly +represents the profile of the animal. The lower painting represents +the other profile, so that both the right and the left halves are +visible. Since there was no room for showing the dorsal fin on the +lower painting, it is indicated by a curved line on one of the series +of wider fringes at the lower border. It is remarkable that the tails +in the two halves of the animal are not drawn symmetrically; but it +is possible that this is due to a mistake on the part of the painter, +because the design is repeated on the opposite border of the blanket in +the same manner, but with symmetrical tails. The two halves of the body +differ in details, but their main features are identical. The flipper +is shown on a very large scale. It is attached immediately behind the +head, and extends to a point near the tail. Its principal part is +occupied by a face, in front of which an eye is shown. + +Animals are represented by means of sections not only on flat surfaces, +but also in round carvings in which one side cannot be shown. This +is the case on all totem poles, for the rear side of the pole is not +carved. Whenever all the symbols of the animal can be shown on the +front of the totem pole, the animals are apparently represented in +their natural position. But representations of animals, the symbols +of which would be placed on the rear side of the totem pole, make it +clear that the artist actually splits the animals along the rear of +the totem pole, and extends this cut in such a way that the animal is +spread along the curved front of the pole. This will become clear by a +consideration of the following figures. + +[Illustration: Fig. 235. Model of totem pole representing a +sea-monster, Haida. + +Fig. 236. Model of totem pole representing a sculpin, Haida.] + +Fig. 235 represents a sea-monster with a whale’s body and bear’s paws. +It differs from the monster discussed before in that it has a whale’s +head, and no fins attached to the fore paws. It has, however, one large +dorsal fin. The blow-hole of the whale is shown over its eyebrows. The +tail is turned up in front of the body, and the paws are raised in +front of the chest. The dorsal fin will be recognized in the narrow +strip, ornamented with a small ring, which slants downward from the +elbow towards the tail. An ornament of this sort is shown on both sides +of the carving. We see, therefore, that the dorsal fin has been split, +and is turned down along each side of the body. This shows that the +right and left margins of the carved portion of the totem pole must be +considered as the medial line of the back, which has been split and +pulled apart. + +The sculpin on the totem pole (fig. 236) is treated in the same manner, +but in this case the cut is made along the lower side of the animal. +The head is turned upward, so that the front view of the face is seen +when looking down upon the back of the fish. The spines rise over nose +and eyebrows. The pectoral fins are shown over the eyebrows on the edge +of the carved portion of the pole, while the hind portion of the lower +part of the body occupies the upper part of the margin of the pole. + +[Illustration: Fig. 237. Model of totem pole representing a sea-monster +devouring a fish, Haida.] + +The exceedingly intricate central figure on the pole shown in fig. +237 must be explained in the same manner as fig. 235. We see here the +sea-monster described before in fig. 183. It has a bear’s head. In each +ear is placed a small human figure the hands of which grasp the eyelid +of the monster, which they are lifting. The tail (_c_) is turned upward +in front of the body, immediately over a beaver’s head which is the +next lower figure on the column. The dorsal fin (_a_) has been split, +and one-half of it is seen under the mouth of the bear, indicated by a +projection which is decorated with a double circle. The fore paws of +the animal (_d_) are raised in front of its chest, and appear under the +mouth. The fins which are attached to them (_b_) are shown to the right +and to the left of the tail. The animal is swallowing another being, +but it is not clear what animal is meant. A fish tail and a hand are +seen protruding from the mouth. The space between the fore paws and the +tail of the sea-monster is occupied by an inverted bird, which will be +seen clearly when the figure is reversed. Its head is shown with beak +resting between the feet. The two wings (_e_) are extended, and reach +from the fins of the fore arm of the monster to its dorsal fin. The +particular point brought out by this figure is the same as that which +I tried to explain in considering fig. 235; namely, that the two edges +of the carved pole must be considered as the extended medial line of +the back of the animal that is represented on the pole. + +These carvings make it clear that in paintings on hats, such as shown +in figs. 219, 224 and 225, and in flat figures, such as fig. 163, we +must consider the outer rim of the figure as the distended sides of a +cut made along the lower side of the body. All of these distortions and +sections of animals may be explained by the necessity the artist felt +of showing in his work all the symbols of the animal. + +[Illustration: Fig. 238. Slate carving representing the sea-monster, +Wasgo, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 239. Tattooing representing the fabulous +sea-monster, Ts’um’a´ks, Haida.] + +In most cases the symbols appear clearly in profiles of animals. For +this reason the artist, when representing profiles, has not endeavored +to show both sides of the body. I will give here a series of figures +illustrating this point. + +Fig. 238 represents the top of a box on which is carved the sea-monster +Wasgo. It has a wolf’s head and body, and a large dorsal fin. It is +able to hunt in the sea as well as on land. The artist has shown a +profile of the animal with one foreleg and one hindleg, the tail curled +up over the back. The dorsal fin, which in most representations of this +animal stands out vertically from the body, has been laid down along +the back in order to fit it into the decorative field. + +Fig. 239 is a tattooing representing the sea-monster Ts’um’a´ks, which +is sometimes described as having a raven’s body with a whale’s body +attached to its head, and a fin attached to the raven’s back. It is +shown in profile with one leg, the dorsal fin, and the tails of raven +and whale, twisted around so as to be seen from the side. In other +cases it is described as having a bear’s head with the mouth of a shark. + +[Illustration: Fig. 240. Slate dish with design representing a +killer-whale, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 241. Drum painted with design of an eagle, +Tsimshian.] + +In fig. 240, which represents the design on a circular slate dish, we +see a good case of the adaptation of a profile to the decorative field. +The design represents a killer-whale with two dorsal fins. The animal +is bent around the rim of the dish so that the head touches the tail. +The two dorsal fins are laid flat along the back, while the large +flipper occupies the centre of the dish. + +Fig. 241, which is the painting on the head of a drum, is a combination +of front and side views. The head is turned sideways, while the body, +the outstretched wings, and the feet are shown in front view. This +method is found rarely in the art of the North Pacific coast, and, +so far as I am aware, almost exclusively in representations of the +eagle (see, however, fig. 239). The painting on the outer ring of the +drum-head is difficult to explain. It will be noticed that the tail +of the eagle occupies the lower centre of the ring. On top we see the +front view of a human figure, the arms of which, of diminutive size, +are placed near the lower corners of the face, while the hands are of +very large size. The two sitting figures below the two hands probably +represent the back of the man who is shown on top, but their connection +with the peculiar fin-like figures on the lower portion of the painting +is not clear. + +[Illustration: Fig. 242. Tattooing representing the moon, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 243. Carving on the end of a food tray representing +a hawk, Tlingit.] + +Fig. 242 is a tattooing representing the moon. In its lower portion the +crescent will be seen. In the dark portion of the moon a semi-human +figure is shown in profile, with one leg. One arm is extended downward, +and one backward, as though he were lifting a heavy weight. + +There are very few designs which can possibly be interpreted as +full-face views of animals. I explained before that the face of the +shark is always shown in this manner, because its symbols appear best +in this position. The only other animal which is painted or carved +on flat surfaces in full front view is the hawk or thunder-bird, +whose symbol is the long beak which descends to the chin. A number of +carvings representing the thunder-bird were given in figs. 165-168 (p. +191). + +We find full-face representations of the thunder-bird frequently +used on dishes, on which the beak is indicated by a long wedge which +separates the mouth into two halves. It is, however, not certain +whether the artists consider this face always as a full front view, +because we often find (fig. 243) a depression between the two eyes, +corresponding to the depression which I described before when +referring to the joining of the profiles of animals. It may be that +the long central wedge must be considered as the two halves of the +long descending beak, which join in the middle. It might be expected, +however, that in this case the beak would, at least sometimes, be +carried on outward to the right and to the left below the chin, +corresponding to one-half of the beak seen in fig. 166 (p. 191). I have +not observed a single specimen in which this is the case, and therefore +I am inclined to consider the carvings of thunder-birds on dishes as +full front views. + +[Illustration: Fig. 244. Painting from a house-front representing +thunder-bird, Kwakiutl.] + +This ornament may have originated in the following manner: Many grease +and food dishes have the form of canoes. The canoe symbolizes that a +canoe-load of food is presented to the guests; and that this view is +probably correct is indicated by the fact that the host in his speeches +sometimes refers to the canoe filled with food which he gives to his +guests. The canoe form is often modified, and a whole series of types +may be established forming the transition between canoe dishes and +ordinary trays. Dishes of this sort always bear a conventionalized +face at each short end, while the middle part is not decorated. This +is analogous to the style of the decoration of the canoe. On the whole +the decoration of the canoe is totemic. It may, however, be that the +peculiar manner in which the beak of the hawk is represented has given +rise to the prevalence of this decoration. The upper jaw of the hawk +is always shown so that its point reaches the lower jaw and turns +back into the mouth. When painted or carved in front view the beak is +indicated by a narrow wedge-shaped strip in the middle of the face, +the point of which touches the lower margin of the chin. The sharp +bow and stern of a canoe with a profile of a face on each side, when +represented on a level or slightly rounded surface, would assume the +same shape. Therefore it may be that originally the middle line was not +the beak of the hawk, but the foreshortened bow or stern of the canoe. +This decoration is so uniform that the explanation given here seems to +me probable. + +In fig. 244 we see a painting representing a full front view of the +thunder-bird. Its principal symbol is the long beak, which in front +view appears like a long line descending from the nose over the mouth. +In this case it is doubtful whether the body may be considered as being +split along the back. Since the face is certainly represented in front +view, it seems more likely that the animal is represented with spread +wings, similar to the eagle in fig. 241. + +I have described a number of dissections applied in representing +various animals. Heretofore we have had cases only in which the +dissections were rather simple. In many cases in which the adaptation +of the animal form to the decorative field is more difficult, the +sections and distortions are much more far-reaching than those +described before. + +[Illustration: Fig. 245. Model of totem pole with design representing a +killer-whale, Haida.] + +The cut that has been applied in the totem pole (fig. 245) is much +more intricate than the preceding ones. The upper figure represents a +bird which is shown in the form of a human being, to the arms of which +wings are attached. Under this figure we find a representation of the +killer-whale. The hind part of its body is more easily recognized than +the head. A small human figure is seen riding on the dorsal fin. The +tail (_a_), which appears at the lower margin of the figure, is turned +backward over the back of the animal. We must therefore imagine that +the head has been turned downward behind the human figure (_b_) riding +on the dorsal fin (_c_). It would, therefore, lie on the back of the +totem pole, which is not carved. Consequently, according to what was +stated before, the artist has split and distended it so that the middle +line appears at each edge of the carved portion of the pole. Thus the +right half of the head (_d_) has been brought into view on the right +side of the totem pole, and the left half on the left. This is the +explanation of the whale’s head with its teeth, which is seen in our +figure next to the tail, the lower jaw being omitted. The flipper (_e_) +which adjoins the head, is laid over the back of the whale, immediately +under the feet of the human being riding on the dorsal fin of the +whale. The figure must therefore be explained in such a way that the +animal is twisted twice, the tail being turned up over the back, and +the head being first turned down under the stomach, then split and +extended outward. + +[Illustration: Fig. 246. Painting for a box front, design representing +a frog, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 247. Painting for a house-front, design +representing a killer-whale, Kwakiutl.] + +Fig. 246 is a copy of a painting on the front of a box, made on paper +with colored crayons by a Haida Indian named Wiha. It represents a +frog. By far the greater portion of the box front is occupied by the +head of the animal, which, according to what was said before, must be +considered as consisting of two adjoining profiles. The symbol of the +frog’s head is its toothless mouth. The two black portions extending +downward from the lower corners of the face are two halves of the body. +To these are joined the fore paws, which occupy the space below the +mouth; the upper arm and fore arm being turned inward, the fore feet +being turned outward under the arm. The hind legs occupy the lateral +field on both sides of the head. They are not connected in any way with +the body of the animal. + +In fig. 247 we find a novel representation of the killer-whale, which +was given to me as illustrating the painting on a house of the Kwakiutl +Indians. The sections that have been used here are quite complicated. +First of all, the animal has been split along its whole back towards +the front. The two profiles of the head have been joined, as described +before. The painting on each side of the mouth represent gills, +thus indicating that a water-animal is meant. The dorsal fin, which +according to the methods described heretofore would appear on both +sides of the body, has been cut off from the back before the animal was +split, and appears now placed over the junction of the two profiles of +the head. The flippers are laid along the two sides of the body with +which they cohere only at one point each. The two halves of the tail +have been twisted outward so that the lower part of the figure forms a +straight line. This is done in order to fit it over the square door of +the house. + +[Illustration: Fig. 248. Painting for a house-front with design +representing a killer-whale, Kwakiutl.] + +In fig. 248 the same animal has been treated in still a different +manner. The figure illustrates also the painting from a house-front of +the Kwakiutl Indians. The central parts of the painting are the two +profiles of the head of the killer-whale. The notch in the lower jaw +indicates that it also has been cut, and joined in its central part. +The cut on the upper part of the face has been carried down to the +upper lip. The body has disappeared entirely. The cut of the head has, +however, been carried along backward the whole length of the body as +far as the root of the tail, which latter has been cut off, and appears +over the junction of the two profiles of the head. The dorsal fin has +been split, and the two halves are joined to the upper part of the +head, from which they extend upward and outward. Immediately below them +the two halves of the blow-hole are indicated by two small faces, the +upper parts of which bear a semicircle each. The flippers are attached +to the lower corners of the face. The painting on the face next to the +mouth represents gills. + +[Illustration: Fig. 249. Painting on a paddle representing porpoise and +seal, Kwakiutl.] + +Fig. 249 is a complicated painting on a Kwakiutl paddle. It represents +a porpoise and a seal combined; the porpoise turning to the right, +the seal to the left, and both having a common body. At the right is +seen the head of the porpoise and the short lines behind it, upward, +represent the animal spouting. (1) is the neck, (2) the flipper, (3) a +joint in the flipper, (4) and (5), (9) and (13) jointly representing +the body of the porpoise, (5) is the stomach, (8) the dorsal fin of +the porpoise, (9) is the backbone both of the porpoise and of the +seal, (12) is the tail of the porpoise. The head of the seal is shown +in (11), (10) represents the ears, although another pair of ears, like +those of all animals, appear over the head. It has been stated before +that (9) is the backbone of both seal and porpoise, (5) is the stomach +of the seal, (13) its flippers, and (4) its tail. + +[Illustration: Fig. 250. Painting for a house-front representing a +raven, Kwakiutl.] + +Fig. 250 represents the painting from a house-front showing a raven in +profile. This painting appears on the right and left of the doorway; +the beaks facing the door. (1) is the raised tuft on the head of the +raven, (2) feathers, (3) the facial bones, (4) the skin over the +beak, (5) is supposed to be a joint in the tongue, (6) the skin over +the lower jaw, (7) the supposed joint at the base of the tongue, (8) +represents the shoulder joint, (9) feathers, and (10) the long wing +feathers. It will be noticed that the inner feathers (9) are rounded, +while the wing feather has a sharp point, according to the standard +requirements referred to on p. 205. (11) represents the tail with a +single face as a joint, according to standard requirements. + +[Illustration: Fig. 251. Painting for a house-front representing a +thunder-bird, Kwakiutl.] + +Fig. 251 is a design from a house-front, over the door, representing +a thunder-bird. The design must be considered as consisting, more or +less clearly, of two profiles. (1) represents the hooked nose, (2) the +skull, (3) the ears, (4) the feathers over the heavy eyebrows. The tail +rises over the head. It has the characteristic single joint. Rounded +feathers are shown on the wings, right and left; the extreme long wing +feather is sharply pointed. The feet, to the right and left of the +face, are enormously enlarged. The circular eye design represents the +joint to which three toes are attached. + +Fig. 252 represents another painting which is placed over the door +of a Kwakiutl house-front. It represents a whale. In this specimen +are found a number of deviations from the supposed standard. Below is +the tail (1), with the flukes (2). While the double curvature on the +inner side of the flukes is preserved, there is only one joint design +instead of the normal two. The design (3) on each side represents the +fins. According to the standard these ought to be round, but they +are actually sharply pointed like wing feathers. This may be due to +the prevailing tendency of showing the middle feathers as round, and +letting the extreme lateral ones run into a long point which closes +off the design more effectively than a round form would. Over the tail +will be noticed the long mouth and the nose with its sudden turn. +The line (4) indicates the strong curve which sets off the nose from +the forehead. This is analogous to the treatment of the nose among +the Haida. (5) represents the shoulder joint. The scallops under the +eyes are the cheekbones. Over the eyes are the ears (6), over the +forehead rises the dorsal fin with a single joint. Normally the eyes +of the whale are round and the person who explained the design called +particular attention to the fact that in this painting they had not the +standard form. + +[Illustration: Fig. 252. Painting for a house-front representing a +whale, Kwakiutl.] + +Fig. 253 is another house-painting of the Kwakiutl, representing the +raven. The same principle as in fig. 251 has been adhered to by the +artist. The central portion of the figure is occupied by the head of +the raven split from its lower side upward so that the two halves +cohere along the upper edge of the beak. The two halves of the head +have been folded outward, so that the two halves of the tongues (2) +and the two lower jaws (1) appear on each side of the central line. +The two halves of the lower side of the body are shown extending in a +curved line (3) from the corners of the mouth towards the tail, which +latter has not been cut. The wings have been considerably reduced in +size, and pulled upward so that they appear over each upper corner of +the head. The legs (5) occupy the right and left lower parts of the +painting, the feet (4) being disconnected from the thin legs. + +[Illustration: Fig. 253. Painting for a house-front representing a +raven, Kwakiutl.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 254. Painting from the edge of a blanket +representing a sea-monster, Northern British Columbia.] + +In fig. 254, which is a painting on the margin of a blanket, the +sea-monster described in Fig. 183 (p. 199) is represented. The animal +is shown here as split in two along its back; but all its parts, +except the head, the paws, and the tail, are much reduced in size. +The two enormous eyes, and between them the nose, will be readily +recognized. The teeth are indicated by a series of slanting lines under +each eye, but the lower jaws of both halves have been omitted. The +whole body is represented by the thin line extending from the lower +outer corner of the eyes upward, then along the upper margin of the +painting, and downward again. The three dorsal fins are shown over this +line,—one-half of each on each side of the back. The arms are indicated +by two curves under the line indicating the back. The fin of the arm is +shown under the fore arm. While all these are of small size, the paw +which adjoins the fore arm is shown on a large scale, the claws turned +towards the face. The line representing the body runs towards both ends +of the painting along the lower margin until it is merged into the +tail, one-half of which is shown on each side. In this specimen the +proportions of the body are much more distorted than in any previous +case. + +The following series of figures are designs found on a number of +silver bracelets. The animals represented on these are also shown very +fragmentarily. + +[Illustration: Fig. 255. Design on a silver bracelet representing a +beaver, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 256. Design on a silver bracelet representing a +sea-monster, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 257. Design on a silver bracelet representing a +hawk, Haida.] + +In fig. 255 we see the beaver cut in two along its back. The face does +not need any further explanation. The fore legs adjoin it on each +side, the toes being turned inward; but the whole rest of the body has +been omitted, except the two halves of the tail, which the artist was +compelled to show, because they are symbols of the animal. + +In fig. 256 we recognize the sea-monster, with a bear’s head and a +whale’s body. Here also by far the greater portion of the etching +represents the head and fore arms of the monster. The fins, that are +attached to the upper arms near the elbow, are shown on a rather small +scale. The whole rest of the body is of small size, the two halves of +the body, with the adjoining half of the tail, occupying only the outer +upper margin of the bracelet. I am not quite clear whether the artist +intended to represent the two halves of the dorsal fin by the curved +ornament adjoining the hat which rises over the nose of the monster. + +The hawk which is shown in fig. 257 has been cut in a different manner, +namely, from the beak backward, the two halves being then turned +outward. The centre of the design is occupied by the two halves of the +head, and the two talons which adjoin it. The wings are cut off from +the body, and occupy the outer corners of the design. + +[Illustration: Fig. 258. Slate dish with design representing a +sea-monster, Haida.] + +The designs on the following series of carvings are no less +conventionalized. Fig. 258 is a sea-monster adjusted to a circular +slate dish. The carving is perfectly symmetrical. The drawing appears +asymmetrical because it has been taken from an eccentric point of view. +Here also the centre is occupied by the head of the animal. The tail +is seen under the lowest part of the mouth, turned upward in front of +the body. The arms are shortened considerably. They are attached to the +lower corners of the mouth, the paws touching the chin. The fins are +joined to the upper part of the arms, and are turned upward so that +they lie close to the sides of the face and about on a level with the +ears. Attention is called again to the spiral nostrils. + +In fig. 259, which represents the front of a small box carved in slate, +the same sea-monster is shown. Again we see the animal cut in two, the +section separating the eyes and the ears, the mouth, however, being +left intact. Here the whole body has been omitted, with the exception +of the paws to which the fins are attached. The paws will be recognized +turned inward under the mouth, while the fins extend upward along +the outer margins of the slab. The dorsal fin has been bisected, and +one-half is shown in each upper corner. The ornament in the centre +of the upper margin probably represents the tail turned upward over +the back so that it almost touches the head. This arrangement must be +considered in connection with the formal treatment of boxfronts which +will be discussed later (pp. 263 et seq.). + +[Illustration: Fig. 259. Front of a slate box with design representing +a sea-monster, Haida.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 260. Slate slab with design representing a +sea-monster, Haida.] + +Fig. 260 represents the carving on a slate slab. We have here a +different representation of the sea-monster, which is also, as we might +say, much abbreviated. The head occupies by far the larger portion +of the carving. The body which is seen underneath the head, in the +centre of the slab, is indicated by a comparatively small square with +rounded edges, decorated with two fins. The rest of the decoration +on the lower edge of the slab must be interpreted as the arms of the +monster, the large face on each corner representing an elbow. The whole +arm, extending from the elbow to the hand, is omitted. The latter is +indicated by an oval the centre of which is occupied by an eye. From it +rise the three fingers or claws. The important symbols of the monster, +the fins, which are attached to the fore arm, are shown adjoining the +elbow, and rise along the sides of the slab, outside of the eyes. The +two ornaments occupying the upper corners of the slab are undoubtedly +the tail. This arrangement is also determined by the general +principles governing the decoration of boxes (see p. 263). + +The shark which is shown in fig. 261 is found on one end of a small +food tray. I do not need to repeat the description of the shark’s +face, on which the characteristic symbols will be recognized. I have +introduced this figure here in order to show that the whole body of the +animal has been omitted with the sole exception of its pectoral fins, +which are carved on the rim of the tray on both sides of the forehead. +Their position is somewhat analogous to the one found on the totem pole +fig. 213 (p. 219). + +[Illustration: Fig. 261. Design from the end of a food tray +representing a shark, Tlingit.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 262. Slate dish with design representing a sculpin, +Haida.] + +In figs. 262 and 263 we find the representations of the sculpin +distorted and dissected in the same manner as the sea-monster of the +preceding figures. + +In fig. 262 the sculpin has been adapted to a circular slate dish. The +centre of the design is occupied by a rosette, which has undoubtedly +been copied from European patterns. In the drawing the outlines of the +various parts of the body have been strengthened in order to make their +relations somewhat clearer. It will be noticed that the head is split +in two, cohering only at the nose and the upper jaw. The two spines +rise immediately from the nose. The two halves of the body extend from +the corners of the face upward along the rim of the dish. There they +grow thinner, indicating the thin portion of the fish body near the +tail. The tail has not been split, and is turned upward and backward so +that it touches the central rosette. A comparison between this design +and the design at the centre of the upper margin in fig. 259 will show +a great similarity between the two, thus making it probable, that, as +stated before, the latter design is intended to represent the tail of +the monster. The pectoral fins of the sculpin are shown in a rather +abnormal position. They are turned forward from the body so that they +adjoin the lower jaw. They will be recognized between the jaws and +the rim of the dish. The dorsal fin is indicated by the long pointed +ornaments extending from the eye towards the tail. + +[Illustration: Fig. 263. Front of a slate box with design representing +a fish, Haida.] + +In the design fig. 263 a fish has been dissected in a somewhat +different manner. The head occupies the upper margin of the slab. It +has a remarkably triangular shape. The body has been bisected from head +to tail, and turned and twisted in such a manner that each half extends +in a curve downward from the corners of the face to the middle of the +lower margin of the slab. The pectoral fins have been left in contact +with the corners of the mouth, and are placed in the same position as +in the preceding figure, namely, adjoining the lower jaw. They meet +just below the chin of the animal. I believe the ornaments which are +stretched along the right and left margins of the slab represent the +dorsal fins. + +[Illustration: Fig. 264. Body painting representing the bear, Kwakiutl.] + +I have described at a previous place (p. 215) the extraordinary +distortion and dissection of the killer-whale in its adaptation to a +blanket, and I have given the description at that place. + +Quite a unique distortion is found in body paintings used by the +Kwakiutl Indians in a boy’s dance. Fig. 264 is a copy of a body +painting representing the bear. On the chest, the head of the bear is +shown turned downward. The white spots over the collarbones are the +eyes of the bear; the angular line with semicircles, the mouth and +teeth. On the upper arms are shown the forelegs, the claws just under +the elbow. The hind legs are shown on the front of the thighs. On the +back of the person is shown the nape of the bear placed on the upper +part of the back; under it, extending downward, is the back, the lines +representing hair. The hip joints are shown by dark designs on the +buttocks. The spiral design on the left leg was said to represent the +tail. + +Still more remarkable is the frog painting shown in fig. 265. On the +small of the back is shown the top of the head of the frog; the two +eyes with eyebrows above, the mouth below. Corresponding to this place +we find in the front of the body the mouth set with teeth (which really +do not belong to the frog). The back of the frog is shown on the upper +part of the back; the hind legs on the back of the arms. The opposite +side of the hind legs is shown on the front of the arms. It seems +probable that in the design which was copied for me by an Indian, the +painting on the front of the left arm was accidentally omitted. The +shoulder joint is shown on the front of the thighs; the forelegs in +corresponding position on the back of the thighs; the ankle joints on +the knees; and the foot on the calf of the legs. In other words, the +frog is shown in such a way as though the body of the person were the +frog. No explanation was given for the black design on the left leg. + +[Illustration: Fig. 265. Body painting representing the frog, Kwakiutl.] + + * * * * * + +We will turn now to the purely formal side of the treatment of the +decorative field. There is a tendency to cover the entire surface with +design elements. Vacant places are avoided. When the surface of the +object represented has no features that lend themselves to decorative +development, the artist resorts to devices that enable him to fill +the surface with patterns. On totem poles the bodies of the animals +represented occupy considerable space. The monotony of the surface +is broken by placing the forelegs and hindlegs across the front of +the body, by turning up the tail in front, and by adding small animal +figures. + +Far more important is the application of a great variety of decorative +elements, all of which consist of curved lines. The Indians have a +decided disinclination to apply equidistant curves. In all work of +the better class the lines are so arranged that more or less crescent +shaped surfaces result, or that narrow, curved areas, wide in the +middle, narrower at the ends, are formed. + +The most striking decorative form which is used almost everywhere, +consists of a round or oval field, the “eye design”. This pattern is +commonly so placed that it corresponds to the location of a joint. +In the present stage of the art, the oval is used particularly as +shoulder, hip, wrist, and ankle joint, and as a joint at the base +of the tail and of the dorsal fin of the whale. It is considered as +a cross section of the ball and socket joint; the outer circle the +socket, the inner the ball. Often the oval is developed in the form of +a face: either as a full face or a profile. + +The general disposition of this design demonstrates that the +explanation is not by any means always tenable. Thus in the blanket, +fig. 205 (p. 215), the eye pattern in the two lower corners has no +connection with a joint. In this position, in the mouth of an animal, +it is sometimes described as food. The two profile faces higher up on +the side of the same blanket, are obviously fillers. They might be +replaced by “eye designs”. Another instance of similar kind is found on +the upper part of the face of the dish fig. 168 (p. 191). The circular +designs shown here might perhaps be interpreted as tail joints, but +they are probably decorative elements. The design appears clearly as a +filler in fig. 283 _f_ (p. 272) at the inner upper corner on the long +side of the box, and on the ears of the beaver, fig. 229, (p. 227). On +Chilkat blankets it appears always in fixed positions (see p. 258) and +in large boxes it is the constant corner design (see p. 263). Its use +and interpretation as a joint is presumably related to the frequent +ornamental combination shown, for instance, in the feet on fig. 160 +(p. 188) and in the tails fig. 193 (p. 205). The oval represents the +joint and the elevated part the limb. These are at the same time formal +elements that appear regularly on the lateral border designs on carved +boxes (fig. 274, p. 263). The eye design appears in a variety of forms +ranging from a large double eye to a circular pattern with black center. + +Lieutenant Emmons has collected the various design elements as they +appear on the blankets and has given the names by which they are +designated by the Tlingit (fig. 266). These names do not fit the +explanations given for the whole pattern. The “double eye” (_h_) and +the “eye” (_f_) are not always eyes but occur also as joints, (fig. 269 +_b_). The profile eye is called the “head of the salmon trout” (_c_). +It is used quite generally as the eye of any animal. The “black eye” +(_g_), the “nostril” (_l_) and the design called “one in another” (_o_) +are practically identical. They are also used as joints. The frequent +use of the circular design of light or dark color, set off against a +dark or light background indicates that the tribes of the north west +coast do not tolerate areas of the same color, the monotony of which is +relieved by the insertion of circular designs of contrasting colors. +These may be seen on many blanket and box designs (fig. 274 et seq.). + +[Illustration: Fig. 266. Design elements from Tlingit blankets.] + +The forms called “side holes” (_p_) and “holes”, “ends of gambling +sticks” or “rain drops” (_q_) have white circles relieving a black +background. It is quite evident that these designs also, as parts of +the whole design, have not the significance implied in the names, nor +do the names explain the reason for their use. The frequent occurrence +of the white circles, both isolated and in lines, (see figs. 269 et +seq., pp. 259 et seq.) proves that they must be considered primarily as +a formal element designed to break large surfaces. + +It seems to me most likely that the black or white circular design has +been the basis from which the eye design has developed. In the style of +the north west coast art shoulders, hips, hands, and feet form large +dark monotonous surfaces. These are broken by a large white circle or +oval, which is again varied by a black center. This tendency would +also account for the goggle design (fig. 266 _i_). The same desire to +relieve the monotony of the cheek surface leads to the insertion of an +oval design on the cheek (_k_). + +In carved designs these forms are not contrasted by color, but the form +alone varies the monotony of the large undecorated surface. + +Another characteristic pattern, the narrow crescent, has presumably +also originated from the desire to break the monotony of continuous +areas. It appears particularly when it is desired to set off two +merging patterns against each other. Here also design names obtained by +Emmons, “woman’s hair ornament” (_r_) and “slit” (_s_) have nothing to +do with its function and significance as part of the whole pattern. + +The most characteristic filler, next to the eye, is a double curve, +which is used to fill angular and round fields that rise over a +strongly or gently curved line. Many fillers of this type have a +dark colored band at the upper end, generally rounded in paintings +or carvings, square in blankets (see fig. 202, lower lateral design +on central panel; the tail patterns, fig. 193). In the blankets the +angular form is perhaps due to the technique in weaving, although the +frequent eye designs prove that round forms are not impossible. On +blankets the heavy upper line is often drawn out into a tip (fig. +270 _a_, over the “goggle” design on the side of the central panel). +Examples of these forms have been collected by Lieutenant Emmons who +states that the Tlingit call them “the wing feather of red-winged +flicker” (fig. 266 _t_). The use of the pointed form of this design for +a bird feather agrees with the theoretical claim of the Kwakiutl (see +p. 205), but obviously the explanation does not always fit the meaning +of the pattern as a whole, as is shown by the killer-whale design fig. +205 (p. 215) or the whale design fig. 270 (p. 260). + +The design is used commonly to represent quite diverse objects. Thus, +the double flicker-feather (fig. 266 _t_), occurs in fig. 269 _a_ as +the beak of a bird, occupying the middle of the mouth design between +the two large eyes. It occurs also between the ears along the upper +border of the design as the single flicker-feather. Here as well as +over the beak of the bird, in the lateral fields, it is used only +for filling in parts of the design which otherwise would remain +undecorated. In fig. 202 (p. 213) the same design occurs between the +eyes, just over the nostril, and here also it obviously has nothing to +do with the red-winged flicker. Many other cases of this application of +the wing feather design, simply for the purpose of filling in spaces, +may be observed in practically all the blankets. A comparison of fig. +202 with the box designs fig. 274 shows that the wing feather design +may serve to express the forearm and the upper arm. In fig. 274, we +have the two hands placed in a position, similar to the paws in figs. +202 and 269 _b_. On the box fig. 274 _a_ the parts are connected with +the body by a narrow red strip, which is divided by characteristic +curves into two parts. A comparison of this design with figs. 222 and +223 shows very clearly that they are meant to represent the upper +arm. In the blanket design fig. 269 _b_, the two sections connecting +the paw with the body may be recognized distinctly as upper arm and +forearm. In the blanket designs fig. 202, the space that is available +for the upper arm is much condensed; but it is quite obvious that the +two wing feather designs which lie on the outer sides of the paws +must be interpreted here also as the forearm and upper arm. Judging +by this analogy, I think there can be very little doubt that the two +wing feathers placed by the sides of the body in fig. 269 _a_ may be +considered in the same way as the two parts of the arm of the animal +represented. Since the animal here shown is a bird, these feather +designs are in this way made to represent the bones of the wing. + +Similar considerations have determined the distribution of ornaments in +the design fig. 270 _b_. Here the two feet will be recognized at the +lower edge of the design. Adjoining it, above the “eye”, are two long +white flicker-feather designs, which obviously represent the legs. Each +of the two inverted double eyes under the jaws must be interpreted as +a shoulder joint to which is attached the lower part of the arm in the +form of a flicker-feather design. + +The forms here discussed are interpreted as various kinds of +animals,—birds, quadrupeds, sea-monsters,—but never as the red-winged +flicker, nor can the parts be interpreted as ornaments made of +flicker-feathers. It is obvious that we are dealing here with a fixed +form, which has a conventional name, and which is used for a variety of +purposes. + +It will be noticed that this design occurs in three principal forms. +In one of these it is cut off square at the upper end. Most of those +shown in fig. 266 are of this type. Another characteristic form of this +design has the pointed wing feather, (as the second one in the series +fig. 266 _t_). A third form, which is not given in the series of named +designs, seems to be quite common. It has a rounded tip, and may be +observed, for instance, in the beak part in front of the upper eye in +the lateral panels of figs. 203 and 269 _a_; also in the central field +in fig. 273 _b_. + +The wing design is applied wherever a somewhat oval or rectangular +field which is situated laterally has to be filled in, particularly +when the field adjoins another design which is surrounded by heavy +black lines, and which forms part of an animal body. For this reason +the design appears very commonly in front of, over, or under the eye +design. It is used to fill in the ears; it appears at the sides of the +body, as in figs. 203 and 269 _a_; and it is used to fill in small +fields which adjoin black lines, as for instance, in the lowest section +of the lateral panels in fig. 269 _a_. + +On blankets the light circle on a darker background with black tip +and small white segment at the base, is almost ever-present. The +white segment at the base is limited very often by a pointed double +curve,—like a brace,—which divides the adjoining colored field more or +less distinctly into two halves. These may be observed, for instance, +in one of the ear designs in figs. 202 and 269 _b_, and also in the +design over the nose in fig. 202. + +This pattern is also used as a filler for long narrow spaces. +According to Emmons this is called the “mouth design” (fig. 266 _j_) +or the “eyebrow” (_e_), but it is often used on fields that cannot be +interpreted as “mouth” or “eyebrow”, as for instance, in the lateral +parts of the lower border of fig. 202 and in the lower corner of the +box, fig. 274 _b_. + +Judging from the general application of this design, it is quite +obvious that it is not primarily a feather design, but that it is a +decorative element used throughout in certain definite positions for +the purpose of filling in. + +Flat black curves are used quite often for indicating the teeth. These +may be observed in fig. 269 _a_, on the body of fig. 270 _a_, in the +lowest face in fig. 204, in the lower faces of fig. 271. + + * * * * * + +We have discussed before the adjustment of animal form to the +decorative field. The adjustment is not by any means free, but +definite, stylistic forms may be recognized. These appear with great +clarity on the Chilkat blankets. + +The measurements of the blankets show that the central height is +very nearly one half of the width. The width of the narrow border, +consisting of a black and yellow stripe, is about one twelfth of the +total width. The angle of the lower border is quite variable, the +vertical distance from a line connecting the lower corners of the +blanket to its greatest depth is generally a little less than one sixth +of the width. The fundamental trait of the blanket pattern is the +division of the field into three panels. The central one about double +the width of the lateral ones, or more. In most blankets the line of +division of these fields is quite clear and is indicated by black and +white lines. The designs on the lateral fields are symmetrical and +quite distinct from the central field. + +[Illustration: Fig. 267. Schematic design showing the arrangement of +the central field of the Chilkat blanket.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 268. General plans of Tlingit blankets.] + +The blankets may be divided into two large groups. Their fundamental +patterns are indicated schematically in fig. 267. The one design is +clearly a representation of an animal with a large head which occupies +the whole upper part of the field down to an almost straight cross +line (fields 1, 2, 5, fig. 268). Under it are the body (field 3) and +in the lower border the tail and hips (field 4) of the animal. It may +be noticed that there are always two tail joints, although in other +cases the use of a single tail joint for birds and a double tail joint +for sea mammals is fairly consistent. Fields 6, 7, and 8 are used in +various ways. They are not essential parts of the animal represented, +although field 6 may be utilized for the purpose of showing parts of +the back, and field 7 may be utilized for a representation of the fore +arms. In this style we may distinguish, in the wide center, a central +stripe, consisting of the elements numbered 6, 2, 3, 4 and two lateral +stripes 5, 1, 7, and 8. Generally these sections interlock. In a few +specimens, the outer limits of field 3 are carried down to the lower +border so that they form a continuous broad line with the outer limits +of field 4. + +[Illustration: Fig. 269. Chilkat blankets.] + +Examples of this type are shown in figs. 202 and 269. In these the +animal figure in the center appears very clearly. It will be noticed +that the large eyes of the animal have always a cheek design attached +to them. These appear also in fig. 203, a blanket belonging to the same +class, the lower part of which is, however, much less distinctively +body and tail belonging to the large head. The reduction of field 7 +and its extension to the lower margin is rare in other specimens. In +fig. 202 field 7 is occupied by the raised hands of the animal, while +in fig. 269 _a_ it is occupied by a wing design. The rectangular frame +surrounding the body in fig. 269 _b_ is an exceptional feature which I +have seen only in one other modern blanket. + +[Illustration: Fig. 270. Chilkat blankets.] + +A sub-type may be distinguished in which the lower part is treated +differently (fig. 270 _a_). The two eyes of field 4 are of the same +size as those of field 1. In this way a more symmetrical impression +is produced, but at the expense of the unity of the animal form. This +treatment lends itself to a sharper separation of the fields 5, 1, +7, 8 against the fields 6, 2, 3, 4 so that the whole central field +seems to be divided into three sections (see fig. 204). Fig. 270 _a_ +is decidedly influenced by the second type of blanket; the four eyes +being approximately of the same size and symmetrically arranged around +a central face. + +The fundamental feature of the second type of blankets is a central +face placed a little higher than in the preceding type, so that it +forms exactly the center of the whole field. In place of the large eyes +on top, we find two large inverted eyes, often without the adjoining +jaw design. In many cases two small circular patterns, or small eye +designs, occupy the center of the lower border. These may often be +identified with the nostril of the head to which the two large lower +eyes belong. This pattern is much more symmetrical than the former +type, but its symbolism is much more obscure. I presume that the +inverted position of the eye in the upper border is essentially due +to the attempt to obtain greater symmetry. For an explanation it is +necessary that the upper eyes must be viewed as some part of the body +that is turned upside down. Characteristic examples of this type are +shown in figs. 103 and 271. In these, the fields to the right and left +of the central face are treated, in the former, as a profile face; in +the second they are decorated with a feather design filler. A somewhat +different treatment is given in fig. 272 which may be compared with +fig. 270. In both a large face occupies the center of the whole design, +surrounded by the four large eyes and the lateral spaces filled with +feather designs. + +[Illustration: Fig. 271. Chilkat blankets.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 272. Chilkat blanket.] + +In fig. 273 the upper eyes have been moved towards the center and the +eye design has been expanded into a profile which occupies the whole +upper margin of the central field. In fig. 273 _b_ the lateral fields +next to the central face are occupied by the two sides of the dorsal +fin so that here the form of a whale is brought out fairly clearly. + +[Illustration: Fig. 273. Chilkat blankets.] + +The general scheme of the narrow lateral panels is also quite definite. +We find on practically all the blankets an eye design,—part of the +profile of an animal’s head,—in the upper, outer corner, another eye +design near the lower border, generally approximately in the middle +of the lateral field. The position of the lower eye design is much +more irregular than that of the upper one. In general we are given the +impression of an animal, the body of which extends along the extreme +outer border of the blanket, the head occupying the centre of the +panel, while the feet or tail are shown along the lower border. In this +way a space is left in the middle, next to the central panel, which +does not belong essentially to the form of the animal. + +In both fundamental types the intervening spaces which are not filled +by the large eye designs, the body, tail, and extremities, are filled +with a variety of patterns which depend only in part upon the selection +of the animal to be represented, but are very largely determined by +esthetic considerations. + +[Illustration: Fig. 274. Front, reverse and side of a painted box.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 275. Painted and carved box front.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 276. Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit.] + +The broad sides of rectangular boxes bear the same fundamental design +as the first type of blankets; an animal with an enormous head on the +upper border, the body occupying the centre below. A fairly consistent +difference between the blanket and box types is that the lower border +of the large face is curved on the boxes; straight on the blankets. +I believe this difference is due to the desire to avoid excessive +parallelism. In the blanket the straight lower line of the head is set +off against the curves of the upper part of the head and against the +angle in the lower border of the blanket, while in the boxes a straight +middle line would appear set off against the parallel upper and lower +edges of the box. The lateral panels of the blanket correspond, in a +way, to the narrow lateral strips in the front of the long boxes (fig. +274 _a_) which are characterized by a fairly large eye design in each +corner. These are connected by a variety of decorative elements. At +the lower border of the box front there originate, in this manner, +five fields. The middle one being occupied by the body of the central +animal; the corners being occupied by the eye designs which form the +basis of the lateral strips. Between these there remain spaces which +are often filled with designs representing the fore or hind feet of +the central animal. On account of the shifting of the eyes the five +field division does not appear as clearly in fig. 275. The reverse side +of fig. 276 is treated differently; in the lower field the body is +omitted, the two eyes placed in the middle so that a fourfold division +of the whole area under the mouth originates. A similar treatment is +given to a front (fig. 277 below), in which the eyes are placed in the +corners while the middle is occupied by the two sides of a tail, which, +however, is treated like a hawk’s face. The arbitrary character of the +details appears very clearly in this arrangement. + +[Illustration: Fig. 277. Four sides of a painted box, front on a larger +scale, Tlingit.] + +The narrow sides of the boxes are generally painted with a design +analogous to the central design of the front with this difference, +however, that the lateral panels are missing and that the head is +more compressed. In a number of cases the short sides are treated +differently, as shown in fig. 276. Very rarely the short sides contain +a profile figure that does not occupy the whole width of this side +(fig. 277). + +[Illustration: Fig. 278. Front and side of a painted box.] + +There are also a number of low boxes which are treated somewhat +differently. On account of the lowness of the sides the lower rim +of the head is drawn straight so that a narrow rectangular panel +originates along the lower border (fig. 278). In this specimen the eyes +are retained; the central face in the lower field presumably represents +the body, to which are attached the arms and hands. In most specimens +of this type, however, the lower section is almost entirely suppressed; +the large upper face is retained but under it we find only a few +ornaments that may be interpreted only as fillers (fig. 279 above). + +There are also a number of low boxes in which the body is entirely +suppressed. They contain, essentially, the large head design with a few +decorative features along the sides, and the eyes in the upper corners. +(Fig. 279 below). + +The arrangement of the long boxes is such that the center of the mouth, +or a point a little below it, is the center of the decorative field +(figs. 274-276). A line drawn from the center of the lower border to +the upper corners passes almost always along the corner of the mouth +and often also through the sharp curve at the upper, outer outline of +the face. The line drawn from the center of the upper border to the +lower corner passes, generally, through the corner of the mouth. When +the central field along the upper border is wide, so that it reaches +down to the upper curve limiting the mouth, the eye is shown in profile +(figs. 274 _b_, 276 reverse). When the central field consists only of +a sharp short angle, there is a double eye (figs. 274 _a_, 275, 276 +front, 277). + +The general arrangement of lines on the box is such that the upper +curves of the face are strongly curved downward. The curvature +decreases downward; and in some boxes, for instance in those shown in +figs. 275 and 276 reverse, there is a tendency to an arrangement of +lines which are convex, upward. + +[Illustration: Fig. 279. Front, reverse and side of carved boxes.] + +The eye decorations are always so placed that they are not arranged in +straight lines. It will be seen that in the best boxes they fall into +curves that intersect the black lines of the design. In fig. 274 _a_, +the eyes in the lower corners and those in the mouth are placed so as +to form a continuous curve; in fig. 274 _b_, the arrangement of the +eyes in the upper corners, the eyes of the large head, and those in the +mouth form a fairly regular curve. + +In the square boxes on which only one side of the face is shown on +each side (fig. 280), the body is very much reduced in size. In most +of these the large head is limited below by a straight line, while on +the long boxes containing the full face on the front the lower line of +the face is curved. In only one of these (fig. 278) do we find the face +limited below by a straight line. + +[Illustration: Fig. 280. Carved boxes.] + +In fig. 280 _a_, the two sides shown on the left are occupied by a +large head on top, corresponding to the blanket fields 1, 2, and 5. The +ear (5) is much reduced in size. The sharp beak in the middle indicates +that the hawk is meant. Under it is seen a small field corresponding +to field 3 on the blankets and under it a face with its two eyes, +corresponding to 4. The field 7 is occupied by the arms, indicated by +the curved line running from the shoulder to the wrist of the raised +hand. The whole lateral field of the blanket is condensed in the +narrow strip to the right and left of the face and body. The designs +on the upper corners are clearly ornamental and do not represent +any particular part of the head; the eyes in the lower corners are +considered as feet and toes; the large eyes over the lower corners as +knee joints. The two sides of the box shown on the right hand side +correspond in all details to those on the left, excepting the mouth, +which is treated quite differently; the nostrils being shown in the +center. + +[Illustration: Fig. 281. Carved box, Tlingit.] + +In fig. 280 _b_ the lower portion of the decorated side is much reduced +in size and the marginal fields are simplified. The head may represent +a hawk; the eyes in the lower fields are exceptional in so far as +they are not placed in the corners but near the body and they may be +considered ankle joints and below them the toes. The eye designs in +the upper corners take the place of the ears. The reduction of the +body is even more marked in fig. 281; here the eye designs and the +adjoining curves on the upper margin are clearly fillers; the body +has been completely dissolved. The eyes in the lower corners with the +attached lower curve show an attempt to represent a flipper. The common +character of these three specimens is the horizontal dividing line +under the mouth and (excepting the one face in fig. 281) the general +tendency to the symmetrical arrangement of lines in the upper and lower +fields. The lines in the upper field point from the middle downward, +and those in the lower, from the middle upward. + +[Illustration: Fig. 282. Carved trays.] + +There are a number of peculiar developments of the head and body +designs which are used on small food trays, the sides of which are +bent out of a single plank. In one group of these (fig. 282) the two +narrow sides represent, in front, the head of the animal; on the +opposite, side the tail. This appears most clearly in figs. 282 _b_ +and _d_; both representing the beaver. In fig. 282 _d_ the beaver’s +head and tail are perfectly plain. In 282 _b_ there is considerable +confusion; the beaver’s body below is provided with two human arms and +over it is indicated the large characteristic head. The tail is shown +on the opposite short side, together with the hind legs and the two +disconnected eyes which ordinarily would form the hip joints and would +be connected with the upper end of the thighs. On all these specimens, +282 _a_, _b_, and _c_, the other sides show an inverted face. This +originates evidently in such a way that the eyes represent, at one +end, the shoulder joints, at the opposite end, the hip joints, but +instead of developing the sides as fore and hind legs, the inverted +eyes have lead to the development of a face design which has no +particular relation to the animal represented. In other words, we find +here, as well as in many other places that elements which are in part +derived from representations of parts of animals, have assumed a purely +decorative function so that an explanation of the details is, to a +great extend, arbitrary. The geometrical decoration on the long side +of fig. 282 _d_ is also derived from the shoulder and hip joints, but +instead of parts of a face, slit designs fill in the rest of the side. + + +[Illustration: Fig. 283. Carved trays.] + +The trays shown in fig. 283 are of the same make as those shown +before, with the only difference that on the long sides the shoulder +joints, knee and foot are shown in the ordinary way. The hind limbs +are here represented on the short side, where the hip joints are +shown by two large eyes in the upper part of the design. It will be +observed, however, that in these cases also there is a considerable +amount of arbitrary use of decorative elements that have no particular +significance, but which must be considered simply as fillers. This +appears most clearly in fig. 283 _e_, which represents a dish with a +design of a human being. Here the arms are represented on the long +sides, the shoulder joint by an eye which, however, is provided with +lids. The space under the eye is filled in with a mouth which has +no function in this position. It is evidently introduced in the same +way as the profile faces which serve as fillers on the blankets. The +most distinctive specimen of this type is shown in fig. 283 _f_. It +represents a beaver, the face indicated by disconnected eyes, mouth, +and ear; the nose showing the form of one of the conventional copper +plates used by the northwest coast Indians, while the face in the +middle of the upper border is purely ornamental. The opposite short +side shows very clearly a tail, hip, legs, and feet and on the long +side also the large shoulder joint in the form of an eye with ear; the +arm and the foot are distinctly shown but here also, by the addition of +four teeth, the shoulder joint is elaborated in the form of a face; the +eyes in the corners of the long field are purely ornamental. + + +[Illustration: Fig. 284. Carved trays.] + +To the same group belong also the carved trays cut out of a single +piece of wood, shown in fig. 284. Here we have only the head design +which is adjusted to the curvature of the upper border of the +decorative field. The lines of the face are drawn so as to conform to +the decorative field. + +It will be observed that the eyes of the large head in the blankets +are always almost horizontal while those on the boxes and trays are +strongly inclined. I presume this is due to the tendency to avoid +massing of parallel lines. + +[Illustration: Fig. 285. Designs on Tlingit armor.] + +The large head design found on the blankets and boxes occurs also on +the paintings in the center of the front of slat armour. The lateral +panels are missing and the design consists simply of the head with +attached shoulder, arm, and hand (fig. 285). + +A number of square food trays, bent of a single piece of wood, are +not decorated according to this plan. The face, consisting of two +symmetrical halves, is replaced by a series of profiles (fig. 286); the +short and high sides have the large eye in the left hand upper corner; +the mouth in the lower right hand corner. The design on the long sides +represents the sides of the body. The large eyes stand, presumably, +for the shoulder joint and are placed in the center of the side; wrist +and fingers are in the lower left hand corner. The significance of +the design in the right hand upper corner is not clear. The general +distribution of the design elements is evidently determined by the +central position of the large eyes. + +[Illustration: Fig. 286. Painted tray.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 287. Painted boxes.] + +The boxes shown in fig. 287 illustrate that still another pattern is +used on square boxes. Each of the four sides of the two boxes shown in +figs. 287 _a_ and _b_, is divided into four rectangles of unequal size. +The general plan of the two designs is almost the same, although there +are considerable differences in detail. It is quite evident that in 287 +_a_ the lower part of the first and third sides represents legs and +feet. A distinct wing design appears in the left hand upper rectangle +of the fourth side, but otherwise the arrangement of the elements +is so arbitrary that a safe interpretation is impossible. It seems +plausible that in this case also the attempt at decoration was much +more important than the attempt at interpretation. An interpretation +was given to me for the box shown in fig. 287 _b_. Although obtained +from Charles Edensaw, one of the best artists among the Haida, I +consider it entirely fanciful. The first side to the left, corresponds +to the third side, which is opposite to it on the box. The second side +corresponds to the fourth side. Edensaw explained the design as showing +four interpretations of the raven as culture hero. The upper right +hand rectangle of the first side he claimed to represent the head of +the raven surmounted by the ear; the large eye to the left of it, in +the left hand upper corner, the shoulder and under it the wing and +tail. The design in the right hand lower corner he interpreted as the +foot; the toes are clearly visible in the lowest right hand corner of +this field. He claims that the head turned upside down in the left hand +upper rectangle of the second side represents the head of the raven +and under it the hand; the raven being conceived as a human being. The +rectangle in the upper right hand corner contains the shoulder; the +right hand lower corner under it, the tail; and the left hand lower +corner, leg and foot. + +The box shown in fig. 287 _c_ is related to the general design of fig. +287 _b_. The somewhat slanting lines between the upper and lower fields +occur in both cases, but the vertical division of each side, which is +characteristic of the specimen just described, is lacking in the last +named specimen. + +[Illustration: Fig. 288. Horn spoons showing carving on the back; _a_, +representing sea-monster; _b_, hawk; _c_, beaver (?); _d_, raven; _e_, +killer-whale; _f_, raven; _g_, dlia (?); _h_, sun.] + +A fairly fixed formal arrangement may also be observed on horn spoons +moulded of a single piece (fig. 288). On the back of the spoon is a +design, the center of which is a large face. In many specimens the +space above the eye is filled by two ear designs which are doubled +and unusually large on account of the space that they have to fill. +In these specimens the space between the ears is taken up by a narrow +decorated strip. In a few simpler forms parts of the bowl of the spoon +remain undecorated. + +[Illustration: Fig. 289. Dish of horn of big-horn-sheep representing +the bear.] + +A closer examination of the decorated objects shows that even apart +from the decorative use of symbolic motives, geometric elements are +not by any means absent. The most striking use of geometrical forms +is found on wooden trays, which bear at the ends the characteristic +faces, but which are decorated on the sides by groups of short parallel +lines (fig. 284, p. 273). The line and circle pattern on the dish +(fig. 168, p. 191) illustrates also the use of geometrical forms for +decorative purposes. On the berry spoon (fig. 215, p. 221) the space +left vacant by the symbolic design is filled in with a net of crossing +lines. This specimen shows that the cross hatching which occurs in many +specimens,—on the beaver tail (fig. 157, p. 186), on berry spoons (fig. +182, p. 197), on spoons (fig. 189, p. 201) and often in red or black +as a filler on boxes (fig. 274, p. 263) has a decorative value even +when it may be given at the same time a symbolic meaning. The dish of +big-horn-sheep horn (fig. 289) shows a bear’s head at each end. At the +same time it has a decorative border which seems to imitate the border +of a basket and which is purely ornamental. It serves to close off the +rim which without it would seem to end abruptly. A similar device is +used on a Kwakiutl mask (fig. 290). Although the encircling ornament +is explained as a ring made of twisted, shredded cedar bark, it is +obviously essentially ornamental. The circular and spiral designs bring +out the ornamental character most clearly. + +[Illustration: PLATE X. + +Chilkat Blanket.] + +[Illustration: PLATE XI. + +Cedarbark Blanket, British Columbia.] + +[Illustration: PLATE XII. + +Blankets of Mountain-goat Wool. + +Bella Coola, British Columbia.] + + +It seems not unlikely that the symbolic style and the desire to +cover the whole field with ornaments have developed exuberantly only +recently. In early times geometric ornaments were probably more widely +used than is the case now. We shall see presently that they are in +extensive use in basketry. + +A number of ancient blankets show that angular geometrical ornaments +played an important part in earlier weaving. Plate X represents +a blanket of mountain-goat wool, in the Ethnological Museum at +Copenhagen, formerly belonging to the old collections in Leningrad. +It is decorated entirely with geometrical designs arranged in +horizontal bands. The same zig-zag pattern in short panels that occupies +alternating bands in this blanket appears in a second ancient blanket +(Pl. XI) which contains also curiously conventionalized faces and +triangular designs. This is a cedar bark blanket in the British Museum +transferred from the United Service Museum about 1868, collected at +Nootka. It has a border in brown and yellow wool (?), consisting of +obtuse triangles, assimilated to an eye design. A series of photographs +of blankets in the hands of Dr. Newcombe of Victoria, British Columbia, +shows that these types were in common use in Bella Coola (Pl. XII, see +also p. 292). + +[Illustration: Fig. 290. Mask of Kwakiutl Indians used in winter +ceremonial; according to some representing fool dancer, according to +others The-One-Shining-Down.] + +Our consideration of the fixed formal elements found in this art prove +that the principles of geometric ornamental form may be recognized even +in this highly developed symbolic art; and that it is not possible to +assign to each and every element that is derived from animal motives a +significant function, but that many of them are employed regardless of +meaning, and used for purely ornamental purposes. + +The symbolic decoration is governed by rigorous formal principles. It +appears that what we have called for the sake of convenience dissection +and distortion of animal forms, is, in many cases, a fitting of animal +motives into fixed ornamental patterns. We infer from a study of form +and interpretation that there are certain purely geometric elements +that have been utilized in the symbolic representation. Most important +among these are the double curve which appears always as a filler in +an oval field with flat base, and the slit which serves to separate +distinct curves. The typical eye design is presumably related to the +circle and dot and may have developed from the double tendency of +associating geometrical motives with animal forms and of the other, of +standardizing forms derived from animal motives as ornamental elements. + +This art style can be fully understood only as an integral part +of the structure of Northwest coast culture. The fundamental idea +underlying the thoughts, feelings, and activities of these tribes is +the value of rank which gives title to the use of privileges, most +of which find expression in artistic activities or in the use of art +forms. Rank and social position bestow the privilege to use certain +animal figures as paintings or carvings on the house-front, on totem +poles, on masks and on the utensils of every day life. Rank and social +position give the right to tell certain tales referring to ancestral +exploits; they determine the songs which may be sung. There are other +obligations and privileges related to rank and social position, but +the most outstanding feature is the intimate association between +social standing and art forms. A similar relation, although not quite +so intimate, prevails in the relation of religious activities and +manifestations of art. It is as though the heraldic idea had taken hold +of the whole life and had permeated it with the feeling that social +standing must be expressed at every step by heraldry which, however, +is not confined to space forms alone but extends over literary, +musical and dramatic expression. Who can tell whether the association +between social standing and the use of certain animal forms,—that +is the totemic aspect of social life,—has given the prime impetus +to the art development or whether the art impetus has developed and +enriched totemic life? Our observations make it seem plausible that +the particular symbolic development of art would not have occurred, +if the totemic ideas had been absent and that we are dealing with the +gradual intrusion of ever fuller animal motives into a well established +conventionalized art. On the other hand it seems quite certain that +the exuberance of totemic form has been stimulated by the value given +to the art form. We may observe among all the tribes that high chiefs +claim highly specialized art forms that are built up on the general +background of totemic representation. In the south, there is clear +evidence of the late exuberant development of the totemic, or perhaps +better, crest idea, owing to the strong endeavor to raise by the +possession of art forms the standing of the social units to which the +individual belongs. The multiplicity of forms among the numerous small +divisions of the Kwakiutl and the sporadic appearance of animal forms +among the adjoining Salish are ample proof of these relations. + +[Illustration: Fig. 291. Ancient type of Kwakiutl box.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 292. _a_, Food tray; _b_, Bucket, Kwakiutl.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 293. Small boxes, Kwakiutl.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 294. Combs, Kwakiutl.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 295. Bone club and sword, Kwakiutl.] + +The style has undoubtedly its home in northern British Columbia and +southern Alaska. The manufactures of the tribes of Vancouver Island +show a far more extended use of geometrical ornamentation than those of +the northern tribes. I am under the impression that these are survivals +of an older style. Trays, boxes, and baskets of the Kwakiutl Indians +are still decorated with geometrical patterns. A rattle used in a +ceremony performed after the birth of twins (fig. 19, p. 31) bears a +pattern consisting of angular fields. Ancient boxes found in caves are +ornamented with a geometrical style more elaborate than that of modern +times (fig. 291). + +[Illustration: Fig. 296. Spindle whorls.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 297. Ladle made of big-horn-sheep horn, Columbia +River.] + +The small food trays, the sides of which are bent out of a single +board, bear on the upper end a border pattern consisting of equidistant +lines following the rim, while the body of the sides is ornamented +with vertical lines (fig. 292 _a_). A similar border pattern is found +on buckets (fig. 292 _b_). In boxes a border design is cut in, setting +off the central field (fig. 293). Combs are decorated with geometrical +motives most of which consist of a central rectangular field set off +from the background by parallel lines or developed by a subdivision of +the field. In one case triangles and crossing lines with hachure are +used (fig. 294). On a bone sword the decoration consists of circles +with center, a pattern that is widely distributed among the western +Eskimo, the plateau tribes of the interior and in California (fig. +295). It will be noticed that the head carved at the end of this +specimen does not conform at all to the style of art here discussed +but rather agrees with the carving found in the region of the Gulf of +Georgia and Puget Sound. Another specimen (fig. 295), differs still +more from the style of the Northwest coast art and resembles that of +the tribes of the interior. + +[Illustration: Fig. 298. Clubs made of bone of whale, Nootka.] + + +In the art of the West coast of Vancouver Island, in a few ancient +specimens of the Kwakiutl and particularly in the whole area of the +Gulf of Georgia, a triangular motive analogous to the “Kerbschnitt” of +northern Europe, plays an important role. It is found on the ancient +Kwakiutl boxes previously referred to (fig. 291), and is a common +decorative motive on clubs made of bone of whale (fig. 298). A related +motive is found on spindle whorls (fig. 296). It is also found on +representative wood carvings, as on the eagle design on a house post +from the Fraser River Delta (Plate XIII p. 288). In the region still +farther south, this ornament becomes more and more important, as may be +seen on dishes and spoons from the Columbia River area. On these the +circular design and central dot also occur (fig. 297). + +[Illustration: Fig. 299. Clubs made of bone of whale, Nootka and coast +of Salish.] + +A number of ancient specimens prove the existence of a fixed art style +in this region, representative, but differing in character from the +style of the Northwest coast. This is best illustrated by a series +of war clubs. The fundamental type is a blade of a lenticular cross +section surmounted by a head resembling that of an eagle, which bears +on its head a bird headdress not unlike what is used by the Nootka of +modern times.[115] In all the specimens represented in figures 298 and +299 this fundamental form will be recognized, although in many cases +the outlines are so crude that the elements of the composition are +recognized with difficulty only. It is possible that in a number of +these carvings it was not the intent to represent the eagle with bird +headdress, but that the form is rather due to the compelling influence +of a standardized form that determined the outlines of the subject +of the representation. Common to these clubs is also the central +ornamental line ending near the point in a circular ornament which is +often given the form of a human head. + +[115] See Harlan I. Smith, Archaeology of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget +Sound, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol II, +figs. 165-168. + +Representations of animals in wood carving differ also in important +features from those of the northern region. The tendency to ornament +the whole body, the dislike of a plain background is not found here. +If we are right in assuming that the fullest development of a rich +ornamentation in the north is late, we might say that in the south the +ornamentation has not yet encroached upon the whole background. The +eye design, double curve, the slit design are foreign to this area. +Instead of house posts carved in the round, we find heavy posts of +rectangular cross section which bear on the front figures carved in the +round or in high relief. Sometimes the post assumes geometrical forms. +A characteristic trait of the human face in this region is the sharp +angle setting off the forehead from the face. This is most pronounced +in the carvings of the Puget Sound region (fig. 300 and Plate XIV). + +[Illustration: Fig. 300. House posts, Lower Fraser River.] + +On Puget Sound animal representations are used with great frequency in +basketry, particularly as ornamental borders. In ancient times they +were also applied to hats (fig. 301, see also fig. 72 p. 78). This +style seems to be entirely missing in the north. + + +[Illustration: PLATE XIII. + +House Post near Eburne, Fraser River Delta, British Columbia.] + +At the present time the Kwakiutl apply the symbolic style in house +paintings, house posts, and masks. The skill of the artist is not +inferior to that found among the northern tribes, but the subject +matter differs somewhat according to the difference in mythological +concepts. The distortions in painting are, if anything, more daring +than those of the Haida, but I have not observed to the same degree the +tendency to interlock various animal forms, as is done on spoon handles +and totem poles of the northern tribes. On totem poles so far as these +occur, and on house posts the single figures are placed one on top +of the other, but they remain separated. The masks are painted as +elaborately as those of the northern tribes. Double masks and revolving +attachments occur. In short, the decorative art of those objects that +are strictly related to use in totemic and similar ceremonies, have the +northern type, while objects of every day life tend to have geometric +ornamentation. The use of animal forms on large dishes (see fig. 198, +p. 208) is a characteristic trait of this region. + +[Illustration: Fig. 301. Basket, Lower Chehalis.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 302. Designs on matting, Kwakiutl.] + +Historical tradition confirms our view that the northern art type is +of recent introduction among the Kwakiutl. In ancient times the walls +of the houses were built of horizontal, overlapping boards that did +not admit painting, except on separate planks. Old Indians claim that, +until about 1860, the house posts were heavy planks with relief carving +or painting,—like those known to us from Fraser River, and that only +masks were of the same type as those now in use. + +While realistic representations are rare among the northern tribes, +they are found quite frequently among the Kwakiutl. They are +principally caricatures that are made and exhibited for the purpose of +ridiculing a rival. A head used in a ceremonial performance has been +referred to before (fig. 156 p. 185). + +I have stated that in basketry and matting geometrical ornamentation +is used by all the tribes. It is the style of the woman’s art. On +decorated mats checker designs are made in black and red on the +background of natural color of cedar bark (fig. 302). More elaborate +are the patterns which occur on spruce root weaving, particularly on +hats. These are made by twining, and ornamental lines are developed by +the occasional skipping of two woof strands. By this device lines are +produced which appear raised over the surface of the plain weaving. The +most frequent designs which are made in this way consist of a series of +diamonds and of zig-zag lines. Sometimes these hats are also painted. In +these the woven pattern disappears almost completely under the painted +design (fig. 303). + +On the coast of Alaska we find the highest development of the geometric +style. + +[Illustration: Fig. 303. Woven hat of spruce root, Kwakiutl.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 304. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry.] + +The patterns used on these baskets consist of angular forms, except on +modern placques, and bear names.[116] From the way in which these are +used we may infer that they have no symbolic significance. I give here +a selection of these. Fig. 304 _a_, _b_, _c_, patterns consisting of +zig-zag lines, represent in this order: the woodworm or the woodworm +tracks (_a_), lightning (_b_), the butterfly (_c_). The rectangle +divided by an oblique line, (_d_), represents tracks of the bear; +the dark part of the rectangle may be interpreted as the sole of the +foot; the light part of the rectangle as the claws. The design (_e_) +is called the arrow; (_f_) the rainbow; (_g_) fire weed; and (_h_) +the hood of the raven. Fig. 305 _a_ shows various representations +of the isosceles triangle, some of which are identical with the +forms occurring in California. All of these are called head of the +salmon-berry. The designs _b_, _c_, and _d_, are closely related; (_b_) +is generally used on the narrow central band which separates two broad +design bands; it is called “tying”. Flying geese are represented in +(_c_); tracks of geese in (_d_). The complicated design in (_e_) is +called “raven tail”; the relation between this name and the form is not +clear; (_f_) shows a number of representations of the wave. Designs +(_g_) and (_h_) are from circular placques; (_g_) represents the fern +frond; (_h_) the porpoise. In the last named case the relation between +form and name is obscure. + +[116] G. T. Emmons, The Basketry of the Tlingit, Memoirs American +Museum of Natural History. Vol. 3 (1903) pp. 229 et seq. + + +I have little doubt that the designs are closely related to the blanket +patterns previously referred to and to the porcupine quill embroidery +of the tribes of the interior. The design fig. 304 _h_, for instance, +is found in identical form on the lowest stripe of the Bella Coola +blanket on top of Plate XII. The arrangement of patterns in blocks on +these blankets is also similar to the arrangement found in this type +of basketry. In fact the technique is a kind of embroidery in which +the decorative material is wrapped around the woof strand when the +basket is being made. The materials used are grasses and fern stems of +contrasting color. + +[Illustration: Fig. 305. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry.] + +The baskets are round, mostly with almost straight walls. The diameter +is very nearly equal to the height. On the majority of baskets which +are used for berrying and as general receptacles, the patterns are +applied in horizontal bands. The rim of the basket is generally +undecorated. The rim weave which holds the warp together, is in most +cases quite insignificant and does not give a decorative effect. The +only specimen of decorative band at the upper rim, with which I am +familiar, has no color embroidery but has only a zig-zag decoration made +by the process of twilling described before, similar to the pattern +fig. 304 _h_. Most baskets are decorated by a broad band parallel to +the rim, which consists of two wide stripes separated by a narrow one. +These bands are placed at a short distance from the upper rim. (Plate +XIV). The distance is often about equal to the width of the central +band. The designs on the wide upper and lower bands are generally +identical. The central dividing band is in most cases decorated with +small elements arranged in zig-zag lines. In a fairly large number of +cases, only the two outer bands are embroidered, while the central +band remains undecorated. In a few cases the central band is reduced +to a single undecorated line of stitches so that the impression is +conveyed of a single broad band encircling the whole basket. In open +work spoon baskets the central band is placed near the middle of the +basket, while the outer bands are moved to the bottom and to the upper +border. Although some of the designs are of such a character that they +may be used as continuous horizontal bands, there is a marked tendency +of dividing up the circumference into a number of panels which are +separated by straight vertical lines. + +A considerable number of the baskets decorated with three bands have +either two or four “droppers”, and in a few cases the design of the +“dropper” is repeated over the upper design. The number of repetitions +of the design in the bands is quite irregular, some of the large +designs are repeated only twice. When there are many repetitions of +the design in the upper and lower band their distribution is generally +quite independent, that is, the upper and lower design elements are not +fitted the one over the other. + +Unfortunately there is not enough porcupine embroidery available +that will allow us to investigate in detail the relations between +the patterns used in this industry and in basketry. The designs here +described are akin to the geometrical basketry patterns of other parts +of the Pacific slope and to designs occurring in bead embroidery. They +are entirely foreign to the painting and carving described in the +previous pages. + +[Illustration: PLATE XIV. + +Tlingit Baskets.] + +Northwest Coast culture has exerted its influence over the tribes both +of the north and south. The woodwork of the Columbia River region and +of northern California has undoubtedly been stimulated by its example. +Although the style changes materially, the technique of handling the +wood and the relative abundance of wood carving indicates the +interrelation of these cultures. Taken in conjunction with other +features,—such as the peculiar type of correlation of wealth and rank +and the extensive use of standards of value,—the historical relation +seems firmly established. The art style of woodwork does not exhibit a +close affinity to the North West Coast. We have shown that the older +art of the Gulf of Georgia is quite distinct from that of the North +West Coast. The further south we go the more meager become the vestiges +of the symbolic style here treated. + +In the north conditions are somewhat different. Even among the +northern Tlingit tribes some types of masks may be observed that +are conceptionally different from those found further south. They +are characterized by the attachment of small animal figures to the +face,—particularly on the forehead and cheeks. This usage is much +more frequent among the Eskimo tribes.[117] Their masks tend to be +flat and appear like plastic representations of their paintings and +etchings: realistic forms of human or imaginary beings or of animals. +They have adopted from the North West Coast the attachment of parts +of the body to the face, while these parts,—such as hands and feet, +retain their realistic character. The attachment of small animal forms +to the face is quite frequent here. Its source may perhaps be found +in the application of animal heads to carved objects, which is one of +the principle features of the decorative art of the Alaskan Eskimo. +It is exemplified in the needle cases shown in fig. 119, p. 125. The +abundance of masks can hardly be understood unless we assume that the +coast people of the south exerted a powerful influence over the Eskimo. +The eastern Eskimo, among whom this influence is lacking, have few +masks of quite a different type. + +[117] Sie E. W. Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, 18^{th} Ann. +Rep. Bur. Am. Ethn. (1899) Plates 95 et seq.; also the Athapascan +masks from Anvik in J. W. Chapman, Notes on the Tinneh tribe of Anvik, +Congrès International des Americanistes XV^e session, Vol 2, pp. 7 et +seq. + +The relation of the North West Coast art to that of the adjoining +plateaus of the interior deserves special consideration. The contrast +between the two is striking. A few of the tribes that have adopted, +partially at least, totemic ideas of the coast people, as the Lillooet, +have taken over with it a moderate amount of carving. A few that have +fallen more fully under the sway of the North West Coast culture, as +the Bella Coola, Babine, and a few of the Alaskan tribes near the coast +of southern Alaska, have also, to a great extent, adopted the art style +of the coast. + +[Illustration: Fig. 306. _a_, Rawhide pouch, Salish or Chinook; _b_, +Design from parfleche, Fort Colville, Washington.] + +As soon as we move farther inland we find an art that, in its +essential characteristics, is subject to the Plains art. The style and +decoration of the clothing are essentially those of the Plains. Rude +pictography is used extensively. There is hardly any attempt to fit the +pictographic representation to the decorative field that serves merely +as the background on which the representative design is conveniently +placed. Most of the geometric patterns that do occur are closely +related to eastern forms. A rawhide pouch from the interior of British +Columbia (fig. 28, p. 36) may serve as an example. On parfleches and +rawhide pouches from Fort Colville and from Columbia River (fig. 306) +we find the same designs that are characteristic of eastern paintings +on rawhide (see figs. 144-146 pp. 170-172). Analogous forms are found +in bone carvings from the Tahltan in Alaska (fig. 307). In the southern +parts of the plateaus of British Columbia, simple lines and circles +with center are the most common decorative pattern on bone and on wood. +Representative sculpture is rare although a few ancient specimens have +been found. The archaeological remains prove that at an early time the +same art type prevailed in the Delta of Fraser River. The symbolism of +the patterns is very weak, but seems analogous to that found in the +east. + +[Illustration: Fig. 307. Scraper of bone, Tahltan.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 308. Detail of imbricated basketry.] + +Decorative art is most highly developed in basketry. The basketry +of the Coast tribes is made by twining or weaving, but the highly +decorated basketry of the interior is exclusively of the coiled type. +Only among the Sahaptin and other tribes to the southeast do we find +elaborately decorated twined bags. The twined weaving of the interior +of British Columbia is largely undecorated or bears a few lines set +off in lighter color. The coiled weaving is decorated by imbrication, +a method peculiar to that part of the plateaus extending from the +Columbia River to Chilcotin (fig. 308). In this area a number of +decorative art styles have developed. These appear most clearly on the +burden baskets. The southern baskets are round and flaring, those of +southern British Columbia are angular in cross section, those of the +north oblong and of irregular form. The southern baskets are decorated +all over with designs resembling Californian patterns. Those of +the Thompson River have design areas set off against an undecorated +background. The designs are made by imbrication and extend over the +whole side of the basket, evenly on all sides. The Lillooet baskets are +more flaring than those of the Thompson. The coils are wider and the +decorative field is arranged in a different manner. The imbrication is +confined to the upper two-thirds of the basket while the lower part +remains undecorated, except that there are frequently two hangers +on the wide sides which may be compared to the hangers on Tlingit +baskets, described before. I am doubtful whether there is an historical +connection between the two, notwithstanding their striking similarity. +The Indians suggest that the hangers may have developed from the +earlier use of birch bark baskets. These were often wrapped at the +upper part with buckskin the lower portion of which hung down freely in +fringes, so that the droppers would represent the fringes. Many of the +Lillooet designs are large. (Plate XV). + +The Chilcotin type differs from the preceding by the small size of +the coil and a distinctive form, the narrow ends being higher than +the middle of the long sides. The treatment of the decorative field +is similar to that used by the Tlingit. The ornamentation consists +of three bands; the upper and the lower ones wide, bearing the same +kind of decorative design and the central one narrower and either +undecorated or showing a design of a different character. Arrangements +of this kind are used so frequently that is seems hardly justifiable to +consider them as proof of an historical connection between Tlingit and +Chilcotin basketry. We find similar arrangements for instance in the +pouches of the Woodland Indians referred to on p. 175, figs. 149, 150. + +[Illustration: PLATE XV. + +Imbricated Baskets from British Columbia and Washington.] + + + + + LITERATURE, MUSIC, AND DANCE. + + +We shall now turn to a consideration of literature, music and dance. It +is a noticeable fact that a rich literary art is much more universally +distributed than well developed decorative art. While among tribes +like the Bushman and the eastern Eskimo very few manufactured objects +of artistic value are found, these same tribes produce an abundance +of literary work. Volumes of Eskimo lore have been collected and if +it did not require a most intimate knowledge of the people and an +endless amount of patience to collect songs and poems, their number +would undoubtedly equal that of tales. The collections of Bushman lore +are also quite extended. I believe the reason for this difference is +not far to seek. Decorative art requires rest and quiet, a stationary +abode. There must be opportunity to continue steadily the work which +requires the use of tools; or at least there must be a chance to lay it +aside and to take it up again. The life of hunters is not favorable to +the prosecution of such work. First of all the weapons of the hunter +must be kept in order. The supply of provisions is generally so scanty +or the possibility of laying by stores for future use is so limited, +that the hunter is compelled to spend the greater part of every +day in pursuit of the game. Little time remains for domestic work. +Furthermore when camp is shifted which is frequently necessary, bulky, +half finished work can be carried along with difficulty only. It is, +therefore, not surprising that the household goods of the hunter are +few in number and easily transported. The property of a Bushman family +might be carried in two hands. + +Quite different are conditions under which literary work and music +develop. It might be imagined that the hunter has just as little +time for poetic work, as for the manufacture of decorated articles. +This opinion is based on an erroneous conception of the work of the +hunter. He is not all the time following strenuously the tracks of +the game, but often he resorts to trapping, or he sits still, waiting +for the game to appear. The Eskimo, for instance, sits for hours by +the breathing-hole of the seal. During such times his fancy is free to +wander and many of his songs take shape during these moments. There are +other times of enforced idleness in which manual work is impossible but +when the people may give free range to their fancy. An instance of this +stands out clearly in my mind: An Eskimo youth was carried away in the +fall on the drifting ice. After a few days he succeeded in reaching +land. During these days of danger and privation he composed a song in +which he mocked his own misfortunes and the hardships he had endured, +a song which appealed to the fancy of the people and which soon became +popular in all the villages.[118] + +[118] See Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 7, p. 50. + + “Aya, I am joyful; this is good! + Aya, there is nothing but ice around me, that is good! + Aya, I am joyful; this is good! + My country is nothing but slush, that is good! + Aya, I am joyful; this is good! + Aya, when, indeed, will this end? this is good! + I am tired of watching and waking, this is good!” + +We must remember that the first condition for the development of +artistic handicraft is leisure. No matter how strong the art impulse +may be, it cannot find expression so long as man’s time is entirely +taken up by procuring the barest necessities of life. The paleolithic +hunter who painted on the walls of the caves must have been able to +spare sufficient time from the labor of getting his food supply to +devote himself to the joy of painting the animals of the chase. We +recognize in a study of the art products of each people that the amount +they produce is in direct relation to the amount of their leisure. +Therefore tribes that procure their main food supply in one season and +store it up for the rest of the year and who enjoy, therefore, seasons +of leisure, will be found to be most productive in works of art as well +as in ceremonial affairs and other manifestations of social life that +do not contribute to the mere need of food and shelter. + +These conditions are more easily fulfilled for those arts that do not +require manual labor than for those based on industrial occupations; +hence the wider distribution of literary art. + +The two fundamental forms of literature, song and tale, are found +universally and must be considered the primary form of literary +activity. Poetry without music, that is to say forms of literary +expression of fixed rhythmic form, are found only in civilized +communities, except perhaps in chanted formulas. In simpler cultural +forms the music of language alone does not seem to be felt as an +artistic expression, while fixed rhythms that are sung occur everywhere. + +We may even recognize that in all parts of the world songs are found +in which the words are subordinated to music. As we sing tunes without +words, either because the words are not known,—or, more significantly, +on a refrain, on vocables consisting of syllables without meaning,—so +songs carried along on a meaningless burden are found in all parts +of the globe. They are not often recorded because the collection of +material of this kind is quite novel, but the data that we have in hand +prove that the connection between song and burden is universal. The +Eskimo have songs carried along on the syllables _amna aya_, _iya aya_, +and other similar ones. In some cases there is a certain emotional +significance inherent in the burden, as on the Northwest coast of +America where the songs refer to different supernatural beings, each +having its own characteristic syllables: the cannibal spirit _ham ham_, +the grizzly bear _hei hei_ and so on. According to the usual definition +of poetry we should perhaps exclude these songs, but that is impossible +because the transition from songs carried along by the burden alone +and others that contain significant words is quite gradual. In many +cases a single word is introduced at a definite point of the tune and +the verses contain each one single word. This may be the name of the +supernatural being to which the song refers. + +Thus we have in British Columbia + + Ham ham hamaya, He-who-travels-from-one-end-of-the-world-to-the-other + ham ham. + Ham ham hamaya, The-great-cannibal-of-the-north-end-of-the-world, + ham ham. + Ham ham hamaya, He-who-carries-corpses-to-be-his-food, + ham ham. + +In other songs the significant words are more elaborate. They are +phrases fitted to the tunes, often by doing violence to the ordinary +forms of the words. The words are controlled by the tunes. I might +imitate this in the following way: + +Instead of “I saw the great spirit travelling about”. We might have + + I sawhaw the greaheat sp’rit tra’ling ’bout, ham ham. + +This process is not quite unfamiliar to us in so far as we use the +apostrophe for syllables that in ordinary speech are not slurred, when +we expand a long vowel over several tones, when we utilise archaic +pronunciations for the sake of the meter, or when wrong accents are +introduced. Disregard for the words is found also in borrowed songs +which are sung in a language that is not understood and in which the +words (which are usually mispronounced) have only the value of a burden +that may be connected with a certain emotion determined by the use of +the song. All these forms are found everywhere and must therefore be +considered the foundations of poetry. + +Primitive poetry is primarily lyric, in many cases dithyrambic, and +elements which express definite coherent ideas are, in all probability, +later developments. Perhaps we may see here an analogy to the growth of +language. In the animal world cries are primarily reactions to emotions +and only indirectly designative. It seems likely that in human speech +the spontaneous emotional cry preceded the designative and so much more +the predicative expression, not by any means in the sense that the +exclamation accounts for the origin of organized speech, but that it is +probably the first form of articulation. + +It must not be assumed that the control of the word by music is +characteristic of all primitive song. On the contrary, in recitatives +which are quite common, the words are often controlling and musical +phrases are added or omitted whenever the words require it. Among the +Sioux Indians we find often both tendencies; the words adapted to the +tunes and the tune, on its part, adjusted to the words.[119] + +[119] Frances Densmore, Teton Sioux Music, Bull. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 61, +Washington, 1918; see, for instance No. 38, p. 162. + +We might express the results of our considerations in stating that song +is older than poetry and that poetry has gradually emancipated itself +from music. + +The relation between music, words and dance are of a similar character. +Primitive literary expression is often, though not by any means always, +accompanied by some kind of motor activity; or certain kinds of motions +may release articulations that take the form of song or of spoken +words. Strong, but controlled emotion finds utterance in movements of +the body and in articulation, and emotional speech releases similar +movements. This may be inferred from the frequent association of song +and dance, of song and games, and of that of gestures and lively +speech. Dance has always remained associated with music, but with the +emancipation of poetry music has lost its close association with the +spoken word. + +Primitive artistic prose has two important forms: narrative and +oratory. The form of modern prose is largely determined by the fact +that it is read, not spoken, while primitive prose is based on the art +of oral delivery and is, therefore, more closely related to modern +oratory than to the printed literary style. The stylistic difference +between the two forms is considerable. + +Unfortunately most primitive prose has been recorded in European +languages only, and it is impossible to determine the accuracy of the +rendering. In most of the records there is an obvious attempt to adapt +it to the European literary style. Even when the material is available +in the original text we may assume that, at least in the majority of +cases, it does not reach the standard of excellence of the art of +native narrative. The difficulty of phonetic rendering of foreign +languages requires such slowness of dictation that the artistic style +necessarily suffers. The number of collectors who possess complete +mastery of the languages of the natives is altogether too small. The +best approximation to the art of narrative of primitive people is +probably found in those cases in which educated natives write down the +texts, or in the records taken down by missionaries who in long years +of personal, intimate contact with the people have acquired complete +control of their language, and who are willing to give us just what +they hear. + +As an example of the difference in style between the free rendering +of a story told in English by an interpreter, and the translation of +a native text I give part of the Twin-Hero story of Sia, as told by +M. C. Stevenson, and the same story as dictated to me in Laguna. Mrs. +Stevenson[120] tells as follows: Upon visiting the plaza the twins +found a large gathering and the housetops were crowded with those +looking at the dance. The boys who approached the plaza from a narrow +street in the village, stood for a time at the entrance. The one +remarked, “I guess all the people are looking at us and thinking we are +very poor boys; see how they pass back and forth and do not speak to +us;” but after a while he said, “We are a little hungry; let us walk +around and see where we can find something to eat.” They looked in all +the houses facing upon the plaza and saw feasting within, but no one +invited them to enter and eat, and though they inspected every house in +the village, they were invited into but one. At this house the woman +said, “Boys, come in and eat; I guess you are hungry.” After the repast +they thanked her, saying, “It was very good.” Then the one said, “You, +woman, and you, man,” addressing her husband, “you and all your family +are good. We have eaten at your house; we give you many thanks; and now +listen to what I have to say. I wish you and all your children to go +off a distance to another house; to a house which stands alone; the +round house off from the village. All of you stay there for a while.” + +[120] Matilda Coxe Stevenson, The Sia, 11th Annual Report Bureau of +Ethnology, Washington, 1894, pp. 54-55. + +The Laguna version is as follows:[121] + +Long ago.—Eh.—Long ago in the north in Whitehouse lived the people. At +that time they had a war dance. At that time, when they were dancing, +Salt-Woman and her grandsons, the Twin-Heroes, were travelling in this +direction searching for a town, yes, some place where nobody would make +dirt, searching for good water standing on the ground; for that they +were searching. At the time they reached Whitehouse the people were +having a war dance. They arrived at the east end of the town, and they +climbed up the ladder, entered after having climbed down, but nobody +said anything to them. Then they climbed up and out again. Again they +climbed down into a house on the west and again they entered, climbing +downward. Here also nobody invited them in and nobody gave them to +eat. Then they climbed up going out and climbed down the ladder. Then +the grandmother spoke thus, “Grandchildren, are you hungry?” said she +to them. Then the Twin-Heroes spoke, “Yes,” they said to her. Then +the grandmother, Salt-Woman, spoke thus, “Now let us go for the last +time, climb up the house to the west.” Thus said Salt-Woman. They +went westward and climbed up, then they climbed down the ladder and +entered. When they had entered the Parrot People were about to eat. +They said, “How is everything?”—“It is well,” said the Parrot People. +“Sit down,” said the Parrot People. Then they sat down and soon they +were satisfied. After a while the one who was the mother of the Parrot +People spoke thus, “Give them to eat,” said she. Then they gave them +to eat and they dipped out the deer meat with a chamber vessel. Then +the one who was the mother spoke thus, “Take this; eat,” said she. +Then Salt-Woman put her hand into the soup that had been dipped out +and she stirred it with her hand and they ate and they were satisfied. +Then the one who was the mother of the Parrot People took it away. +She spoke thus, “I wonder why this soup is so different,” said she. +Then she tasted it. Then the one who was the mother spoke thus, “Oh +my, that soup is very sweet,” said the one who was the mother. Then +Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Behold, go on, dip it out and give it to them +and eat,” said Salt-Woman. Then she dipped out the soup and passed +it about. They sat down there together. Then Salt-Woman took scabs +from her body (which was salt) and she put the salt in for them. Then +Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Let us continue to stir it,” said Salt-Woman. +Then they stirred it and ate. Now Salt-Woman spoke thus, “I tell you +this,” said Salt-Woman, “I am Salt-Woman, there is no sickness on my +body. Is not this my body pure salt?” said Salt-Woman. “Now I also tell +you this,” said Salt-Woman. “How many children have you and how many +families of Parrot People live here?” said Salt-Woman. “Now go ahead +and come in this direction,” said she, “for I am very grateful because +you gave me to eat,” said Salt-Woman. Now the one who was the mother +of the Parrot People went to call her relatives. She brought the whole +number of them. Then she took them down and Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Are +these your relatives, the Parrot People?”—“Yes,” said the one who was +the mother. “Indeed,” she said, “Go ahead, take this basket and give +it to me,” said Salt-Woman. Then she gave the basket to Salt-Woman and +salt came off from her arms and from her feet. Then she picked it up +and put it into the basket. “Take this,” said Salt-Woman, “with this +you will season what you eat.” Then again she spoke thus, “Enough,” she +said, “it is good, thank you. Now we shall climb up and go out from +here. You stay here,” said Salt-Woman, “then, when the Twin-Heroes are +ready we shall open the door after a while.” Thus spoke Salt-Woman. +Then they climbed up and went away and climbed down again. After they +had climbed down outside the children came and looked at them for a +while. The Twin-Heroes were playing thereabouts with a shuttlecock. +Then the children spoke thus, “Boy,” said they, “go ahead, bring me +this shuttlecock,” said the children. Then the younger one of the +Twin-Heroes spoke thus, “Go ahead,” said he, “stand there to the +south under the cotton wood tree.” The children went southward. They +arrived there. Then the children spoke thus, “Go ahead,” they said. +“Now look out,” said the elder one of the Twin-Heroes, “I throw the +shuttlecock southward.” When it arrived at the south where they stood, +the shuttlecock fell down between them. Then all were turned into +chaparral jays. All flew upward. Then Salt-Woman and her grandchildren +went to the south. They arrived in the south. Then the elder one of +the Twin-Heroes stood up. He took up his shuttlecock in his turn. +The younger one said, “Now, look out, it is my turn. Let me make +the shuttlecock fly to the north.”—“Go ahead,” said the elder one. +The younger one made the shuttlecock fly northward. In the north it +reached the plaza and when the shuttlecock fell down the people were +transformed into stones. Then Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Enough,” said +she, “Now go ahead to the house of the Parrot People and open the door.” + +[121] Franz Boas, Keresan Texts, Publications of the American +Ethnological Society, Vol. 8, p. 17. + +Another example may not be amiss. Dr. Ruth Benedict recorded the +following as part of the creation myth from a Zuni Indian who has a +good command of English: + +“The Two came to the fourth world. It was dark there; they could see +nothing. They met a man; he was naked and his body was covered with +green slime, he had a tail, and a horn on his forehead. He took them to +his people. The Two said to them, “In the upper world there is no one +to worship the sun. He has sent us down to you to take you out to the +world above.” They said, “We are willing. In this world we cannot see +one another, we step upon one another, we urinate upon one another, we +spit upon one another, we throw refuse upon one another. It is nasty +here, we do not want to stay. We have been waiting for someone to lead +us out. But you must go to the priest of the north; we want to know +what he has to say.” + +They took them to the priest of the north. He said to them, “What is it +that you have come to say?”—“We want you to come out into the upper +world.”—“We are willing to go. In this world we cannot see, we step +upon one another, we urinate upon one another, we throw refuse upon +another, we spit upon one another. It is nasty here, we do not want to +stay. We have been waiting for someone to lead us out. But you must go +to the priest of the west; we want to know what he has to say.” (This +is repeated for the priests of the six directions.) + +Cushing[122] has rendered the same incident as follows: + +“Anon in the nethermost of the four cave-wombs of the world, the seed +of men and the creatures took form and increased; even as within eggs +in warm places worms speedily appear, which growing, presently burst +their shells and become as may happen, birds, tadpoles, or serpents, so +did men and all creatures grow manifoldly and multiply in many kinds. +Thus the lowermost womb or cave-world, which was Anosin tehuli (the +womb of sooty depth or of growth-germination, because it was the place +of first formation and dark as a chimney at night time, foul too, as +the internals of the belly) thus did it become overfilled with being. +Everywhere were unfinished creatures, crawling like reptiles one over +another in filth and black darkness, crowding thickly together and +treading each other, one spitting on another or doing other indecency, +insomuch that loud became their murmurings and lamentations, until many +among them sought to escape, growing wiser and more manlike.” + +[122] Frank H. Cushing, Zuni Creation Myths, 13th Annual Report of the +Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 381. + +I think these examples demonstrate that it is not easy to discover +from published material the stylistic pattern of primitive narrative. +Sometimes the rendering is bald and dry owing to the difficulties of +expression that the interpreter cannot overcome; sometimes elaborated +in a superimposed literary style that does not belong to the original. + +In free prose narrative particular stress is laid upon the completeness +of the succession of events. Both Pueblo and Kwakiutl informants +criticize tales from this point of view. A Pueblo will say, “You +cannot say, ‘he entered the house,’ for he must first climb up the +ladder, then down into the house. He must greet those present properly +and receive the proper courteous reply.” None of these steps may be +omitted. This is illustrated by the example of the Laguna tale referred +to before (see p. 305). The Kwakiutl cannot say, “Then he spoke,” but +they would say “Then he arose, spoke and said.” They do not allow a +person to arrive at a place without first letting him start and travel. +An epic diffusiveness, an insistence on details is characteristic of +most free primitive narrative. + +Besides these free elements, primitive prose contains passages of fixed +form which are, to a great extent, the source of its attractiveness +to the hearer. Quite often these passages consist of conversation +between the actors and in these, deviations from the fixed formula, are +not permitted. In other cases they are of rhythmic form and must be +considered poetry, chants or songs rather than prose. + +In almost all reliable collections the fixed, formal parts are of +considerable importance. In a few cases, as among the Wailaki of +California, the connective text disappears almost completely. + +In contrast to the fullness of the free narrative these formal parts +are apt to be so brief that they are obscure unless the significance +of the story is known to the hearers. Examples of these are the brief +tales of the Eskimo. In Cumberland Sound I recorded the following +example:[123] a tale of a woman and the Spirit of the Singing-House. + + “Where is its owner? Where is its master? Has the singing-house an + owner? Has the singing-house a master? It has no owner.”—“Here he is, + there he is.”—“Where are his feet? Where are the calves of his legs? + Where are his knees? Where are his thighs?”—“Here they are, there + they are.”—“Where is his stomach?”—“Here it is, there it is.”—“Where + is his chest? Where is his arm? Where is his neck? Where is his + head?”—“Here it is, there it is.” He had no hair. + +[123] Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 7, (1894), p. 45. + +This means that the woman felt for the supernatural owner of the +singing-house. He is supposed to have bandy legs, no hair and no +occipital bone. To touch his soft head is immediate death. + +The same observation may be made in formulas of the Chukchee.[124] + +[124] W. Bogoras, Publications of Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. +VIII, Chukchee Texts, p. 133. + + “I call Raven. My abdomen I make into a bay. The bay is frozen. + Icebound rubbish is there. All this rubbish is frozen in the ice of + the bay. It is the disease of my stomach. Oh, you my stomach, you are + full of pain. I make you into a frozen bay, into an old ice floe, + into a bad ice floe. + + “Oh, Oh! I call to Raven. You Raven travel around from very remote + times. I want your assistance. What are you going to do with this bay + that is frozen? Mischievous people made it freeze; you have a strong + beak, what are you going to do?” + +Sometimes these parts of tales are in an archaic form, or in a +foreign language, so that they may be quite unintelligible. Their +impressiveness rests on the form and the general emotional trend of the +passages in which they occur. + +When such passages are discourse they are probably the best material +for the study of literary style. + +From these remarks let us turn to a few general characteristics +of literary style, first of all to a consideration of rhythm and +repetition. + +The investigation of primitive narrative as well as of poetry proves +that repetition, particularly rhythmic repetition, is one of its +fundamental, esthetic traits. + +It is not easy to form a just opinion regarding the rhythmic character +of formal prose; in part because the rhythmic sense of primitive people +is much more highly developed than our own. The simplification of the +rhythm of modern folk song, and of poetry intended to appeal to popular +taste, has dulled our feeling for rhythmic form. I have referred to +this question before when discussing the complexity of rhythm in +decorative art. It requires careful study to understand the structure +of primitive rhythm, more so in prose than in song, because in this +case the help of the melodic pattern is lacking. + +Rhythmic repetition of contents and form is found commonly in +primitive narrative. For example, the tales of the Chinook Indians +are often so constructed that five brothers, one after another, have +the same adventure. The four elder ones perish while the youngest +one emerges safe and successful. The tale is repeated verbatim for +all the brothers, and its length, which to our ear and to our taste +is intolerable, probably gives pleasure by the repeated form.[125] +Conditions are quite similar in European fairy tales relating to the +fates of three brothers, two of whom perish or fail in their tasks, +while the youngest one succeeds. Similar repetitions are found in the +German tale of Redridinghood, in the widely spread European story of +the rooster who goes to bury his mate, or in the story of the three +bears. In Oriental tales the incidents of the tale are sometimes +repeated verbatim being retold by one of the heroes. + +[125] Franz Boas, Chinook Texts, Bull. Bur. of Ethnol. Washington D. +C., (1894), pp. 9 et seq. + +A few additional examples taken from the narratives of foreign people +will illustrate the general occurrence of the tendency to repetition. +In the Basuto tale called Kumonngoe a man leads his daughter into +the wilderness where she is to be devoured by a cannibal. On the way +he meets three animals and the son of a chief. In each case the same +conversation ensues. “Where are you leading your daughter?”—“Ask +herself, she is grown up.” She replies: + + “I have given to Hlabakoane, Kumonngoe,[126] + To the herd of our cattle Kumonngoe + I thought our cattle were going to stay in the kraal, Kumonngoe, + And so I gave him my father’s Kumonngoe.” + +[126] The girl had a brother named Hlabakoane, to whom she had given a +magical food, called Kumonngoe, that belonged to her father and that +the girl had been forbidden to touch. E. Jacottet, The Treasury of +Basuto Lore, Vol. 1, (1908), p. 114. + +In an Omaha tale[127] of a Snake-Man it is related that a man flees +from a serpent. Three helpers in succession give him moccasins which, +on the following morning return of their own accord to their owners, +and every time the same conversation is repeated. When the serpent goes +in pursuit it asks every animal for information in exactly the same +words. In a tradition of the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island the same +formula is repeated forty times together with the description of the +same ceremonial. In the tales of the Pueblo Indians the same incident +is repeated four times as happening to four sisters; the yellow, red, +blue, and white girls. In a Siberian tale of the Hare we hear that a +hunter hides under the branches of a fallen willow tree. One hare after +another appears in order to browse, espies the hunter and runs away. +In a Papua tale from New Guinea the birds come one after another and +try to peck open the stomach of a drowned person so as to let run out +the water that he has swallowed. Still more markedly appears this type +of repetition in a tale from New Ireland. The birds try to throw the +casuary off from the branch of a tree on which he is perched. In order +to accomplish this, one after another alights on the same branch next +to the casuary but nearer the trunk. Thus he is compelled to move out +farther and farther until finally he drops down. + +[127] James Owen Dorsey, The Thegiha Language, Contributions to North +American Ethnology, Vol. VI, (1890), Washington D. C., p. 284. + +Much more striking are the rhythmic repetitions in songs. Polynesian +genealogies offer an excellent example. Thus we find in Hawaii the +following song:[128] + + Lii-ku-honua, the man, + Ola-ku-honua, the woman, + Kumo-honua, the man, + Lalo-honua, the woman, + +and so on through sixteen pairs. + +[128] Fornander Collection of Hawaiian Antiquities and Folk-lore. Mem. +Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, Vol. VI, Honolulu, (1919), p. 365. + +Or in a cradlesong of the Kwakiutl Indians:[129] + + “When I am a man, then I shall be a hunter, o father! ya ha ha ha. + When I am a man, then I shall be a harpooneer, + o father! ya ha ha ha. + When I am a man, then I shall be a canoe-builder, + o father! ya ha ha ha. + When I am a man, then I shall be a carpenter, o father! ya ha ha ha. + When I am a man, then I shall be an artisan, o father! ya ha ha ha. + That we may not be in want, o father, ya ha ha ha.” + +[129] Franz Boas, Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, 35th An. Rep. Bur. Am. +Ethn., Washington, 1921, p. 1310. + +In the Eskimo song of the raven and the geese, the raven sings:[130] + + + Oh, I am drowning, help me! + Oh, now the waters reach my great ankles. + Oh, I am drowning, help me! + Oh, now the waters reach my great knees. + +and so on through all the parts of the body, up to the eyes. + +[130] W. Thalbitzer, The Ammassalik Eskimo, Meddelelser om Grønland, +Vol. XL, p. 211. Compare before p. 309, for a similar formula from +Cumberland Sound. + +Quite remarkable is the analogy between this song and the following +Australian war song: + + Spear his forehead + Spear his chest + Spear his liver + Spear his heart, etc. + +Rhythmic variations of a similar type develop also in oratory when a +number of persons are addressed in the same formal way: As an example +may serve the following address in a Kwakiutl speech: + + Now you will witness, Northerners,[131] the dance of Many-on-Fire, + the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents, + Now you will witness, Great Kwakiutl,[131] the dance of Many-on-Fire, + the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents, + Now you will witness, Rich Side,[131] the dance of Many-on-Fire, + the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents, + +[131] These are names of tribes, Columbia Contributions to +Anthropology, III, p. 140. + +or: + + “I have come Northerners; I have come Great Kwakiutl, + I have come Rich Side.”[132] + +[132] Ibid., p. 142. + +The repetitions discussed so far are rhythmic in form, varied in +contents. They may be compared to an orderly succession of decorative +motives that agree in the plan of the unit, but vary in details. In +poetry rhythmic repetitions of identical formal units are frequent. +These occur in all songs without words, consisting of vocables only. +An example of this is a Kwakiutl canoe song in which every syllable is +sung with one stroke of the paddles: + + Aw, ha ya ha ya hä + ha ya he ya ä + he ya ha ya ä + A, ha ya ha ya hä + aw, ha ya he ya hä + he ya ha ya hei + ya hä + hä hä wo wo wo. + +They are also found in introductions to many songs in which the tune is +carried by vocables as an introduction to the words of the song:[133] + + Mai hamama. + Haimama hamamai hamamamai. + Hamama hamamayamai + Haimama hamamai hamamamai. + +[133] The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl +Indians; Rep. U. S. National Mus. for 1895, Washington, 1897, p. 703. + +Rhythm is not confined to the larger units, but is applied as an +artistic device in the detailed structure. In exhortative speech some +tribes develop a rhythmic form by adding a strongly accented syllable +to each word. The Kwakiutl use the strongly accented ending ai for this +purpose and I may imitate the impression of their speech by saying, +Welcome-ai! brothers-ai! at my feast-ai! Here the time for each word +group ending in _ai_ is approximately equal, or the words leading up to +the ending _ai_ are at least pronounced with great rapidity when they +contain a longer phrase. + +In the recital of myths rhythmic structure is sometimes attained by +the addition of meaningless syllables that transform the recital into +a chant. Thus the Fox Indians will add in the recital of the Culture +Hero legend, the syllables nootchee, nootchee. A. L. Kroeber and Leslie +Spier tell us that the myths of Southern California are chanted. Edward +Sapir has observed the Song recitative in Paiute mythology, each animal +speaking according to a definite rhythm and tune to which the text is +adjusted.[134] I have recorded an Eskimo tale from Cumberland Sound in +which the travels of the hero are recorded in a chant with interspersed +melodic phrases.[135] In wails the repetition of the formal cry of +moaning at short intervals and the rapid, even pronunciation of the +recital creates rhythmic structure. + +[134] Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology, Journal American Folk-lore, +Vol. 23, pp. 455 et seq. + +[135] F. Boas, Bull. A. M. N. H. Vol. 15, pp. 335, 340, tune in Sixth +Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, p. 655, no. 13. + +Much stricter than in prose is the rhythmic structure of song. It is +often assumed that regularity of musical rhythm, which is found in most +primitive music, is due to the multiplicity of motor actions connected +with the music, particularly to the close relation between music and +dance. It is true that primitive song is often accompanied by movements +of the body,—a swinging of the whole trunk, movements of head, feet, +and arms; hand clapping and stamping; but it is an error to assume that +for these the same synchronism prevails to which we are accustomed. +With us the stamping and clapping of hands coincides with the accent +of the song. Some tribes innervate so that the innervation for the +articulation and for the movement of hands or feet coincide. This habit +has the effect of letting the clapping, drumming, or stamping follow +the accent of the song. It is also not a rare occurrence that the +rhythmic pattern of body movements and of song are not homologous, but +that they are interrelated in different ways or sometimes even seem to +be quite independent. Negro music as well as that of Northwest America +offers many examples of this kind. + +Although the problem involved in the structure of primitive poetry is +better understood now than it was a few years ago, and although many +energetic efforts are being made to obtain adequate collections, the +material for the study of this subject is still quite insufficient. +Travellers are rarely trained in the art of recording songs and are apt +to give us only the simplest forms that offer the least difficulties, +or to summarize their observations in descriptions that are altogether +too often misleading. Exact observations show that rhythmic complexity +is quite common. Regular rhythms consist of from two to seven parts, +and much longer groupings occur without recognizable regularity of +rhythmic structure. Their repetition in a series of verses proves that +they are fixed units. + +On account of the physiologically determined emotional quality of +rhythm it enters into all kinds of activities that are in any way +related to emotional life. Its exciting effect manifests itself in +religious songs and dances. Its compelling control may be observed in +war songs; its soothing effect appears in melodies; its esthetic value +is seen in song and decorative art. The origin of rhythm must not be +looked for in religious and social activities but the effect of rhythm +is akin to the emotional states connected with them and, therefore, +arouses them and is aroused by them. + +I believe the great variety of forms in which rhythmic repetition of +the same or similar elements is used, in prose and in poetry as a +rhythm of time, in decorative art as a rhythm of space,—shows that +Bücher’s theory according to which all rhythm is derived from the +movements accompanying work cannot be maintained, certainly not in its +totality. Wundt derives the rhythm of the songs used in ceremonies from +the dance, that of the working song from the movements required in the +performance of work,—a theory practically identical with that proposed +by Bücher, since the movements of the dance are quite homologous +to those of work. There is no doubt that the feeling for rhythm is +strengthened by dance and the movements required in the execution of +work, not only in the common work of groups, of individuals who must +try to keep time, but also in industrial work, such as basketry or +pottery that require in their execution regularly repeated movements. +The repetitions in prose narrative as well as the rhythms of decorative +art, so far as they are not required by the technique, are proof of +the inadequacy of the purely technical explanation. The pleasure given +by regular repetition in embroidery, painting, and the stringing of +beads cannot be explained as due to technically determined, regular +movements, and there is no indication that would suggest that this kind +of rhythm developed later than the one determined by motor habits. + +It is a precarious undertaking to discuss the characteristics of +primitive poetic forms, partly because so little reliable material +is available, but partly also on account of the impossibility of +obtaining a fair insight into the meaning and value of literary +expression without an intimate knowledge of the language and culture +in which they have come into being. For this reason I shall base +the following remarks principally upon observations of the Kwakiutl +tribe, a tribe with whose language and culture I am familiar. It would +be unjustifiable to generalize and to claim that the traits that I +am going to discuss are characteristic of all primitive literature. +On the contrary, as our knowledge of primitive literature expands, +individuality of style will certainly be found to prevail. Still it +seems likely that features which are analogous to our own literary +devices may disclose general tendencies. + +Emphasis of salient points is used extensively in Kwakiutl prose and +song. Stress is most frequently given by repetition. I give a few +examples culled from speeches: “Indeed, indeed, true are the words of +the song, of my song, sung for you, tribe.”[136] + +[136] Contributions to the Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, Columbia +University Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. 3, p. 194, line 25. + +“He is a kind chief who is kind, speaking kindly to those who have him +for a chief.”[137] + +[137] Ibid., p. 258, line 24. + +“Now is finished the song of my chief. Finished is the great one.”[138] + +[138] Ibid., p. 268, line 25. + +“Now you will give the name Great-Inviter to Inviter who has come out +of her room, her who has been made a princess, her who is all over a +princess on account of this that has been done by this chief who has +her for a princess.”[139] + +[139] Ibid., p. 308, line 3. + +In songs repetitions are much more frequent than in speech. I give a +few examples: + +“Wa, out of the way! Waw haw hawa, Wa, out of the way! Ah, do not in +vain ask for mercy, Waw haw hawa! Ah, do not in vain ask for mercy and +raise your hands.”[140] + +[140] Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, Thirty-fifth Annual Report Bur. Am. +Ethn., p. 1288. + +Another example is the following: + +“I am the only great tree in the world, I the chief: I am the only +great tree in the world, I the chief. + +I am the great chief who vanquishes, Ha, ha, I am the great chief who +vanquishes, Ha, ha!”[141] + +[141] Ibid., p. 1290. + +Emphasis may be obtained by placing the word to be emphasized at the +end of one phrase and by beginning the next phrase with the same word. + +There are also many emphatic particles. The closing _ai_ referred to +before, used in exhortative oratory, belongs to this group. Verbal +affixes meaning “really”, “indeed”, and the like are used informal +speech to give proper strength to the whole expression. In a wail a +woman chants: “Haha, hanane, now really I do this, I remember my real +past forefathers and really my great grandfathers and now really I will +go on with my family-myth here, telling of this, of my beginning in the +beginning of the world, of the chief who come up in this world, haha, +hanane; and really this was my ancestor who really was going about +spouting.”[142] + +[142] Ibid., p. 836. + +In Africa the telling of a story is enlivened by affirmative +exclamations of the audience. When the narrator says, “The turtle +killed the leopard,” the audience will repeat, clapping their hands, +“The leopard, the leopard.” + +Emphasis is also given by an accumulation of synonyms. Alternate terms +are often used in this manner and in the original they often have an +added rhythmical value on account of the homology of their form. Thus +the Kwakiutl sings in a laudatory chant: “I greatly fear our chief, oh +tribes! I tremble on account of this great means of trying to cause +fear, of this great means of trying to cause terror, of this greatest +cause of terror.”[143] + +[143] Ibid., p. 1287. + +“I shall break, I shall let disappear the great Copper, the property of +the great foolish one, the great extravagant one, the great surpassing +one, the one farthest ahead, the greatest Spirit-of-the-Woods among the +chiefs.”[144] + +[144] By “copper” is meant one of the valuable plates of +copper that are considered the “highest” kind of property. The +“Spirit-of-the-Woods” is the symbol of wealth and power, Ibid., p. 1288. + +The beginning or the end of a rhythmic unit is often marked by an +interjection like the “haha hanane” of the wail previously quoted, or +by the repetition of the same word. Both these forms occur often in +love songs: + + Ye ya aye ya! You are hard hearted, you who say that you love me, + You are hard hearted, my dear! + Ye ya aye ya! You are cruel, you who say that you are lovesick + for me, my dear! + Ye ya aye ya! When are you going to talk my love? my dear![145] + +[145] Ibid., p. 1301. + +or in a shaman’s song:[146] + + I have been told to continue to heal him by + the Good Supernatural Power, + I have been told to keep on putting the hemlock ring + over him by the Shaman-of-the-Sea, + the Good Supernatural Power, + I have been told to put back into our friend his soul, by + the Good Supernatural Power, + I have been told to give him long life, by the Long-Life- + Giver-of-the-Sea, the Chief-of-High-Water, + the Good Supernatural Power. + +[146] Ibid., p. 1296. + +Symmetry in the rigid sense of the term does not exist in the arts +built on time sequences. A reversion of time sequence is not felt as +symmetry in the same way as a reversion of space sequence where every +point has its equivalent point. In time sequences we have a feeling for +symmetry only for the order of repetition and structural phrases. The +following Negro poem will illustrate this: + + Ko ko re ko kom on do! + Girl gone, him no gone, + Ko ko re ko kom on do![147] + +[147] Martha Warren Beckwith, Jamaica Anansi Stories, Memoirs. Amer. +Folk-lore Soc., Vol. 17 (1924) p. 107. + +It seems, however that in primitive recitative poetry and music this +form is not as frequent as in modern folk song or in modern poetry. + +The effect of poetry and oratory depends in part on the use of +metaphor. It is hardly possible to discuss this in a generalized way, +because the appreciation of metaphor requires a most intimate knowledge +of the language in which it occurs. Apparent absence of metaphor is +undoubtedly more likely due to imperfect records than to an actual +absence of figures of speech. It is quite striking that it is difficult +to find metaphorical expressions in American Indian literature, +although it is undoubtedly a feature of their oratory. The whole naming +system of most American Indians proves their feeling for figurative +speech. + +Here also I may be permitted to confine my remarks to the use of +metaphor among the Kwakiutl with whose speech forms I am fairly +familiar. Metaphorical expressions are used particularly when +describing the greatness of a chief or of a warrior. The chief is +compared to a mountain; a precipice (from which rolls down wealth +overwhelming the tribes); a rock which cannot be climbed; the post of +heaven (who supports the world); the only great tree (that raises its +crown over the lesser trees of the woods or that rises in lonely height +on an island); a loaded canoe at anchor; the one who makes the whole +world smoky (from the fire in the house in which he gives feasts); the +thick tree; the thick root (of the tribe). It is said that through his +great acts he burns up the tribes, a term which is primarily used for +the warrior. The people follow him as the young sawbill-ducks follow +the mother bird. He makes the people suffer with his short-life maker; +he shoves away the tribes. His rival whom he tries to vanquish is +called, he with ruffled feathers; the one whom he puts across his back +(like a wolf carrying a deer); the one with lolling tongue; the one who +loses his tail (like the salmon); the spider woman; old dog; mouldy +face; dry face; broken piece of copper. + +Greatness of a chief is called the weight of his name; when he marries +a princess he lifts her weight from the floor; his wealth of blankets +is a mountain that rises through our heavens; in the feast surrounded +by his tribe, he stands on his fortress. Wealth that he acquires is a +salmon that he catches. + +When following ancient customs the people walk the road laid out for +them by their ancestors. + +The warrior or a person of ill temper is called “hellebore”. The +warrior is also called “the double-headed serpent of the world”. + +Metaphorical terms are an important element in the speeches +accompanying public purchases, particularly the purchase of valuable +“coppers”. Many of these terms are accompanied by symbolic actions. The +first part of the payment in the purchase of a copper is called the +pillow or mattress on which the copper is to rest or the harpoon line +by which it is hauled in. The purchase itself is called “shoving” that +means pushing the value of the purchase under the name of the purchaser +who is thus raised in rank. At the end of the transaction the seller +gives to the purchaser a certain number of blankets (which are the +standard of value) as a “belt” to hold up the blankets (in which the +purchase price is reckoned); as boxes in which to store these blankets; +and finally he gives an amount as a dress for his dancer (that is his +female relative who dances for him on festive occasions). + +When a person gives a great feast for his rival he extinguishes the +fire of his rival’s house; his feast steps up to the fire in the middle +of the house. If he surpasses his rival in liberality, his feast steps +across the fire and reaches the rear of the house where the chief is +seated. + +Presents for a bride are a packline to carry her property; a mat on +which she is to sit; and a mast for her canoe. + +I do not mention here the many euphemistic terms for sickness and +death, except a few that are used in speeches: the dead chief has gone +to take a rest; he has disappeared from this world; he stays away; or +he lies down. + +Metaphorical figures in songs are not rare. Of the death of a renowned +man who was drowned, it is said in his mourning song: + + “It deprived me of my mind, when the moon went down + at the edge of the waters”.[148] + +[148] Ethnology of the Kwakintl, 35th Ann. Rep. Bur Am. Ethn. p. 1292. + +And in another mourning song[149]: + + Hana, hana, hana. It broke down, the post of the world. + Hana, hana, hana. It fell down to the ground, the post of the world. + Hana, hana, hana. Our great chief has taken a rest. + Hana, hana, hana. Now our past chief has fallen down. +[149] Boas, Kwakiutl Ethnology, Columbia University Contributions to +Anthropology. Vol. III, p. 77. + + +In a feast-song the chief is compared to the salmon[150]: + + The great one will not move, the greatest one, the great + Spring Salmon. + Go on, great one, hurt the young children, the humble sparrows + who are being teased by you, great Spring Salmon. + +[150] Ibid., p. 123. + +In another feast-song the rivals are compared to insects[151]: + + I am a chief, I am a chief, I am your chief, yours, + who you are flying about. + I am too great to be bitten by those little flies that + are flying about. + I am too great to be desired as food by those little + horseflies that are flying about. + I am too great to be bitten by those little mosquitoes + that are flying about. + +[151] Ibid., p. 129. + +In still another song he is compared to a tree[152]: + + A great cedar dancer is our chief, our tribes. + It cannot be spanned, our great chief, our tribes. + My chief here from long ago, from the beginning of the + myth time, for you, tribes. + +[152] Ibid., p. 197. + +A number of sayings of the Tsimshian present also good cases of the +use of metaphor. “A deer though toothless, may accomplish something”; +“he is just sleeping on a deerskin” (i. e. not expecting approaching +hardships); “it seems you think that Nass River is always calm” (i. +e. that you will always be fortunate); “he is just enjoying the water +lilies for a short time” (as a bear feeding on water lilies and about +to be killed by the hunter who lies in ambush).[153] + +[153] Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 2 (1889), p. 285. + +Examples of metaphor may be found here and there in songs and speeches. +The Osage sing: + + Ho! Toward what shall they (the little ones) direct their footsteps, + it has been said in the house. + It is toward a little valley they shall direct their footsteps. + Verily, it is not a little valley that is spoken of, + It is toward the bend of a river they shall direct their footsteps. + Verily, it is not the bend of a river that is spoken of, + It is toward a little house that they shall direct their footsteps. + +The valley and the bend of the river represent the path of life which +is pictured as crossing four valleys or as following the course of the +river having four bends.[154] This concept also finds expression in the +decorative art of the Indians of the Plains.[155] + +[154] Francis La Flesche, The Osage Tribe, The Rite of Vigil, 39th Ann. +Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnology, Washington 1925, p. 258. + +[155] A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin Am. Uns. Nat. Hist. Vol. 18, +Plate 16, p. 100; Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians, +Ibid., p. 242, fig. 77. + +Another metaphor is used in the following illustration: + + Upon whom shall we slip off our moccasins? they said to one another, + it has been said in this house. + Toward the setting sun, + There is an adolescent youth, + Upon whom we shall always slip off our moccasins, they said to one + another, it has been said in this house. + +Here the slipping off of moccasins means the crushing and killing of +the enemy, here personified in the adolescent youth.[156] + +[156] Francis La Flesche, Ibid., p. 84. + +In the speech containing the migration legend of the Creek, the +head-chief Chekilli said: “The Cussetaws cannot yet leave their +red hearts, which are, however, white on one side and red on the +other”.[157] + +[157] Albert S. Gatschet, A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, +Philadelphia, 1884; p. 251. + +James Mooney records the following formula for success in hunting. +obtained from the Cherokee.[158] + + Give me the wind. Give me the breeze. Yu! O Great Terrestrial Hunter, + I come to the edge of your spittle where you repose. Let your stomach + cover itself; let it be covered with leaves. Let it cover itself at a + single bend, and may you never be satisfied. + + And you, O Ancient Red, may you hover above my breast while I sleep. + Now let good (dreams?) develop; let my expressions be propitious. Ha! + Now let my little trails be directed, as they lie down in various + directions (?). Let the leaves be covered with the clotted blood, and + may it never cease to be so. You two shall bury it in your stomachs. + Yu. + +[158] James Mooney, The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees, Seventh +Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 369. + +In this formula the gods of the hunt, fire and water are called upon. +The Great Terrestrial Hunter is the river, its spittle the foam; the +blood-stained leaves on which the game has been killed are to cover +the surface of the water. The hunter asks that all the game may be +assembled at one bend of the river which is supposed to long for +evermore. In the second part, the Ancient Red is the fire. It hovers +over the breast because the hunter rubs his chest with ashes. The +blood-stained leaves are thrown into the fire and into the water which +is expressed by having them buried in the stomach. + +The contents of primitive narrative, poetry and song are as varied as +the cultural interests of the singers. It does not seem admissible +to measure their literary value by the standards of the emotions +that they release in us. We ought to inquire in how far they are an +adequate expression of the emotional life of the natives. To primitive +man, hunger is something entirely different from what it is to us +who ordinarily do not know what the pangs of hunger mean, who do not +realize all the implications of starvation. If a people like the +Bushmen or the Eskimo sing of their joy after a successful hunt and +after a hearty meal, if the Orang Semang of the Malay Peninsula sing +of the gathering of fruit and of the successful hunt, the connotation +of these songs is no different from that of a harvest song. We are too +easily mislead by the concreteness of the picture and assume that the +emotional connotation that we require in poetry must be absent. Even +among ourselves a graphic passage in a lyric poem does not by any means +always release a definite, mental image but appeals rather through the +feelings engendered by the descriptive terms. For this reason we must +necessarily assume that the emotional setting of the picture is the +essential poetic element for the singer, not the objective terms that +alone appeal to us because we are not familiar with the emotions of +every day native life. We feel only the graphic value of the words. The +much-quoted Semang[159] song represents a good example: + + Our fruit grows plump at the end of the spray. + We climb along and cut it from the end of the spray. + Plump, too, is the bird (?) at the end of the spray. + And plump the young squirrel at the end of the spray. + +[159] W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay +Peninsula, Vol. 1 (1906), p. 627. + +This song which deals with plants and animals serving as food, should +be compared with another one that is more readily appreciated by us: + + The stem bends as the leaves shoot up. + The leaf-stems sway to and fro. + To and fro they sway in diverse ways. + We rub them and they lose their stiffness. + On Mount Inas they are blown about. + On Mount Inas which is our home. + Blown about by the light breeze. + Blown about is the fog (?). + Blown about is the haze. + Blown about are the young shoots. + Blown about is the haze of the hills, + Blown about by the light breeze. + etc. + +If we feel the latter as a more poetic type it is presumably only +because we cannot share the feelings aroused in the Orang Semang by the +reference to the efforts in gathering fruit and in hunting animals. The +effectiveness of poetry does not depend upon the power of expressive +description that releases clear mental images, but upon the energy with +which words arouse the emotions. + +It is misleading to compare primitive poetry that has been recorded by +collectors with the literary poetry of our times. The coarse sexual +songs or drinking songs that do not form part of our polite literature, +are quite on a par with the songs that may be heard in primitive +society in the company of lusty young men or excited young women and +their prevalence in existing collections is, in all probability, merely +due to the inability of the collector to approach the natives in +moments of religious devotion, of tender love, or poetic exaltation. In +many cases it is quite obvious that some of the songs collected were +made to make fun of the collector. It is not admissible to build on +the meagre evidence that we possess, a system of development of lyrics +in which the coarse forms, the exuberant spirits of every day life are +mistaken for the expression of the highest poetic achievement. In all +those cases in which fuller collections are available, as in America +for instance from the Omaha, Eskimo, Kwakiutl, and from some of the +southwestern tribes, there is ample evidence of poetic feeling that +moves on higher planes. + +Still, poetic susceptibility is not the same everywhere, neither in +form nor in intensity. The local culture determines what kind of +experiences have a poetic value and the intensity with which they act. +I select as an example the difference between the descriptive style +found in Polynesia and that of many Indian traditions. In the Fornander +collection of Hawaiian tales we read: “They admired the beauty of his +appearance. His skin was like to a ripe banana. His eyeballs were like +the young buds of a banana. His body was straight and without blemish +and he was without an equal.” In the story of Laieikawai it is said: “I +am not the mistress of this shore. I come from inland, from the top of +the mountain which is clothed in a white garment.” It would be a vain +task to search for similar passages in the literature of many Indian +tribes. The American Indians differ considerably among themselves in +regard to this trait. Tsimshian tales are rich when compared to the +barrenness of the descriptive tales of the Plateau tribes. + +Poetic descriptions appear more frequently in songs. However even these +are not found everywhere. The songs of the Indians of the Southwest +suggest that the phenomena of nature have impressed the poet deeply, +although it must be remembered that most of his descriptive terms are +stereotyped ceremonial expressions. + +As an example I give the following song of the Navaho:[160] + + “On the trail marked with pollen may I walk, + With grasshoppers about my feet may I walk, + With dew about my feet may I walk, + With beauty may I walk, + With beauty before me, may I walk, + With beauty behind me, may I walk, + With beauty above me, may I walk, + With beauty under me, may I walk, + With beauty all around me, may I walk, + In old age wandering on a trail of beauty, lively, may I walk, + In old age wandering on a trail of beauty, living again, may I walk, + It is finished in beauty. + +[160] Washington Matthews, Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs. University +of California Publications in Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 5, p. 48, +lines 61-73. + +Of similar character is the following song of the Apache:[161] + + “At the east where the black water lies, stands the large corn, + with staying roots, its large stalk, its red silk, its long + leaves, its tassel dark and spreading, on which there is the dew. + + “At the sunset where the yellow water lies, stands the large + pumpkin with its tendrils, its long stem, its wide leaves, its + yellow top on which there is pollen.” + +[161] P. E. Goddard, Myths and Tales from the White Mountain Apache. +Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. +24, 1910. + +The following song of the Pima has also ceremonial significance:[162] + + “Wind now commences to sing; + Wind now commences to sing; + Wind now commences to sing. + The land stretches before me, + Before me it stretches away. + + Wind’s house now is thundering; + Wind’s house now is thundering. + Came the myriad-legged wind. + The wind came running hither. + + The Black Snake Wind came to me + The Black Snake Wind came to me. + Came and wrapped itself about, + Came here running with its song. + +[162] Frank Russell, The Pima Indians, 26^{th} Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. +Ethn., p. 324. + +The following Eskimo song which describes the beauty of nature is well +known:[163] + + “The great Kunak mount yonder south, I do behold it; + The great Kunak mount yonder south, I regard it; + The shining brightness yonder south, I contemplate. + Outside of Kunak it is expanding, + The same that Kunak towards the seaside doth quite encompass. + Behold, how yonder south they shift and change. + Behold, how yonder south they tend to beautify each other, + While from the seaside it is enveloped in sheets still changing, + From the seaside enveloped to mutual embellishment.” + +[163] Henry Rink, Tales and Traditions of the Eskimos, London, 1875, p. +68. + +A song, provided it does not contain intelligible words, may be of +purely formal esthetic value, which depends upon its melodic and +rhythmic character. Even these forms may be attached to more or less +different groups of ideas of emotional value. On the other hand the +established significance of the song may vary materially when different +sets of words are used with it. We observe this in our own culture, +when diverse thoughts are expressed in the same metre or when distinct +poems are sung according to the same tune,—as, for example, happened in +the transfer of folksongs into religious songs. I do not know in how +far this may happen in primitive poetry. Among the tribes that I know +best there is a decided tendency to associate a certain rhythm with a +certain set of songs. Thus the five part rhythm of the Northwest coast +of America seems to be closely connected with the religious winter +ceremonial; the mourning songs with slow regular beating. + +The inherent relation between literary type and culture appears also +clearly in narrative. + +The motives of action are determined by the mode of life and the chief +interests of the people, and the plots give us a picture of these. + +In many typical tales of the Chukchee of Siberia the subject of the +tale is the tyranny and overmastering arrogance of an athletic hunter +or warrior and the attempts of the villagers to free themselves. Among +the Eskimo a group of brothers often take the place of the village +bully. Among both groups of people who live in small settlements, +without any hard and fast political organization, the fear of the +strongest person plays an important role, no matter whether his power +is founded on bodily strength or on supposed supernatural qualities. +The story uses generally a weak, despised boy as savior of the +community. Although tales of overbearing chiefs do occur among the +Indians they are not by any means a predominant type. + +The principal theme of the Indians of British Columbia, whose thoughts +are almost entirely taken up by the wish to obtain rank and high +position in the community, is the tale of a poor man who attains high +position, or of the struggles between two chiefs who try to outdo +each other in feats that will increase their social standing. Among +the Blackfeet the principal theme is the acquisition of ceremonies, +possession and practise of which is a most important element in their +life. + +All these differences are not entirely those of content but they +influence the form of the narrative, because the incidents are tied +together in different ways. The same motive recurs over and over again +in the tales of primitive people, so that a large mass of material +collected from the same tribe is liable to be very monotonous, and +after a certain point has been reached only new variants of old themes +are obtained. + +However, much more fundamental are the differences which are based on +the general difference of cultural outlook. The same story told by +different tribes may bear an entirely different face. Not only is the +setting distinct, the motivation and the main points of the tales are +emphasized by different tribes in different ways and take on a local +coloring that can be understood only in relation to the whole culture. +An example selected from among the tales of the North American Indians +will illustrate this point. I chose the story of the star husband, +which is told on the prairies, in British Columbia, and on the North +Atlantic coast. The prairie tribes tell that two maidens go out to dig +roots and camp out. They see two stars and wish to be married to them. +The next morning they find themselves in the sky married to the stars. +They are forbidden to dig certain large roots, but the young women +disobey the orders of their husbands and, through a hole in the ground +they see the earth below. By means of a rope they climb down. From +here on, the story takes distinctive forms in different geographical +areas. In one form the adventures of the women after their return are +described, in the other the feats of the child born by one of them. +The central view-point of the same story as told by the Indians of +British Columbia is completely changed. The girls of a village build +a house in which they play and one day they talk about the stars, +how happy they must be because they are able to see the whole world. +The next morning they awake in the sky, in front of the house of a +great chief. The house is beautifully carved and painted. Suddenly a +number of men appear who pretend to embrace the girls but kill them by +sucking out their brains. Only the chief’s daughter and her younger +sister are saved. The elder sister becomes the wife of the chief of the +stars. Finally the chief sends them back with the promise to help them +whenever they are in need. They find the village deserted and the star +chief sends down his house and the masks and whistles belonging to a +ceremony which becomes the hereditary property of the woman’s family. +The tale ends with the acquisition of the house and the ceremony, +matters that are the chief interest in the life of the Indians. In +this way the story becomes one of the long series of tales of similar +import, although the contents belong to an entirely distinct group. + +As a second example I mention the story of Amor and Psyche which has +been cast into a new mould by the Pueblo Indians. Here the antelope +appears in the form of a maiden. She marries a youth who is forbidden +to see the girl. He transgresses this order and, by the light of a +candle, looks upon her while she is asleep. Immediately the girl and +house disappear and the young man finds himself in the wallow of an +antelope. + +Equally instructive are the transformations of biblical stories in +the mouths of the natives. Dr. Benedict and Dr. Parsons have recorded +a nativity story of the Zuni in which Jesus appears as a girl, the +daughter of the sun. After the child is born the domestic animals lick +it, only the mule refuses to do so and is punished with sterility. The +whole story has been given a new aspect. It is made to account for +the fertility of animals, and tells how fertility may be increased, a +thought uppermost in the minds of the Pueblos. + +European fairy tales differ in this respect from those of primitive +tribes, for in contents and form they embrace many survivals of past +times. It is quite evident that the modern European fairy tale does not +reflect the conditions of the State of our times, nor the conditions of +our daily life, but that they give us an imaginative picture of rural +life in semifeudal times, and that, owing to the contradictions between +modern intellectualism and the ancient rural tradition, conflicts of +viewpoints occur that may be interpreted as survivals. In the tales +of primitive people it is otherwise. A detailed analysis of the +traditional tales of a number of Indian tribes shows complete agreement +of the conditions of life with those that may be abstracted from the +tales. Beliefs and customs in life and in tales are in full accord. +This is true not only of old native material but also of imported +stories that have been borrowed some time ago. They are quickly +adapted to the prevailing mode of life. The analysis of tales from the +Northwest coast and from the Pueblos gives the same result. Only during +the period of transition to new modes of life, such as are brought +about by contact with Europeans, contradictions develop. Thus it +happens that in the tales of Laguna, one of the Pueblos of New Mexico, +the visitor always enters through the roof of the house, although the +modern houses have doors. The headman of the ceremonial organization +plays an important role in many tales, although the organization itself +has largely disappeared. The tales of the Plains Indians still tell of +buffalo hunts although the game has disappeared and the people have +become tillers of the soil and laborers. + +It would be erroneous to assume that the absence of survivals of an +earlier time can be explained as due to the permanence of conditions, +to a lack of historical change. Primitive culture is a product of +historical development no less than modern civilization. Mode of +life, customs, and beliefs of primitive tribes are not stable; but +the rate of change, unless disturbances from the outside occur, is +slower than among ourselves. What is lacking is the pronounced social +stratification of our times that brings it about that the various +groups represent, as it were, different periods of development. So far +as my knowledge goes we find the cultural, formal background of the +art of narrative of primitive people almost entirely determined by its +present cultural state. The only exceptions are found in periods of an +unusually rapid change or of disintegration. However, in this case also +a readjustment occurs. Thus the stories of the modern negroes of Angola +reflect the mixed culture of the west African coast. In the cultural +background of the narrative, survivals do not play an important role, +at least not under normal conditions. The plot may be old and taken +from foreign sources, but in its adoption it undergoes radical changes. + +These remarks relating to literature do not mean, of course, that in +other aspects of life ancient customs and beliefs may not persist over +long periods. + +We have spoken so far of the structure of the elements of prose tales +and songs. Important characteristics are found also in the manner +of their composition. In the narratives of some people the episodes +are anecdotally short; among others the wish for a more complex +structure is felt. Often this is accomplished by the meagre device of +concentrating all the anecdotes around one personage. + +In many cases the craftiness, strength, voracity or amorousness of the +hero gives a more or less definite character to the whole cycle. The +Raven tale of Alaska consists entirely of unrelated episodes. The only +connecting element, besides the identity of the hero, is the voracity +of the Raven; but even this disappears in many cases. Quite similar +are the Coyote tales of the Plateaus, the Spider tales of the Sioux, +the Rabbit tales of the Algonquin, the Spider tales of the Guinea +coast, the Rabbit and Turtle tales of South Africa, and the Fox tales +of Europe. There is no inner connection between the specific character +of the hero and the contents in the anecdote of the hoodwinked dancers +(birds are induced to dance with closed eyes so as to give the hero a +chance to wring their necks without being observed); in the tale of the +eye juggler (the hero who is induced to throw up his eyes which are +then caught in the branches of a tree so that he becomes blind); or +in the incident of the bungling host (the hero is invited to partake +of magically obtained food and he reciprocates the invitation but is +ignominiously defeated in his attempt to repeat the magical procedure). + +Sometimes the tales are strung on the slight thread of an Odyssey, of +a tale of adventure and travel. To this class belongs the Eskimo tale +of a hero who escaped a storm created by magic, and who encountered +dangers of the sea which are described in some detail. He reaches a +foreign coast and encounters cannibals and other dangerous creatures. +Finally he reaches home again. Another case of this kind is a newly +developed legend of the Tlingit of Alaska. In the early days of Russian +colonization of Alaska the Tlingit attacked the fort at Sitka and the +Russian governor, Baranoff, had to flee. After a few years he returned +to reestablish the fort. This interval is filled by the Tlingit with +a marvellous journey, telling how he goes in search of his son. He +encounters fabulous beings that are known from other tales, visits +the entrance to the lower world and communicates with the ghosts who +give him instructions. Among the Pueblo Indians a large number of +incidents are connected in a tale of migration in which the whole tribe +participates. + +In other cases there is an effort to establish an inner connection +between the single elements. Thus the disconnected Raven tale of Alaska +has been remodelled in southern British Columbia in such a manner +that some of the elements of the tale have been brought into an inner +connection: The thunder-bird steals a woman. In order to recover her +the raven makes a whale of wood and kills the gum because he needs +it to caulk the whale. In another tale the killing of the gum is the +introduction to a visit to the sky. The sons of the murdered gum ascend +the sky to take revenge. + +Other tales are so developed that they form a complex, novelistic plot. +The creation legends of the Polynesians are of this character. Even +among those tribes that enjoy the brief, etiological anecdote, tales +occur that contain the elements of an epic poem. The bare outlines of a +family story of the Kwakiutl may serve as an example: The Thunderbird +and his wife live in heaven, they descend to our earth and become the +ancestors of a family. The Transformer meets them and in a series of +contests the two prove to be of equal power. Finally the transformer +puts frogs into the stomach of the Thunderbird-ancestor who takes +them out again and deposits them on a rock. The sons of one of his +friends go and then the frogs enter their stomachs, but they are cured +by the Thunderbird-ancestor. In return he receives a magic canoe. +The tale goes on to relate the birth, magic growth, and exploits of +his four children. His wife is ravished by a spirit and gives birth +to a boy who is washed in the slime of a double-headed serpent. Thus +his skin becomes stone. The tale continues with a long series of +warlike exploits of this son. Finally he woos a princess for one of +his brothers. On a visit to her home the son of this princess is made +fun of by the children in the village of her father. This results in +a war in which the village of her father is destroyed. One of the +wives of her father escapes and gives birth to a boy. The second wife +of her father is enslaved by Stone-Body, the young man whose skin had +been transformed into stone. She gives birth to a boy and by a ruse +succeeds in making her escape with her son. The two brothers grow up +and, in a series of adventures and exploits, both obtain supernatural +power. They meet and travel towards the village of their father, +killing and transforming on the way dangerous monsters. Meanwhile +Stone-Body has obtained a ceremonial from a southern tribe and goes +to Feather-Mountain in the north to obtain bird’s down, needed for +this dance. On his way back he meets the ancestors of another tribe +and they have a contest of magical powers. In this he is overcome and +killed with his whole crew. In the main story this incident is omitted. +He goes on and the two brothers, the daughters of the escaped woman +overturn his canoe and kill him. On a visit to her father the woman +married to Stone-Body’s brother sees the head of Stone-Body and her +child reports this after their return. Then her husband’s people set +out to take revenge but all are killed by the two brothers, who give a +feast in their house and maltreat their guests. + +So far we have considered only the reflection of cultural life in the +form of the narrative. Its influence is also expressed in another +manner. When the narrative is thoroughly integrated in the life of +the people a process occurs quite similar to the one we observed in +decorative art. As a geometric form often receives a secondary meaning +that is read into it, so the narrative is given an interpretative +significance that is quite foreign to the original tale; and as in +decorative art the adventitious meaning varies in character according +to the culture of the people, thus the style of the interpretation of +a tale depends upon the cultural interests of the people telling it +and, accordingly, assumes distinctive forms. We have found that art +styles are apt to be disseminated over wide areas while the explanatory +meaning of art forms shows much greater individuality. Precisely in +the same manner, tales are apt to travel over enormous areas but their +significance changes according to the various cultural interests of +the tribes. As an example I refer to the story of the girl who married +a dog, a tale widely spread in North America. It is used to explain +the origin of the milky way (Alaska); the origin of the culture hero +(British Columbia); the origin of the tribal ancestor (Southern +British Columbia); the origin of a constellation (interior of British +Columbia); the origin of a red cliff (interior of Alaska); the origin +of the Dog Society (Blackfoot); and the reason why dogs are the friends +of man (Arapaho).[164] + +[164] Waterman, The Explanatory Element in the Folk-tales of the North +American Indians, Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 27 (1914), pp. 28 +et seq. + +The view of the historical development of explanatory tales here +expressed is analogous to that regarding the relation of symbolism and +design. The general type of interpretation of symbolism exists in the +tribe and the tale is made to conform to it. In many cases the symbolic +or interpretative explanation is a foreign element added on to the +design or to the tale in agreement with a stylistic pattern controlling +the imagination of the people. This process may lead indirectly also +to a conformable stylistic development of other representations, or to +attempts to give explanations for the phenomena of nature. Only on the +basis of a pre-existing style which has its origin in non-symbolic and +non-interpretative sources can the resultant form develop. + +It must not be assumed that the literary style of a people is uniform, +on the contrary the forms are quite varied. I have pointed out before +that unity of style is not found in decorative art either, that many +cases may be adduced in which different styles are used in different +industries or among different groups of the population. Just so we +find in a tribe complex tales that have definite structural cohesion, +and brief anecdotes; some told with an evident enjoyment of diffuse +detail, others almost reduced to a formula. An example of this are the +long stories and the animal fables of the Eskimo. The former treat of +events happening in human society, of adventurous travel, of encounters +with monsters and supernatural beings, of deeds of shamans. They are +novelistic tales. On the other hand many of the animal fables are mere +formulas. Similar contrasts are found in the tales and fables of the +negroes. + +The styles of songs vary also considerably according to the occasion +for which they are composed. Among the Kwakiutl we find long songs +in which the greatness of the ancestors is described in the form of +recitatives. In religious festivals songs are used of rigid rhythmic +structure, accompanying dances. In these the same words or syllables +are repeated over and over again, except that another appellation for +the supernatural being in whose honor they are sung is introduced in +each new stanza. Again of a different type are the love songs which are +not by any means rare. + +It is striking that certain literary forms are found among all the +races of the old world while they are unknown in America. Here belongs +particularly the proverb. The important position held by the proverb in +the literature of Africa, Asia, and also of Europe until quite recent +times, is well known. In Africa particularly do we find the proverb in +constant use. It is even the basis of court decisions. The importance +of the proverb in Europe is illustrated by the way in which Sancho +Panza applies it. Equally rich is Asiatic literature in proverbial +sayings. On the contrary, hardly any proverbial sayings are known from +American Indians. I have referred before to a few metaphorical sayings +of the Tsimshian, the only proverbial sayings known to me north of +Mexico.[165] + +[165] I collected one saying among the Eskimo of Cumberland Sound: +“If I should go to get them I should be like one who goes to buy the +backside of a salmon (i. e. something without value).” + +The same conditions are found in regard to the riddle, one of the +favorite pass-times of the Old World, which is almost entirely absent +in America. Riddles are known from the Yukon River, a region in which +Asiatic influences may be discovered in several cultural traits, and +also in Labrador. In other parts of the continent careful questioning +has failed to reveal their occurrence. It is striking that even in +New Mexico and Arizona, where Indians and Spaniards have been living +side by side for several centuries and where Indian literature is full +of Spanish elements, the riddle, nevertheless, has not been adopted, +although the Spaniards of this region are as fond of riddles as those +of other parts of the country. Sahagun, however, records a number of +riddles from Mexico.[166] + +[166] B. Sahagun (see note p. 132), Vol. 2, pp. 236, 237. + +As a third example I mention the peculiar development of the animal +tale. Common to mankind the world over is the animal fable by means of +which form and habits of animals, or the existence of natural phenomena +are explained. The moralising fable, on the other hand, belongs to the +Old World. + +The distribution of epic poetry is also wide, but nevertheless +limited to a fairly definitely circumscribed area, namely Europe and +a considerable part of Central Asia. We have mentioned that in America +long, connected tribal traditions occur, but up to this time no trace +of a composition that might be called a romance or a true epic poem +has ever been discovered. Neither can the Polynesian legends telling +of the descent and deeds of their chiefs be designated as epic poetry. +The distribution of this form can be understood only on the basis of +the existence of ancient cultural relations. For this reason Wundt’s +analysis of the origin of the epic poem does not seem adequate. It +has a meaning only in so far as the inclination existed to express in +song tribal history and the deeds of heroes, a pattern that developed +locally, but that is not of universal occurrence. + +On the ground of the distribution of these types two conclusions may be +established: the one that these forms are not necessary steps in the +development of literary form, but that they occur only under certain +conditions; the other that the forms are not determined by race, but +depend upon historical happenings. + +If at the time when Europeans first came to the New World the +literature of the Americans did not possess the three types of +literature which we mentioned, it does not follow that they would have +appeared at a later time. We have no reason whatever to assume that +American literature was less developed than that of Africa. On the +contrary, the art of narrative and poetry are highly developed in many +parts of America. We must rather assume that the historical conditions +have led to a form different from that of the Old World. + +The wide distribution of most of these forms among Europeans, Mongols, +Malay, and Negro proves the independence of literary development from +racial descent. It shows that it is one of the characteristics of the +enormously extended cultural area, which embraces almost the whole of +the Old World, and which in other features also appears in distinct +contrast to the New World. I mention here only the development of a +formal judicial procedure, founded on the taking of evidence, the oath +and the ordeal and the absence of this complex in America; and the +absence in America of the belief in obsession and of the evil eye which +are widely known in the Old World. + +The characteristics of poetry lead us to a consideration of the forms +of music. The only kind of music that is of universal occurrence +is song; and the source of music must therefore be sought here. +Universally valid characteristics of song will also be general +principles of music. Two elements are common to all song: rhythm and +fixed intervals. We have shown before that rhythm must not be conceived +on the basis of our modern regularity as a sequence of measures of +equal duration and somewhat free subdivision, but its form is much more +general. Apparent irregularity must not be misinterpreted as a lack of +rhythm, for in each repetition of a song the same order is preserved +without change. Precisely as the rhythmic order in primitive decorative +art is more complex than our own, so also is the rhythm of music liable +to be more complex. Regular measures do occur, but they are not so +rigidly confined to 2, 3 or 4 part time, as our own, but 5 and 7 part +sequences frequently occur, in fact predominate in some types of music: +five part rhythms are common in northwestern America, 7 part rhythms +in southern Asia. Alterations of rhythms that seem unfamiliar to us +are found, as well as very complex sequences that cannot be reduced +to measures at all. We may best describe the rhythm of many types of +primitive music as consisting of a regular sequence of musical phrases +of irregular structure. Sometimes the phrases expand into long rhythmic +units without recognisable subdivision. + +A second and all-important element of all music is the use of fixed +intervals which may be transposed from one point of the tone series +to another and which are always recognized as equivalent. In singing, +these intervals are naturally inaccurate, for intonation is uncertain +and wavering and depends upon the intensity of emotional excitement. +Intervals are liable to increase, as the emotions of the singers +are raised to a higher pitch. It is, therefore, difficult if not +impossible to say what the singers intend to sing. The musical interval +may be compared with the melody of language. Most languages do not +use pitch in such a way that it is an important, significant part of +articulation. The use of pitch in language is more widely distributed +than is generally known. It is not by any means the exclusive feature +of Chinese, but it occurs in Africa as well as in America, not to speak +of its familiar use in the Scandinavian languages and in ancient Greek. +Theoretically it is conceivable that early human speech might have used +fixed intervals and musical phrasing of vowels and voiced consonants +just as well as different timbre of vowels (that is our _a_, _e_, _i_, +_o_, _u_, and other vowel values), to express different ideas, but it +cannot be proved that such was done. It is much more likely, according +to available linguistic evidence that musical tone in language is a +secondary development due to the disappearance of formative elements. +We must also consider that in languages with tone, glides are of +great importance and that these are not typical parts of the melodic +sequence, although they occur as endings of phrases. Furthermore the +intervals of speech are not fixed and vary considerably according +to the position of the word in the phrase. It does not seem likely, +therefore, that the melody can be derived directly from speech, as +Herbert Spencer tried to do. I rather adhere to the opinion of Stumpf +who demands a different origin for the fixed interval. The sustained +cry is much more likely to use fixed intervals and stable tones. + +Whatever their origin may have been, we must recognize the existence +of fixed intervals and their transponability as the fundamental +requirements of all music. It is true that in some languages the value +of the fixed interval is keenly felt. This is demonstrated by the +so-called drum language of West Africa in which the speech melody and +rhythm is repeated on drums of definite tones and where these tone +sequences are understood. + +Further investigation of primitive music requires a study of the +intervals themselves. Notwithstanding the great differences of systems +we find that all intervals may be interpreted as subdivisions of +the octave. To the untrained ear the octave appears very commonly +as a single tone; in other words, no distinction is made between a +tone and its octave. To a lesser extent this is true of the fifth +and even of the fourth. The majority of intervals that have been +found must be considered as subdivisions of the octave. However, the +subdivision does not always proceed according to harmonic principles +as in our music, but by equidistant tones. The development of harmony +in modern music has had the effect that we have lost all feeling for +equidistance in a harmonic series and that the recent music in which +non-harmonic equidistant tones are applied require a difficult break +with the pattern of musical form to which we are accustomed. After a +long struggle, we have reached a compromise between the two systems, +the harmonic and the equidistant, by dividing the octave into twelve +equal parts which give a fairly close agreement to the natural harmonic +intervals, although the differences are audible to a trained ear. The +Javanese divide the octave into seven equidistant steps, the Siamese +into five, systems that are in fundamental conflict with those of +our music. In short, a great variety of scales exist and serve as +foundation for the musical systems of different people. All seem to +have in common as foundation the octave. + +I will not enter into this intricate subject any further, because +a safe method has not yet been found that would enable us to tell +definitely what people _want_ to sing among whom there is no theory of +music, as it exists among ourselves or the civilized people of Asia, +and who have no exactly constructed instruments. + +Among musical instruments one type is of universal distribution: the +percussion instruments, or perhaps better instruments for producing +noises that carry the rhythm of the song. In the simplest cases these +are sticks with which boards or other resounding objects are struck. +But besides these we find everywhere the use of some kind of a drum: +wooden, hollow boxes, hollow cylinders or hoops covered with a drum +head of skin. Rattles, and locally other devices for producing noises +occur. Not so general, for musical purposes, is the use of wind +instruments. Whistles used as calls are perhaps universal, but the +flute or pipe is not used everywhere as a musical instrument. Still +more restricted is the use of stringed instruments. At the time of +the discovery they were entirely unknown in America. Among primitive +tribes, including the whole of America, song was accompanied only by +rhythmic beating on instruments of percussion. It is interesting to +note that the beats did not always coincide with the accent of the +song, but had often an independent, though coordinated rhythm (see p. +315). Singing in several parts is also unknown in primitive music. In +Africa solo singing and response of a chorus occurs, and a kind of +polyphony due to the overlapping of these. Sometimes true singing in +parts has been observed in Africa. + +Music is always expressionistic and we are apt to associate with a tune +and rhythm a definite mood, but these associations vary considerably +with local styles. I have referred, in another place, to the feelings +associated among ourselves with the major and minor keys. These are not +by any means shared by people who have grown up under the influence +of another musical style. It is likely that the symbolic meaning +of music alone is vaguer than that of song; but it is difficult to +reach a definite decision in regard to this question, for there is +very little music without song or without association with symbolic +or representative actions. The condition is perhaps comparable to +that found in the symbolic significance of graphic and plastic arts, +the connotations of which are, as we have seen, certain only when +a definite relation between form and implied content exist. It is +intelligible that a type of tune that is always applied in mourning +ceremonies will produce the proper emotional effect, while the same +type of tune without such definite setting might have quite a different +effect. + +The present state of our knowledge of primitive music does not permit +us to establish definite musical areas, but enough is known to prove +that as all other cultural features, we may recognize a series of +musical areas, each characterized by common fundamental traits. The +narrow compass of tunes of east Siberian songs, the falling cadence +with repetition of motives on a falling series of fundamental tones +among the Plains Indians, the antiphony of Negro songs are examples +of this kind. The varying systems of tonality, the use of purely +instrumental music, the kind of accompaniment of song, are others. It +seems quite certain that it will be possible to determine large areas +in which, by diffusion, similar types of musical art have developed +and in which, by subdivision, local types may be segregated similar in +character to those found in decorative art. Even in the modern folk +music of Europe a definite character of the folkmusic of each nation +may be recognized. Borrowed melodies adapted to local forms illustrate +this type of individuality. As an example of such adaptation I give on +the next page a German song which has been adopted by the Mexicans. It +was probably carried there by the army of Maximilian. + +On account of the interrelation between body movements and +articulations it seems likely that rhythmic body movements release +rhythmic articulations, that is song; and that in this sense, songs +that consist of meaningless syllables may have their origin in +movement. On the other hand the excitement engendered by song leads +to movements that are related to the rhythm of the song, so that in +this sense, a dance is conditioned by the song. We mean here by dance, +the rhythmic movements of any part of the body, swinging of the arms, +movement of the trunk or head, or movements of the legs and feet. The +two forms of expression are mutually determined. + +We have to remember here the general remarks which we made in the +beginning in regard to all art. We saw that without a formal element +art does not exist. Technical work without fixed form does not create +artistic enjoyment. In the same way violent, expressive movement born +of the passion of the moment is not art. Art as an expression of +feeling requires form as much as art born of the control of technical +processes. If it were not selfevident we might have pointed out also +that the passionate cry is neither poetry nor music. It is, therefore, +not appropriate to call dance all the violent movements that occur in +the lives of primitive people. We must reserve the term to movements +of fixed form, although it may be recognized that in the height of +excitement dance may turn into a formless tumult of motion, as music +may change to formless cries of wildest excitement. + + +[Music: + + Denkst du daran, mein tapfer Lagienka, dass ich dereinst in + unserm Vaterland, an eurer Spitze nah bei Dubienka, viertausend + gegen sechzehntausend stand? Denkst du daran, wie ich vom Feind + umgeben, + mit Mühe nur die Freiheit uns gewann? Ich denke + dran, ich danke dir mein Leben; doch du, Soldat, Soldat denkst du + daran.[Trans. 1] + + Yo trobador, yo pobre sin fortuna, si te admiro las + gracias que tu tienes; yo no te veo mas bella que la luna, si te adoro + me perdonas otra vez. Proscrito yo, en extranjero + suelo, no hay piedad de un triste trobador. Proscrito + yo en extranjero suelo, no hay piedad de un triste trobador.[Trans. 2] +] + + [Trans. 1] Do you remember, my brave Lagienka, that I once stood in + our fatherland, at your head near Dubienka, four thousand + against sixteen thousand? Do you remember how I was surrounded by + the enemy, + how hard it was to gain our freedom? I remember, + I owe you my life; but you, soldier, soldier, remember it too. + + [Trans. 2] I troubadour, I poor without fortune, if I admire the + graces that you have; I don’t see you more beautiful than the moon, + if I adore you, + forgive me again. Banished I, in a foreign + soil, there is no mercy for a sad troubadour. Banished + I, in a foreign soil, there is no mercy for a sad troubadour. + +We observe among all primitive tribes that emotions finding vent in +motor activities adopt a definite form. In this sense dance as an art +form may be purely formal, that is, devoid of symbolic meaning. Its +esthetic effect may be founded on the enjoyment of body movement, often +reinforced by that emotional excitement that is released by the dance +movement. The more formal the dance, the stronger will be the purely +esthetic enjoyment, as against the emotional element. + +We are not well informed in regard to the local distribution of dance +types among primitive people but enough is known to allow us to state +that, as in decorative art and in music, areas of similar dance forms +occur. The joint dances of the Pueblo Indians in which participate +a large number of dancers dressed alike and in formation, are quite +foreign to the North Pacific coast where the single dance prevails. +In the formal woman’s dance of the Northwest Coast, the dancer stays +in the same place with hands raised to the height of the face, palms +forward and trembling. The body movements are carried on by gentle +bending of the knees and slight swaying of the body. The Koryak dancer +who holds the drum, moves in quite another way, swinging his body +from the hips and beating the drum (see fig. 73, p. 79). Joint dances +of the two sexes are rare and the dancers do not often so move that +their bodies are in intimate contact. We find more frequently either +single dances or a number of performers who repeat the same movements. +The effectiveness of the dance is increased by the order in which the +dancers stand and move. + +Symbolic movements are perhaps even more frequent than purely formal +dance. They are used not only in accompanying song but also in +oratory, and the muscular play accompanying lively conversation of both +the speaker and the hearer is a manifestation of the relation between +language and symbolic movements. These are also standardized in each +cultural area. The number of organically determined gestures is very +small. Most of them are culturally patterned. Many are so automatic +that they are called forth immediately by the form of thought. In other +cases the speaker enhances the effect of his words by appropriate +gestures and the meaning of song is often brought out more vividly by +significant movements. Thus the chorus of the Indians of the Pueblo of +Laguna sing: + + “In the east rises the sun youth, + Here westward he moves with life and vegetation. + Carrying them in his basket while he is walking along.” + +When this song is sung the singer faces westward and moves forward. The +word “vegetation” is expressed by pushing the hands alternately upward; +“basket” by describing a wide circle with both hands and bringing +them together in front of the body. The gesture expresses the act of +carrying in a basket. The word “walking” is indicated by stretching the +hands out forward in front of the body and waving them up and up. + +The Kwakiutl sing as follows:[167] + + “I am going around the world eating everywhere with + Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World. + I went to the center of the world; Cannibal-at-the- + North-End-of-the-World is crying “food”. + +[167] F. Boas, Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl +Indians, Annual Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, p. +457. + +The dancer accompanies this song which is sung by a chorus, with +movements. His arms tremble from right to left. To the words, “I +am going” the arms are stretched out to one side; “All around the +world”, they swing around in a round circle; “I,” the shoulders are +alternately brought forward and backward; “eating everywhere”, the +right hand stretches far out as though it was taking food, and is +then brought to the mouth, while the left describes a wide circle, +indicating “everywhere”; “Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World”, +both hands are bent inward and the finger tips moved toward the +mouth, meaning “the eater”; “I went” is expressed as before; +“Cannibal-at-North-End-of-the-World is crying ‘food’ for me”, the +sign of the cannibal spirit is made; then the arms are stretched far +backward, the palms turned downward, and the head is lowered, this +being the cannibal spirit’s attitude when crying “food”. “At the center +of the world”, when these words are sung the dancer is in front of +the fire and looks up to the rear of the house in the characteristic +attitude of the cannibal, the rear of the house being the center of the +world. + +The further development of movement accompanying the song leads to true +pantomimic and ultimately to dramatic performances. + + + + + CONCLUSION + + +We have now completed our review of the forms of primitive art and we +shall try to sum up the results of our inquiry. + +We have seen that art arises from two sources, from technical pursuits +and from the expression of emotions and thought, as soon as these take +fixed forms. The more energetic the control of form over uncoordinated +movement, the more esthetic the result. Artistic enjoyment is, +therefore, based essentially upon the reaction of our minds to form. +The same kind of enjoyment may be released by impressions received from +forms that are not the handiwork of man, but they may not be considered +as art, although the esthetic reaction is not different from the one we +receive from the contemplation or the hearing of a work of art. When +speaking of artistic production they must be excluded. When considering +only esthetic reactions they must be included. + +The esthetic effect of artistic work developing from the control of +technique alone is based on the joy engendered by the mastery of +technique and also by the pleasure produced by the perfection of form. +The enjoyment of form may have an elevating effect upon the mind, but +this is not its primary effect. Its source is in part the pleasure +of the virtuoso who overcomes technical difficulties that baffle his +cleverness. As long as no deeper meaning is felt in the significance of +form, its effect is for most individuals, pleasurable, not elevating. + +We have seen that in the various arts definite formal principles +manifest themselves, the origin of which we did not try to explain, +but which we accepted as present in the art of man the world over, +and which for this reason we considered as the most ancient, the most +fundamental characteristics of all art. In the graphic and plastic +arts these elements are symmetry, rhythm and emphasis of form. We +found symmetry to be very generally right and left and suggested that +this may be due to the symmetry of manual movements as well as to the +observation of right and left symmetry in animals and in man. We also +observed that rhythmic repetition runs ordinarily in horizontal bands +and pointed out the general experience that natural objects of the +same or similar kind are arranged in horizontal strata, such as woods, +mountains, and clouds; legs, body and limbs. Rhythmic form seems to +be closely related to technical processes, although other causes of +rhythmic repetition are revealed in poetry. The simplest technical +processes produce a simple repetition of the same motives, while with +increasing virtuosity more complex orders become the rule. The more +virtuosity is developed, the more complex are the rhythms that are +liable to make their appearance. The ability of primitive artists to +appreciate rhythm seems to be much greater than our own. + +The desire to emphasize form made itself felt in the application of +lines to the rim. We also observed the tendency of the rim designs to +become exuberant and to encroach upon the decorative field. No less +important is the tendency to attach ornament to prominent places of the +decorated object and to divide the decorative field according to fixed +principles. + +While the features so far considered are common characteristics of +art the world over, they do not explain the style of separate areas. +We considered this problem in some detail in the field of decorative +art. Here our attention was first arrested by the fact that purely +formal art, or perhaps better, art that is apparently purely formal, +is given a meaning endowing it with an emotional value that does not +belong to the beauty of form alone. It is an expressionistic element +that is common to many forms of primitive art. It is effective because +in the mind of the tribes certain forms are symbols of a limited range +of ideas. The firmer the association between a form and a definite +idea, the more clearly stands out the expressionistic character of the +art. This is true in the graphic and plastic arts as well as in music. +In the former a geometrical form, in the latter a sound cluster, a +particular type of musical phrasing, if associated with a definite +meaning, evokes definite emotions or even concepts. A study of these +conditions shows also that a uniform reaction to form is indispensable +for the effectiveness of an expressionistic art, a condition which is +not fulfilled in our own modern society, so that an expressionistic art +can appeal only to a circle of adepts who follow the lines of thought +and feeling developed by a master. Symbolic art can still be applied +successfully in the case of a few symbols that have fixed associations +which are valid for all of us. + +The wide distribution of symbolic forms and the remoteness of their +resemblance to the objects they symbolize led us to a consideration +of the question of their history. We examined particularly the theory +that all artistic reproduction is by origin naturalistic and that +geometrization grows up only when the artist tries to introduce +ideas that are not inherent in the object itself. We saw that this +theory cannot be maintained, because realistic representation and +geometrization spring from distinctive sources. In plastic art the +contrast between the two tendencies does not appear as clearly as +in graphic art. In the former it is found more in surface treatment +than in general outline. In graphic art the matter is complicated +by the difficulties involved in representing a three-dimensional +object on a two-dimensional surface, a problem which the artist has +to solve. This may be done in one of two ways. Either a perspective +representation of the object as it appears at a given moment may be +attempted, or the artist may decide that the essential point is to show +all its characteristic parts, no matter whether they are visible in a +single view or not. The former method lays stress upon the accidental +features, it is impressionistic; the latter stresses those elements +that are felt to constitute the fundamental qualities of the object, it +is expressionistic. The two methods which we called the symbolic and +the perspective are absolutely distinct and the one cannot be developed +from the other. We have also seen that the consistent application of +the perspective method is reached only when we introduce also the +principle of indistinctness of those points that are removed from the +center of the field of vision and that of dependence of color upon +environment. Both of these have been tried in our day, without having +found general acceptance. The symbolic method is always more or less +wavering in the application of its principle. Sometimes perspective +correctness of outline is attempted with a considerable degree of +freedom in regard to the detailed treatment of those symbols that are +considered important. Of this character are the Egyptian paintings with +their vacillation between front and side views. In other cases the +realism of outline is entirely sacrificed and the form may be reduced +to a mere assembly of symbols. + +The theory has been advanced that geometric ornament developed through +the degeneration of perspective designs; in part perhaps also through +that of symbolic designs. It is assumed that the symbol, or the object +represented was misunderstood and that in course of time through +a process of slurring, by careless and inaccurate representation +the forms became fragmentary and finally lost all semblance to the +original. It is not possible to accept this theory, because the +conditions under which the supposed slurring occurs are seldom +realized. Slovenly work does not occur in an untouched primitive +culture. Misunderstandings may happen in cases of borrowing of designs +or in that of a gradual transformation of those concepts that find +expression in decorative art. Actual slurring is found in factory +production. By an examination of a few cases of this kind we were able +to show that it does not lead to geometrization, but to the growth of +an individualism akin to that of our handwriting. It cannot be denied +that in such cases occasion for re-interpretation with consequent +changes of form occur, but these are not frequent. On the other hand we +were able to show that reading in of realistic meanings into geometric +forms is quite common. We proved this by means of a detailed comparison +of the style of painting and embroidery of the North American Plains +Indians which we found to be practically identical everywhere, while +the interpretations varied from tribe to tribe. This phenomenon +agrees with the general tendency to keep intact the form, but to +endow it with new meaning according to the chief cultural interests +of the people. We pointed out the prevalence of the same tendency in +folk-tales and ritual. As a general explanation the geometrization of +realistic patterns is, therefore, unacceptable. In the majority of +cases it seems to be rather due to the inclination of man to give a +meaning to geometric form, as we enjoy reading meanings into the forms +of clouds and mountains. We were also able to describe a few cases in +which the process of reading in has actually been observed. + +Another fact prevents us from considering geometrization as a general +historical process. It is very seldom only that the steps are found so +distributed that they can be proved to follow one another in time. Much +oftener all are found at the same time among the same people. + +Considering all these points we reached the conclusion that the +stylistic form which contains to a greater or lesser extent constant +geometrical elements, is decisive in determining the manner in which +representations are rendered. We were thus led to the attempt to find +the principles underlying art styles. + +We approached this subject by the study of a few art forms. We compared +a number of art styles that make use of the spiral and found in each +characteristic traits, as well regarding the form of the spiral as in +the handling of the decorative field. In the same way we observed that +in the art of the North American Indians the same kind of triangles and +rectangles are used by all the tribes, but that there exist typical +differences in the treatment of the decorative field. The problem was +carried through in some detail by means of a study of the decorative +art of the North Pacific coast which is highly symbolic in character. +This example taught us an additional point, namely that in symbolic +art the selection of symbols is of decisive importance in defining the +style and that the arrangement of the symbols is subject to the same +formal treatment of the decorative field which control the arrangement +of geometrical motives. + +On the basis of this study we conclude that the particular types of +geometrical motives that enter into the representative form, as well +as the treatment of the decorative field determine the character of +the design and that the degree of realism depends upon the relative +importance of the geometric and representative elements. When the +purely decorative tendency prevails we have essentially geometrical, +highly conventionalized forms, when the idea of representation +prevails, we have, on the contrary, more realistic forms. In every +case, however, the formal element that characterizes the style, is +older than the particular type of representation. This does not signify +that early representations do not occur, it means that the method of +representation was always controlled by formal elements of distinctive +origin. + +The pattern of artistic expression that emerges from a long, cumulative +process determined by a multiplicity of causes fashions the form of +the art work. We recognize the permanence of pattern in those cases +in which a useful form that has lost its function persists as a +decorative element; in the imitation in new materials of natural forms +used at one time as utensils, and in the transfer of forms from one +technique to another. The fixity of the pattern does not permit the +artist to apply natural forms unmodified to decorative purposes. His +imagination is limited by the pattern. In cases of greater freedom the +representative value may not be seriously encroached upon. Such is the +case for instance, with the oriental palmetto and the ear ornaments +of the Marquesas Islands, on which in olden times two deities were +represented, back to back, while nowadays two girls in a swing are +carved, in exactly the same spacial arrangement. When the pattern +is highly formal and not adapted to representation, an apparent +geometrization may be the result. The distinction between these two +aspects appears clearly in those cases in which pictography and +symbolic geometric art appear side by side. + +The art of the North Pacific coast proved also that we must not assume +that the style of a tribe must always be uniform, but that it is +quite possible that in different industries, particularly when carried +along by different parts of the population, quite distinctive styles +may prevail. The excellence and consistency of a style as well as the +multiplicity of forms depend upon the perfection of technique. We +found, therefore, that in those cases in which technical work is done +by the men alone, they are the creative artists, that when the women +do a great deal of technical work they are no less productive, and +that when the two sexes carry on different industries they may develop +distinctive styles. It is, however, more frequent that the style of a +dominant industry may be imposed upon work made by other processes. +Weaving in coarse material seemed to be a most fertile source of +patterns that are imitated in paintings, carvings, and pottery. + +A comparison of the fundamental elements that are found in the graphic +and plastic arts,—in the arts of space,—as contrasted with those +of poetry, music, and dance,—the arts of time,—brings out certain +differences and similarities. Common to both are rhythm, and it seems +likely that the rhythm of technique is merely a spacial expression +of the rhythm of time, in so far as the rhythmic movements result in +rhythmic forms when applied to technical pursuits. We may perhaps also +speak in both types of art of attempts to emphasize closed forms, +for often we find musical phrases, and single ideas in poetry closed +by what might be called a decorative end, consisting of burdens or +of codas. Similar elements may also appear as introductions in the +beginning. Completely lacking in the pure arts of time is symmetry, +because an inverted time order does not convey the impression of +symmetry, as is the case in the arts of space. It occurs only in a +symmetrical arrangement of phrases. Dance contains elements of both +the spacial and time arts. Therefore, the principles of the former may +be clearly observed in dance forms. Rhythmic movements and rhythmic +spacial order, symmetry of position and of movement, and emphasis and +balance of form are essential in esthetic dance forms. + +The graphic and plastic arts owe much of their emotional value to +the representative and symbolic values of form. This is no less true +in literature, music and dance. Narrative and poetry so far as they +contain intelligible words, always have a meaning which may have a deep +significance because they touch upon those aspects of life that stir +the emotions. Frequently there is an added meaning, when the words +have a symbolic, ulterior significance related to religious beliefs or +philosophical ideas. In music and dance also symbolic significance is +often attached to form. + + * * * * * + +We are at the end of our considerations, but one question remains to +be answered. We have seen that the desire for artistic expression is +universal. We may even say that the mass of the population in primitive +society feels the need of beautifying their lives more keenly than +civilized man, at least more than those whose lives are spent under +the urgent necessity of acquiring the meagre means of sustenance. But +among others also the desire for comfort has often superseded the +desire for beauty. Among primitive people the καλὸν κἀγαθόν coincide. +Goodness and beauty are the same. Do they then possess the same +keenness of esthetic appreciation that is found at least in part of +our population? I believe we may safely say that in the narrow field +of art that is characteristic of each people the enjoyment of beauty +is quite the same as among ourselves: intense among a few, slight +among the mass. The readiness to abandon one’s self to the exaltation +induced by art, is probably greater, because the conventional restraint +of our times does not exist in the same forms in their lives. What +distinguishes modern esthetic feeling from that of primitive people +is the manifold character of its manifestations. We are not so much +bound by a fixed style. The complexity of our social structure and our +more varied interests allow us to see beauties that are closed to the +senses of people living in a narrower culture. It is the quality of +their experience, not a difference in mental make-up that determines +the difference between modern and primitive art production and art +appreciation. + + + + + TEXT FIGURES + + + Page + + Fig. 1. Front of painted box, Tlingit, Alaska + (A. M. N. H. 19/1074) 18 + + ” 2. Jar from Zuni (A. M. N. H. 50.1/3333) 19 + + ” 3. Coiled basketry 20 + + ” 4. Twined basketry (From G. T. Emmons, Basketry of the Tlingit, + Memoirs A. M. N. H., Vol. 3, fig. 294, p. 240) 20 + + ” 5. Chipped flint implements; _a_, American Indian, A. M. N. H. + T 18542; _b_, Egypt, A. M. N. H. 75.0/820 21 + + ” 6. Part of surface of wooden sail, Kwakiutl Indians, Vancouver + Island (A. M. N. H. 16.1/1744) 23 + + ” 7. Painted board, Tierra del Fuego (After Wilhelm Koppers, + Unter Feuerland-Indianern, fig. 6, p. 48) 23 + + ” 8. Bushman designs; to the left, designs from ostrich eggs + (After Felix von Luschan, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Vol. + 55, pp. 32, 33, 37); to the right above (From Leonhard + Schultze, Aus Namaland und Kalahari, p. 672); to the right + below, bracelet made of horn (After E. von Sydow, Die Kunst + der Naturvölker und der Vorzeit, p. 158) 23 + + ” 9. Kaffer headrests (After Henrik P. M. Muller and John F. + Snelleman, L’Industrie des Caffres, Pl. XIV, figs. 4 and 5) 23 + + ” 10. Paddle and shield, New Ireland (A. M. N. H. S 2266, + S 1409) 25 + + ” 11. Plan of rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians 26 + + ” 12. Rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians 26 + + ” 13. Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians + (A. M. N. H. 50/3594) 27 + + ” 14. Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians + (A. M. N. H. 50/3596) 27 + + ” 15. _a_, Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians, + Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, 30740; _b_, Design + on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians + (A. M. N. H. 50/2284) 28 + + ” 16. Fringe from legging, Thompson Indians (From James Teit, The + Thompson Indians, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific + Expedition, Vol. I, fig. 313, p. 384) 29 + + ” 17. Twilled weaving showing alternation of patterns + (A. M N. H. 16/8191) 30 + + ” 18. Carving on bow of Bella Bella canoe, British Columbia + (A. M. N. H.) 30 + + ” 19. Rattle used in twin ceremonial. Kwakiutl Indians, + British Columbia (A. M. N. H. 16/8282) 31 + + ” 20. Base of flint knife, Scandinavia (After Sophus Müller, + Nordische Altertumskunde, fig. 97, p. 190) 31 + + ” 21. Face painting, Tierra del Fuego (After Wilhelm Koppers, + Unter Feuerland-Indianern, Pl. V) 32 + + ” 22. Australian shields (A. M. N. H. S 3957, S 421) 33 + + ” 23. Paleolithic paintings (After Hugo Obermaier, Fossil Man + in Spain, fig. 104, p. 234) 33 + + ” 24. Patterns from bamboo combs (After Vaughn Stevens, + Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Vol. XXV, Pl. I) 35 + + ” 25. Designs from bamboo spear, New Guinea (Museum für + Völkerkunde, Hamburg. After Ernst Fuhrmann, Neu Guinea, + p. 114) 35 + + ” 26. Etruscan vase (After M. Ebert, Reallexikon der + Vorgeschichte, Vol. III, Pl. XXVIII c, p. 140) 35 + + ” 27. Peruvian designs (After Inca, Vol. I, fig. 32, p. 230) 35 + + ” 28. Painted rawhide bags, Shuswap, British Columbia (From James + Teit, The Shuswap, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific + Expedition, Vol. II, fig. 220, p. 498) 36 + + ” 29. Designs of the Dayak (After Alois Raimund Hein, Die + bildenden Künste bei den Dayaks auf Borneo, Pl. IV, fig. 6; + Pl. V, fig. 1) 37 + + ” 30. Carved board, Kaiserin Augusta Fluss, New Guinea (Museum für + Völkerkunde, Hamburg. After E. Fuhrmann, Neu Guinea, p. 112). + The two reversed spiral elements are indicated by dark and + light shading. 36 + + ” 31. _a_, Designs from pottery of ancient Pueblos (After J. Walter + Fewkes, An Archaeological Collection from Youngs Canyon near + Flagstaff, Arizona, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collection, + Vol. 77, No. 10, Pl. 4_e_). + + _b_, Designs from pottery of ancient Pueblos (After J. Walter + Fewkes, Designs on Prehistoric Pottery from Mimbres Valley, + New Mexico, _Ibid._ Vol. 74, No. 6, fig. 36, p. 33) 37 + + ” 32. Bronze ornament, Sweden, 7th Century A. D. (After E. von + Sydow, Die Kunst der Naturvölker und der Vorzeit, + p. 480) 38 + + ” 33. Design from Peruvian textile (After Walter Lehmann, + Kunstgeschichte des alten Peru, Pl. 4, p. 20) 38 + + ” 34. Designs from Peruvian textile (_Ibid._ Pl. 3, p. 16) 39 + + ” 35. Pot of coiled pottery, prehistoric Pueblo Indians + (A. M. N. H.) 40 + + ” 36. Necklace of Thompson Indians (After Gladys A. Reichard, + American Anthropologist, Vol. XXIV, 1922, p. 188) 41 + + ” 37. _a_, Koryak embroidery (From W. Jochelson, The Koryak, + Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI, fig. 206, + p. 690). _b_,Koryak embroidery (_Ibid._ fig. 210, p. 693) 43 + + ” 38. _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_, Koryak embroideries (_Ibid._ figs. + 211-215, p. 693-696) 45 + + ” 39. Peruvian embroidery from Ica (A. M. N. H.) 47 + + ” 40. Peruvian fabric (The Necropolis of Ancon, W. Reiss and A. + Stübel, Vol. II, Pl. 67 _b_, fig. 3) 49 + + ” 41. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 67, fig. 6) 49 + + ” 42. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 48, fig. 2) 50 + + ” 43. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 61) 50 + + ” 44. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 66 _a_, fig. 1) 51 + + ” 45. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 68 _a_, fig. 3) 51 + + ” 46. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 66, fig. 3) 51 + + ” 47. Patterns from Mexican Codex (Codex Nuttall) 53 + + ” 48. _a_, Pottery vessel from Finland (After M. Ebert, + Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, Vol. III, Pl. 125 _k_). + _b_, Pottery vessel, Ica, Peru, A. M. N. H. 55 + + ” 49. _a_, _b_, Birchbark vessels from the Amur River (From + Berthold Laufer, The Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup + North Pacific Expedition, Vol. IV, Pl. 20). _c_, Birchbark + basket, Shuswap, British Columbia. _d_, _e_, Bark buckets, + Alaska (_c_, _d_, _e_, from James Teit, The Shuswap, Jesup + North Pacific Expedition, Vol. II, figs. 205, 207). 56 + + ” 50. _a_, _b_, Pottery vessels, Chiriqui, Costa Rica (After G. G. + MacCurdy, A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Memoirs of the + Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol. III [1911], + figs. 92, 85). _c_, Fort Colburne, Ontario (After 31st. Ann. + Archaeological Report, Ontario, 1919, p. 83). 57 + + ” 51. _a_, Part of soapstone kettle; _b_, _c_, _d_, Ivory combs, + Eskimo (From F. Boas, The Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson + Bay, Bull. A. M. N. H. Vol. XV, 1907, figs. 215, 254) 58 + + ” 52. Wood carving, Bambala, Congo (After Torday and Joyce, Notes + ethnographiques sur les peuples communément appelés Bakuba, + etc. Les Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques concernant les + populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II, Pl. 25, fig. 7) 59 + + ” 53. Pottery vessel, Molkenberg type, Megalithic period (After M. + Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, Vol. III, Pl. 11, p. + 84) 60 + + ” 54. Pouch, Arapaho (From A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. A. M. + N. H. Vol. XVIII, fig. 23 _c_, p. 89) 60 + + ” 55. Embroidered Moccasin, Apache, A. M. N. H. 50/8622 _b_ 60 + + ” 56. _a_, _b_, _c_, Birchbark vessels, eastern Indians (From + James Teit, The Shuswap, Vol. II, fig. 214). _d_, Birchbark + vessels, Koryak (From W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Jesup North + Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI, fig. 192 _c_, p. 675). 61 + + ” 57. Pottery vessel, Arkansas (After W. H. Holmes, Aboriginal + Pottery of the eastern United States, 20th Annual Report + Bureau of American Ethnology, Pl. XXV) 61 + + ” 58. Imbricated basket, Chilcotin, British Columbia (After James + Teit, The Shuswap, Vol. II, fig. 268, p. 772) 62 + + ” 59. _a_, Embroidery, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Carl Lumholtz, + Decorative Art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs A. M. N. H., + Vol. III, Part 3, fig. 430, p. 303) 65 + + _b_, Symbolism of the Huichol Indian, _Ibid._ Part. 1, fig. + 92, p. 92 66 + + ” 60. Decorated fishskin garment, Amur River (After Berthold + Laufer, The Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup North + Pacific Expedition, Vol. IV, Pl. 30) 66 + + ” 61. Upper row, pictographs of Ojibwa Indians; lower row, + pictographs of Dakota Indians (From Garrick Mallery, Picture + Writing of American Indians, 10th Annual Report Bureau of + American Ethnology, figs. 168 and 184 et seq.) 67 + + ” 62. Mexican painting from Codex Borbonicus (After Eduard Seler, + Gesammelte Abhandlungen, Vol. IV, p. 139) 68 + + ” 63. _a_, Carved figure, Philippine Islands (After E. von Sydow, + Die Kunst der Naturvölker und der Vorzeit, p. 273). _b_, + Marble figure representing harpist (After Helmuth Th. + Bossert, Altkreta, fig. 17 _b_.) 69 + + ” 64. Wooden mask, Urua, Congo (After Herbert Kühn, Die Kunst der + Primitiven, Pl. XXIX) 70 + + ” 65. Carved board, Papua Gulf, New Guinea (After Herbert Kühn, Die + Kunst der Primitiven, Pl. LIV) 70 + + ” 66. Egyptian painting (After Heinrich Schäfer, Von Ägyptischer + Kunst fig. 200, p. 257) 71 + + ” 67. Haida drawing representing eagle carrying away a woman; + original by Charles Edensaw 71 + + ” 68. Egyptian drawings, _a_, Bowl and pitcher; _b_, Sleeping + person covered by blanket (After Heinrich Schäfer, Von + Ägyptischer Kunst, p. 111) 75 + + ” 69. Eskimo etching on walrus tusk, Alaska + (A. M. N. H. 60/239) 76 + + ” 70. Bushman rock paintings (After Moszeik, Die Malereien der + Buschmänner in Südafrika, Pl. I, fig. 236) 76 + + ” 71. Paleolithic painting representing bison (After Hugo + Obermaier, Fossil Man in Spain, Pl. I) 77 + + ” 72. Hat of the Nootka Indians (After Handbook of the Ethnographic + collections, British Museum, fig. 235, p. 256) 78 + + ” 73. Koryak carvings (From W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Jesup North + Pacific Expedition, Vol. 6, figs. 170, 172, 175) 79 + + ” 74. Bronze casting, Benin (After Felix von Luschan, Alterthümer + von Benin, Pl. LI) 81 + + ” 75. Headmask, Cross River, Cameroon (After Ernst Vatter, + Religiöse Plastik der Naturvölker, 1926, fig. 57) 82 + + ” 76. Terra cotta head from Ife, Yoruba country (After Herbert + Kühn, Die Kunst der Primitiven, p. 92) 82 + + ” 77. Pottery head from Arkansas (After W. H. Holmes, Aboriginal + Pottery of the eastern United States, 20th Annual Report + Bureau of American Ethnology, Pl. XXX) 85 + + ” 78. Ivory and bone carvings, and tattooing of eastern Eskimo + (From F. Boas, Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson Bay, Bulletin + A. M. N. H. Vol, XV. figs. 257, 258, 268). 86 + + ” 79. Ornaments of the Auetö, Brazil (After Karl von den Steinen, + Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral Brasiliens, Pl. XXII). 89 + + ” 80. Ornaments of the Karayá (After Paul Ehrenreich, Die + Karayástämme am Rio Araguaya (Goyaz); Veröffentlichungen aus + dem Museum für Völkerkunde, Berlin. Vol. II, fig. 11, p. 25). + 89 + + ” 81. Basketry patterns from British Guyana, _a_, snake pursuing + frog; _b_, man; _c._, dog; _d-f_, wild nutmeg (From Walter + Edmond Roth, An Introductory Study of the arts, crafts, and + customs of the Guyana Indians, 38th Annual Report Bureau of + American Ethnology, figs. 168, 178). 90 + + ” 82. Basketry patterns from British Guyana; _a_, centiped; _b_, + savannah grass; _c-f_, periwinkles; _g_, butterflies; _h-j_, + snakes, _Ibid._ fig. 169. 91 + + ” 83. Designs of the Cheyenne Indians (After Paul Ehrenreich, + Ethnologisches Notizblatt, Vol. II, No. 1, pp. 27-29, 1899). + 92 + + ” 84. Moccasin, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin + A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII, fig. 5_b_, p. 39). 94 + + ” 85. Knife case, Arapaho (_Ibid._ fig. 22, p. 88). 94 + + ” 86. Legging, Sioux Indians (After Clark Wissler, Decorative Art + of the Sioux Indians, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII, Pl. + LI, fig. 5). 95 + + ” 87. Drum of the Assiniboine (From Robert H. Lowie, The + Assiniboine, Vol. IV, Anthropological Papers A. M. N. H. fig. + 11, p. 27). 96 + + ” 88. Rawhide bag, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, + Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII, fig. 33, p. 115). 97 + + ” 89. Design from parfleche, Shoshone (A. M. N. H. 50/2299). 97 + + ” 90. Bamboo case from Friedrich-Wilhelm Hafen, New Guinea, (After + Emil Stephan, Südseekunst, p. 101). 98 + + ” 91. Zuni bowl, broken and edges ground down, (private + property). 98 + + ” 92. Ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Karl + Lumholtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs A. M. N. + H. Vol III, fig. 133, p. 125) 99 + + ” 93. Woven ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Karl + Lumholtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, _Ibid._ fig. 173, + p. 146). 101 + + ” 94. Design from a pouch, Huichol Indians (From Karl Lumholtz, + Decorative art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs A. M. N. H. + Vol. III, Pt. 3, fig. 527, p. 325). 101 + + ” 95. Tattooed designs, Marquesas (After Karl von den Steinen, Die + Marquesaner und ihre Kunst, _a_, fig. 103, p. 155; _b_, fig. + 101, p. 154; _c_, fig. 99, p. 152; _d_, fig. 100, p. 153; + _e_, fig. 112, p. 163). 101 + + ” 96. Patterns representing the star, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber, + Decorative art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. + XVIII). 103 + + ” 97. Patterns representing persons (_Ibid._). 104 + + ” 98. Patterns representing butterfly (_Ibid._). 104 + + ” 99. Designs from Neu-Mecklenburg, _a_, Carved bamboo; _b_, + embroidered mat (After Emil Stephan and Fritz Gräbner, + Neu-Mecklenburg, _a_, fig. 120, p. 114; _b._ Pl. I, fig. 3). + 104 + + ” 100. Embroidered knife sheath, Arapaho (From A. L. Kroeber, + Decorative art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. + XVIII, Pl. 13, fig. 5). 107 + + ” 101. Painted board, Neu-Mecklenburg (After Emil Stephan and Fritz + Gräbner, Neu-Mecklenburg, Pl. IX, fig. 8). 107 + + ” 102. Decorated paddle, Neu-Mecklenburg (_Ibid._ Pl. VI, + fig. 3 b). 107 + + ” 103. Blanket of mountain-goat wool, Tlingit, Alaska (From G. T. + Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, Memoirs A. M. N. H. Vol. III, + fig. 567, p. 377). 108 + + ” 104. Basketry patterns of the Pomo Indians, California (After + S. A. Barrett, Pomo Indian Basketry, Univ. California + Publications, Vol. 7, No. 3. pp. 180, 182, 187, 190, 204, + 232). 109 + + ” 105. Drawn work, Mexico (From Journal of American Folk-lore, + Vol. 33, 1920, p. 73). 110 + + ” 106. Designs of the Ruanda (After Jan Czekanowski, + Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Deutschen Zentral-Afrika + Expedition, 1907-1908, Vol. VI, Part 1, p. 330). 111 + + ” 107. Designs of the Pangwe (After Günther Tessmann, Die Pangwe, + Berlin 1913, Vol. I, fig. 211, p. 254). 112 + + ” 108. Designs of the Bushongo (After E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, + Les Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques concernant les + populations du Congo Belge, figs. 322, 323, 219, 330). 113 + + ” 109. Feet of flat pottery dishes, Chiriqui, Costa Rica (After + G. G. MacCurdy, A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Mem. + Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol. III [1911], + figs. 140, 141, 139, 135). 114 + + ” 110. Polynesian ornaments (After Charles H. Read, Journal of + the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, + Vol. 21 [1892] Pl. 12). 115 + + ” 111. Crocodile arrows, New Guinea (After A. C. Haddon, The + Decorative Art of British New Guinea, Cunningham Memoir, + Royal Irish Academy, X [1894] fig. 19). 115 + + ” 112. Designs representing frigate bird and crocodile (_Ibid._ + Pl. XII). 116 + + ” 113. Facial urns (After M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, + Vol. IV, Pl. 116). 117 + + ” 114. Armadillo designs, Chiriqui (After G. G. MacCurdy, _l. c._ + figs. 77, 78) 117 + + ” 115. Designs of the Bushongo representing the head of the + antelope and the beetle (From E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, + Notes ethnographiques sur les peuples communément appelés + Bakuba etc. Les Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques + concernant les populations du Congo Belge, p. 211). 117 + + ” 116. Design representing the buffalo, Arapaho (From A. L. + Kroeber, Decorative Art of the Arapaho, Bulletin + A. M. N. H. Vol. XIII, p. 85). 119 + + ” 117. Designs of North American Indians; the first nine, Arapaho + (After A. L. Kroeber, Decorative Art of the Arapaho, + Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII); the next six, Eastern + Algonquin (After Frank G. Speck, The Double Curve Motive + of Northeastern Algonkian Art, Geological Survey of Canada, + Anthropological Series No. 1); the last line; first, + Hopi; then archaeological specimens, Pueblo region. 120 + + ” 118. Triangular design, prehistoric Pueblo (After J. W. Fewkes, + Preliminary Account of an Expedition to the Pueblo Ruins + near Winslow, Arizona, Smithsonian Report for 1896, Pl. 34). + 121 + + ” 119. Alaskan needle cases (After F. Boas, Decorative Designs + of Alaskan Needle Cases, Proceedings United States + National Museum, Vol. 34, p. 321 et seq., 1908). 125 + + ” 120. Reels of Alaskan Eskimo (United States National Museum, + numbers from above downwards, 44 994, 33 095, 38 276, 33 267, + 45 110). 126 + + ” 121. Eye shades and vessel, Ammassalik (After W. Thalbitzer, + The Ammassalik Eskimo, Meddelelser om Grønland, Vol. XXXIX, + fig. 278, and after Hjalmar Stolpe, On Evolution in the + Ornamental Art of Savage Peoples, figs. 22, 24, p. 80). 127 + + ” 122. Designs from vessels made of tree calabashes, Oaxaca, + (Private collection). 131 + + ” 123. Fragments of pottery vessels, Texcoco, D. F., Mexico. 132 + + ” 124. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico. 132 + + ” 125. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico. 133 + + ” 126. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico. 135 + + ” 127. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico. 135 + + ” 128. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico. 135 + + ” 129. Alligator designs from Chiriqui pottery (A. M. N. H. + 30.0/1881; 7608; 5760; 1098; 5727). 137 + + ” 130. Chinese embroidery representing bats (After A. H. Balfour, + The Evolution of Decorative Art, fig. 18, p. 50). 141 + + ” 131. Shell with representation of rattle snake (After W. H. + Holmes, Art in Shell, 2nd Annual Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, + Pl. 62, 2; Pl. 65, 2, 4, 6; Pl. 66, 2). 142 + + ” 132. Throwing sticks of the Eskimo (_a_, Greenland, _b_, + Ungava Bay, _c_, Cumberland Sound, _d_, Point Barrow, _e_, + Alaska (exact location doubtful), _f_, Cape Nome) (After + Otis T. Mason, Throwing Sticks in the United States National + Museum, Annual Report U. S. Nat. Mus., 1884, p. 279 et + seq.) 145 + + ” 133. Pile cloth, Congo (From Torday and Joyce, Notes + ethnographiques sur les peuples communément appelés Bakuba + etc. Les Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques concernant + les populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II, Pl. XVI, figs. 2 + and 4) 154 + + ” 134. Haida painting representing a sea-monster in the form of + a wolf, carrying two whales 159 + + ” 135. Haida drawing representing the story of a young man who + caught a sea-monster 159 + + ” 136. Haida drawing representing part of the raven story 160 + + ” 137. Types of New Zealand spirals 161 + + ” 138. Types of spirals from eastern New Guinea (From E. Fuhrmann, + New Guinea, p. 108) 163 + + ” 139. Spirals from the Amur River (From Berthold Laufer, The + Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup North Pacific + Expedition, Vol. IV, Pl. 20, figs. 3 and 4) 163 + + ” 140. Pictographs representing human beings, _a_, Wahpeton Sioux + (After Skinner, Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the + American Indian, Heye Foundation, Vol. 4, Pl. 23); _b_, + Menomenee (After Skinner, Anthropological Papers, A. M. N. H. + Vol. 13, fig. 30, p. 159); _c_, Blackfoot (After Clark + Wissler, _ibid._ Vol. 7, fig. 3. p. 40); _d_, Dakota (After + Garrick Mallery, Pictographs of North American Indians); + _e_, Alaskan Eskimo (After W. J. Hoffmann, Graphic Art of + the Eskimo, Report of the United States National Museum, + 1895, Pl. 63); _f_, Pencil sketches by Eskimo from the west + coast of Hudson Bay 164 + + ” 141. _a_, _b_, _c_, Pictographs from the Cueva de los Caballos, + _d_, Pictograph of Bushmen (After Obermaier and Wernert) + 165 + + ” 142. Zuni pot (After C. F. Lummis, Mesa, Canyon and Pueblo, + p. 369) 167 + + ” 143. Haussa embroideries; (_a_, After Lepage, La décoration + primitive; _b_, _c_, _d_. After Felix von Luschan, Beiträge + zur Völkerkunde der deutschen Kolonien, p. 50) 168 + + ” 144. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A M. N. H., _a_, 50/3597; + _b_, 50/2285) 170 + + ” 145. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A. M. N. H. _a_, 50/5212; + _b_, 50/3595) 171 + + ” 146. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A. M. N. H. _a_, 50/2282; + _b_, 50/3630) 172 + + ” 147. Painted rawhide, Ioway (Public Museum City of Milwaukee, + 30607) 173 + + ” 148. _a_, Painted rawhide, Ioway (Public Museum City of + Milwaukee, 30609); _b_, Painted rawhide, Otoe (Public Museum + City of Milwaukee, 30677) 174 + + ” 149. Design from pouch, Ojibwa, (A. M. N. H. 50/4596) 175 + + ” 150. Design from two sides of pouch, Potawatomi, (A. M. N. H. + 50.1/7092). 175 + + ” 151. Types of parfleche and pouch painting, _a_, Arapaho + (A. M. N. H.), 176 + _b_, _c_, Shoshone (A. M. N. H. 50/2294, 2432). 177 + + ” 152. Arapaho designs (From A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. + A. M. N. H. vol. 18.) _a_, Moccasin, Pl. 2, fig. 5; _b_, + Toilet bag, fig. 28; _c_, Small pouch, Pl. 4, fig. 2; + _d_, Small pouch, Pl. 4, fig. 11; _e_, Knife scabbard, + Pl. 2, fig. 13; _f_, Knife scabbard, fig. 22; _g_, + Woman’s leggings, Pl. 3, fig. 5; _h_, Woman’s leggings, + fig. 6; _i_, Small pouch, fig. 23; _j_, Small pouch, Pl. + 7, fig. 14; _k_, Moccasin, Pl. 3, fig. 2; _l_, Woman’s + leggings, Pl. 4, fig. 5; _m_, Toilet bag, fig. 25; _n_, + Toilet bag, fig. 27; _o_, Woman’s leggings, Pl. 2, fig. + 5; _p_, Pouch, Pl. 3, fig. 12; _q_, Pouch, Pl. 4, fig. + 12; _r_, Moccasin, Pl. 2, fig. 2; _s_, Woman’s work bag, + Pl. 2, fig. 15; _t_, Scabbard, Pl. 5, fig. 13. 178 + + ” 153. Sioux designs (From Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the + Sioux Indians, Bull. A. M. N. H., Vol. 18.) _a_, Moccasin, + fig. 98; _b_, Knife scabbard, Pl. 4, fig. 49; _c_, Small + pouch, Pl. 3, fig. 41; _d_, Pipe bag, Pl. 2, fig. 47; _e_, + Pipe bag, Pl. 2, fig. 42; _f_, Pipe bag, Pl. 3, fig. 42; + _g_, Cradle, fig. 42; _h_, Pipe bag, Pl. 1, fig. 42; _i_, + Small pouch, Pl. 4, fig. 41; _j_, Pipe bag, Pl. 1, fig. + 47; _k_, Pipe bag, Pl. 3, fig. 43; _l_, Pipe bag, fig. + 99; _m_, Woman’s leggings, fig. 74; _n_, Cradle, fig. + 73; _o_, Small pouch, Pl. 1, fig. 41; _p_, Woman’s leggings, + Pl. 2, fig. 51; _q_, Woman’s leggings, Pl. 5, fig. 51; + _r_, Small pouch, Pl. 2, fig. 41; _s_, Pipe bag, Pl. 1, + fig. 43; _t_, Pipe bag, Pl. 4, fig. 47; _u_, Scabbard, + Pl. 2, fig. 49; _v_, Small pouch, Pl. 3, fig. 50; _w_, + Knife scabbard, Pl. 6, fig. 49; _x_, Pipe bag, Pl. 3, + fig. 47; _y_, Small pouch, Pl. 5, fig. 40; _z_, Pipe bag, + fig. 100; _z^1_, Pipe bag, Pl. 2, fig. 43. 179 + + ” 154. Tlingit helmet (A. M. N. H. E/3453). 184 + + ” 155. Mask representing dying warrior, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. + E/2501). 184 + + ” 156. Carved head used in ceremonial, Kwakiutl Indians, Museum für + Völkerkunde, Berlin. 185 + + ” 157. Carvings representing the beaver from models of Haida + totem poles carved in slate (A. M. N. H. 16/556, 16/551). + 186 + + ” 158. Carving from handle of spoon representing beaver, Tlingit + (A. M. N. H. 19/1129). 186 + + ” 159. Headdress representing beaver; a dragon-fly is shown on + the chest of the beaver, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/245). 186 + + ” 160. Painting for a house-front placed over the door, + representing the beaver, Kwakiutl Indians. 188 + + ” 161. Halibut hook with design representing a sculpin + swallowing a fish, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1251). 188 + + ” 162. Part of a totem pole with a design representing a + sculpin, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/567) 188 + + ” 163. Woolen legging with appliqué designs representing + sculpin, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/328) 189 + + ” 164. Facial painting representing the sculpin 191 + + ” 165. Headdress representing a hawk, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. + 16/252) 191 + + ” 166. Handle of a spoon made of mountain-goat horn; lowest + figure representing a hawk; upper figure representing a + man holding a dragon-fly, probably Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. + 16/105) 191 + + ” 167. Rattle with design of a hawk, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. + E/1371) 191 + + ” 168. Dish made of horn of big-horn-sheep, Tlingit. (A. M. N. H. + 19/696) 191 + + ” 169. Facial painting representing hawk 191 + + ” 170. Headdress representing an eagle bearing a frog on its + chest, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/249) 191 + + ” 171. Housepost representing eagle above, cormorant below, + Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/3686) 192 + + ” 172. Painting on paddle representing hawk, Kwakiutl 193 + + ” 173. Painting on back and one end of a settee representing man + and hawk, Kwakiutl 193 + + ” 174. Handle of spoon of mountain-goat horn representing + dragon-fly, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/280) 193 + + ” 175. Berry spoon with engraving representing dragon-fly (from + J. R. Swanton, The Haida Indians, Jesup North Pacific + Expedition, Vol. V, fig. 24 _b_, p. 148) 193 + + ” 176. _a_—_e_, Carvings from handles of spoons of + mountain-goat horn representing killer-whale, Tlingit + (A. M. N. H.) 195 + + ” 177. Rattle representing killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H. + 16/304) 195 + + ” 178. Wooden float representing killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H. + 16/8471) 195 + + ” 179. Masks and dishes representing the killer-whale, Kwakiutl, + A. M. N. H. (from F. Boas, The Kwakiutl Indians, Jesup + North Pacific Expedition, Vol. V) 196 + + ” 180. Helmet representing the killer-whale, Tlingit, Museum of + Academy of Sciences, Leningrad 196 + + ” 181. Carvings from the handles of spoons of mountain-goat horn + representing the bear (A. M. N. H.) 196 + + ” 182. Berry spoons representing bear (U. S. National Museum); + _a_, Tsimshian, 16253; _b_, Tsimshian, 16254; _c_, + Tlingit, 20820; _d_, berry spoon (U. S. Nat. Mus., + 20825) 197 + + ” 183. Carving representing a sea-monster, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. + 19/377) 199 + + ” 184. Carvings from handles of spoons made of mountain-goat + horn representing a sea-monster (A. M. N. H.) 199 + + ” 185. Part of totem pole carved in slate representing shark + surmounted by an eagle, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/1161) 199 + + ” 186. Handle of a dagger representing the head of a shark, + Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/2037) 199 + + ” 187. Wooden pipe representing a shark, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. + 19/98) 200 + + ” 188. Tattooing representing a shark, Haida (From a + photograph) 200 + + ” 189. Handles of spoons representing a sea-monster, Haida + (A. M. N. H., _a_, E/298; _b_, E/826; _c_, E/296) 201 + + ” 190. Handles of spoons made of mountain-goat representing + snail, Tlingit (A. M. N. H., _a_, 19/1116; _b_, E/828) 201 + + ” 191. Types of eyes of various animals, Kwakiutl. _a_, sea bear; + _b_, grizzly bear; _c_, beaver; _d_, wolf; _e_, eagle; + _f_, raven; _g_, killer-whale 203 + + ” 192. _a_, whale; _b_, sea lion; _c_, frog; _d_, double-headed + serpent; _e_, man; _f_, merman; _g_, spirit of the sea 204 + + ” 193. Styles of tails, Kwakiutl; above bird, below sea mammals + 205 + + ” 194. Styles of wing designs and of fin designs, Kwakiutl; _a_, + fin; _b_, wing 205 + + ” 195. Elements used in representing the halibut, Kwakiutl 206 + + ” 196. Elements used in representing the wolf, Kwakiutl 206 + + ” 197. Painting from bow of a canoe, representing the wolf, + Kwakiutl 207 + + ” 198. Masks and dishes representing the wolf, Kwakiutl (_a-e_ + from F. Boas, The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, Jesup + North Pacific Expedition, Vol. 5, Pls. 39, 42-44; _g_ + British Museum; _h_ A. M. N. H. 16/384) 208 + + ” 199. House post, Haida (From John R. Swanton, The Haida + Indians, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. V, fig. 10) + 209 + + ” 200. Designs from a set of gambling sticks. (From John R. + Swanton, _Ibid._ figs. 26-31) 210 + + ” 201. Designs from a set of gambling sticks (_Ibid._) 211 + + ” 202. Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, + fig. 546) 213 + + ” 203. Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, + fig. 561) 213 + + ” 204. Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, + fig. 563) 214 + + ” 205. Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, + fig. 580) 215 + + ” 206. Model of totem pole with three figures representing, from + below upward; sculpin, dog-fish, and sea-monster, Haida + (A. M. N. H. 16/550) 216 + + ” 207. Mask representing the hawk, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. + E/1591) 217 + + ” 208. Mask with painting symbolizing the flicker, Tlingit + (A. M. N. H. E/337) 217 + + ” 209. Mask with eyebrows symbolizing the squid, Tlingit + (A. M, N. H. 19/920) 218 + + ” 210. Mask with painting symbolizing the killer-whale, Tlingit + (A. M N. H. E/1629) 218 + + ” 211. Fish-club representing the killer-whale, Tlingit, + (A. M. N. H. E/242) 219 + + ” 212. Wood carving representing dorsal fin of the killer-whale, + Tlingit, (A. M. N. H. E/923) 219 + + ” 213. Model of a totem pole representing a shark, Haida, + (A. M. N. H. 16/1167) 219 + + ” 214. Speaker’s staff representing a shark, Tlingit (A. M. H. N. + 19/790) 220 + + ” 215. Berry spoon with designs representing the eagle (From + J. R. Swanton, The Haida Indians, Jesup North Pacific + Expedition, Vol. V, fig. 24 _a_, p. 148) 221 + + ” 216. Halibut hook representing a beaver, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. + 19/1152) 221 + + ” 217. Part of totem pole representing a shark, Haida + (A. M. N. H. 16/1154) 221 + + ” 218. Dancing-hat representing a killer-whale, Tsimshian + (A. M. N. H. 16/580) 221 + + ” 219. Wooden hat with carving representing the sculpin + (A. M. N. H. 16/282) 221 + + ” 220. Grease dish representing seal 222 + + ” 221. Design on a bracelet representing a bear, Nass River + Indians (A. M. N. H. E/2428) 223 + + ” 222. Painting representing bear, Haida 224 + + ” 223. Painting from a house-front representing a bear, + Tsimshian 225 + + ” 224. Wooden hat painted with the design of a sculpin, Haida + (A. M. N. H. 16/281) 225 + + ” 225. Hat made of spruce roots painted with design of a beaver, + Haida or Tsimshian, (A. M. N. H. 16/692) 226 + + ” 226. Tattooing representing a duck, Haida 226 + + ” 227. Tattooing representing a raven, Haida 226 + + ” 228. Dancing-apron woven of mountain-goat wool, design + representing a beaver, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/349) 227 + + ” 229. Painted legging with design representing a beaver sitting + on a man’s head, Haida, (A. M. N. H. 16/330) 227 + + ” 230. Gambling-leather with engraved design representing a + beaver, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 19/1057) 228 + + ” 231. Embroidered legging representing a sea-monster with a + bear’s head and body of the killer-whale, Haida + (A. M. N. H. 16/334) 228 + + ” 232. Painting representing a dog-fish, Haida 229 + + ” 233. Slate dish design representing a shark, Haida + (A. M. N. H. 16/603) 229 + + ” 234. Painting on edge of a blanket representing a + killer-whale, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1502) 230 + + ” 235. Model of totem pole representing a sea-monster, Haida + (A. M. N. H. 16/544) 231 + + ” 236. Model of totem pole representing a sculpin, Haida + (A. M. N. H. 16/1155) 231 + + ” 237. Model of totem pole representing a sea-monster devouring + a fish, Haida (A. M. N. H.) 232 + + ” 238. Slate carving representing the sea-monster Wasgo, Haida + (A. M. N. H. 16/687) 233 + + ” 239. Tattooing representing the fabulous sea-monster + Ts’um’a´ks, Haida 233 + + ” 240. Slate dish with design representing a killer-whale, + Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/605) 234 + + ” 241. Drum painted with design of an eagle, Tsimshian + (A. M. N. H. 16/748) 234 + + ” 242. Tattooing representing the moon, Haida 234 + + ” 243. Carving on the end of a food tray representing a hawk, + Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1236) 234 + + ” 244. Painting from a house-front representing thunder-bird, + Kwakiutl 236 + + ” 245. Model of totem pole with design representing a + killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/1166) 237 + + ” 246. Painting for a box front, design representing a frog, + Haida 238 + + ” 247. Painting for a house-front with design representing a + killer-whale, Kwakiutl 238 + + ” 248. Painting for a house-front with design representing a + killer-whale, Kwakiutl 239 + + ” 249. Painting on a paddle representing porpoise and seal, + Kwakiutl 240 + + ” 250. Painting for a house-front representing a raven, + Kwakiutl 241 + + ” 251. Painting for a house-front representing a thunder-bird, + Kwakiutl 242 + + ” 252. Painting for a house-front representing a whale, + Kwakiutl 243 + + ” 253. Painting for a house-front representing a raven, + Kwakiutl, (1) lower jaw; (2) tongue; (3) chest; (4) + feet; (5) legs; (6) wings 244 + + ” 254. Painting from the edge of a blanket representing a + sea-monster, Northern British Columbia (A. M. N. H. + 16/355) 244 + + ” 255. Design on a silver bracelet representing a beaver, + Haida (A. M. N. H. E/2462) 245 + + ” 256. Design on a silver bracelet representing a sea-monster, + Haida (A. M. N. H. E/2461) 245 + + ” 257. Design on a silver bracelet representing a hawk, Haida + (A. M. N. H. E/2463) 245 + + ” 258. Slate dish with design representing a sea-monster, Haida + (A. M. N. H. 16/611) 246 + + ” 259. Front of a slate box with design representing a + sea-monster, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/687) 247 + + ” 260. Slate slab with design representing a sea-monster, Haida + (A. M. N. H. 16/1149) 247 + + ” 261. Design from the end of a food tray representing a shark, + Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 16/1187) 248 + + ” 262. Slate dish with design representing a sculpin, Haida + (A. M. N. H. 16/882) 248 + + ” 263. Front of a slate box with design representing a fish, + Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/687) 249 + + ” 264. Body painting representing the bear, Kwakiutl 250 + + ” 265. Body painting representing the frog, Kwakiutl 251 + + ” 266. Design elements from Tlingit blankets (From G. T. Emmons, + The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 559, p. 366) 253 + + ” 267. Schematic design showing the arrangement of the central + field of the Chilkat blanket 258 + + ” 268. General plans of Tlingit blankets 258 + + ” 269. Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, + fig. 548 _b_, fig. 560 _a_) 259 + + ” 270. Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, + fig. 560 _b_ and fig. 562 _b_) 260 + + ” 271. Chilkat blankets, _a-b_, United States National Museum + (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 564) 261 + + ” 272. Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, + fig. 571, p. 381) 261 + + ” 273. Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, + figs. 570 _b_, p. 380, 572 _a_, p. 382) 262 + + ” 274. Front, reverse and side of a painted box (From G. T. + Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 551 _a_, p. 356, fig. + 552, p. 357) 263 + + ” 275. Painted and carved box front (From G. T. Emmons, The + Chilkat Blanket, fig. 551, p. 356) 264 + + ” 276. Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. + E/652) 264 + + ” 277. Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. + E/1579) 265 + + ” 278. Front and side of a painted box (From G. T. Emmons, The + Chilkat Blanket, fig. 553 _d_, p. 358) 266 + + ” 279. Front, reverse and side of a carved box (From G. T. + Emmons The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 553 _a_ and _b_ p. 358) + 267 + + ” 280. Carved boxes (From Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 556, + _a_, _b_, p. 362) 268 + + ” 281. Carved box, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 19/1231) 269 + + ” 282. Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, + figs. 556 _c-e_, and 557 _d_, pp. 362, 363) 270 + + ” 283. Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, + fig. 557 _a-c_, _e_, _f_, p. 363, and A. M. N. H. + 19/953) 272 + + ” 284. Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, + fig. 554) 273 + + ” 285. Designs on Tlingit armor (From photograph from specimens + in the Museum of the Academy of Sciences, Leningrad) 274 + + ” 286. Painted tray (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, + fig. 558 _a_, p. 364) 275 + + ” 287. Painted boxes (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, + fig. 558, _b-d_, p. 364) 276 + + ” 288. Horn spoons showing carving on the back (A. M. N. H.). + _a_, 16/8799 representing sea-monster, _b_, 16/8791 + representing the hawk, _c_, 16/8792 representing the + beaver (?), _d_, 16/8796 representing the raven, _e_, + 16/8795 representing the killer-whale, _f_, 16/8798, + representing the raven, _g_, 16/8794 representing dlia + (?), _h_, 16/8793 representing the sun 277 + + ” 289. Dish of horn of big-horn-sheep representing the bear + (Private Property) 278 + + ” 290. Mask of Kwakiutl Indians used in winter ceremonial; + according to some representing fool dancer, according to + others The-One-Shining-Down (After L. Adam, + Nordwest-amerikanische Indianer Kunst, Pl. 19) 279 + + ” 291. Ancient type of Kwakiutl box (A. M. N. H. 16/8117) 281 + + ” 292. _a_, Food tray (A. M. N. H. 16/8215), _b_, Bucket + (16/2243), Kwakiutl 282 + + ” 293. Small boxes (_a_, 16/2248, _b_, 16/8148), Kwakiutl 282 + + ” 294. Combs (A. M. N. H. _a_, 16/2299, _b_, 16/8911, _c_, + 16/8180, _d_, 16/8235), Kwakiutl 282 + + ” 295. Bone club and sword (A. M. N. H. _a_, 16/8274, _b_, + 16/971), Kwakiutl 282 + + ” 296. Spindle whirls, Ethnographisches Museum, Berlin, Lower + Fraser River 283 + + ” 297. Ladle made of big-horn-sheep horn, Columbia River 283 + + ” 298. Clubs made of bone of whale. _a_, From Nootka, collected + by Captain Cook (British Museum, Cat. No. N. W. C. 42); + _b_, From Nootka (British Museum, Cat. No. N. W. C. 47); + _c_, From Columbia River (Oregon Historical Society, Cat. + No. 385, List 38); _d_, From Nootka, collected by Captain + Cook, 1778 (Ethnographical Museum, Florence); _e_, From + Barclay Sound, collected by Mr. A. Jacobsen (Museum für + Völkerkunde, Berlin, Cat. No. IV. A 1574); _f_, From + Nootka, collected by Captain Cook (British Museum, Cat. + No. N. W. C. 41); _g_, From shell-heap at Cadboro Bay + collected by Mr. J. Maynard (Provincial Museum, Victoria, + Cat. No. 769); _h_, From Neah Bay, collected by Hon. + James Wickersham (U. S. National Museum, Cat. No. 198032); + _i_, Collected by Vancouver (British Museum, Van. 93); + _j_, From Nootka (collection of Mr. W. Sparrow Simpson, + British Museum, Cat. No. 9383); _k_, From Upper Columbia + River, collected by Col. Brooks, U. S. A., about 1810, + property of Mr. M. F. Savage, New York (A. M. N. H. cast + No. 16/8578); _l_, British Museum, Cat. No. 78-11-1.623; + _m_, From Nootka (British Museum, Cat. No. 8766); _n_, + University Museum, Cambridge, Eng. Cat. No. R. D. + 112 d 284 + + ” 299. Clubs made of bone of whale. _a_, From Quamichan + Indians, collected by Dr. C. F. Newcombe (Field + Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Cat. No. 85348); + _b_, From shell-heap, Plumper’s Pass, collected by Mr. + Eduard Lomas (Provincial Museum, Victoria, Cat. No. 770); + _c_, From Neah Bay, collected by Hon. James Wickersham + (U. S. National Museum, Cat. No. 198033); _d_, From + Nuchatlath, collected by Mr. A. Jacobsen (Museum für + Völkerkunde, Berlin, Cat. No. IV A 1215); _e_, From + Hesquiath, collected by Mr. A. Jacobsen (Museum für + Völkerkunde, Berlin, Cat. No. IV A 1573); _f_, 16/2106 + From Clayoquath, collected by Mr. Fillip Jacobsen; + _g_, 16/912 Bishop Collection from British Columbia; + _h_, 200/1471 Made of serpentine, from Blalock Island, + Wash., opposite Umatilla, Ore., collected by Mr. D. W. + Owen; _i_, From Cadboro Bay, collected by Mr. James + Deans (Provincial Museum, Victoria, Cat. No. 774); + _j_, From Fort Vancouver, Wash., about 1830 (Academy + of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia); _k_, From Neah Bay, + collected by Hon. James Wickersham (from cast in U. S. + National Museum, Cat. No. 198031); _l_, Peabody Academy + of Sciences, Salem, Mass., Cat. No. E. 6640; _m_, _n_, + From Nootka, collected by Capt. James Magee about 1794 + (Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., Cat. Nos. 256, 255); + _o_, From Neah Bay, collected by Hon. James Wickersham + (from cast in U. S. National Museum, Cat. No. 198030); + _p_, 16/855, From shell-heap at Cadboro Bay; _q_, 16/911 + Bishop Collection; _r_, 16/1100 Excavated on Songish + Reservation 286 + + ” 300. House posts, Lower Fraser River, from photograph by + Harlan I. Smith 288 + + ” 301. Basket, Lower Chehalis (Private Property) 289 + + ” 302. Designs on matting (A. M. N. H. _a_, 16/9990; _b_, + 16/8222), Kwakiutl 289 + + ” 303. Woven hat of spruce root, Kwakiutl (A. M. N. H. + 16/9993) 290 + + ” 304. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry (From G. T. + Emmons, The Basketry of the Tlingit Indians) 291 + + ” 305. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry (From G. T. + Emmons, The Basketry of the Tlingit Indians) 293 + + ” 306. _a_, Rawhide pouch, Salish or Chinook, collected by + Wilkes, 1840; _b_, Design from parfleche, Fort Colville, + Washington (United States National Museum, 2618 and 672) + 296 + + ” 307. Scraper of bone, Tahltan (Private Property) 297 + + ” 308. Detail of imbricated basketry 297 + + + + + EXPLANATION OF PLATES + + + Plate I. Basketry of Maidu (From Roland B. Dixon, Basketry Designs + of California, Bull. Am. Museum of Natural History, + Vol. 17). opp. p. 18 + + ” II. Body Painting of an Andaman Islander (From Brown, The + Andaman Islanders) 32 + + ” III. Melanesian House 34 + + ” IV. Peruvian Textiles (From Charles W. Mead, Boas Anniversary + Volume, Pl. X) 46 + + ” V. Kumiss Goblets of the Yakut (From W. Jochelson, Boas + Anniversary Volume, Pl. XXI) 54 + + ” VI. Shaman’s Dress, Amur River (A. M. N. H.) 66 + + ” VII. Woven Pouch, British Columbia (A. M. N. H.) 124 + + ” VIII. Woven Blanket, New Zealand, United States National + Museum 182 + + ” IX. Carved Figure, British Columbia, Linden Museum, + Stuttgart 184 + + ” X. Chilkat Blanket, Ethnological Museum, Copenhagen 278 + + ” XI. Cedarbark Blanket, British Columbia, British Museum 278 + + ” XII. Blankets of Mountain-goat Wool, Bella Coola, British + Columbia 278 + + ” XIII. House Post, near Eburne, Fraser River Delta, British + Columbia 288 + + ” XIV. Tlingit Baskets (From G. T. Emmons, The Basketry of the + Tlingit Indians) 294 + + ” XV. Imbricated Baskets from British Columbia and Washington 298 + + + + + TABLE OF CONTENTS + + + Preface 1 + Mental attitude of primitive people 1 + Primitive culture, historical growth 4 + The object of the investigation is a study of dynamic conditions + of art growth 7 + Acknowledgments 8 + + I. Introduction 9 + What is art? 9 + Technical perfection in art 10 + Emotional appeal of contents of art colors 12 + Historical notations 13 + + II. The formal elements in art 17 + Virtuosity 17 + Regularity of form and virtuosity 19 + Lack of virtuosity and artistic form 22 + Lack of effect of artistic form 25 + The plain, strong line and regular curve 31 + Symmetry 32 + Inverted symmetry 36 + Rhythm 40 + Marginal designs 55 + Decoration of prominent places 60 + Conclusion 62 + + III. Representative art 64 + Representation and representative art 64 + Primitive symbolic and realistic representation 69 + Influence of technique upon style of representation 81 + + IV. Symbolism 88 + Wide distribution of symbolic interpretation 88 + Lack of stability of explanation 102 + Lack of coherence in symbols 106 + Design names 109 + Studies in conventionalization 113 + Geographical distribution of explanations of similar designs 118 + Reading in of meanings 121 + Development of geometrical form according to representative + tendencies 124 + Stability of patterns of action as against instability of + interpretation 128 + Change of type due to slovenly execution 130 + Technical motives applying to representations 138 + Effect of decorative field 141 + Effect of symbolic methods of representation 143 + + V. Style 144 + The problem of style 144 + Motor habits and form 145 + Concentration of forms 148 + Transfer of forms in new materials 150 + Technical determination of form 153 + Individuality of style 153 + The artist in his cultural setting 155 + Control of style over invention 156 + Formal elements of style 161 + Dissemination of art forms and local developments 161 + Diversity of style in the same tribe and community 180 + + VI. The art of the Northwest coast of North America 183 + Symbolic representations of animal forms 186 + The beaver 186 + The sculpin 188 + The hawk and the eagle 190 + The dragon-fly 192 + The killer-whale 194 + The bear 197 + The sea-monster 198 + The frog 198 + The shark 198 + Summary of symbols 202 + Minor symbols are not strictly normative 207 + The wolf; variations of form in representations of same animal 213 + Variations in interpretation 214 + Use of fragmentary symbols 216 + Adaptation of animal forms to the decorative field 218 + Formal elements in animal representations 221 + Design arrangement on Chilkat blankets 257 + Design arrangement on boxes 262 + Design arrangement on food trays 270 + Design arrangement on square boxes 275 + Geometrical elements 279 + Older art styles of the Gulf of Georgia 284 + Realistic representations 285 + Geometrical designs in basketry 289 + Art of neighboring tribes 294 + + VII. Primitive literature, music, and dance 299 + General occurrence of literature, music, and dance 299 + Relation between song, music, and dance 303 + Primitive prose 303 + Rhythm 310 + Emphasis 317 + Symmetry 320 + Metaphor 320 + Poetic description 325 + Local culture reflected in literary form 327 + Symbolic meaning of narrative 337 + Different literary styles are found in the same tribe 337 + Distribution of literary forms 338 + Music 340 + Dance 344 + Conclusion 349 + + Text figures 357 + + Explanation of plates 373 + + + + + TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE + + Illustrations in this eBook have been positioned between paragraphs + and outside quotations. In versions of this eBook that support + hyperlinks, the page references in the List of Illustrations lead to + the corresponding illustrations. + + Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been + corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within the + text and consultation of external sources. + + Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, when a + predominant preference was found in the original book. + + Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, + and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. + + Pg 86: “underly” replaced by “underlie” + 95: “Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho” + 96: “rater” replaced by “rather” + 96: “Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho” + 98: “cocanut” replaced by “coconut” + 103: “Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho” + 106: “Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho” + 131: “Oxaca” replaced by “Oaxaca” + 147: “Czekanowsky” replaced by “Czekanowski” + 163: “Wahpaton” replaced by “Wahpeton” + 199: “sourmounted” replaced by “surmounted” + 204: “brings” replaced by “beings” + 223: “twowhile” replaced by “two whole” + 243: “then” replaced by “than” + 294: “wo” replaced by “so” + 335: “woes” replaced by “woos” + 336: “feasts” replaced by “feast” + 341: “timber” replaced by “timbre” + 345: “tapfrer” replaced by “tapfer” + 364: “Wahpaton” replaced by “Wahpeton” + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77834 *** |