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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77834 ***
+  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
+
+  Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
+
+  Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been
+  placed at the end of the paragraph.
+
+  A superscript is denoted by ^x or ^{xx}, for example und^r or 36^{th}.
+
+  Although the song on page 345 is notated as if it were one song,
+  perhaps for comparison purposes, these are actually two separate
+  songs, one German, one Mexican. Each has been transcribed separately,
+  with separate MP3 and MusicXML (.mxl) files. A soprano voice is used
+  for both.
+
+  Music transcription, translations and new original cover art included
+  with this eBook are granted to the public domain.
+
+  More information and comments on minor changes to the text are noted
+  at the end of the book.
+
+
+
+
+                               INSTITUTTET
+                           FOR SAMMENLIGNENDE
+                             KULTURFORSKNING
+
+                     [Illustration: (Institute Logo)]
+
+                            SERIE B: SKRIFTER
+
+                                  VIII
+
+                        FRANZ BOAS: PRIMITIVE ART
+
+
+                                OSLO 1927
+
+                     H. ASCHEHOUG & CO. (W. NYGAARD)
+
+                     LEIPZIG      PARIS      LONDON
+
+  OTTO HARRASSOWITZ      HONORÉ CHAMPION      WILLIAMS & NORGATE, LTD.
+
+                            CAMBRIDGE, MASS.
+
+                        HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
+
+
+
+
+                               INSTITUTTET
+                   FOR SAMMENLIGNENDE KULTURFORSKNING
+
+                              PRIMITIVE ART
+
+                                   BY
+
+                               FRANZ BOAS
+
+                  PROFESSOR OF ANTHROPOLOGY AT COLUMBIA
+                   UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
+
+                                OSLO 1927
+
+                     H. ASCHEHOUG & CO. (W. NYGAARD)
+
+                     LEIPZIG      PARIS      LONDON
+
+  OTTO HARRASSOWITZ      HONORÉ CHAMPION      WILLIAMS & NORGATE, LTD.
+
+                            CAMBRIDGE, MASS.
+
+                        HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
+
+
+
+
+                            PRINTED IN NORWAY
+
+                       DET MALLINGSKE BOGTRYKKERI
+
+
+
+
+                                 PREFACE
+
+
+This book is an attempt to give an analytical description of the
+fundamental traits of primitive art. The treatment given to the
+subject is based on two principles that, I believe, should guide all
+investigations into the manifestations of life among primitive people:
+the one the fundamental sameness of mental processes in all races and
+in all cultural forms of the present day; the other, the consideration
+of every cultural phenomenon as the result of historical happenings.
+
+There must have been a time when man’s mental equipment was different
+from what it is now, when it was evolving from a condition similar
+to that found among the higher apes. That period lies far behind us
+and no trace of a lower mental organization is found in any of the
+extant races of man. So far as my personal experience goes and so
+far as I feel competent to judge ethnographical data on the basis of
+this experience, the mental processes of man are the same everywhere,
+regardless of race and culture, and regardless of the apparent
+absurdity of beliefs and customs.
+
+Some theorists assume a mental equipment of primitive man distinct from
+that of civilized man. I have never seen a person in primitive life
+to whom this theory would apply. There are slavish believers in the
+teachings of the past and there are scoffers and unbelievers; there are
+clear thinkers and muddleheaded bunglers; there are strong characters
+and weaklings.
+
+The behavior of everybody, no matter to what culture he may belong, is
+determined by the traditional material he handles, and man, the world
+over, handles the material transmitted to him according to the same
+methods.
+
+Our traditional experience has taught us to consider the course of
+objective events as the result of definite, objective causation.
+Inexorable causality governs here and the outer world cannot be
+influenced by mental conditions. Hence our hesitating wonder at the
+phenomena of hypnotism and suggestion in which these lines seem no
+longer sharply drawn. Our cultural environment has impressed this
+view upon our minds so deeply that we assume as a fundamental fact
+that material phenomena, particularly outside of the field of human
+behavior, can never be influenced by mental, subjective processes.
+Still, every ardent wish implies the possibility of fulfilment and
+prayers for objective benefits or for help do not differ in principle
+from the attempts of primitive man to interfere with the uncontrollable
+course of nature. The credulity with which fantastic theories bearing
+upon health are accepted, the constant rise of religious sects with
+abstruse dogmatic tenets, as well as the fashions in scientific and
+philosophic theory prove the weakness of our claim to a rational view
+of the world.
+
+Anyone who has lived with primitive tribes, who has shared their
+joys and sorrows, their privations and their luxuries, who sees in
+them not solely subjects of study to be examined like a cell under
+the microscope, but feeling and thinking human beings, will agree
+that there is no such thing as a “primitive mind”, a “magical” or
+“prelogical” way of thinking, but that each individual in “primitive”
+society is a man, a woman, a child of the same kind, of the same way of
+thinking, feeling and acting as man, woman or child in our own society.
+
+Investigators are too apt to forget that the logics of science,—that
+unattainable ideal of the discovery of pure relations of cause
+and effect, uncontaminated by any kind of emotional bias as well
+as of unproved opinion,—are not the logics of life. The feelings
+underlying taboo are ever-present among us. I remember that as a
+boy, when receiving instruction in religion,—that is in dogma,—I had
+an insuperable inhibition against uttering the word “God”, and I
+could not be brought to answer a question that required the answer
+“God”. If I had been older I should have searched for and found a
+personally satisfying explanation for this inhibition. Everyone knows
+by experience that there are actions he will not perform, lines of
+thought that he will not follow, and words that he will not utter,
+because the actions are emotionally objectionable, or the thoughts find
+strong resistances and involve our innermost life so deeply that they
+cannot be expressed in words. We are right in calling these social
+taboos. It requires only a dogmatic standardization to transform them
+into true taboos.
+
+And magic? I believe if a boy should observe someone spitting on his
+photograph and cutting it to pieces he would feel duely outraged. I
+know if this should have happened to me when I was a student, the
+result would have been a duel and I should have done my level best to
+do to my adversary _in natura_ what he had done to me _in effigie_ and
+I should have considered my success as a compensation for the harm done
+me;—all this without any psychoanalytic meaning. I do not believe that
+my feelings would have differed much from those of other young men.
+Again a standardization and dogmatization would bring us right back to
+“magical” attitudes.
+
+Dr. Tozzer’s[1] collection of superstitions of College students with
+the enlightening remarks by those who hold the beliefs will be read
+with profit by all those who are convinced of our mental superiority
+and the lack of ability of clear thinking among the primitives.
+
+[1] A. M. Tozzer, Social Origins and Social Continuities, New York,
+1925, pp. 242 et seq.
+
+Still other considerations should caution us against the assumption
+of a radical difference between primitive and civilized mentality.
+We like to see this distinction in greater individual mental freedom
+from social bondage expressed in a free critical attitude that makes
+possible individual creativeness.
+
+Our much admired scientific training has never proved a safeguard
+against the seductiveness of emotional appeals, just as little as
+it has prevented the acceptance as gospel truth of the grossest
+absurdities, if presented with sufficient energy, self assertion and
+authority. If anything, the late war with its organized governmental
+and private propaganda should make us understand this truth. Opinions
+energetically propagated and spurious facts diligently disseminated
+color the thinking of the people, and not only of the uneducated. The
+intellectual is deceived as easily as the untutored by sanctimonious
+professions that conform to the moral code of time and place and
+flatter the feeling of self-righteousness. They gloss over the conflict
+of deed and word and, when uttered by those in authority, make
+criminals appear like saints.
+
+Our advantage over primitive people is one of greater knowledge of the
+objective world, painfully gained by the labor of many generations, a
+knowledge which we apply rather badly and which we, or at least most of
+us, discard just as soon as a strong emotional urge impels us to do so,
+and for which we substitute forms quite analogous to those of primitive
+thought.
+
+The much maligned introspective psychology proves to the unbiased
+observer that the causes that make primitive man think as he does, are
+equally present in our minds. The particular behavior in each case
+is determined by the traditional knowledge at the disposal of the
+individual.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The second fundamental point to be borne in mind is that each culture
+can be understood only as an historical growth determined by the
+social and geographical environment in which each people is placed
+and by the way in which it develops the cultural material that comes
+into its possession from the outside or through its own creativeness.
+For the purpose of an historical analysis we treat each particular
+problem first of all as a unit, and we attempt to unravel the threads
+that may be traced in the development of its present form. For this
+reason we may not start our inquiries and interpretations, as though
+the fundamental thesis of a single unilineal development of cultural
+traits the world over, of a development that follows everywhere the
+same lines, had been definitely proven. If it is claimed that culture
+has run such a course, the assertion must be proven on the basis of
+detailed studies of the historical changes in single cultures and by
+the demonstration of analogies in their development.
+
+It is safe to say that the critical study of recent years has
+definitely disproved the existence of far-reaching homologies which
+would permit us to arrange all the manifold cultural lines in an
+ascending scale in which to each can be assigned its proper place.
+
+On the other hand dynamic conditions exist, based on environment,
+physiological, psychological, and social factors, that may bring forth
+similar cultural processes in different parts of the world, so that it
+is probable that some of the historical happenings may be viewed under
+more general dynamic viewpoints.
+
+But historical data are not available and when prehistoric research
+does not reveal sequences of cultural changes, the only available
+method of study is the geographical one, the study of distribution.
+This has been emphasized in the last third of the past century by
+Friedrich Ratzel. It has probably been most rigidly developed in the
+United States. I illustrated this method in 1891 by a study of the
+distribution of folk-tales in North America[2] and it has become more
+and more the method of analytical study of cultural forms.
+
+[2] Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. IV, pp. 13-20; also Science,
+Vol. XII (1888), pp. 194-196.
+
+Its very fruitfulness, however, has led to extremes in its application
+that should be guarded against. I pointed out, in print in 1911 and
+often before and since that time in speaking, that there is a certain
+homology between universal distribution of cultural facts and their
+antiquity. The fundamental principle involved in this assumption was
+fully discussed by Georg Gerland in 1875,[3] although we are hardly
+ready to accept his conclusions. The data of prehistoric archaeology
+prove that some of these universal achievements go back to paleolithic
+times. Stone implements, fire and ornaments are found in that period.
+Pottery and agriculture, which are less universally distributed, appear
+later. Metals, the use of which is still more limited in space, are
+found still later.
+
+[3] Anthropologische Beiträge, Halle a/S, pp. 401 et seq.
+
+Recent attempts have been made to raise to a general principle this
+point of view which, with due caution, may be applied here and
+there. Herbert Spinden in his reconstruction of American prehistoric
+chronology, Alfred Kroeber in his analysis of cultural forms of the
+Pacific Coast, and quite recently Clark Wissler have built up, founded
+on this principle a system of historic sequences that appear to me
+as quite untenable. That widely distributed cultural traits develop
+special forms in each particular area is a truism that does not
+require any proof. That these local developments may be arranged in
+a chronological series, that those of the most limited distribution
+are the youngest, is only partially true. It is not difficult to find
+phenomena that center in a certain region and dwindle down at the
+outskirts, but it is not true that these invariably arise on an ancient
+substratum. The converse is often true, that an idea emanating from a
+center is diffused over a wide area. Neither may the origin always be
+looked for in the area of the strongest development. In the same way
+as we find animals surviving and flourishing in regions far distant
+from the locality in which they developed, so cultural traits may be
+transferred and find their highest expression in regions far away from
+their origin. The bronze castings of Benin; the wood carvings of New
+Zealand; the bronze work of ancient Scandinavia; the giant stone work
+of Easter Island; the early cultural development of Ireland and its
+influences over Europe are examples of this kind.
+
+Equally unsafe are the methods used by Fritz Graebner and Pater W.
+Schmidt who claim the stability of certain very old and, as I fear,
+fictitious correlations between cultural traits.
+
+It is probably not necessary to point out the utter inadequacy of
+Elliott Smith’s attempt to reduce all ethnological phenomena to a
+single, and anthropologically speaking, late source and to assume a
+permanence of cultural forms that exists nowhere.
+
+It has often been observed that cultural traits are exceedingly
+tenacious and that features of hoary antiquity survive until the
+present day. This has led to the impression that primitive culture is
+almost stable and has remained what it is for many centuries. This does
+not correspond to the facts. Wherever we have detailed information we
+see forms of objects and customs in constant flux, sometimes stable for
+a period, then undergoing rapid changes. Through this process elements
+that at one time belonged together as cultural units are torn apart.
+Some survive, others die, and so far as objective traits are concerned,
+the cultural form may become a kaleidoscopic picture of miscellaneous
+traits that, however, are remodelled according to the changing
+spiritual background that pervades the culture and that transforms
+the mosaic into an organic whole. The better the integration of the
+elements the more valuable appears to us the culture. I believe that it
+may be said that the coherent survival of cultural features that are
+not organically connected is exceedingly rare, while single detached
+elements may possess marvellous longevity.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the present book the problem of growth of individual art styles will
+be touched upon only incidentally. Our object is rather an attempt
+to determine the dynamic conditions under which art styles grow up.
+The specific historical problem requires much fuller material than
+what we now possess. There are very few parts of the world in which
+we can trace, by archaeological or comparative geographical study,
+the growth of art styles. Prehistoric archaeology in Europe, Asia,
+and America shows, however, that, as general cultural traits are in a
+constant state of flux, so also do art styles change and the breaks
+in the artistic life of the people are often surprisingly sudden. It
+remains to be seen whether it is possible to derive generally valid
+laws that control the growth of specific art styles, such as Adama
+van Scheltema has tried to derive for North European art.[4] With
+increasing technical skill and perfection of tools, changes are bound
+to occur. Their course is determined by the general cultural history of
+the people. We are not in a position to say that the same tendencies,
+modified by local historical happenings, reappear in the course of art
+development everywhere.
+
+[4] Die altnordische Kunst, Berlin, 1923.
+
+I wish to express my thanks to those who have assisted me in gathering
+the illustrative material for this volume. I am indebted to the
+American Museum of Natural History, especially to Dr. Pliny E. Goddard
+for permission to have drawings made of specimens, for liberal help in
+their selection and also for the use of illustrative material from the
+Museum publications. I am also indebted to the Field Museum, Chicago;
+the United States National Museum, Washington; the University Museum
+of the University of Pennsylvania at Philadelphia, the Free Public
+Museum of the City of Milwaukee and to the Linden Museum at Stuttgart
+for illustrations of specimens. The drawings were made by Mr. W. Baake,
+Miss M. Franziska Boas and Miss Lillian Sternberg.
+
+
+
+
+                              INTRODUCTION
+
+
+No people known to us, however hard their lives may be, spend all their
+time, all their energies in the acquisition of food and shelter, nor
+do those who live under more favorable conditions and who are free
+to devote to other pursuits the time not needed for securing their
+sustenance occupy themselves with purely industrial work or idle away
+the days in indolence. Even the poorest tribes have produced work that
+gives to them esthetic pleasure, and those whom a bountiful nature or a
+greater wealth of inventions has granted freedom from care, devote much
+of their energy to the creation of works of beauty.
+
+In one way or another esthetic pleasure is felt by all members of
+mankind. No matter how diverse the ideals of beauty may be, the general
+character of the enjoyment of beauty is of the same order everywhere;
+the crude song of the Siberians, the dance of the African Negroes,
+the pantomime of the Californian Indians, the stone work of the New
+Zealanders, the carvings of the Melanesians, the sculpture of the
+Alaskans appeal to them in a manner not different from that felt by us
+when we hear a song, when we see an artistic dance, or when we admire
+ornamental work, painting or sculpture. The very existence of song,
+dance, painting and sculpture among all the tribes known to us is proof
+of the craving to produce things that are felt as satisfying through
+their form, and of the capability of man to enjoy them.
+
+All human activities may assume forms that give them esthetic values.
+The mere cry, or the word does not necessarily possess the elements
+of beauty. If it does so it is merely a matter of accident. Violent,
+unrestrained movements induced by excitement; the exertions of the
+chase and the movements required by daily occupations are partly
+reflexes of passion, partly practically determined. They have no
+immediate esthetic appeal. The same is true of all products of
+industrial activity. The daubing of paint, the whittling of wood or
+bone, the flaking of stone do not necessarily lead to results that
+compel our admiration on account of their beauty.
+
+Nevertheless, all of them may assume esthetic values. Rhythmical
+movements of the body or of objects, forms that appeal to the eye,
+sequences of tones and forms of speech which please the ear, produce
+artistic effects. Muscular, visual and auditory sensations are the
+materials that give us esthetic pleasure and that are used in art.
+
+We may also speak of impressions that appeal to the senses of smell,
+taste and touch. A composition of scents, a gastronomical repast may be
+called works of art provided they excite pleasurable sensations.
+
+What then gives to the sensation an esthetic value? When the technical
+treatment has attained a certain standard of excellence, when the
+control of the processes involved is such that certain typical forms
+are produced, we call the process an art, and however simple the forms
+may be, they may be judged from the point of view of formal perfection;
+industrial pursuits such as cutting, carving, moulding, weaving; as
+well as singing, dancing and cooking are capable of attaining technical
+excellence and fixed forms. The judgment of perfection of technical
+form is essentially an esthetic judgment. It is hardly possible to
+state objectively just where the line between artistic and pre-artistic
+forms should be drawn, because we cannot determine just where the
+esthetic attitude sets in. It seems certain, however, that wherever a
+definite type of movement, a definite sequence of tones or a fixed form
+has developed it must become a standard by which its perfection, that
+is, its beauty, is measured.
+
+Such types exist among mankind the world over, and we must assume that
+if an unstandardized form should prove to possess an esthetic appeal
+for a community it would readily be adopted. Fixity of form seems to be
+most intimately connected with our ideas of beauty.
+
+Since a perfect standard of form can be attained only in a highly
+developed and perfectly controlled technique there must be an intimate
+relation between technique and a feeling for beauty.
+
+It might be said that achievement is irrelevant as long as the ideal
+of beauty for which the would-be artist strives is in existence,
+although on account of imperfect technique he may be unable to attain
+it. Alois Riegl expresses this idea by saying that the will to produce
+an esthetic result is the essence of artistic work. The truth of this
+assertion may be admitted and undoubtedly many individuals strive for
+expression of an esthetic impulse without being able to realize it.
+What they are striving for presupposes the existence of an ideal form
+which the unskilled muscles are unable to express adequately. The
+intuitive feeling for form must be present. So far as our knowledge of
+the works of art of primitive people extends the feeling for form is
+inextricably bound up with technical experience. Nature does not seem
+to present formal ideals,—that is fixed types that are imitated,—except
+when a natural object is used in daily life; when it is handled,
+perhaps modified, by technical processes. It would seem that only in
+this way form impresses itself upon the human mind. The very fact
+that the manufactures of man in each and every part of the world have
+pronounced style proves that a feeling for form develops with technical
+activities. There is nothing to show that the mere contemplation of
+nature or of natural objects develops a sense of fixed form. Neither
+have we any proof that a definite stylistic form develops as a product
+purely of the power of the imagination of the workman, unguided by his
+technical experience which brings the form into his consciousness. It
+is conceivable that elementary esthetic forms like symmetry and rhythm,
+are not entirely dependent upon technical activities; but these are
+common to all art styles; they are not specifically characteristic
+of any particular region. Without stability of form of objects,
+manufactured or in common use, there is no style; and stability of
+form depends upon the development of a high technique, or in a few
+cases on the constant use of the same kind of natural products. When
+stable forms have been attained, imaginative development of form in an
+imperfect technique may set in and in this case the will to produce an
+esthetic result may outrun the ability of the would-be artist. The same
+consideration holds good in regard to the esthetic value of muscular
+movements used in song and dance.
+
+The manufactures of man the world over prove that the ideal forms are
+based essentially on standards developed by expert technicians. They
+may also be imaginative developments of older standardized forms.
+Without a formal basis the will to create something that appeals to the
+sense of beauty can hardly exist.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Many works of art affect us in another way. The emotions may be
+stimulated not by the form alone, but also by close associations that
+exist between the form and ideas held by the people. In other words,
+when the forms convey a meaning, because they recall past experiences
+or because they act as symbols, a new element is added to the
+enjoyment. The form and its meaning combine to elevate the mind above
+the indifferent emotional state of every day life. Beautiful sculpture
+or painting, a musical composition, dramatic art, a pantomime, may so
+affect us. This is no less true of primitive art than of our own.
+
+Sometimes esthetic pleasure is released by natural forms. The song of a
+bird may be beautiful; we may experience pleasure in viewing the form
+of a landscape or in viewing the movements of an animal; we may enjoy
+a natural taste or smell, or a pleasant feeling; grandeur of nature
+may give us an emotional thrill and the actions of animals may have a
+dramatic effect; all of these have esthetic values but they are not
+art. On the other hand, a melody, a carving, a painting, a dance, a
+pantomime are esthetic productions, because they have been created by
+our own activities.
+
+Form, and creation by our own activities are essential features of
+art. The pleasure or elevation of the mind must be brought about by a
+particular form of sense impression, but this sense impression must
+be made by some kind of human activity or by some product of human
+activity.
+
+It is essential to bear in mind the twofold source of artistic effect,
+the one based on form alone, the other on ideas associated with form.
+Otherwise the theory of art will be one-sided. Since the art of man,
+the world over, among primitive tribes as well as among civilized
+nations, contains both elements, the purely formal and the significant,
+it is not admissible to base all discussions of the manifestations of
+the art impulse upon the assumption that the expression of emotional
+states by significant forms must be the beginning of art, or that, like
+language, art is a form of expression. In modern times this opinion is
+based in part on the often observed fact that in primitive art even
+simple geometrical forms may possess a meaning that adds to their
+emotional value, and that dance, music and poetry almost always have
+definite meaning. However, significance of artistic form is neither
+universal nor can it be shown that it is necessarily older than the
+form.
+
+I do not intend to enter into a discussion of the philosophical
+theories of esthetics, but will confine myself to a few remarks on
+the views of a number of recent authors who have treated art on the
+basis of ethnological material, and only in so far as the question is
+concerned whether primitive art is expressive of definite ideas.
+
+Our views agree fundamentally with those of Fechner[5] who recognizes
+the “direct” appeal of the work of art on the one side and the
+associated elements that give a specific tone to the esthetic effects
+on the other.
+
+[5] G. T. Fechner, Vorschule der Aesthetik.
+
+Wundt[6] restricts the discussion of art to those forms in which the
+artistic work expresses some thought or emotion. He says, “For the
+psychological study art stands in a position intermediate between
+language and myth.... Thus the creative artistic work appears to us as
+a peculiar development of the expressive movements of the body. Gesture
+and language pass in a fleeting moment. In art they are sometimes
+given a higher significance; sometimes the fleeting movement is given
+a permanent form.... All these relations are manifested principally
+in the relatively early, although not in the very earliest stages of
+artistic work in which the momentary needs of expression of thought
+dominate art as well as language.”
+
+[6] Wilhelm Wundt, Völkerpsychologie, Vol. 3, Die Kunst; third edition,
+Leipzig, 1919, p. 5.
+
+Max Verworn[7] says: “Art is the faculty to express conscious processes
+by means created by the artist himself in such a manner that they may
+be perceived by our sense organs. In this general sense language,
+song, music and dance are art, just as well as painting, sculpture and
+ornamentation. The graphic and plastic arts in the narrow sense of the
+term result from the ability of making conscious processes visible in
+permanent materials.”
+
+[7] Die Anfänge der Kunst, Jena, 1920, p. 8. “Kunst im allgemeinsten
+Sinne ist, wie das Wort schon sagt, ein ‘Können’.”
+
+Richard Thurnwald[8] accepts the view-point of Wundt when he says,
+“Art, however inadequate its means may be, is a means of expression
+that belongs to mankind. The means employed are distinct from those
+used in gesture, language and writing. Even when the artist is intent
+only upon the repetition of what he has in mind he does so with
+at least the subconscious purpose of communicating his ideas, of
+influencing others.”
+
+[8] Richard Thurnwald, Handbuch der vergleichenden Psychologie,
+herausgegeben von Gustav Kafka, Vol. I, p. 211.
+
+The same onesidedness may be recognized in Yrjö Hirn’s[9] opinion, who
+says: “In order to understand the art impulse as a tendency to esthetic
+production we must bring it into connection with some function from the
+nature of which the specifically artistic qualities may be derived.
+Such a function is to be found, we believe, in the activities of
+emotional expression.”
+
+[9] Yrjö Hirn, The Origins of Art, London, 1900, p. 29.
+
+It will be seen that all these authors confine their definition of art
+to those forms which are expressions of emotional states or of ideas,
+while they do not include in art the pleasure conveyed by purely formal
+elements that are not primarily expressive.
+
+Ernst Grosse[10] expresses similar views in somewhat different form.
+He stresses the practical purpose of artistic forms which appears to
+him as primary. However, he assumes that these forms, while devoted
+first of all to practical purposes, are intended at the same time to
+serve an esthetic need that is felt by the people. Thus, he says,
+that primitive ornament is by origin and by its fundamental nature
+not intended as decorative but as a practically significant mark or
+symbol, that is to say as expressive. If I understand him correctly
+this practical significance implies some kind of meaning inherent in
+the form.
+
+[10] Ernst Grosse, Die Anfänge der Kunst, 1894, p. 292.
+
+Emil Stephan[11] concludes from his detailed discussion of Melanesian
+art that technical motives offer no sufficient explanation for the
+origin of artistic forms (pp. 52 et seq.). He considers all ornament
+as representative and sees the origin of art in that unconscious
+mental process by which the form appears as distinct from the content
+of the visual impression, and in the desire to give permanence to the
+form (p. 51). For this reason he considers the artistic forms also
+as equivalents of the way in which the form appears to the primitive
+artist.
+
+[11] Emil Stephan, Südseekunst, Berlin, 1907.
+
+Alfred C. Haddon[12] and W. H. Holmes[13] seek the origin of all
+decorative art in realism. They discuss the transfer of technical forms
+to ornament but they see in these also results of the endeavor to
+reproduce realistic form, namely; technical details. Henry Balfour[14]
+agrees, on the whole, with this position but he stresses also the
+development of decorative motives from the actual use of technical
+processes.
+
+[12] Alfred C. Haddon, Evolution in Art, London 1895.
+
+[13] W. H. Holmes, Origin and Development of Form in Ceramic Art,
+Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, Vol. 4, 1886, pp. 443 et seq.
+
+[14] Henry Balfour, The Evolution of Decorative Art, London 1893.
+
+Gottfried Semper[15] emphasizes the importance of the form as
+determined by the manner of use. He also stresses the influence of
+designs developed in weaving and of their transfer upon other forms of
+technique, particularly upon architectural forms.
+
+[15] Gottfried Semper, Der Stil in den Technischen und Tektonischen
+Künsten, 1860.
+
+Alois Riegl[16] is also inclined to stress the representative character
+of the most ancient art forms, basing his argument essentially upon
+the realistic paleolithic carvings and paintings. He sees the most
+important step forward in the attempt to show the animals in outline,
+on a two-dimensional surface which necessitates the substitution of
+an ideal line for the three-dimensional form that is given to us by
+every day experience. He assumes that geometric ornament developed from
+the treatment of the line, obtained by the process just mentioned,
+according to formal principles.
+
+[16] Alois Riegl, Stilfragen, 2nd edition, Berlin, 1923, pp. 2 et seq.
+
+Setting aside the assumed sequence of these two aspects, his view-point
+is distinguished from that of the authors referred to before, by the
+recognition of the principle of form as against that of content.
+
+The principle of form is still more energetically defended by van
+Scheltema, who tries to prove definite developmental processes through
+which the formal treatment of North European art has passed, first in
+the Neolithic period, then in the bronze age and finally in the iron
+age.[17]
+
+[17] F. Adama van Scheltema, Die altnordische Kunst, Berlin, 1923.
+For a comprehensive review of works on primitive art up to 1914, see
+Martin Heydrich, Afrikanische Ornamentik, Internationales Archiv
+für Ethnographie, Supplement to Volume XXII, Leyden, 1914; also the
+bibliography in Eckert von Sydow, Die Kunst der Naturvölker und der
+Vorzeit, Berlin, 1923; and Herbert Kühn, Die Kunst der Primitiven,
+München, 1923. An excellent review of the subject has been given by
+Elizabeth Wilson, Das Ornament (Dissertation, University of Leipzig).
+
+Alfred Vierkandt[18] also emphasizes the fundamental importance of the
+formal element in the esthetic effect of all manifestations of art.
+
+[18] Prinzipienfragen der ethnologischen Kunstforschung, Zeitschrift
+für Aesthetik und allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft, Vol. XIX, Berlin, 1925,
+pp. 338 et seq. See also Jahrbuch für historische Volkskunde, Vol. II;
+Vom Wesen der Volkskunst, Berlin, 1926; Rafael Karsten, Civilization of
+South American Indians, New York, 1926.
+
+
+
+
+                        GRAPHIC AND PLASTIC ARTS
+
+                        THE FORMAL ELEMENT IN ART
+
+
+An examination of the material on which our studies of the artistic
+value of objects of primitive manufacture are founded shows that in
+most cases we are dealing with products of an industry in which a
+high degree of mechanical skill has been attained. Ivory carvings
+of the Eskimo; fur clothing of the Chukchee; wood carving of the
+northwest coast of America, of New Zealand, the Marquesas, or central
+Africa; metal work of Africa; appliqué work and embroidery of the Amur
+River; pottery of the North American Pueblos; bronze work of ancient
+Scandinavia are examples of this kind.
+
+The close relation between technical virtuosity and the fullness of
+artistic development may easily be demonstrated by an examination of
+the art of tribes with one-sided industries. While people like the
+African negroes or the Malay are in possession of many industries, such
+as basketry, carving, weaving, metal work and pottery, we find others
+among whom the range of industrial activities is so narrow that almost
+all the utensils for their manifold needs are made by the same process.
+
+The Californian Indians present an excellent example of this kind.
+Their chief industry is basketry. Almost all their household goods,
+receptacles for storage, cooking vessels, mortars for preparing
+food, children’s cradles, receptacles for carrying loads, are made
+of basketry. As compared to this industry others employed for the
+manufacture of weapons and tools are insignificant. The building
+of houses, of canoes, woodcarving, and painting are only slightly
+developed. The only other occupation in which an unusual degree of
+skill has been attained is featherwork. A great deal of time is
+therefore given to the manufacture of baskets and an unusual degree
+of virtuosity is found among the basketmakers. The beauty of form,
+the evenness of texture of the Californian baskets are well known
+and highly prized by collectors. At the same time the baskets are
+elaborately decorated with a variety of geometrical designs or by
+the addition of shells and feathers. (Plate I.) Basketmaking is an
+occupation of women and thus it happens that among the Californian
+Indians only women are creative artists. They are virtuosos in their
+technique and on account of their virtuosity productive. The works of
+art made by the men are, as compared to theirs, insignificant.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 1. Front of painted box, Tlingit, Alaska.]
+
+It so happens that conditions among the northern neighbors of the
+Californians are reversed. From Puget Sound northward the household
+goods and implements of the Indians are made of wood, and much of the
+time of the men is spent in woodworking. They are skilled joiners
+and carvers who through constant practice have acquired virtuosity
+in the handling of wood. The exactness of their work rivals that of
+our very best craftsmen. Their boxes, buckets, kettles, cradles, and
+dishes are all made of wood, as those of the Californians are made of
+basketry. In their lives basketry plays a relatively unimportant part.
+The industry in which they have attained greatest proficiency, is, at
+the same time, the one in which their decorative art is most fully
+developed. It finds expression, not only in the beauty of form of the
+woodwork, but also in elaborate decoration. Among these people all
+other aspects of decorative art are weak as compared to their artistic
+expression in woodwork or in art forms derived from woodwork (fig. 1).
+All this work is done by men and hence it follows that the men are the
+creative artists while the women seem to be lacking in inventiveness
+and artistic sense. Here also virtuosity in technique and artistic
+productivity go hand in hand.
+
+[Illustration:                                                PLATE I.
+
+Maidu Baskets. 1-2. Butterfly design. 3. Raccoon design. 4. Rim:
+mountains; body: flying geese. 5. Moth-miller.]
+
+As a third example we might mention the Pueblo Indians of the Southern
+United States. In many villages of this region pottery is the dominant
+industry and in pottery is found the highest expression of art. The
+form of the clay vessel is characterized by great regularity and it
+becomes the substratum for decoration. Since pottery is a woman’s
+art, women are the most productive artists among the Pueblos (fig.
+2). However, the industrial activities of the Pueblos are not quite
+so one-sided as those of California and British Columbia. Therefore
+the men who are experienced in industrial work devoted to ceremonial
+purposes are not lacking in the ability of artistic expression.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 2. Jar from Zuni.]
+
+I believe these examples demonstrate that there is a close connection
+between the development of skill in an industry and artistic activity.
+Ornamental art has developed in those industries in which the greatest
+skill is attained. Artistic productivity and skill are closely
+correlated. Productive artists are found among those who have mastered
+a technique, among men when the industries are in their hands, among
+women when they are devoted to industrial activities.
+
+It will be admitted that aside from all adventitious form elements,
+the product of an experienced worker in any handicraft has an artistic
+value. A child learning to make a basket or a pot cannot attain the
+regularity of outline that is achieved by the master.
+
+The appreciation of the esthetic value of technical perfection is
+not confined to civilized man. It is manifested in the forms of
+manufactured objects of all primitive people that are not contaminated
+by the pernicious effects of our civilization and its machine-made
+wares. In the household of the natives we do not find slovenly work,
+except when a rapid makeshift has to be made. Patience and careful
+execution characterize most of their products. Direct questioning
+of natives and their criticism of their own work shows also their
+appreciation of technical perfection. Virtuosity, complete control
+of technical processes, however, means an automatic regularity of
+movement. The basketmaker who manufactures a coiled basket, handles the
+fibres composing the coil in such a way that the greatest evenness of
+coil diameter results (fig. 3). In making her stitches the automatic
+control of the left hand that lays down the coil, and of the right
+that pulls the binding stitches over the coil brings it about that
+the distances between the stitches and the strength of the pull are
+absolutely even so that the surface will be smooth and evenly rounded
+and that the stitches show a perfectly regular pattern,—in the same
+way as an experienced seamstress will make her stitches at regular
+intervals and with even pull, so that they lie like beads on a string.
+The same observation may be made in twined basketry (fig. 4). In the
+handiwork of an expert the pull of the woof string will be so even that
+there is no distortion of the warp strings and the twisted woof will
+lie in regularly arranged loops. Any lack of automatic control will
+bring about irregularities of surface pattern.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 3. Coiled basketry.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 4. Twined basketry.]
+
+A pot of well-rounded form results also from complete control of a
+technique. Primitive tribes make their pottery without the aid of the
+potter’s wheel, and in most cases the potter builds up his vessel by
+the process of coiling, analogous to the coiling of a basket. Long
+round strips of clay are laid down spirally beginning at the bottom. By
+continued turning and gradual laying on of more and more strips in a
+continued spiral the pot is built up. Complete control of the technique
+will result in a perfectly round cross section and in smooth curvatures
+of the sides. Lack of skill will bring about lack of symmetry and of
+smoothness of curvature. Virtuosity and regularity of surface and form
+are here also intimately related.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 5. Chipped flint implements: _a_ North America; _b_
+Egypt.]
+
+A similar correlation is found in the manufacture of chipped stone
+implements. After the brittle stone has been roughly shaped it is given
+its final form either by pressure with an implement that squeezes off
+long, thin flakes or by indirect chipping. In the former case the
+flaking implement is held in the right hand and by sudden pressure with
+the point of the flaker long flakes or small bits are removed from
+the surface. When the worker has attained complete control of this
+technique his pressure will be even and executed with equal rapidity;
+the distances between the points of attack will be the same and he will
+move his flaker in regular lines. The result is a chipped implement
+of regular form and surface pattern in which the long, conchoidal
+depressions caused by the flaking off of thin chips are of equal size
+and regularly arranged (fig. 5).
+
+When indirect chipping is applied the thin part of the object which is
+to be worked is placed on a hard, sharp edge and by a smart blow on
+the body of the flint a strong vibration is produced which results in
+a break just over the sharp edge. In this way, place and size of the
+flake are perfectly controlled by the expert craftsman.
+
+Quite similar are the conditions in woodwork. The smoothing of large
+surfaces is generally done with the adze. A skilled worker handles his
+adze automatically. The strength of the stroke and the depth to which
+it enters the surface of the wood are always the same and the chips
+removed have always the same size and form. The workman will also
+move the adze in even lines and strike the surface at even distances.
+The result of automatic action is here, also, evenness of surface and
+regularity of surface pattern (fig. 6).
+
+These conditions are well-described by Sophus Müller, who says,[19]
+“A great part of the work on flint must be designated as luxury, and
+was done with the sole intent of producing a masterpiece of handiwork.
+When making an adze blade all that is needed for practical purposes
+is a good cutting edge. Smoothness of face, back and sides is not
+necessary, particularly since a large portion of these were covered
+by the attachment to the handle. With coarse and conchoidal chipping
+the blade would be equally serviceable. However, the maker wanted to
+produce excellent stone work, to the making of which he devoted all
+the care, taste and skill at his command and by this the manufactured
+objects undoubtedly increased in value. These objects might be called
+therefore, in the strict sense of the term, works of artistic industry.”
+
+[19] Sophus Müller, Nordische Altertumskunde, Strassburg 1897, Vol. I,
+p. 190.
+
+All these examples show that complete automatic control of a technique,
+and regularity of form and surface pattern are intimately correlated.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 6. Part of surface of wooden sail, Vancouver
+Island.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 7. Painted board, Tierra del Fuego.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 8. Bushman designs from ostrich eggs and from horn
+bracelet.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 9. Kaffer headrests.]
+
+However, besides these, attempts at decoration occur in which a mastery
+of technique has not been attained. Among a few tribes almost all
+artistic work is of this character. Among the inhabitants of Tierra
+del Fuego are found only meagre examples of painting, lacking in skill
+(fig. 7). The patterns are simply dots and coarse lines in which
+the arrangement is the essential artistic element. It is intelligible
+that a feeling for symmetry may exist without the ability of perfect
+execution. The modern Bushmen scratch patterns on ostrich eggs which
+serve as receptacles for water (fig. 8). Here we find the intent to
+give expression to form but with inadequate means. It is important to
+note that the same motive, two circles connected by a narrow band,
+occurs several times in these etchings. The circle might be suggested
+to the workman by the perforation of the shell of the ostrich egg
+through which the water is poured out, but the combination can hardly
+be derived on the basis of Bushman industries. Shall we consider the
+pattern as the result of the play of their imagination or as an attempt
+at representation? It seems to me important to note that the neighbors
+of the Bushmen, the negroes of the Zambezi, use the same pattern and
+that rows of triangles and diamonds, such as are used by the Bushmen,
+are found on their implements also (fig. 9). The pattern may therefore
+have come from an outside source.[20] Perhaps the decoration on ostrich
+eggs is poor only on account of the difficulties of handling the
+material. At least the zig-zag patterns (fig. 8), found on a bracelet,
+show a much greater technical perfection than those found on the
+ostrich eggs.
+
+[20] F. von Luschan, Buschmann-Einritzungen auf Strausseneiern,
+Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Vol. 55 (1923), pp. 31 et seq.—Hendrik
+P. M. Muller et John F. Snelleman, L’Industrie des Caffres dans le
+sud-est de l’Afrique. (Pl. XIV, Figs. 2-5). See also P. C. Lepage, La
+décoration primitive; Afrique, Paris, Librairie des arts décoratifs,
+Plate 5, where similar designs are shown on pottery vessels.
+
+Here may also be mentioned the painting and carving of the Melanesians.
+We see among them a wealth of forms in carvings of excellent technique.
+In some specimens, particularly from western New Guinea, we find
+complete mastery of the art. In the majority of cases, however, there
+is an imperfect control of technique, while there is an astounding
+multiplicity of forms. The lines generally lack regularity and evenness
+(fig. 10 _a_, _b_). There is no clear proof of a general degeneration
+of the art and we may perhaps assume that in this case the development
+of a keen sense for form among all the carvers and painters of
+the tribe did not go hand in hand with a corresponding mastery of
+technique. It is not unlikely that foreign influence has led here to an
+exuberant form perception.
+
+Setting aside any esthetic consideration, we recognize that in cases
+in which a perfect technique has developed, the consciousness of the
+artist of having mastered great difficulties, in other words the
+satisfaction of the virtuoso is a source of genuine pleasure.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 10. Paddle and shield, New Ireland.]
+
+I do not propose to enter into a discussion of the ultimate sources
+of all esthetic judgments. It is sufficient for an inductive study of
+the forms of primitive art to recognize that regularity of form and
+evenness of surface are essential elements of decorative effect, and
+that these are intimately associated with the feeling of mastery over
+difficulties; with the pleasure felt by the virtuoso on account of his
+own powers.
+
+I can give at least a few examples which illustrate that the artist has
+not in mind the visual effect of his work, but that he is stimulated by
+the pleasure of making a complex form.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 11. Plan of rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 12. Rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians.]
+
+The raw hide boxes of the Sauk and Fox Indians are made of a large
+piece of hide which is carefully ornamented according to a definite
+plan (fig. 11). The boxes are made by folding the hide. There are five
+sides of approximately equal width (1-5). These are the four sides
+of the box: front (5), bottom (4), back (3), top (2), and a flap (1)
+covering the front. A strip on each side (_a_-_e_) is folded over and
+the marginal piece (_d_) belonging to the bottom segment is folded
+in along diagonal lines as we fold in the ends of a paper wrapper,
+so that the marginal strips, _e_ and _c_, form the sides of the box.
+Another similar fold is made in _b_ when the top is folded over the top
+opening of the box. The folds at the bottom are sewed in firmly, while
+the fold on top remains open. The resulting form is shown in fig. 12.
+Those parts of the surface that are entirely invisible are indicated by
+horizontal shading (fig. 11). These are folded in and sewed in on the
+inside of the box. Those parts that may be seen when the box is opened
+are indicated by diagonal shading; while the white area is that part of
+the surface that is visible when the box is closed and tied up. It will
+be noticed that the fields _c_ and _e_ overlap on the short sides of
+the finished box.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 13. Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox
+Indians.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 14. Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox
+Indians.]
+
+The decoration of these boxes is carefully laid out on a flat piece of
+rawhide. Corresponding to the five faces of the box most of the designs
+are divided into five equal fields and corresponding to the folded
+margins two marginal fields are set off from the central field. This,
+however, is so narrow that in folding part of the lateral design is
+turned over so that it becomes invisible. When the boxes are folded the
+cohesion of the pattern is completely lost. Not only do the folds fail
+to agree with the divisions, but owing to the method of folding and
+the complete covering of the field _d_ and of part of _e_, the whole
+pattern is broken up and on the short sides we find only fragments
+adjoining in the most irregular way (fig. 12). When the box is closed
+field _e_ adjoins field 1, and the overlapping section _c_ adjoins it
+in the middle of the narrow side. On top it adjoins field 2 and at the
+bottom field 4. The whole formal idea of the carefully planned pattern
+is lost in the completed box. We find even patterns laid out in four
+strips instead of five, so that the fundamental pattern and the sides
+do not coincide (fig. 14). It will be seen, therefore, that the artist
+spends his ingenuity in decorating the rawhide but that in the box the
+fundamental ideas of his carefully planned decoration are lost.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 15. Designs on rawhide boxes, Sauk and Fox Indians.]
+
+The disregard of the original pattern is such that in some specimens
+(fig. 15) part of the design has been cut off in order to make the
+sides fit together. In our illustration the parts cut off,—the right
+upper corners,—have been reconstructed.
+
+It might be said that similar conditions prevail in modern, patterned
+fabrics that are made into garments. In this case the manufacturer
+tries to attain a pleasing effect for the fabric as a whole. If economy
+of material did not interfere, the tailor would fit the pattern
+together, but we always feel the conflict between the pattern and the
+requirements of the finished garment.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 16. Fringe from legging, Thompson Indians.]
+
+As another example I mention a legging made by an Indian woman from
+the interior of British Columbia. It bears the usual decoration,—a
+long fringe along the outer seam. The fringe consists of a long piece
+of curried skin cut in narrow strips. These strips are decorated in
+rhythmic order (fig. 16), a string decorated by one glass bead and two
+bone beads in alternating order is followed by a plain string, next
+by one decorated with single alternating glass and bone beads, then a
+plain one and finally one like the first. When we indicate the plain
+and decorated strips by letters, we find the arrangement
+
+  . . . | A B C B A | A B C B A | . . .
+
+repeated over and over again.[21] The important point to be noted is,
+that when in use, the fringe hangs down without order along the outer
+side of the leg so that the elaborate rhythmic pattern cannot be seen.
+The only way in which the maker can get any satisfaction from her work
+is while making it or when exhibiting it to her friends. When it is in
+use there is no esthetic effect.
+
+[21] James Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Publications
+of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, New York 1900, Vol. I, p. 382;
+see also Gladys A. Reichard, The Complexity of Rhythm in Decorative
+Art, American Anthropologist N. S., Vol. 24 (1922), p. 198.
+
+Other cases occur in which motives are applied that are practically
+invisible. Thus in mattings from Vancouver Island, the weaver will
+alternate the direction of the strands in squares without any attempt
+to set off the surface in colors (fig. 17). When the matting is new
+these patterns may be seen in reflected light, but after a very short
+time they disappear almost completely.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 17. Twilled weaving showing alternation of
+patterns.]
+
+Similarly the woven patterns on arm rings from the Ucayali are
+practically invisible.[22]
+
+[22] Max Schmidt, Besondere Geflechtsart der Indianer im
+Ucayaligebiete, Archiv für Anthropologie, N. S., Vol. VI (1907), p. 270.
+
+To sum up: Objectively the excellence of workmanship results in
+regularity of form and evenness of surface which are characteristic
+of most uncontaminated primitive manufactures, so much so that most
+objects of every day use must be considered as works of art. The
+handles of implements, stone blades, receptacles, clothing, permanent
+houses, canoes are finished off in such a way that their forms have
+artistic value.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 18. Carving on bow of Bella Bella canoe, British
+Columbia.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 19. Rattle, Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia.]
+
+Expert workmanship in the treatment of the surface may lead not only
+to evenness but also to the development of patterns. In adzing the
+form of the object to be smoothed will determine the most advantageous
+direction of the lines in which the adze has to be carried. In a large
+Bella Bella canoe, the body of the canoe is adzed in horizontal lines,
+while prow and stern show vertical lines. The wolf carved on the bow of
+the same canoe shows surface patterns on its body and limbs (fig. 18).
+Decorative use of adzed lines, is also found on a rattle (fig. 19).
+In this specimen there is no technical need for the alternation in the
+direction of the groves, and the fields on the top of the rattle can
+the explained only as determined by the pleasure felt by the variation
+of the simple activity in novel and more complicated ways.[23]
+
+[23] See also page 41.
+
+In chipping of flint zig-zag lines are produced by the meeting of two
+lines on a ridge (fig. 20).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 20. Base of flint knife, Scandinavia.]
+
+Technical experience and the acquisition of virtuosity have probably
+led to the general prevalence of the plane, the straight line and
+regular curves such as the circle and the spiral, for all of these are
+of rare occurrence in nature, so rare indeed, that they had hardly ever
+a chance to impress themselves upon the mind.
+
+Plain surfaces are represented by crystals, by the cleavage of some
+kinds of rock, or by the surface of water during a calm. Straight lines
+by the shoots and stems of plants or by the sharp edges of crystals;
+regular curved lines by the shells of snails, by vines, bubbles on
+water or by smooth pebbles, but there is no obvious motive that would
+induce man to imitate these particular abstract forms, except perhaps
+in those cases in which regularly curved shells are worn as ornaments
+or employed as utensils.
+
+On the other hand, the straight line develops constantly in technical
+work. It is a characteristic form of the stretched thong or cord and
+its importance cannot be ignored by the hunter who hurls a lance or
+flies an arrow. The technical use of the straight shoot may well have
+been important in its derivation. Plants like the bamboo or the reed
+may thus have helped man to discover the value of the straight line.
+
+More essential than this seems to be the possession of a perfect
+technique, which involves great accuracy and steadiness of movement.
+These in themselves must lead necessarily to regular lines. When
+the uncertain wobbling of the cutting tool is eliminated, smooth
+curves will result. When the potter turns the pot he is making and
+his movements are quite regular the pot will be circular. Perfectly
+controlled coiling of basketry or of wire will lead to the formation of
+equidistant spirals.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 21. Face painting, Tierra del Fuego.]
+
+A number of other characteristic features may be observed in the art of
+all times and all peoples. One of these is symmetry. Symmetrical forms
+are found even in the simplest forms of decorative art. The tribes of
+Tierra del Fuego[24] decorate their faces and bodies with designs, many
+of which are symmetrical. Vertical lines on both sides of the body
+or a series of symmetrically arranged dots running from ear to ear
+across the nose are of this kind (fig. 21). They also use symmetrically
+decorated boards with which they adorn their huts (see fig. 7,
+page 23). The Andaman Islanders like to decorate their bodies with
+symmetrical patterns (Plate II). Many of the designs of the Australians
+are symmetrical (fig. 22) and in paleolithic painting geometrical forms
+occur that exhibit bilateral symmetry (fig. 23). In a few cases the
+elements arranged symmetrically are so complex that the symmetry can
+have been attained only by careful planning. Examples of this kind are
+necklaces of Indians in British Columbia in which we find as many as
+eighteen beads of different colors irregularly arranged, but repeated
+in equal order right and left.[25]
+
+[24] W. Koppers, Unter Feuerland-Indianern, p. 48, Pl. 7.
+
+[25] See Gladys A. Reichard, American Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. 24
+(1922) p. 191.
+
+[Illustration:                                              PLATE II.
+
+Andaman Islander.]
+
+The causes that have led to the widespread use of symmetrical forms
+are difficult to understand. Symmetrical motions of the arms and hands
+are physiologically determined. The right and left are apt to move
+symmetrically and the motions of the same arm or of both arms are
+often performed rhythmically and symmetrically from right to left and
+from left to right. I am inclined to consider this condition as one of
+the fundamental determinants, in importance equal to the view of the
+symmetry of the human body and of that of animals; not that the designs
+are made by right and left hand, rather that the sensation of the
+motions of right and left lead to the feeling of symmetry.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 22. Australian shields.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 23. Paleolithic paintings.]
+
+In by far the greatest number of cases symmetrical arrangements are to
+the right and left of a vertical axis, much more rarely above and below
+a horizontal one.
+
+The prevalence of horizontal and the rarity of vertical symmetry
+is presumably due to the absence of vertically symmetrical
+movements,—except in those rhythmic movements in which the arms are
+alternately raised and lowered,—and in the rarity of natural forms
+that are vertically symmetrical.
+
+In nature we see generally more fundamental differences in vertical
+direction than in horizontal layers. In animals, legs, body and head
+are on different levels. In landscapes, earth, trees, mountains and
+sky follow one another in vertical succession. On the other hand, we
+are liable to find in horizontal sequence sameness or variations of
+analogous form. This may be one of the reasons why there are found in
+ornamental art frequent arrangements in a series of horizontal bands
+that differ fundamentally in pattern, while in each horizontal band we
+find either symmetry, rhythmic repetition, or variations of similar
+forms (figs. 24, 25, 26). Exceptions however, occur, for instance in
+the decorations of Melanesian houses (Plate III).
+
+Other causes may contribute to the development of symmetrical patterns.
+In the making of coiled pottery or coiled basketry symmetry results
+from the process of manufacture. By regular turning of the pot or
+basket a circular form is produced. The process of winding twine around
+a holder may have the same effect. In two-handed implements, such as
+the bow of the bowdrill, symmetrical forms also develop, but implements
+of this type are not by any means numerous and their occurrence is no
+adequate explanation of the general occurrence of symmetry.
+
+We must leave it undecided whether the circumstances here referred to
+are adequate to account for the symmetry of form of such implements
+as lance heads, arrow-heads, baskets and boxes. We must be satisfied
+with the establishment of their general occurrence and the knowledge
+that they have an esthetic value wherever they are found. Examples of
+symmetrical arrangements are very numerous. The boxes from British
+Columbia (fig. 274, p. 263), neckrests of the Kaffers (fig. 9, p.
+23), Melanesian shields and paddles (fig. 10, p. 25), and the painted
+rawhides of the Sauk and Fox (figs. 13-15, pp. 27, 28) may serve
+as exemples. A special type of symmetrical design is found in our
+heraldic style with its animals rampant on each side of a central
+field. It is interesting to note that the same arrangement is very
+ancient. It occurs on the Lions’ Gate of Mycenae. It has also developed
+independently in prehistoric Peru (fig. 27).
+
+[Illustration:                                                PLATE III.
+
+Decorated House, Northern New Guinea.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 24. Patterns from bamboo combs, Malay Peninsula.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 25. Design from bamboo spear, New Guinea.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 26. Etruscan vase.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 27. Peruvian designs.]
+
+On objects that are frequently seen from different sides are found
+forms that are symmetrical both ways, when seen right and left and when
+seen up and down. Examples of this are the Australian shield fig. 22
+(p. 33), and the parfleches of the North American Indians (fig. 89,
+p. 97). On objects of similar character made by the same technical
+processes and by the same tribe, such as rawhide bags (fig. 28) double
+symmetry may also occur.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 28. Painted rawhide bags, Shuswap, British
+Columbia.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 30. Carved board Kaiserin Augusta Fluss, New
+Guinea.]
+
+In circular forms the diameter is often the axis of symmetry. In
+other cases symmetrical fields are radially arranged and there may
+be a number of repetitions. The circumference takes the place of the
+horizontal, the radius that of the vertical (fig. 29).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 29. Designs of the Dayak.]
+
+In a number of cases we find instead of normal symmetry an inversion of
+the two symmetrical halves so that what is above to the right, is below
+to the left. Arrangements of this type are, however, less numerous than
+true symmetry. Such forms occur in New Guinea. They are due to the
+decorative development of the two branches of a double spiral (fig.
+30). This form results sometimes from circular rhythmic repetitions in
+which the whole circle is filled by two or more units. This is found
+for instance, in pottery from the southwestern Pueblos (fig. 31) and
+also quite commonly in Central America.[26]
+
+[26] See, for instance S. K. Lothrop, Pottery of Costa Rica and
+Nicaragua, New York, 1926, Plates 39, 46, fig. 195.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 31. Designs from pottery of the ancient Pueblos.]
+
+Other figures resulting from rotation, that is from a decorative
+pattern applied rhythmically in the same direction, as for instance
+the swastika and S shaped figures occupying the center of a decorative
+field, present the same type of inverted symmetry. The same treatment
+is found in the art of ancient Scandinavia (fig. 32).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 32. Bronze ornament, Sweden, 7th Century A. D.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 33. Design from Peruvian textile.]
+
+A curious development of this decorative device is applied in the art
+of ancient Peru. On many fabrics we find patterns consisting of a
+diagonal arrangement of squares or rectangles. In each diagonal the
+same design is repeated, while the next diagonal has another type. In
+each diagonal line the design is shown in varying positions. If the
+one faces the right, the next faces the left. At the same time there
+is an alternation of colors, so that even when the form is the same,
+the tints and the color values will not be the same. A characteristic
+specimen of this type will be described later on (p. 47).
+
+The plan of one of these designs is illustrated in fig. 33.[27] There
+are eight rectangular fields with two designs (1 and 2); those right
+and left of the middle line and those above and below the horizontal
+middle line are symmetrical in regard to form. In color, 1 corresponds
+to 1^b and 1^a to 1^c; also 2 corresponds in color to 2^b and 2^a to 2^c.
+The colors being in all these cases, on the whole, reversed. 1, 2, and
+1^b, 2^b have a yellowish background and a red field surrounding the
+tree shaped design; 1^a, 2^a and 1^c, 2^c have a light red background
+and a greenish field surrounding the tree shaped figure. The whole
+field, consisting of four sections, is followed in the whole decorated
+stripe by another set of four sections in form like the preceding one.
+In this the background of 1 and 2, 1^b and 2^b is blue, of 1^a, 2^a
+and 1^c, 2^c yellowish. The field surrounding the tree shaped figure
+is yellowish in 1 and 1^b, greenish in 1^a, and 1^c. Taken as a whole,
+the right side is practically the same as the left, turned upside down.
+The order of fields on the left from the top downward and for the right
+side from below upward, is according to the color of the background,
+abbreviating, r red, y yellow, b blue:
+
+  r r y y / y y b b / r r y y / y y
+  b b / r r y y / y y b b / r r y y /.
+
+[27] Walter Lehmann, Kunstgeschichte des alten Peru, Berlin 1924,
+Plates 3 and 4.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 34. Designs from Peruvian textile.]
+
+A second example is shown in fig. 34. In this specimen the diagonally
+arranged fields marked 1, _a_, 2, _b_ [28] have the same color scheme.
+
+[28] These remarks refer also to the fields marked as 1′, 1″ etc.
+
+The larger fields in 1 are yellow, the lesser black. The larger fields
+in 2 are pink, the lesser grey. The background in _b_ is grey, the
+scroll purple. The background in _a_ is dark grey, the scroll light
+purple.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 35. Pot of coiled pottery, Prehistoric Pueblo
+Indians.]
+
+Another fundamental element of decorative form is rhythmic repetition.
+Technical activities in which regularly repeated movements are employed
+lead to rhythmic repetition in the direction in which the movement
+proceeds. The rhythm of time appears here translated into space.
+In flaking, adzing, hammering, in the regular turning and pressing
+required in the making of coiled pottery, in weaving, regularity of
+form and rhythmic repetition of the same movement are necessarily
+connected. These rhythmic movements always produce the same series of
+forms. Examples of rhythmic surface forms determined by perfect control
+of a technique are found in many industries and in all parts of the
+world. Exquisite regularity of flaking is found in the Egyptian flint
+knives (see fig. 5, p. 21). It is not so frequent in the flaking of
+American Indians. The adzed boards of the Indians of the North Pacific
+Coast bear chipping marks of great regularity that give the appearance
+of a pattern (figs. 6, p. 23 and 18, p. 30). On surfaces that are to
+be painted these marks are often polished off with grit-stone or shark
+skin, while on unpainted parts they are kept, presumably on account of
+their artistic effect. In Oriental metal work the strokes of the hammer
+are so regular that patterns consisting of flat surfaces originate.
+Other examples of the artistic effect of the regularity of movement
+are found in the prehistoric corrugated pottery of the North American
+South West. The coils are indented by pressure of the fingers and a
+series of indentations form a regular pattern on the surface (fig.
+35). The effect of automatic control is seen nowhere more clearly than
+in basketry, matting and weaving. It has been pointed out before (p.
+20) that evenness of surface results from regularity of movement. The
+rhythmic repetition of the movement leads also to rhythmic repetition
+of pattern. This is most beautifully illustrated by the best examples
+of California basketry.
+
+The virtuoso who varies the monotony of his movements and enjoys his
+ability to perform a more complex action, produces at the same time a
+more complex rhythm. This happens particularly in weaving and related
+industries such as braiding and wrapping with twine. Skipping of
+strands,—that is twilling (see fig. 17, p. 30) is the source of many
+rhythmic forms and twilling is undertaken by the virtuoso who plays
+with his technique and enjoys the overcoming of increased difficulties.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 36. Necklace of Thompson Indians.]
+
+In many cases rhythmic complexity is clearly the result of careful
+planning. I have referred before to the rhythmical arrangement on
+fringes of the Thompson Indians of British Columbia, (p. 29).
+
+Another good example (fig. 36) is a double necklace in which the
+rhythmic series is—
+
+                 black, red, yellow, green, blue, green,
+
+both in the inner and outer lines while the connecting links have the
+order
+
+                black, red, yellow, green, red, blue.[29]
+
+[29] In this specimen (see American Anthropologist, N. S., Volume 24,
+1922, p. 188), the connecting links between the two strings have been
+misplaced, the inner string of beads being shifted three units to the
+right, i. e. the central connecting link is attached to the first
+yellow bead to the left of the red center; the others being shifted
+correspondingly. They have been corrected here so as to bring out the
+arrangement which was evidently planned.
+
+Dr. Reichard[30] has discussed a number of other examples from the
+same region which have similar characteristics. In one example the
+arrangement of the fringe elements is more complex than in the one
+previously described. Designating different colors by numbers and
+dentalia shells by D, we find the order
+
+                    1 2 3 D 2 1 2 3 2 1 2 D 3 2 1[31]
+
+
+[30] American Anthropologist l. c., pages 198-199.
+
+[31] Owing to a probable error the arrangement of the beads, the order
+of the last five beads to the right is
+
+                D 2 3 2 1      instead of      2 D 3 2 1.
+
+The change of D and 2 makes the arrangement symmetrical. The same
+result might be obtained by changing the first five beads from 1 2 3 D
+2 to 1 2 3 2 D and leaving the right end undisturbed.
+
+Other examples of complex rhythms from this region have been given by
+Dr. Reichard in the essay previously referred to.
+
+In some instances the rhythms are not so distinct, but nevertheless
+discernible. As an example may serve a neckband consisting of a double
+string in which beads of various colors are interspersed among red
+beads in the following order
+
+                    -r- r--r---r --- r----r---r--r-
+                    /  /  /   /   |   \    \   \  \
+                  -r--r--r- -r---rrr---r----r---r--r-
+
+In Eastern Siberia similar conditions occur.[32]
+
+[32] See W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Publications of the Jesup North
+Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI, pp. 688 et seq.; and in the publication
+previously referred to by Dr. Reichard.
+
+A fairly simple sequence is shown on an embroidered strip (fig. 37 a)
+consisting in regular sequence of squares followed by three narrow
+strips; the middle strip is a little wider than the two lateral strips.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 37. Koryak embroideries.]
+
+A more complex rhythm is shown in figure 37 b. The long fringe which is
+caught in the seam near the upper border of the embroidery is repeated
+at regular intervals. An embroidered strip near the upper part of the
+design is interrupted and the black bars on the central white strip are
+omitted at these places. A division of the upper row of embroidery,
+between the sets of fringes, into three parts of unequal length will be
+noticed. Just under the breaks in this row are two groups of tufts of
+seal fur, a little wider below than on top, and these are set off more
+definitely by the arrangement of groups of white lines on the lower two
+rows.
+
+Still more complex are a number of borders embroidered in colored
+yarn. In these we may distinguish between the rhythm of form and
+of color (fig. 38). The arrangement is one combining symmetry with
+rhythmic complexity. On one of these strips (fig. 38 a) some of the
+rectangles with rhombic checkerwork have a white background; in these
+there are two rows of blue or purple diamonds at each end and two rows
+of red diamonds in the centre (design 1). Other rectangles have a
+yellow background with red diamonds at the sides and blue ones in the
+middle (design 2). Besides these there is one with red background and
+black diamonds (design 3). The colors of the crosses are irregularly
+arranged. There are four with predominating red and white (design 4)
+and others with predominating yellow and blue (design 5). The most
+symmetrical arrangement of this strip requires a yellow rectangle
+in the middle of the front. One end of the stripe, as shown in the
+illustration, has three short blue bars on a red background (design 6).
+The peculiar cut at this end fits into a corresponding cut at the other
+end and shows that the stripe as it is has been taken from a garment.
+The general impression of the design is that the rhythm and symmetry of
+the crosses is subordinated to the symmetry of the rectangles. For this
+reason I have placed the crosses in the following arrangement in the
+upper line, the rectangles in the lower line.
+
+  Crosses    4   5   5   5   4   5   4   4     5   4   6
+  Rectangles   2   1   1   2   1   1   2     1   3   1
+                        Front                    Back
+
+The embroidery on figure 38 b consists of four distinct elements; a
+flower with leaves on each side (design 1); one branch with curved
+leaves (design 2); one branch with terminal flowers (design 3). Besides
+these there is one other element which occurs only once on the back of
+the coat. It is marked design 4. The embroidered stripe is not sewed
+symmetrically to the coat but has evidently been placed in such a
+way that the arrangement in the front of the coat corresponds to the
+sequence:—
+
+  2 3 2 1 _3_ 1 2 3 2
+
+while the back is occupied by three designs (3). The small design (4)
+is found on the back. The whole arrangement of the small designs on the
+back being
+
+  2 2 4 2
+
+Another specimen (fig. 38 c) consists of a double leaf design on a
+plain background alternating with another design consisting of three
+crosses. This pair of designs occurs in regular succession five times,
+but under the left arm it is interrupted by the two patterns shown on
+the right hand side of the figure.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 38. Koryak embroideries.]
+
+In still another coat (fig. 38 d) we find the same series of designs in
+symmetrical arrangement on the front and back. The middle is occupied
+by a cross and the other designs follow as indicated. Under the right
+arm appears an additional design, consisting of a central cross and
+rhomboidal fields with central dots; while under the left arm a single
+field is added differing in color from all the others but related to
+them in form.
+
+An interesting feature in this series is the overlapping of form
+and color. This condition appears even more clearly in designs from
+ancient Peru. I observed the occurrence of this rhythmical form a
+number of years ago and called the attention of Mr. Charles Mead to the
+phenomenon.
+
+He described[33] a number of designs of this type which show a rhythmic
+arrangement of six units, sometimes the same in form but different in
+color. Sometimes with a double rhythm, one of form and one of color.
+
+[33] Charles W. Mead, Six-Unit design in Ancient Peruvian Cloth, Boas
+Anniversary Volume, New York 1906, pp. 193 et seq.
+
+Plate IV, fig. 1 represents a border of vicuna wool, consisting of a
+series of diagonal bars all of the same pattern. The sequence of color
+is:
+
+  1. Bright red (1) with brown (7) dots.
+  2. Blue (2) with pink (1*) dots.
+  3. Dull yellow (3) with brown (7) dots.
+  4. White (4) with pink (1*) & brown (7) dots.
+  5. Dark green (5) with red (1) dots.
+  6. Red (1) with green (2) dots.
+
+The triangular patterns (Plate IV, fig. 2) have the following sequence:
+
+  1. Background white        figures red   spots dark blue.
+  2.     —     dark blue      —    red     —  dark yellow.
+  3.     —     yellow         —    red     —  dark blue.
+  4.     —     brown          —    red     —  yellow.
+  5.     —     light blue     —    red     —  dark yellow.
+  6.     —     dark yellow    —    red     —  light blue.
+
+The quadruple bird head pattern (Plate IV, fig. 3) has the following
+colors for the background, bird, and bird’s eye:
+
+  1. Background pink         1   bird: yellow        eye: pink.
+  2.     —     yellow        2    —   red            —  yellow.
+  3.     —     dark yellow   3    —   light yellow   —  yellow.
+  4.     —     dark red      1^a  —   yellow         —  pink.
+  5.     —     yellow        2^a  —   dark red       —  yellow.
+  6.     —     dark yellow   3^a  —   light yellow   —  light yellow.
+
+
+[Illustration:                                                 PLATE IV.
+
+Peruvian Textiles.]
+
+A large cloak from Ica is embroidered with designs representing a man
+with a bow and headdress (fig. 39). The figures are the same all over,
+except that the position and the objects they hold alternate right and
+left. The color scheme, however, varies: there are six distinctive
+types. Considering only the colors of coat, legs and face we may
+arrange them in the following order:
+
+      Coat.          Legs.
+  1.  Yellow        dark blue
+  2.  purple        red
+  3.  red dark      blue
+  4.  blue dark     yellow
+  5.  black dark    blue
+  6.  dark blue     black
+
+     Face, above.     Face, below.
+  1.  dark yellow      black
+  2.  yellow           white
+  3.  brown            dark yellow
+  4.  blue             red
+  5.  brown            dark yellow
+  6.  dark yellow      light yellow
+
+The fifth and sixth type correspond in the rest of their color schemes
+to the third and second types.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 39. Peruvian embroidery from Ica.]
+
+The general arrangement of these types is as follows:
+
+    1   2   3   4   1   2   3a  4   1   6   5a  4   1
+  3   4   1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3   4
+    2   3   4   1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3
+  4   1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3   4   1
+    3   4   1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3   4
+  1   2   3   4   1   6b  5   4   1   2   3   4   1   2
+    4   1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3   4   1
+  2   3   4   1   6   5c  4   1   2b  3c  4   1   2   3
+    1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3   4   1
+
+In the actual arrangement there are apparently three mistakes. In the
+first horizontal line, the two figures marked with the note _a_ have
+been exchanged. In line six and line eight the two figures marked with
+the note _b_ have been transposed and in line eight the two figures
+with the note _c_ have been exchanged. It will be seen that when these
+transpositions have been effected the diagonal lines running from the
+first row down to the left, follow a regular alternation of types. Type
+6 is clearly related to 2, and type 5 to 3. Since in quite a number of
+woven garments regular diagonal sequences may be observed, it seems
+likely that these were particular determinants of the style. There are
+in all, six different types, but if we imagine the lines continued, it
+would be found that the same order will occur after twelve lines. The
+embroidery does not represent a regular six-unit design but is rather
+a four unit design of two distinct types—1 2 3 4 and 1 6 5 4,—in which
+the former type is repeated twice and the latter once.
+
+Similar observations may be made on the fabrics illustrated in Reiss
+and Stübel’s “Necropolis of Ancon”. I have selected a few specimens
+that illustrate the rhythmic repetition of color. Figure 40[34]
+represents a band with red background on which are animal figures in
+the following sequence:
+
+   _purple_, yellow, _green_, yellow, _white_, yellow, _green_, yellow
+
+in other words a sequence of eight units consisting of one purple and
+one white design interrupted by the symmetrical color sequence yellow,
+green, yellow. The yellow designs are surrounded by a heavy black
+border.
+
+[34] Reiss and Stübel, Necropolis of Ancon, p. 67 b, fig. 3.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 40. Peruvian fabric.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 41. Peruvian fabric.]
+
+In figure 41[35] we have another band which consists of diagonal
+patterns framed by red lines except in one place where a black frame is
+found. As on the preceding specimen the black serves to separate the
+red and yellow. The design is the same all through, and the order of
+the elements as follows:
+
+[35] Ibid, p. 67, fig. 6.
+
+  yellow       red           yellow     brown        yellow
+     black frame  black zig-zag  red frame  red zig-zag  red frame
+
+           blue-green     yellow     purple
+                 red zig-zag  red frame  red zig-zag
+
+In other words the essential sequence is yellow, red, yellow, brown,
+yellow, blue-green, yellow, purple; a series of eight elements.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 42. Peruvian fabric.]
+
+In figure 42 we find a border of simple interlocking S shaped designs
+in the order, white, dark blue, light blue, yellow, brown; a series of
+five elements which are repeated regularly.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 43. Peruvian fabric.]
+
+Figure 43 represents a part of a design on a poncho in which, from
+above downward we have a series of six pairs of a fret design in the
+following arrangement:
+
+  green, red
+  yellow, blue
+  white, purple
+  yellow, brown
+  light red, black
+
+the sixth line repeats the color sequence of the first.
+
+Figure 44 is a somewhat complicated design which is not completely
+shown in the section here represented. The principle of the pattern is
+illustrated in figure 44_b_. The sequence of color of the S shaped head
+design is purple, yellow, green, on a red background.
+
+In figure 45 we have a decorative band with the color sequence yellow,
+green, yellow, green, light yellow, white, yellow, green, yellow;
+obviously a series of six units. The designs on the background of these
+colors are all in red.
+
+
+[Illustration: _b_]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 44. Peruvian fabric.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 45. Peruvian fabric.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 46. Peruvian fabric.]
+
+In figure 46 a border is shown which has the color arrangement, from
+left to right:
+
+  pink—black,
+  red—yellow,
+  light gray—dark gray,
+  black—pink,
+  yellow—red,
+  dark gray—light gray.
+
+In this specimen there is a systematic inversion of color values; what
+is light in the first set of three is dark in the second three. This
+tendency is quite marked in a considerable number of cases. We have for
+instance, a series of
+
+                 white, red, yellow;—gray, pink, yellow,
+
+where the white corresponds to the dark gray and the red to the light
+pink.
+
+The tendency to this repetition of colors is shown very clearly in
+Mexican codices. For example in the Codex Nuttall, p. 82 (fig. 47),
+we find in the figure in the left hand lower corner a base in which
+stepped triangles are used with the sequence: yellow, red, black,
+yellow, purple, reddish brown. On the same page, the feather fringes
+on the coats of the figures represented are in the same order. Quite
+a number of feather dresses may be found in which the same order is
+preserved, as for instance on page 81 of the same Codex. The order
+in which these colors are given runs sometimes from left to right;
+sometimes from right to left, as for instance in the feather dress of
+the lowest left hand figure, page 81. Sometimes a different set of
+colors is used. On the feather headdress of a figure, page 75, we find
+the order:
+
+  white, red, yellow, blue, purple, brown,
+  white, purple, yellow, blue, red, brown (twice),
+
+and the latter order is repeated in figures found on page 67 in the
+left hand lower corner on a base; in reverse order on page 67 on a
+feather coat and also on page 62 in stripes on the figures in the lower
+right hand corner. It seems that in this codex the order of colors is
+quite definitely fixed.
+
+Remarkable rhythmic repetitions are found also on bead work from the
+Zambesi. On quite a number of specimens the following order of colors
+is regularly repeated:
+
+_Black_ white red yellow _green_ yellow red white. Or written in
+another way: _Green_ yellow red white _black_ white red yellow.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 47. Patterns from Mexican Codex.]
+
+These occur on a belt, a woman’s apron, a necklace, and on two
+mats[36]. In a number of places blue is substituted for green, and
+brown for red.
+
+[36] Muller et Snelleman, L’industrie des Caffres dans le sud-est de
+l’Afrique. Pl. XIX figs. 3, 5, 7. Pl. XXIV figs. 1, 2.
+
+The rhythmic repetition and symmetry appears most clearly when we
+substitute numbers for colors. I designate
+
+White 1, Red 2, Yellow 3, Brown 3′, Blue 4, Green 4′, Black 5.
+
+According to the description of the belt first mentioned, as given by
+the authors, there is a regular repetition in the following order:
+
+  1 2 3 | _4_ | 3´ 2 1 | _5_ | 1 2 3 | _4´_ |  3 2 1 | _5_ |
+                    1  2  3 |4´|
+
+The same order is found on the handle of an axe which is decorated with
+colored zig-zag lines[37].
+
+[37] _Ibid._, plate XI, fig. 1.
+
+On a pouch[38] there is a lower field arranged in rows of diamonds,
+followed by a middle field consisting of zig-zag bands, and an upper
+field consisting again of diamonds.
+
+[38] _Ibid._, plate XXIV, fig. 3.
+
+In this the order is from below upward
+
+  2 1 _5_ 1 2 3 _4_ 3 2 | 4 3 5 1 5 3 5 1 |
+       diamonds            zig-zags
+                2 3 _4_ 3 2
+                 diamonds.
+
+Like symmetry, rhythmic repetition runs generally on horizontal levels,
+right and left, although not quite as preponderantly as symmetry.
+
+Piling up of identical or similar forms occurs in nature as often as
+lateral symmetry. Plants with their vertical succession of leaves,
+branches of trees, piles of stones, ranges of mountains rising behind
+one another, may suggest vertical arrangements of similar elements.
+However, much more common are repetitions in horizontal bands; of
+simple arrangements of single strokes in rows; and of complicated
+successions of series of varied figures that recur in regular order
+(fig. 48, Plate V).
+
+It follows from what has been said before that the forms here discussed
+are not expressive of specific emotional states and in this sense
+significant.
+
+This conclusion may be corroborated by a further examination of
+decorative forms.
+
+
+[Illustration:                                                  PLATE V.
+
+Kumiss Goblets of the Yakut.]
+
+We have already indicated that the artistic value of an object is not
+due to the form alone, but that the method of manufacture gives to the
+surface an artistic quality, either through its smoothness or through a
+patterning that results from the technical processes employed. However,
+the treatment of the surface is not controlled solely by technical
+processes. We may observe that in the art products of people the world
+over other elements occur that are due to the attempt to emphasize the
+form.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 48. Pottery vessels: _a_ Finland; _b_ Ica, Peru.]
+
+The application of marginal patterns is one of the most common methods
+employed for this purpose. In many cases these are technically
+determined. When, for instance, a woven basket is finished off, it
+is necessary to fasten the loose strands and this leads generally to
+a change of form and surface pattern in the rim. The strands may be
+turned down, wrapped and sewed together, they may be braided, or woven
+together and left standing as a fringe. In a bark basket the rim must
+be strengthened by a band, to prevent splitting of the bark, and the
+band and the sewing set off the rim from the body. A thin metal disk
+may have to be strengthened by rolling in the outer rim.
+
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 49. Birchbark vessels; _a_, _b_, Amur River; _c_,
+Shuswap; _d_, _e_, Alaska.]
+
+The birchbark basketry of western North America and of Siberia
+presents an excellent example of a marginal pattern originating
+through technical necessity and regularity of motor habits. Necessary
+protection of the rim is obtained by sewing on a hoop. The grain of
+the bark runs parallel to the rim and if the stitches were all passing
+through the same grain the whole rim of the basket would tear off.
+It is therefore necessary to make the holding stitches of different
+lengths. This is done in the most effective way by beginning with
+a short stitch which passes through the bark immediately under the
+strengthening hoop, by making the next stitch a little longer and
+the following still longer. In this way the distance from the first
+short stitch has become long enough to permit a repetition of the new
+short stitch and by continuing in this way a marginal pattern of right
+triangles develops. The same result may be attained by alternating a
+few short stitches with a few long ones. From this results a different
+type of pattern. The same method is used by the Golds of southeastern
+Siberia (fig. 49[39]).
+
+[39] See for a fuller description the remarks by F. Boas in James Teit
+“The Shuswap”, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific expedition,
+Volume II, page 478-487.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 50. Pottery vessels; _a_, _b_, Chiriqui, Costa
+Rica; _c_ Ontario.]
+
+In woodwork, pottery and in most kinds of metal work these technical
+motives are not present. Nevertheless marginal patterns are widely
+distributed, although they cannot be explained on the basis of
+technical considerations. It would be quite arbitrary to claim that
+all these marginal patterns were primarily suggested in those types
+of technique in which a distinctive treatment of the margin is a
+necessity, for these are relatively few in number and of highly
+specialized character, while rim patterns are well nigh universal. It
+is instructive to observe that in coiled pottery the whole body of the
+vessel is generally polished off and that sometimes the impressions
+of the modelling fingers are left on the rim. There is no technical,
+compelling reason that requires this mode of treatment, but it is
+intelligible as an attempt to emphasize the form. Examples of this
+mode of treatment are very numerous. Rows of small pellets, moulded
+rims or incised lines along the rim of pots (fig. 50), small marginal
+curves along the rim of bronze disks, lines accompanying the rims of
+flat dishes and spoons such as are used by the Alaskan Eskimo, incised
+lines on the rim of a soapstone pot of the Hudson Bay Eskimo, and on
+their ivory combs (fig. 51), the spur line decoration of all the Eskimo
+tribes (see fig. 78, p. 86), the jutting out of the rims of dishes from
+Oceania, or on pots from ancient Europe are of this kind. As F. Adama
+van Scheltema has justly pointed out, we cannot reduce this world-wide
+tendency to any other ultimate cause than to a feeling for form, in
+other words, to an esthetic impulse that prompts man to emphasize the
+form of the object that he has made.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 51. _a_, Part of soapstone kettle; _b_, _c_, _d_,
+Ivory combs, Eskimo.]
+
+In a number of cases the form is not so much accentuated as rather set
+off, closed in and separated from the surrounding space by a formal
+limitation, a marginal line, thickening of the rim or a sharp crest,
+by which means the individualization of the object is attained. Quite
+often these limiting bands develop into decorative fields and serve
+the double purpose of limitation and of decoration. They may attain an
+individuality of their own.
+
+When the surface itself is decorated, these lines or ornamental bands
+serve the additional purpose of limiting and closing the decorative
+field. Examples of this kind are very numerous. We find them in
+borders of our rugs, in architectural decoration, when the corners
+and roof lines of a building are formed by ornamental stone work, in
+book binding,—in short in practically all forms of modern decorative
+art, but no less in primitive art. Blankets of the Alaskan Indians
+(see figs. 269 et seq., pp. 259 et seq.), bronze work of ancient
+Scandinavia, prehistoric pottery of Europe and of Central America,
+gable boards of New Zealand houses, belts from New Guinea, baskets from
+British Guinea (fig. 81, p. 90) and wooden cups from the Congo region
+illustrate this tendency (fig. 52).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 52. Wood carving, Bambala, Congo.]
+
+There are, however, many cases in which the decoration is so closely
+adapted to the form of the object that the stimulus for developing a
+closing outline is not felt. The decoration of the field appears as
+a picture fitted into the object. In still other cases the smooth,
+undecorated marginal field serves as a border setting off the central
+ornamented area. In basketry with radial decoration, we find often a
+lack of border designs and a tendency to let the ornament run right up
+to the rim where it seems cut off.
+
+Another characteristic trait of decorative art must be mentioned.
+Not only is the general form emphasized and limited, but its natural
+divisions are determining elements in the application of decorative
+patterns and bring it about that the decoration is arranged in distinct
+fields. This is very apparent in pottery in which a neck is set off
+from a body or in which the body is divided by a sharp angle into an
+upper and a lower part. Such types are found in prehistoric European
+art as well as in America (fig. 53).
+
+On pouches of American Indians (fig. 54) body and flap are treated as
+separate units. In moccasins, the uppers form a field separate from the
+rim (fig. 55). In clothing, the patterns on collars, pockets or sleeves
+are often considered as separate units. Wissler has called attention to
+the influence of the structure of garments upon their decoration[40].
+
+[40] Clark Wissler, Structural Basis to the Decoration of Costumes
+among the Plains Indians, Anthrop. Papers Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. 17,
+pp. 93 et seq.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 53. Pottery vessel, Molkenberg type, Megalithic
+period.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 54. Pouch, Arapaho.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 55. Embroidered moccasin, Apache.]
+
+The tripartite division of the decorative field of Alaskan woven
+blankets is determined by the position of the blanket. The wider middle
+field is on the back of the wearer, the narrower, lateral fields are in
+front of the body (see figs. 269 et seq., pp. 259 et seq.).
+
+In garments made of single pieces of fabric, or in sewed basketry (fig.
+56) we find the seams sometimes decorated so that the seam becomes a
+decorative element. In other cases seams are accompanied by decorative
+bands. In leggings and shirts of American Indians the seams are often
+emphasized by the attachment of fringes.
+
+In other objects prominent places are elaborated by the addition of
+decorative elements.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 56. Birchbark vessels; _a_, _b_, _c_, Eastern
+Indians; _d_, Koryak.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 57. Pottery vessel, Arkansas.]
+
+In clay pots, the handles are so treated (fig. 57). On shields the
+central knob becomes an object of decoration. The handles of canes
+or other knob-like terminations are often elaborated as decorative
+elements.
+
+Sometimes fields without natural breaks, such as wall surfaces, are
+treated as units. Examples of this kind are our modern wall papers, or
+the painted walls of ancient Egyptian buildings. Often the tendency to
+break up the decorative field is so strong, that even where a natural
+division is not given it may be broken up into smaller parts. We may
+notice particularly that the marginal lines which emphasize or limit
+the form, develop exuberantly and thus encroach more and more upon the
+body of the object. In baskets from the interior of British Columbia
+the marginal pattern has grown to such an extent that it occupies the
+whole upper half or even more of the basket and is itself subdivided
+into a number of fields that follow the outline of the margin (fig.
+58). Similar conditions are found on the margins of blankets of the New
+Zealanders (see Plate VIII, p. 182) and on the bronze work of ancient
+Scandinavia.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 58. Imbricated basket, Chilcotin, British Columbia.]
+
+Thus we reach the conclusion that a number of purely formal elements,
+some of which are more or less closely connected with technical
+motives, others with physiological conditions of the body and still
+others with the general character of sense experience are determinants
+of ornamental art. From this we conclude that a fundamental, esthetic,
+formal interest is essential; and also that art, in its simple forms,
+is not necessarily expressive of purposive action, but is rather based
+upon our reactions to forms that develop through mastery of technique.
+The same elements play also an important role in highly developed art
+forms. If it is true that these elements are in part not purposive,
+then it must be admitted that our relation to them is not essentially
+different from those we have towards esthetically valuable phenomena of
+nature. The formal interest is directly due to the impression derived
+from the form. It is not expressive in the sense that it conveys a
+definite meaning or expresses an esthetic emotion.
+
+It might be thought that this condition prevails only in the domain of
+decorative art, and that representative art, dance, music, and poetry
+must always be expressive. This is to a great extent true so far as
+representative art is concerned, for the term itself implies that the
+art product represents a thought or an idea. It is also necessarily
+true in poetry, in so far as its materials are words that convey
+ideas. Nevertheless a formal element may be recognized in these also,
+a form element quite analogous to the one we found in decorative art.
+It determines certain aspects of the characteristic style. So far as
+representative art is ornamental, the formal principles of decorative
+art enter into the composition and influence the representative
+form. In dance, music and poetry, rhythm and thematic forms follow
+stylistic principles that are not necessarily expressive but that have
+objectively an esthetic value. We shall discuss these questions more
+fully at another place[41].
+
+[41] See p. 301.
+
+
+
+
+                           REPRESENTATIVE ART
+
+
+While the formal elements which we have previously discussed are
+fundamentally void of definite meaning, conditions are quite different
+in representative art. The term itself implies that the work does not
+affect us by its form alone, but also, sometimes even primarily, by its
+content. The combination of form and content gives to representative
+art an emotional value entirely apart from the purely formal esthetic
+effect.
+
+If has been customary to begin the discussion of representative art
+with a consideration of the simple attempts of primitive people or of
+children to draw objects that interest them. I believe that the art
+problem is obscured by this procedure. The mere attempt to represent
+something, perhaps to communicate an idea graphically, cannot be
+claimed to be an art; just as little as the spoken word or the gesture
+by means of which an idea is communicated, or an object,—perhaps
+a spear, a shield or a box,—in which an idea of usefulness is
+incorporated, is in itself a work of art. It is likely that an artistic
+concept may sometimes be present in the mind of the maker or speaker,
+but is becomes a work of art only when it is technically perfect, or
+when it shows striving after a formal pattern. Gestures that have
+rhythmical structure, words that have rhythmic and tonal beauty are
+works of art; the implement of perfect form lays claim to beauty; and
+the graphic or sculptural representation has an esthetic, an artistic
+value, when the technique of representation has been mastered. When a
+tyro attempts to create a work of art, we may recognize and study the
+impulse, but the finished product teaches only his vain efforts to
+master a difficult task. When man is confronted with a new problem like
+the building of a house of new, unfamiliar material, he is apt to find
+a solution, but this achievement is not art, it is a work adapted to a
+practical end. It may be that the solution is intuitive, that is, that
+it has not been found by an intellectual process, but after having been
+solved it is subject to a rational explanation.
+
+Just so when man has to represent an object, he is confronted with a
+problem that demands a solution. The first solution is not an artistic
+but a practical achievement. We are dealing with a work of art only
+when the solution is endowed with formal beauty or strives for it. The
+artistic work begins after the technical problem has been mastered.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 59 _a_. Embroidery, Huichol Indians, Mexico.]
+
+When primitive man is given a pencil and paper and asked to draw
+an object in nature, he has to use tools unfamiliar to him, and a
+technique that he has never tried. He must break away from his ordinary
+methods of work and solve a new problem. The result cannot be a work
+of art,—except perhaps under very unusual circumstances. Just like the
+child, the would-be artist is confronted with a task for which he lacks
+technical preparation, and many of the difficulties that beset the
+child beset him also. Hence the apparent similarity between children’s
+drawings and those of primitive man. The attempt of both are made in
+similar situations. A most characteristic case of this kind was told
+to me by Mr. Birket-Smith. He asked an Eskimo of Iglulik to draw with
+a pencil on a piece of paper a walrus hunt. The native was unable to
+accomplish this task and after several attempts he took a walrus tusk
+and carved the whole scene in ivory, a technique with which he was
+familiar.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 59 _b_. Embroidery, Huichol Indians, Mexico.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 60. Decorated fishskin garment, Amur River.]
+
+The contrast between representation for the sake of representation and
+representation as a work of art appears clearly in many cases. I select
+a few examples. The Indians of the mountains of northwestern Mexico
+wear beautifully embroidered or woven clothing, the designs of which
+are largely based on Spanish motives. Heraldic patterns and isolated
+animal figures combined with geometrical forms are the constituent
+elements (fig. 59 _a_). Besides these embroidered and woven fabrics,
+which are of excellent workmanship, we find small embroidered rags
+(fig. 59 _b_), which are attached to arrows and serve the purpose
+of representing a prayer to a deity. A roughly outlined figure of
+a child expresses a prayer for the health of the child; that of a
+deer, a prayer for success in hunting. The arrows with the attached
+rags are stuck into the thatched roof of a temple where they are
+allowed to decay. They are not intended as works of art but only as
+representations that serve a temporary purpose; hence the disregard of
+form and of exactness of workmanship.
+
+
+[Illustration:                                                 PLATE VI.
+
+Shaman’s Dress, Amur River.]
+
+Quite similar observations may be made on the clothing of the Amur
+tribes. The skin clothing worn by the people, particularly on festive
+occasions, is beautifully ornamented in appliqué, or by painting. The
+ornaments are in part geometrical, in part representative. Figures of
+birds and fish abound (fig. 60). On the other hand the painted dresses
+of shamans are roughly executed (Plate VI). They represent mythological
+concepts and have a value solely on account of their meaning. The
+interest does not center in the form. As compared to wearing apparel
+they are crudely done, for the beauty of execution is of minor
+importance.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 61. Upper row, pictographs of Ojibwa Indians; lower
+row, of Dakota Indians.]
+
+A third example is found among the North American Indians of the Great
+Plains. Their representative art, in the strict sense of the term, is
+almost entirely confined to a crude form of picture writing. They have
+not developed a high technique of painting and the forms of horses,
+men, buffaloes and tents are merely reminders of incidents in the life
+of the people. The figures (fig. 61) are in no way ornamental and
+bear no relation to the object on which they are depicted. They are
+made for the purpose of representation only. They are not art in the
+rigid sense of the term. Judging from the character of the figures
+and their use we may safely say that the artistic interest is entirely
+absent. We may even apply this observation to the picture writing of
+the ancient Mexicans (fig. 62), which, as compared to their sculpture,
+is of inferior value. The importance of communicating ideas outweighs
+the artistic interest. We shall see later on that nevertheless there is
+a definite relation between artistic style and the forms of inartistic
+painting (see p. 164).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 62. Mexican painting from Codex Borbonicus.]
+
+Incidentally it may be remarked here that the difference in interest
+sometimes leads to contrasting art styles, provided the representative
+work is also executed in a perfectly controlled technique. Thus the
+Northwest Americans who have a very characteristic style of art
+sometimes make carvings that are intended to deceive by their realism.
+In one of their ceremonies a person is apparently decapitated and after
+the decapitation the head is shown held by the hair. This head is
+carved in wood and done with great care in a most realistic fashion. It
+is entirely free of the stylistic characteristics of Northwest coast
+carving and painting (see fig. 156, p. 185).
+
+We revert now to a consideration of the simple, crude representative
+drawings. The most important inference that may be drawn from the
+study of such representations, graphic as well as plastic, is that the
+problem of representation is first of all solved by the use of symbolic
+forms. There is no attempt at accurate delineation. Neither primitive
+man nor the child believes that the design or the figure he produces is
+actually an accurate picture of the object to be represented. A round
+knob on an elongated cylinder may represent head and body; two pairs of
+thin, straight strips of rounded cross section, arms and legs; or in a
+drawing a circle over a rectangle may suggest head and body; straight
+lines, arms and legs; short diverging lines at the ends of arms and
+legs, hand and feet.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 63. _a_, Carved figure, Philippine Islands; _b_,
+Marble figure representing harpist, Thera.]
+
+The break between symbolic representation and realism may occur in one
+of two ways. The artist may endeavor to render the form of the object
+to be represented in forceful outline and subordinate all consideration
+of detail under the concept of the mass as a whole. He may even discard
+all details and cover the form with more or less fanciful decoration
+without losing the effect of realism of the general outline and of
+the distribution of surfaces and of masses. On the other hand, he may
+endeavor to give a realistic representation of details and his work may
+consist of an assembly of these, with little regard to the form as a
+whole.
+
+An excellent example of the former method is the Filipino wood carving,
+fig. 63 _a_. Head and chest show the concentration of the artist upon
+the delimiting surfaces and an utter disregard of detail. The same
+method is used in the figure of a harpist belonging to the ancient art
+of the Cyclades (fig. 63 _b_).
+
+In fig. 64, an African mask, the surfaces of forehead, eyes, cheeks
+and nose are the determinants of the form which has been treated
+decoratively with the greatest freedom. There are no ears; the eyes are
+slits with geometrical ornaments; the mouth a circle enclosing a cross.
+In fig. 65, representing a painted carving from New Guinea, the outline
+of the face, emphasized by the hair line, eyes, and mouth, is easily
+recognized, but all the other parts are treated purely decoratively.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 64. Wooden mask, Urua, Congo.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 65. Carved board, Papua Gulf, New Guinea.]
+
+The opposite method is found, for instance, in Egyptian paintings and
+reliefs in which eyes, nose, hands, and feet are shown with a fair
+degree of realism, but composed in ways that distort the natural form
+and which are perspectively impossible (fig. 66). A still better
+example is the drawing, fig. 67, an attempt of one of the best Haida
+artists from Northern British Columbia to illustrate the story of
+an eagle carrying away a woman. The face of the woman is evidently
+intended as a three-quarter view. Facial painting will be noticed on
+the left cheek; the left ear only is shown as seen in profile; the
+mouth with teeth is placed under the nose in mixed full profile and
+front view, and has been moved to the right side of the face. In the
+lower lip is a large labret shown _en face_, for only in this view
+was the artist able to show the labret with its characteristic oval
+surface. The nose seems to be drawn in profile although the nostrils
+appear _en face_.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 66. Egyptian painting.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 67. Haida drawing representing eagle carrying away
+a woman.]
+
+In a graphic representation of objects one of two points of view may be
+taken: it may be considered as essential that all the characteristic
+features be shown, or the object may be drawn as it appears at any
+given moment. In the former case our attention is directed primarily
+towards those permanent traits that are most striking and by which we
+recognize the object, while others that are not characteristic, or at
+least less characteristic, are considered as irrelevant. In the latter
+case we are interested solely in the visual picture that we receive
+at any given moment, and the salient features of which attract our
+attention.
+
+This method is more realistic than the other only if we claim that the
+essence of realism is the reproduction of a single momentary visual
+image and if the selection of what appears a salient feature to us is
+given a paramount value.
+
+In sculpture or modelling in the round these problems do not appear
+in the same form. Here also attention may be directed primarily
+towards the representation of the essential, and the same principles
+of selection may appear that are found in graphic art, but the
+arrangement of the parts does not offer the same difficulties that
+are always present in graphic representation. As soon as man is
+confronted with the problem of representing a three-dimensional object
+on a two-dimensional surface and showing in a single, permanent
+position an object that changes its visual appearance from time to
+time, he must make a choice between these two methods. It is easily
+intelligible that a profile view of an animal in which only one eye
+is seen and in which one whole side disappears may not satisfy as a
+realistic representation. The animal _has two_ eyes and _two_ sides.
+When it turns I see the other side; it exists and should be part of a
+satisfying picture. In a front view the animal appears foreshortened.
+The tail is invisible and so are the flanks; but the animal has tail
+and flanks and they ought to be there. We are confronted with the
+same problem in our representations of maps of the whole world. In
+a map on Mercator projection, or in our planiglobes, we distort the
+surface of the globe in such a way that all parts are visible. We are
+interested only in showing, in a manner as satisfactory as possible,
+the interrelations between the parts of the globe. We combine in one
+picture aspects that could never be seen at one glance. The same is
+true in orthogonal architectural drawings, particularly when two
+adjoining views taken at right angles to each other, are brought
+into contact, or in copies of designs in which the scenes or designs
+depicted on a cylinder, a vase, or a spherical pot are developed on a
+flat surface in order to show at a single glance the interrelations of
+the decorative forms. In drawings of objects for scientific study we
+may also sometime adopt a similar view-point, and in order to elucidate
+important relations, draw as though we were able to look around the
+corner or through the object. Different moments are represented in
+diagrams in which mechanical movements are illustrated and in which, in
+order to explain the operation of a device, various positions of moving
+parts are shown.
+
+In primitive art both solutions have been attempted: the perspective
+as well as that showing the essential parts in combination. Since the
+essential parts are symbols of the object, we may call this method the
+symbolic one. I repeat that in the symbolic method those features are
+represented that are considered as permanent and essential, and that
+there is no attempt on the part of the draftsman to confine himself to
+a reproduction of what he actually sees at a given moment.
+
+It is easy to show that these points of view are not by any means
+absent in European art. The combination of different moments in one
+painting appears commonly in earlier art,—for instance when in Michel
+Angelo’s painting Adam and Eve appear on one side of the tree of
+knowledge in Paradise and on the other side of the tree as being driven
+out by the angel. As a matter of fact, every large canvass contains a
+combination of distinct views. When we direct our eyes upon a scene
+we see only a small limited area distinctly, the points farther away
+appear the more blurred and indistinct the farther removed they are
+from the center. Nevertheless most of the older paintings of large
+scenes represent all parts with equal distinctness, as they appear to
+our eyes when they wander about and take in all the different parts
+one by one. Rembrandt forced the attention of the spectator upon his
+main figures by strong lights, as upon the swords in the great scene
+of the conspiracy of Claudius Civilis and his Batavians against the
+Romans, but the distant figures are distinct in outline, although in
+dark colors. On the other hand, Hodler, in his painting of a duel draws
+compelling attention to the points of the swords which are painted in
+sharp outline while everything else is the more indistinct the farther
+removed it is from the point on which the interest of the artist
+centers.
+
+Traits considered as permanent characteristics play a rôle even in
+modern art. Until very recent times the complexion of man was conceived
+as essentially permanent. At least the strong changes that actually
+occur in different positions have not been painted until very recent
+times. A person of fair complexion standing between a green bush and
+a red brick wall has certainly a face green on one side and red on
+the other, and if the sun shines on his forehead it may be at times
+intensely yellow. Still we are, or at least were, not accustomed to
+depict these eminently realistic traits. We rather concentrate our
+attention upon what is permanent in the individual complexion as seen
+in ordinary diffuse daylight. We are accustomed to see the accidental
+momentary lights weakened in favor of the permanent impression.
+
+In primitive, symbolic representations these permanent traits appear
+in the same way, sometimes strongly emphasized. It will be readily
+seen that children’s drawings are essentially of the character here
+described. They are not memory images, as Wundt claims, except in so
+far as the symbols are remembered and reminders, but compositions of
+what to the child’s mind appears essential, perhaps also as feasible.
+A person has two eyes which have their most characteristic form in
+front view, a prominent nose which is most striking in profile; hands
+with fingers which are best seen when the palms are turned forward;
+feet the form of which is clear only in profile. The body is essential
+and so is the clothing, hence the so-called Röntgen pictures in which
+covered parts are drawn. These drawings are a collection of symbols
+held together more or less satisfactorily by a general outline,
+although single traits may be misplaced. The same traits prevail
+commonly in primitive drawings. When Karl von den Steinen had the
+South American Indians draw a white man, they placed the moustache
+as a characteristic symbol on the forehead, for it sufficed to place
+it as a symbol on the most available space. The Egyptian paintings
+with their mixture of profile and front views and transparent objects
+through which hidden parts may be seen (fig. 68) must be viewed in the
+same manner. They are not by any means proof of an inability to see and
+draw perspectively; they merely show that the interest of the people
+centered in the full representation of the symbols.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 68. Egyptian drawings; above: bowl and pitcher;
+below: sleeping person covered by blanket.]
+
+When exceptionally great weight is attached to the symbol, so that
+it entirely outweighs the interest in the outline, the general form
+may be dwarfed and forms originate that, from our perspective point
+of view, lose all semblance of realism. The most characteristic
+case of this kind is found in the art of the Northwest coast of
+America, in which the whole animal form is reduced to an assembly of
+disconnected symbols. A beaver is adequately represented by a large
+head with two pairs of large incisors and a squamous tail (see pp. 186
+et seq.). However, in this case we are no longer dealing with crude
+representations, but with a highly developed art. Its form proves that
+in its development symbolic representation has been of fundamental
+importance.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 69. Eskimo etching on walrus tusk, Alaska.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 70. Bushman rock paintings.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 71. Paleolithic painting representing bison.]
+
+The second form of representation is by means of perspective drawing,
+in which the momentary visual impression regardless of the presence or
+absence of characteristic symbols, is utilized. This method is not by
+any means absent in the drawings of primitive man as well as in those
+of children, but it is not as common as symbolic representation. In a
+way most crude symbolic forms contain a perspective element, although
+it does not extend over the whole figure, but only over parts which
+are more or less skilfully put together, so that a semblance of the
+general outline is maintained. This is the case in Egyptian paintings,
+in those of Australians and in North American picture writing (see
+figs. 61, 62). In other cases the art of perspective drawing rises to
+real excellence. The silhouettes of the Eskimo may be mentioned as a
+case in point (fig. 69). Their figures are always small, scratched into
+ivory, antler or bone, and filled with hachure or with black pigment.
+Form and pose are well-done. Although there is generally no perspective
+arrangement of groups, each figure is well executed and renders a
+single visual impression. We find perspective of groups in the rock
+paintings of South Africa (fig. 70), not perfect, but indicated by the
+overcutting of figures and by the relative sizes of objects near by and
+of those seen at a distance. Perspective realism of single figures is
+even more fully developed in the paintings of later paleolithic man,
+found in the caves of southern France and of Spain (fig. 71). Less
+skilful efforts at perspective representation are not rare. On mattings
+from the Congo region, on basketry hats from Vancouver Island (fig.
+72) rather clumsy attempts have been made. In those from the former
+region there are animals in profile in the latter whaling scenes: men
+going out in a canoe and hauling in a harpooned whale.
+
+Much more common are carvings in wood, bone or stone, or pottery
+objects that are not symbolic but true to nature. Ivory carvings of the
+Eskimo, Chukchee and Koryak (fig. 73), prehistoric carvings, pottery
+from North America are examples.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 72. Hat of the Nootka Indians.]
+
+As stated before, a sharp line between the two methods of graphic
+representation cannot be drawn. In most cases symbolic representations
+are at least in part perspective, either in so far as the general
+form is maintained, or as parts are shown in perspective form; while
+perspective representations may contain symbolic elements. When
+the Pueblo Indian paints the form of a deer with a fair degree of
+perspective accuracy (see fig. 142, p. 167), but adds to it a line
+running from the mouth to the heart as an essential symbol of life;
+or when the symbols are arranged with a fair degree of correspondence
+to perspective order we have forms in which both tendencies may be
+observed. Indeed, some degree of conventional symbolism is found in
+every drawing or painting, the more so, the more sketchy it is; in
+other words, the more the representation is confined to salient traits.
+This is particularly true in all forms of caricature.
+
+If representative art did develop into absolute realism, stereoscopic
+color photography would be the highest type of art, but this is
+obviously not the case. Setting aside the emotional appeal of the
+object itself, an accurate copy of a natural object, such as a glass
+flower, a painted carving, an imitation of natural sounds or a
+pantomime may attain an intense emotional appeal, they may excite our
+admiration on account of the skill of execution; their artistic value
+will always depend upon the presence of a formal element that is not
+identical with the form found in nature.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 73. Koryak carvings.]
+
+Stress must be laid upon the distinctive points of view from which the
+two methods of graphic representation develop, because the development
+of perspective drawing is often represented as growing out of the
+cruder symbolic method. As a matter of fact the two have distinct
+psychological sources which remain active in the early, as well as
+in the late history of art. Vierkandt[42] designates the various
+methods of representation as suggestive (andeutend), descriptive
+(beschreibend), and perspective (anschaulich). Of these the former
+two correspond to what I have called here symbolic. They differ
+only in the more or less fragmentary character of the symbols. The
+perspective type does not develop from the former two as the result
+of an evolution; it is based on a distinct mental attitude, the early
+presence of which is manifested by the realistic, perspective paintings
+of a number of primitive tribes.
+
+[42] Das Zeichnen der Naturvölker, Zeitschrift für angewandte
+Psychologie, Vol. 6, (1912), pp. 347 et seq.
+
+The theory of a continuous development from symbolic to realistic art
+is one of the numerous attempts to prove a continuous development of
+cultural forms, a steady, unbroken evolution. This view-point has had a
+deep influence upon the whole theory of ethnology. Evolution, meaning
+the continuous change of thought and action, or historic continuity,
+must be accepted unreservedly. It is otherwise, when it is conceived as
+meaning the universally valid continuous development of one cultural
+form out of a preceding type, such as the assumed development of
+economic forms from food gathering through herding to agriculture.
+In past times these three stages were assumed to be characteristic
+of all human development, until it was recognized that there is no
+connection between the invention of agriculture and the domestication
+of animals,—the former developed through the occupation of woman who
+gathered the vegetable food supply, the latter through the devotion
+of men to the chase. The men had no occasion to become familiar with
+the handling of plants, and the women had just as little opportunity
+of dealing with animals. The development of agriculture and of herding
+can, therefore, not possibly be derived from the same sources.
+
+It is no less arbitrary to assume that social forms must have developed
+in regular universally valid sequence, one certain stage always being
+based on the same preceding one in all parts of the world. There is no
+evidence that would compel us to assume that matrilineal organizations
+always preceded patrilineal or bilateral ones. On the contrary, it
+seems much more likely that the life of hunters in single family units,
+or that of larger groups in more fertile areas has led to entirely
+different results. We may expect continuous evolution only in those
+cases in which the social and psychological conditions are continuous.
+
+After this brief excurse, let us revert to our subject. Representations
+become works of art only when the technique of their manufacture is
+perfectly controlled, at least by a number of individuals; in other
+words, when they are executed by one of the processes, that are
+industrially in common use. Where carving is practiced, we may expect
+artistic form in carvings; where painting, pottery, or metal work
+prevail, artistic form is found in the products of those industries in
+which the highest degree of technical skill is attained. The Eskimo
+carves in ivory, antler or bone, of which he makes his harpoons and
+many other utensils; his best representative work is made with the
+knife and consists of small carvings and etchings in which he applies
+the same methods that he employs every day. The New Zealander carves
+in wood, makes delicate stonework, and paints; his best representative
+work is made by these methods. Metal work and ivory carvings from
+Benin (fig. 74), headmasks from the Cameroons (fig. 75, p. 82), wood
+carvings from the Northwest coast of America (see figs. 154-156, pp.
+184, 185), pottery from Peru, from the Yoruba country (fig. 76, p. 82),
+Central America and Arkansas (fig. 77, p. 85), basketry of the Pima,
+embroideries (see fig. 39, p. 47) and woven fabrics of the Peruvians
+are other examples.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 74. Bronze casting, Benin.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 75. Headmask, Cross River, Cameroon.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 76. Terra cotta head from Ife, Yoruba country.]
+
+Since representations that are intended to have artistic value are
+made in the most highly developed technique it is not surprising
+that the formal style of the technique gains an influence over the
+form of the representation. The angular lines of weaving with coarse
+materials and the steplike forms of diagonals which are determined
+by this technique impress themselves often upon representations and
+become part and parcel of a local style. There develops an intimate
+relation between the formal and representative elements that brings it
+about that representation receives a formal value entirely apart from
+its significance. The deeper the influence of the formal, decorative
+element upon the method of representation, the more probable it becomes
+that formal elements attain an emotional value. An association between
+these two forms of art is established which leads, on the one hand to
+the conventionalization of representative design, on the other to the
+imputation of significance into formal elements. It is quite arbitrary
+to assume a one-sided development from the representative to the
+formal or _vice versa_, or even to speak of a gradual transformation
+of a representative form into a conventional one, because the artistic
+presentation itself can proceed only on the basis of the technically
+developed forms. At another place we shall discuss this subject more
+fully (see pp. 118 et seq.).
+
+In all aspects of life may be observed the controlling influence of
+pattern, that is of some typical form of behaviour. As we think in a
+pattern of objective, material causality, primitive man thinks in a
+pattern in which subjective causality is an important element. As our
+personal relations to blood relatives are determined by the pattern
+of our family, so the corresponding relations in other societies are
+governed by their social patterns. The interpretation of the pattern
+may change, but its form is apt to continue over long periods.
+
+The same stability of pattern may be observed in the art products
+of man. When a definite type has once been established, it exerts a
+compelling influence over new artistic attempts. When its control
+continues over a long period it may happen that representations
+are cast in an iron mould and that the most diverse subjects take
+similar forms. It appears then as though the old pattern had been
+misunderstood and new forms had developed from it. Thus, according to
+Von den Steinen, the figurines on carvings from the Marquesas, which
+originally represented two figures back to back, have determined the
+type of entirely new representations, or, as he prefers to put it,
+they have been misunderstood and developed in new ways. I do not doubt
+that in some cases this process of misinterpretation occurs, but it is
+not the one that interests us at this place. Striking examples of the
+overmastering influence of a pattern may be found in many parts of the
+world. The style of the Northwest coast of America is so rigid that
+all animal figures represented on plain surfaces are cast in the same
+mould (see pp. 185 et seq.); the overwhelming frequency of the spiral
+in New Zealand is another example; the interwoven animal figures of
+early medieval Germanic art; the angular patterns of the North American
+Indians (see p. 176); all these illustrate the same condition. In an
+art, the technique of which does not admit the use of curved lines
+and in which decorative patterns have developed, there is no room for
+curved lines, and the curved outlines of objects are broken up into
+angular forms. The patterns, or as we usually say, the style, dominates
+the formal as well as the representative art.
+
+However, the style is not by any means completely determined by the
+general formal tendencies which we have discussed, nor by the relations
+between these elements and the decorative field, but it depends upon
+many other conditions.
+
+One more point must be discussed here. Attention has been called to
+the apparent absence of purely formal elements in the art of those
+tribes that are from an economical and industrial point of view most
+primitive, namely the modern Bushmen of South Africa, the Eskimo
+of Arctic North America, the Australians, and in remote times, the
+paleolithic hunters. The statement is not quite correct, as has already
+been pointed out by Vierkandt, because other tribes that live on the
+same industrial level, do not share these characteristics; particularly
+the Veddah and the Andaman Islanders. Furthermore, it is not by any
+means certain that the South African rock sculptures were made by the
+Bushmen. It seems fairly certain that the best ones of those recorded
+were made in early times and that the living Bushmen know little
+about their origin. In the South African paintings and petroglyphs
+and in the art works of the other tribes mentioned before, we find a
+highly developed realistic art which exhibits an astonishing truth of
+perspective perception, in rest as well as in motion. Verworn has based
+on this observation a distinction of what he calls the physioplastic
+and ideoplastic art; the former containing truthful, momentary visual
+images, the latter representing nature remodeled by thought and
+therefore, in a conventional style.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 77. Pottery head from Arkansas.]
+
+I do not believe that the assignment of these styles to distinct levels
+of culture is tenable, for physioplastic representations are not by
+any means confined to the tribes of simplest economic structure,
+nor, as indicated just now, are they common to all of them. We must
+avoid in these matters, as well as in all other ethnic questions,
+treating tribes too much as standardized units. Individual variation
+in physical appearance as well as in mental life is as important in
+primitive society as in our own. There are artists and craftsmen in all
+forms of society, as there are believers and unbelievers; there are
+creative artists who rise above the level of the skilful artisan and
+tradesmen who are satisfied with a slavish, though accurate adhesion
+to existing patterns. Where representative art has fallen under the
+rigid control of technique, there is little opportunity for the
+development of a naturalistic style; where the technique is free, there
+we may also expect free forms. This condition is realized in two ways,
+namely, in those cases in which representative art is not enslaved by
+a one-sided technique, and under conditions in which a high degree
+of freedom in the use of a variety of technical processes has been
+attained. A study of the whole range of art products shows that where
+a technique is practised that gives tree range to the development of
+form, naturalistic forms, that is forms relatively free of stylistic
+mannerisms, although sometimes of bold generalization, occur. Carving
+in wood, bone, ivory or stone, and modelling in clay are the principal
+arts that give this freedom which is not so easily found in graphic
+representation. Therefore we find in many cultures that are otherwise
+under the strict control of conventional style, at least occasionally
+figures in the round that are naturalistic. Examples are found in the
+art of the North Pacific Coast; in bronze castings, wood carvings
+and clay figures of Africa (figs. 74-76); in pottery of the ancient
+inhabitants of Arkansas (fig. 77); and in stone work from Mexico, as
+well as in Peruvian pottery. On the other hand, our modern realism
+is based on the emancipation from a single rigid style that controls
+all art production. Such freedom is not found to the same extent in
+primitive art with its more limited number of technical processes.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 78. Ivory and bone carvings, and tattooing of
+eastern Eskimo.]
+
+Another error seems to me to underlie the theory propounded by Max
+Verworn. It is not only incorrect to assume that representations true
+to nature are confined to tribes on the lowest economic and industrial
+level, it can also be shown that at least those living at the present
+time have ideoplastic art as well as physioplastic art. This is
+particularly true of the Eskimo. While they do produce a remarkable
+number of realistic carvings and etchings, they also have a number of
+conventional, geometric designs which are of regular occurrence. Most
+prominent among these are the alternating spurline and the sequence
+of Y shaped figures (fig. 78). The latter has sometimes a symbolic
+meaning, just as other conventional geometric designs among other
+groups of people. With small circles at the end of the bifurcated Y
+it is interpreted as a flower. Furthermore, the clothing of men and
+women is always decorated with motives that indicate or emphasize the
+parts of the body they cover, as the shoulderblades or the breastbone.
+Particularly among the Alaskan is this conventional art ideoplastic in
+the meaning of Verworn.
+
+We have also shown examples of the geometric, ornamental art of the
+Bushmen (fig. 8, p. 23); however, we do not know whether it has a
+symbolic meaning. Their ornamental art is very meagre because they have
+so little that can become the subject of ornamentation.
+
+It seems more than likely that man of later paleolithic time whose
+implements are quite on the same level as those of modern primitive
+tribes, who adorned his body and who used geometrical ornaments on
+his bone implements, decorated also his clothing and other perishable
+possessions of which no trace remains. If we imagine the remains of
+the modern Indians of the plains, or those of Australians exposed for
+thousands of years to the wet climate of Europe, nothing would remain
+to give us an insight into the complexity of their culture and into the
+existence of their symbolic, that is, ideoplastic art.
+
+
+
+
+                                SYMBOLISM
+
+
+We have seen that in the art of primitive people two elements may be
+distinguished; a purely formal one in which enjoyment is based on form
+alone, and another one in which the form is filled with meaning. In
+the latter case the significance creates an enhanced esthetic value,
+on account of the associative connections of the art product or of
+the artistic act. Since these forms are significant they must be
+representative, not necessarily representative of tangible objects, but
+sometimes of more or less abstract ideas.
+
+In our previous discussion we have also shown that representative
+art may be, and generally is, strongly influenced by technical form,
+so much so, that in many cases the natural prototype is not readily
+recognized.
+
+It is remarkable that in the art of many tribes the world over,
+ornament that appears to us as purely formal, is associated with
+meanings, that it is interpreted. Karl von den Steinen found that the
+geometrical patterns of the Brazilian Indians represented fish, bats,
+bees, and other animals, although the triangles and diamonds of which
+they consist bear no apparent relation to these animal forms. The
+design on top in figure 79 represents bats, indicated by the black
+triangles. The figure below it represents the uluri, a small object
+of clay used by women in place of a breech clout. The third figure
+represents a fish, the large scales of which are indicated by diamonds.
+The fourth and fifth figures also represent fish, while the last one is
+called young bees.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 79. Ornaments of the Auetö Brazil.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 80. Ornaments of the Karayá.]
+
+A number of clay dishes that were said to represent animals were in
+part characterized by distinct heads, limbs, and tails, while others
+bore no resemblance to the forms that they were claimed by the natives
+to represent. A general similarity of form, however, exists between the
+purely conventional and the realistic forms, which suggested to Von
+den Steinen the conclusion that the former developed from the latter.
+Later on Ehrenreich corroborated these observations both in South and
+North America. A small number of designs with names are shown in fig.
+80. The diamonds in the first figure on top, represents wasps nests and
+may be compared to the young bees in fig. 79. The zig-zag band in the
+second figure, which is symmetrically arranged and has rhythmically
+repeated elements of unequal lengths, represents bats. In form these
+are identical with the frigate bird of New Ireland (see fig. 101, p.
+107). The third figure from the top represents the marking on the skin
+of the rattlesnake, and the remaining figures also are marks on the
+skin of various snakes.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 81. Basketry patterns from British Guyana; _a_,
+snake pursuing frog; _b_, man; _c_, dog; _d-f_, wild nutmeg.]
+
+W. E. Roth has recorded the significance of basketry designs of the
+Indians of British Guiana.[43] Some of these designs contain realistic
+figures, but many of them are geometrical derivatives of zig-zag bands
+and meandric forms such as occur on coarse twined basketry in many
+parts of the world. Most of these forms are explained as animals; some
+identified by their form, others imitating the pattern of the skin
+or being suggestive of parts of the body. There are also a number of
+plant representations (figs. 81, 82). In some of these the meaning of
+the form is readily recognized as in the snake pursuing a frog (fig.
+81 _a_) or in the human form (fig. 81 _b_). The body of the snake is
+represented by a broad meander, its head by a triangle. To the right
+of the head is the frog. Less evident is the dog shown in fig. 81 _c_.
+The interpretation of the designs in figs. 81 _d_, _e_ and _f_ and 82
+seems quite arbitrary. The meanders fig. 81 _d-f_ represent the wild
+nutmeg. In _e_ the vertical connecting bar of the double T represents
+the main branches, the horizontal one the secondary branches. Fig. 82
+_a_ is called the centipede, _b_ savanna grass, _c-f_ periwinkles, _g_
+butterflies, and the three designs _h-j_ represent snakes. The square
+in the pattern in the left hand lower corner of _j_ is the head of the
+snake.
+
+[43] W. E. Roth “Introductory Study of Arts, Crafts, and Customs of
+the Guiana Indians” 38th Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology,
+Washington 1924, pp. 354 et seq.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 82. Basketry patterns from British Guyana; _a_,
+Centiped; _b_, Savannah grass; _c-f_, Periwinkles; _g_, Butterflies;
+_h-j_, Snakes.]
+
+Ehrenreich was the first to observe the highly developed symbolism of
+the North American Indians and his observation gave the impetus to the
+studies of North American art which were largely instituted by the
+American Museum of Natural History in New York. His observations were
+made among the Cheyenne, and on account of their importance, they may
+be quoted here;[44] “Representations of heavenly phenomena are found
+in their highest development among the agricultural Pueblo tribes,
+whose whole cult consists essentially in magic performances intended
+to secure rain. Besides this, geographical motives are used, such as
+mountains, rivers, trails, camping sites, which are important to the
+Indians who inhabit the endless prairies. A typical example is found on
+the ornament taken from a moccasin (fig. 83 _a_) in which a dark blue
+series of triangles represent mountains, a light blue stripe a river, a
+red one a trail. A second ornament, also taken, from a moccasin (Fig.
+83 _b_) shows a series of tents. Red dots in the triangular tents
+represent fire.
+
+[44] Ethnologisches Notizblatt, vol. II, 1, pp. 27 et seq. (1899).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 83. Designs of the Cheyenne Indians.]
+
+“The hoods of cradle boards are generally richly ornamented. The
+design of a specimen purchased by me is of peculiar interest on
+account of the representation of abstract ideas (Fig. 83 _c_, _d_).
+As usual, the upper surface of the hood is white, which color, in the
+symbolism of the Indians designates the sky and life. The margin is
+formed by a green line and the whole surface is divided into three
+fields by two convergent blue lines. The large lateral fields are
+strictly symmetrical. They contain three groups of stars represented by
+rectangles. The lowest line,—four red rectangles with enclosed green
+centers,—represent large, bright stars; and the top row, red without
+centers, are the children of the stars. It is uncertain whether by this
+term the smallest stars or falling stars are meant.
+
+“The middle field, bounded by blue lines, represents the path of life
+of the child. In this field are found peculiar green figures which
+terminate above and below in T shaped ends. They are diamond-shaped
+and enclose a red and yellow checkerwork. They designate the child’s
+good luck or the success that he will have in life. In this case green
+symbolizes growth and development; yellow, maturity and perfection;
+red, blood, life and good-fortune; all of which are related to the
+deities. The lower rim of the hood is interrupted on both sides by
+small white and blue squares. These are said to represent the child’s
+age. I did not learn what was meant by this expression. Probably the
+change of seasons was meant, since the alternation of blue and white
+signifies the change of winter and summer.
+
+“The hood ends in a square flap which bears in its center a green
+diamond terminating in cross bars, but smaller and simpler than the
+corresponding figures of the central field. It represents the heart.
+The blue lines and angles in the corners of the flap are continued in
+the same way on the opposite side. They represent the unexpected events
+of life. Attachments on each side are the child’s ears; the short lines
+of beads embroidered on the back of the flap represents the hair of the
+child.”
+
+Based on these results a somewhat extended study of the symbolism
+of American Indian art was undertaken, in the course of which A. L.
+Kroeber investigated the art of the Arapaho; Roland B. Dixon, that
+of the Californian tribes; Clark Wissler, that of the Sioux and
+Blackfeet, and H. H. St. Clair that of the Shoshone. Later on the study
+was extended over other adjacent areas.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 84. Moccasin, Arapaho.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 85. Knife case, Arapaho.]
+
+The results obtained by Kroeber indicate a close similarity between the
+symbolism of the Arapaho and that of the Cheyenne. Here also abstract
+ideas appear in considerable number. It will suffice here to give a
+few examples. On a moccasin[45] (fig. 84) “the longitudinal stripe
+signifies the path to destination. A small stripe at the heel of the
+moccasin (not shown in the figure) signifies the opposite idea, the
+place whence one has come. The variety of color in the larger stripe
+represents a variety of things (which naturally are of many different
+colors) that one desires to possess. The small dark blue rectangles
+are symbols that are called ‘hiiteni’[46]. The white border of this
+moccasin, on account of its color, represents snow. The figures in
+it represent hills with upright trees. The stripe over the instep
+signifies ‘up hill and down again’ (its middle portion being elevated
+above the ends by the instep of the foot). The dots in this stripe
+represent places left bare by the melting snow.” The knife scabbard[47]
+represented in fig. 85 “has at the top a cross signifying a person. The
+triangles above and below it are mountains. On the lower part, on the
+middle line, are three green squares, symbols of life or abundance.
+Red slanting lines pointing towards the squares are thoughts or wishes
+directed towards the desired objects, represented by the life symbols.”
+
+[45] A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin American Museum of Natural
+History, Vol. XVIII, pp. 39, 40.
+
+[46] _Hiiteni_ is explained as meaning life, abundance, food,
+prosperity, temporal blessings, desire or hope for food, prayer for
+abundance, or the things wished for (A. L. Kroeber, _ibid._, p. 40).
+
+[47] l. c. p. 88.
+
+Observations among the Sioux Indians made by Clark Wissler have given
+similar results. The design on a legging (fig. 86) may serve as an
+example. It represents a battle.[48] The diamond-shaped center is here
+the body of a man. The large triangles are the tents of the village in
+which the battle took place. The pronged figures represent wounds and
+blood; the straight lines supporting them, the flight of arrows. The
+crossed lines are said to represent arrows and lances.
+
+[48] Clark Wissler, Decorative art of the Sioux Indians, Bulletin
+American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XVIII, p. 253.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 86. Legging, Sioux Indians.]
+
+The Assiniboine, a closely related branch of the Sioux, did not yield
+much information in regard to the meaning of designs, but the few
+fragments collected by Robert H. Lowie[49] show that the principles
+found among other tribes are or were not unknown to them. The designs
+found on a drum illustrate this (fig. 87).
+
+[49] Robert H. Lowie, The Assiniboine, Anthropological Papers American
+Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV, p. 26.
+
+“The gray central field is itself a drum; the concentric rings around
+it are rainbow symbols, and the four sets of slanting lines (yellow,
+black and whitish) represent the sunshine. The green color between
+these lines denotes clouds; the four following rings the rainbow, and
+the external ring has no ascertainable meaning. On the other side there
+is a star in the center; the black circle stands for night, the blue
+color at the circumference for twilight, and the oblique red, yellow
+and white lines for the sunshine.”
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 87. Drum of the Assiniboine.]
+
+Some Arapaho designs are interpreted as representing geographical
+features or a village in its geographical environment. In the specimen
+shown in (fig. 88) “the two large triangles at the end represent tents;
+the center diamond two tents; between them a white stripe with black
+dots in it represents a buffalo path with buffalo tracks in it. The
+four red obtuse triangles along the sides are mountains; small yellow
+triangles enclosed by them are tents; the double blue lines surrounding
+the entire pattern represent mountain ranges. Small rectangles in this
+border, colored red and yellow, represent lakes.”
+
+Geographical interpretations are quite common among most of the Indian
+tribes of the Great Plains. Mountains, caves, trees, streams, lakes,
+trails, and tents are commonly symbolized in the angular forms of
+their paintings and embroideries. As compared to these the association
+between abstract ideas and geometric form is rather rare.
+
+A few examples may also illustrate the explanations given by Shoshone
+Indians.[50] The interpretations are largely geographic. In fig. 89
+the red central rectangle represents the ground, the green background
+trees. On this green ground is a lake, indicated by the blue area in
+the center, the yellow line dividing the central field, is an inlet
+of the lake. The obtuse blue triangle on the sides of the central
+rectangle represents mountains with timber. The triangles on the short
+sides are also mountains. The yellow apex is the sun shining on the
+mountains, the red middle part of the triangle the ground, the green
+area at the base, grass at the foot of the mountains. In the corners
+we find small triangles representing sand and over them the yellow sun
+light.
+
+[50] These are taken from observations by H. H. St. Clair at Wind River
+Reservation. Lowie did not succeed in obtaining any explanations at the
+Lemhi Agency, Idaho.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 88. Rawhide bag, Arapaho.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 89. Design from parfleche, Shoshone.]
+
+On a second Shoshone parfleche obtuse triangles in the central
+rectangle and smaller triangles in the longitudinal borderstrips
+represent mountains, a red line in the center stands for a river, and
+right angle triangles are tipis.
+
+Another Shoshone parfleche of similar pattern, was explained as
+follows: a blue line enclosing an inner rectangle is a fort or
+enclosure surrounded by the enemy, represented by red and green squares
+of the border. A yellow and red line passing through the center is the
+pass by which the people escape.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 90. Bamboo case, Melanesia.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 91. Zuni bowl, broken and edges ground down.]
+
+A consistent geographically explained ornament has also been described
+by Stephan (fig. 90). The upper zig-zag line (_a_) represents a snake;
+the rectangular fields under it (_b_), the sea moved by the wind. The
+dark corners of the rectangle (_c_) indicate calm on deep water. The
+central field with cross hachure (_d_), rain on the sea or ripples
+on the water. The lowest bands (_e_, _f_) and the top band (_a_) do
+not belong to the sea picture. (_e_) is explained as the veins of the
+coconut leaf, (_f_) as a kind of grass.
+
+In the opposite end (_a_) is not explained, (_b_) is a snake. The rest
+of the design fits in with the geographical pattern, (_c_) being rocks
+beaten by breakers.
+
+I am indebted to Miss Ruth L. Bunzel for the following consistent
+interpretation of a Zuni bowl,—part of a deep bowl the upper part of
+which has been broken off. Her informant explained it as follows (fig.
+91): “We call the whole design ‘cloud all alone’. When a person does
+not go to the dances when they dance for rain, after her death she
+goes to the Sacred Lake and when all the spirits of the other dead
+people come back to Zuni to make rain, she cannot go, but must wait
+there all alone, like a single little cloud left in the sky after the
+storm clouds have blown over. She just sits and waits all alone, always
+looking and looking in all directions, waiting for somebody to come.
+That is why we put eyes looking out in all directions.”
+
+Consistent symbolic interpretations have also been given for ceremonial
+objects of the Huichol Indians.[51]
+
+[51] Carl Lumholtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs American
+Museum of Natural History, Vol. III, page 125, fig. 133.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 92. Ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, Mexico.]
+
+On a “front shield”, a sacred object (fig. 92) fertility symbols are
+represented by geometrical figures: “The cross in the center represents
+four clouds on the horizon, the colored segments completing the inner
+circle represent red and blue birds (swifts) soaring above the clouds.
+In the second circle are shown crosses representing red, yellow
+and blue corn. In the outer zone is a zig-zag line in red and blue
+representing Mother East-water, a Deity. Nine triangles between head
+and tail of the serpent, crowded together, represent mescal (a narcotic
+cactus) which is considered related to corn and is held as a prayer for
+rain and for health.”
+
+Another example is a sacrificial back shield (fig. 93),[52] in which
+the symbol (_a_) represents a serpent, (_b_) white clouds, (_c_) black
+clouds, (_d_) rain, (yellow and white stripes); (_e_) three flowers,
+(_f_) a squash vine, these two representing vegetation, springing up
+after rain; and (_g_) the earth with its hills.
+
+[52] Page 146, fig. 173.
+
+Similar representations are found in embroideries in woven garments,
+thus a zig-zag line on a pouch[53] (fig. 94) represents lightning, the
+crosses the Pleiades.
+
+[53] Carl Lumholtz, Decorative Art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs
+American Museum of Natural History, Vol. III, p. 325, fig. 257.
+
+Turning to Polynesia, von den Steinen[54] has given us a full
+description of tattooing of the Marquesans, from which it appears that
+in the minds of the natives the designs have definite significance.
+I mention a series of black triangles on rectangular bases, called
+the Fanaua, women who died in child birth (fig. 95 _a_); the cumulus
+clouds of the northwind (fig. 95 _b_). In fig. 95 _c_ the upper row was
+called by one informant, “the fellow with the step of the rooster”,
+the lower one “the hero Pohu and his house”. Another informant
+from another village, designated the figures with raised arms as
+legendary miscarriages consisting of a chest, the low semicircular
+and rectangular figures as others consisting of ribs only. Of the two
+analogous figures, 95 _d_ and _e_, the former is called a crab, the
+latter a turtle, while 95 _f_ is called the bath of the hero Kena.
+
+[54] Karl von den Steinen, Die Marquesaner und ihre Kunst, Berlin 1925;
+also W. C. Handy, Tattooing in the Marquesas, Bernice P. Bishop Museum,
+Bulletin 7, Honolulu 1922.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 93. Woven ceremonial object, Huichol Indians,
+Mexico.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 94. Design from a pouch, Huichol Indians.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 95. Tattooing designs, Marquesans.]
+
+We find in our civilization cases in which form or color composition
+possess symbolic significance entirely apart of their form values. The
+most obvious case is that of the national flags. They are not only
+ornamental, but possess a strong emotional appeal. They call forth the
+feeling of national allegiance and their values cannot be understood
+on a purely formal basis, but are founded upon the association of the
+form with definite fields of our emotional life. The same is true of
+certain symbols. In Germany, at the present time, the swastika as the
+symbol of antisemitism, and the David’s star as the Jewish symbol have
+very definite political significance and are apt to excite the most
+violent passions when used for decorative purposes,—not on account of
+their form, but because of the emotional reaction to the ideas they
+represent. Military insignia, emblems of secret societies, students’
+emblems and other regalia exert the same influence through their
+associations. Owing to the strong emotional value of these patterns and
+the specific character of the associations, the use of the ornament
+may be restricted to special classes of objects, or reserved for
+privileged classes or individuals. Thus, among ourselves, the cross,
+or the flag, cannot appropriately be used at all places and at all
+times, and insignia of rank are confined to those who have the right to
+wear them. Just so, totemic devices may be used only by the privileged,
+not by those who belong to another totem. Strong emotional values are
+commonly associated with all forms that are used in important rituals.
+The simple ornaments of cedarbark dyed red which are used by the
+Indians of British Columbia have such an appeal, because the ornamental
+attachments symbolize the gifts that the wearer has received from his
+supernatural protector.
+
+It is readily recognized that these conditions can prevail only
+when the interpretation of the ornament, and with it its emotional
+significance are firmly established in the minds of the people; if all
+react without fail, without hesitation to the same pattern. This is not
+by any means the case everywhere. On the contrary, many cases are known
+in which there is considerable wavering in regard to the meaning of the
+symbol. One person may interpret it one way, another, another way. For
+instance, in the designs of the Californian Indians, the same form will
+be called by different people, or even by the same person at different
+times, now a lizard’s foot, then a mountain covered with trees, then
+again an owl’s claw. It is conceivable that an individual may feel
+a strong emotional value of a design, but in a case of variable
+associations the symbol has no binding emotional value for the whole
+tribe. It will be the less relevant the more variable the individual
+and tribal associations. I believe this is also the reason why among
+ourselves an expressionistic art is impossible, or why at least it
+cannot appeal to the people as a whole. It is possible for an artist
+to train a group of followers and admirers in the symbolism that he
+cultivates, but it is exceedingly unlikely that such symbolism should
+develop in such a way that it would be felt automatically by all of us.
+In music a few associations of this type exist. We feel, for instance,
+the difference of mood in the major and minor keys; the former mood
+joyful and energetic; the latter gentle, moody or even sad. It is well
+to remember that these emotional tones are not by any means everywhere
+connected with these two forms, but that in the music of other people
+that have something comparable to our major or minor, the relations
+may be quite different. We also feel a certain energy connected with
+the major key of E flat, but undoubtedly this is due to very specific
+associations that are not valid in other cultural areas.
+
+Expressionistic art requires a very firm and uniform cultural
+background, such as is possessed by many peoples of simple social
+structure, but that cannot exist in our complex society with its
+manifold, intercrossing interests and its great variety of situations
+that create different emotional centers for each of its numerous strata.
+
+It is, therefore, important to know whether there exist firm
+associations between form and significance, and whether these
+associations are accompanied by strong emotional reactions.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 96. Patterns representing the star, Arapaho.]
+
+The former question may be investigated in two ways: By studying the
+variety of forms which are used to represent the same objects, and
+conversely by illustrating the variety of explanations given to the
+same form. Arapaho designs collected by Kroeber offer a favourable
+field for this study. The range of forms interpreted as the star
+(fig. 96) is based on the tendency in the art of the Plains Indians
+to use triangular and quadrangular figures and narrow lines, and on
+the scarcity of polygons. We find, therefore, as representations of
+stars, crosses, groups of squares, diamonds and a cross with triangular
+wings. In the last quite exceptional figure of this series the star is
+represented by a hexagon. In some cases the association between the
+form and its meaning becomes more intelligible through the general
+setting in which the design element is found, as for instance, through
+the color contrast between design and background.[55]
+
+[55] See A. L. Kroeber “The Arapaho”, Bulletin of the American Museum
+of Natural History, Vol. 17.
+
+The variety of forms which are used to represent a person may serve as
+another example (fig. 97). Some of these are similar to the forms used
+to represent the star.
+
+Still another example is the representation of the butterfly (fig. 98).
+In this series one of the designs representing the star will be found.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 97. Patterns representing persons, Arapaho.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 98. Patterns representing butterfly, Arapaho.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 99. Examples of chevrons from Neu-Mecklenburg; _a_,
+Carved bamboo; _b_, Embroidered mat. The chevron to the left on the
+bamboo represents a palm leaf, an armring or a worm; the same design on
+the mat, tracks of a crustacean.]
+
+Conversely a diamond is explained as a person, a turtle, the navel, a
+mountain, a lake, a star, an eye. The setting of the design does not by
+any means explain sufficiently why these varying interpretations should
+be used.
+
+A rectangle represents a camp circle, brush hut, a mountain, the
+earth, a buffalo or life; a triangle with an enclosed rectangular or
+pentagonal figure (see fig. 117, p. 120) is explained as a mountain
+with trees, a cave in the mountain, a brush hut or a tent.
+
+The second form in fig. 98 is explained as a butterfly or the
+morning-star.
+
+In bead embroidery we find frequently a central design in the form of
+a diamond, from the acute angles of which, extend straight lines. To
+the ends of these triangular designs or other small forms are attached.
+In fig. 152 (p. 178) some of these designs are shown. The first one
+is taken from a pouch (_j_); the central diamond represents a person,
+the triangular designs at the ends of the lines, buffalo hoofs. A
+similar design (_k_) from a moccasin represents the navel and arrows;
+the background is snow. In a third example (_q_) the central diamond
+represents a turtle, the lines its claws and the small patterns at the
+ends of these lines, eggs.
+
+Another example of the variation of explanation of the same design is
+found in designs from New Ireland[56] (fig. 99). The chevron represents
+the leaf of a palm, an armring, a worm, the foot of a bird, tracks of a
+crustacean, or fish bones.
+
+[56] Stephan, Neu-Mecklenburg, p. 114, fig. 120. The same figure is
+found in the same author’s “Südseekunst”, p. 15, fig. 19, with somewhat
+different explanations, presumably due to an oversight.
+
+The great variety of these interpretations of the same figure and of
+the many forms by means of which the same ideas find expression, show
+clearly that the terms by which designs are described must not be
+conceived simply as names, but that rather a certain association exists
+between the general artistic pattern and a number of ideas which are
+selected according to tribal usage, and also in accordance with the
+momentary interest of the person who gives the explanation.
+
+Often the range of ideas associated with forms follows a fairly
+definite pattern in each tribe. We may compare this condition with
+attitudes which we assume in regard to forms that may have varying
+types of symbolic connotation. To a Canadian, a British flag surmounted
+by maple leaves would be closely associated with patriotic feeling, and
+in this connection the maple leaf has a definite significance; in other
+combinations it may appear with quite a different meaning. A red maple
+leaf may be symbolic of the fall of the year.
+
+During the World War the bloody hand was used on posters to excite the
+populace to hatred, because it was symbolic of the imaginary cruelty of
+the German soldier and this association was assiduously cultivated by
+word and letter. In another setting a bloody hand may be a symbol of
+suffering or of sacrifice, as the red hand impressed on church walls or
+sanctuaries.
+
+A white rose may be a symbol of death or innocence. A crescent may
+bring up a thought of Turkey, a beautiful summer night, or it may be
+conceived purely as form.
+
+Not only is the significance of designs variable, the explanations of
+forms found on the same object seem often quite incoherent. The cases
+are not very numerous in which we find a clearly defined, consistent
+symbolism extending over the whole pattern.
+
+Judging from information given by Stephan in regard to paintings and
+carvings from Melanesia,[57] the explanations, varied and incoherent as
+they may be, are given without hesitation and although the same pattern
+elements are not given every time the same interpretation, the whole
+grouping, expressed at any given time, seems to be clear in the mind of
+the person who gives the explanation.
+
+[57] Emil Stephan, Südseekunst, p. 86.
+
+In by far the majority of cases the interpretation appears to us as
+entirely incoherent. The terms by which the same forms are designated
+by different individuals and at different times are so varied that it
+is difficult to assume that we are merely dealing with names of design
+elements.
+
+As a typical example of lack of relation between the symbols composing
+the ornament may be mentioned an Arapaho knife scabbard[58] (fig. 100).
+“The green lines forming a square at the top represent rivers. The
+figure within is an eagle. The two larger dark portions of this figure
+are also cattle-tracks. The two rows of triangles on the body of the
+scabbard represent arrow-points. The squares in the middle are boxes,
+and the lines between them are the conventional morning-star cross. The
+small squares on the pendant attached to the point of the scabbard are
+cattle-tracks.”
+
+[58] Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. 18, p. 87.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 100. Embroidered knife sheath, Arapaho.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 101. Painted board, Neu-Mecklenburg.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 102. Decorated paddle, Neu-Mecklenburg.]
+
+As another example I select a decorated object from New Ireland
+described by Stephan. In fig. 101 (_a_) represents a frigate bird,
+(_b_) fish bones, (_c_) buttons for strings of shell money, (_d_)
+men’s arms, and (_e_) a fish head. On a paddle (fig. 102) the spirals
+represent the opercula of a snail; the connected triangles, the wings
+of the frigate bird. On other specimens the spirals represent young
+fern fronds.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 103. Blanket of mountain-goat wool, Tlingit.
+Alaska.]
+
+In the art of the North Pacific coast a definite totemic meaning is
+given to conventional figures. There is no general agreement as to
+their significance, but to many forms is assigned a meaning according
+to the totemic affiliation of the owner for whom it thus attains a
+value based on its meaning. Explanations of a blanket design (fig.
+103) obtained by G. T. Emmons and John R. Swanton, may serve as an
+example. According to Emmons the design represents a whale diving, in
+the lateral fields are ravens sitting. The head with nostrils and mouth
+is shown below. The central face represents the body, the inverted
+eyes along the upper border, the tail. According to Swanton the design
+represents a wolf with young. The head is shown below. The hind legs
+and hip joints are represented by the two large inverted eyes and the
+adjoining ornament along the upper border. The two dark segments just
+above the eyes are explained as the feet. The face in the middle of
+the design represents, as usual, the body of the animal. The small eye
+designs, with adjoining ear and wing feathers, in the middle on each
+side of the body, are interpreted as forelegs and feet. The designs in
+the lateral panels are explained as young wolves sitting.
+
+It seems likely that wherever varied interpretations of the same
+form, or of closely allied forms occur within the same social unit,
+conditions of this kind prevail.
+
+We have no information whatever that would enable us to decide whether
+the ideas expressed are entirely incoherent. It is conceivable that
+there may be associations that are unknown to us and that create a
+greater unity than appears on the surface. I am under the impression
+that connected with the interpretation there exists a certain emotional
+tone that may be weak, but that is, nevertheless, not negligible in the
+esthetic effect of the whole object.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 104. Basketry patterns of the Pomo Indians,
+California.]
+
+It would seem that in a considerable number of cases ornamental
+patterns have definite names that are always applied, no matter in what
+combination the design may occur. Many Californian basketry patterns
+are of this kind. Barrett[59] gives the names of decorative patterns
+used by the Pomo Indians, from which I select a few as an illustration
+(fig. 104). The northern and eastern Pomo call fig. 104 _a_, _b_
+butterflies; the central Pomo call them arrow-heads; the designation
+for _c_ is sharp arrow-heads. The northern Pomo call _d_, pointed broad
+band, deer back, or darts for a game; the central Pomo call them
+crow-foot or crow-track; the eastern Pomo, zig-zag or marks of the east.
+The design _e_ is called quail plumes; _f_ and _h_, by the northern
+Pomo, “sharp points and in the middle striped water snake”; the central
+Pomo call them “similar to slender arrow-heads”, and the single
+triangles, turtle-neck. The eastern Pomo call the designs butterfly and
+“in the middle (gaya) striped water snake”. The design _g_ is called by
+the northern Pomo, empty spaces and quail tip patterns; by the eastern
+Pomo, butterfly and quail plumes; _i_ by the central Pomo quail plumes
+arrowhead.
+
+[59] S. A. Barrett, Pomo Indian Basketry, Univ. of California
+Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Vol. VII, No. 3.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 105. Drawn work, Mexico.]
+
+This usage corresponds to our terms when we speak, for instance, of
+the “egg and dart” design. Among the Shetland Islanders patterns on
+knit stockings are called “flowers”, flowers serving as a synonym for
+pattern. The drawn work of Mexico bears also names.[60] Here we find
+names as for instance, “Little Jesus”, “Beehive” (_a_) (fig. 105),
+“Partridge’s Eye” (_b_), “Tomato Seed and Peel” (_c_), liana (_d_),
+“Spider Net” (_e_). The same is true of the embroidery of Paraguay.[61]
+
+[60] Journal American Folk-Lore Vol. 33, 1920, pp. 73 et seq.
+
+[61] E. Roquette-Pinto, On the Ñanduti of Paraguay. Proceedings of the
+Congress of Americanists, Gotenburg, 1925, pp. 103 et seq.
+
+Named designs among more primitive people are particularly common in
+Africa, where, according to all investigators, the complex designs are
+conceived as compounds of single elements which bear names.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 106. Designs of the Ruanda.]
+
+Czekanowski[62] says in discussing the ornaments found in Ruanda
+(fig. 106): “On account of the simplicity of the Ruanda ornament its
+elements are easily determined. We shall enumerate them here according
+to their names: quiver (_a_); shield (_b_); millet (_c_); knife (_d_);
+arrowhead (_e_); kindly person (_f_); ferrule of a spear (_g_); wings
+of a swallow (_h_); large tail (_i_, _j_); arrows (_k_). The three last
+patterns may be considered as compound forms. The pentagon occupies an
+exceptional position. All these elements consist of straight lines.
+Curves occur as segments, crescents, spirals and circles. Wide-lined
+circles are called arm rings (_m_); narrow ones, bracelets (_n_).” The
+general ornamentation consists of horizontal rows of black triangles
+or diamonds on a plain background or a white triangle on a black
+background. The arrowhead design (_e_) appears in long rows, the
+point of one head touching the notch of the other. Zig-zag bands in
+diagonal or vertical rows of the pattern _i_ and _j_ occur also. The
+characteristic point seems to be that only the elements of the whole
+pattern bear names.
+
+[62] Jan Czekanowski, Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Deutschen
+Zentral-Afrika Expedition, 1907-1908, Vol. VI, Part 1. pp. 329 et seq.
+
+I infer from Tessmann’s[63] description that among the Pangwe of
+West Africa also the single pattern elements bear names while the
+multifarious combinations lack explanations such as we find in America
+or in Melanesia. In fig. 107 patterns in woodcarving are represented
+which are named as follows: (_a_) file; (_b_) string of cowrie shells;
+(_c_, _d_) triangular leaf used for feathering arrows for the cross bow
+(triangle with wide base); point of iron money, spear point (triangle
+with narrow base); (_e_) tail of armadillo; (_f_) kerf; (_g_) rainbow;
+(_h_) fish bone; (_i_) triangular spear; (_k_) spider net.
+
+[63] Günter Tessmann, Die Pangwe, Berlin 1913, Vol. 1, p. 243 et seq.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 107. Designs of the Pangwe.]
+
+Of the Bushongo Torday[64] says that the nomenclature is not certain
+(p. 216). “The Bushongo do not consider the design as a whole, but
+they divide it into various elementary patterns. They take one of
+these elements as characteristic of the whole figure and call the
+whole design by this term. The motives obtained by interrupting woven
+patterns[65] at regular intervals are built up of small details which
+are found variously combined in other motives. Therefore, owing to the
+analytical mind of the natives, the curious phenomenon results that the
+same name may be given to two designs, apparently quite dissimilar,
+at least so far as the general impression is concerned, and that the
+natives of opposite sex will give to the same design different names
+because either considers a particular element as the principal part.”
+The closely related patterns fig. 108 _b_ and _d_ are derived from
+interwoven strands (fig. 108 _a_). The form _b_ is called imbolo
+(interwoven?); _c_ is called the xylophone and _d_ the foot of Matarma.
+The Bangayo call the same pattern in carving (_e_, _f_) back and head
+of the python. The patterns 108 _g_, _h_ are called the knee and _i_
+the knot.
+
+[64] E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, Notes ethnographiques sur les
+peuples communément appelés Bakuba, etc. Les Bushongo, Documents
+ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II,
+number 1, Brussels, 1910, pp. 217, 219.
+
+[65] i. e. the element consisting of a single warp strand showing
+between two woof strands and the adjoining similar elements, formed in
+simple up and down weaving.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 108. Designs of the Bushongo.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 109. Feet of pottery dishes, Chiriqui, Costa Rica.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 110. Polynesian ornaments.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 111. Crocodile arrows, New Guinea.]
+
+The significance of primitive ornament has also been studied in another
+way. In a number of cases it has been shown that series can be arranged
+in which we may place at one end a realistic representation of an
+object. By degrees we may pass to more and more conventional forms
+that show each a distinct similarity to the preceding one, but end in
+a purely conventional, geometric design in which the initial stage can
+hardly, if at all, be recognized. I believe the first to discover this
+phenomenon was Frederic Ward Putnam, who described the development,
+as he called it, of the hollow, slit feet of Chiriquian (Costa Rican)
+pottery from a fish form to a purely conventional design (fig. 109).
+He was followed by others who made studies of similar transitions in
+other parts of the world. William H. Holmes described the so-called
+alligator vases of Chiriqui, showing the relations between the
+alligator design and curious irregular painted forms (see fig. 129, p.
+137). Hjalmar Stolpe, and about the same time, Charles H. Read (fig.
+110) discussed the relations of human figures and geometrical designs
+in Polynesian ornaments; Haddon studied the so-called crocodile arrows
+(fig. 111) and the frigate bird (fig. 112) designs of New Guinea in
+their gradual transition from fairly realistic forms in which the
+crocodile and the bird are easily recognized, to geometrical types in
+which the prototype is entirely obscured. Similar relations are found
+in the facial urns of prehistoric times, (fig. 113) in some of which
+we find a perfectly plain and distinct face, while in others there are
+only a few knobs that, on account of their position, recall the face.
+George Grant MacCurdy takes us back to Chiriqui where he collected
+from museum collections series of types beginning with the form of the
+armadillo and ending with small decorative points (fig. 114). Von den
+Steinen forms out similar phenomena in the tattooings of the Marquesans.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 112. Designs representing frigate bird and
+crocodile.]
+
+In a few cases the striking similarity of the patterns which
+contradicts the diversity of names suggests an historical relation
+between the forms. This is the case, for instance, with the Bushongo
+antelope and beetle patterns (fig. 115). The resemblance between the
+realistic antelope head (_a_) and beetle design (_d_) is evident. It
+is, however, not necessary to assume a transition from the antelope to
+the beetle design, but the question has to be answered in how far the
+stylistic form may have moulded the two representations in the same
+form or, on the other hand, why an ornamental form may have outlines
+that, on the one hand, express an antelope’s head and, on the other
+hand, the body of a beetle.[66]
+
+[66] E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, Notes ethnographiques sur les
+peuples communément appelés Bakuba, etc. Les Bushongo, Documents
+ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II,
+number 1, Brussels, 1910, p. 212.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 113. Facial urns.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 114. Armadillo designs, Chiriqui.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 115. Designs of the Bushongo representing the head
+of the antelope and the beetle.]
+
+Here arises the important problem whether we are to assume that all
+these forms are developments from realism to conventionalism, as has
+often been assumed, or whether the converse process may not also have
+occurred, namely that a geometrical design existed and that a gradual
+development towards a realistic form took place, that a meaning was
+read into the geometric pattern and that in this way the significant
+forms originated. Unfortunately historical evidence is hardly ever
+available and we are compelled to rely upon indirect evidence. We
+cannot follow the excellent example set by Riegl in his detailed study
+of the history of the introduction of curved lines in Mediterranean art.
+
+However, we can apply the geographical method, the only one that
+has made it possible to unravel part of the historical development
+of people that do not possess written records, and for cultures the
+development of which cannot be traced by archaeological evidence.
+It is possible to establish with a high degree of probability the
+relationship of cultural forms and their gradual spread by means of
+a study of the distribution of ethnic phenomena and their variations
+in the sections of the area in which they are found. This method is
+strictly analogous to the one applied by biologists in their studies of
+the gradual distribution of plants and animals.
+
+In our case we must try to trace the distribution of designs together
+with the interpretations given to them by different tribes. If we
+should find consistent interpretations of the same form over large
+areas, perhaps even more realistic forms in a central district, more
+conventional ones in outlying parts of the country, but in all of them
+the same interpretation, we should have to consider this as plausible
+evidence of an origin of the conventional types from a realistic
+representation. If, on the other hand, it should be found that in the
+whole area realistic forms and conventional forms were irregularly
+distributed and that furthermore the meanings of identical or similar
+forms did not agree, then the origin of conventional forms from
+realistic ones would seem to be quite unlikely. Then we should have
+to assume one of two possibilities; either the form must have spread
+gradually over the whole area and must have been given a meaning
+independently by each people,—in other words the meaning must have been
+read into the pattern,—or it may have been that a dominating style has
+forced a diversity of realistic representations into the same geometric
+patterns.
+
+In the latter case we should have to consider the processes by
+which realistic forms should gradually change into unrecognizable
+conventional ones; in the former the processes by which from a
+conventional form a representative one develops.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 116. Design representing the buffalo, Arapaho.]
+
+That both ways are possible is easily shown. When the Plains Indians
+represent a buffalo in a stiff angular form, like a hide spread out
+provided with legs, head and tail (fig. 116); and if also a rectangle
+without these attachments is called a buffalo, it may be as well the
+buffalo hide that has been abbreviated, so to speak, as that the
+hide has been read into the rectangle. The process of reading in is
+not at all unfamiliar to us. We see realistic forms in the shapes
+of mountains and clouds and in marks on rocks, and we enjoy the
+play of fancy that endows natural forms with new meanings. There is
+no reason to doubt that the same tendency prevails among primitive
+peoples. Koch-Grünberg’s[67] observations among the natives of South
+America prove this point. He tells us that the Indians, when camping
+at a portage and waiting for the rivers to become navigable, take up
+accidental marks on the rocks and by pecking develop them into forms
+suggested by the natural outlines, or that they take up the lines left
+by a preceding party who amused themselves in the same way and whose
+play was interrupted when they were able to resume their journey.
+We have also ample evidence to show that curiously formed rocks are
+not only compared with animate beings, but that they are actually
+considered as men or beasts transformed into stone. Thus the Pueblo
+Indians tell in their migration legend that a person or an animal
+became tired on account of the fatigue of the long travel, sat down and
+was transformed into stone. The forms of a hawk, man, bear, and of a
+woman carrying a basket are still pointed out. On Vancouver Island are
+shown the tracks of the culture hero, where he stepped on a rock. In
+the interior of British Columbia a large boulder is said to be Coyote’s
+basket.[68]
+
+[67] Th. Koch-Grünberg, Südamerikanische Felszeichnungen. Berlin, 1907.
+
+[68] James A. Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,
+Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, Pl. 19.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 117. Designs of North American Indians; the first
+nine Arapaho, the next six Eastern Algonquin; the last line; first
+Hopi; then archaeological specimens, Pueblo region.]
+
+I shall illustrate this point by the discussion of a design found
+widely spread among the Indians of North America. Their decorative art
+is characterized by the use of straight lines, triangles and rectangles
+that appear in manifold combinations. One of the most typical forms
+is that of an isosceles triangle with enclosed rectangle, sometimes
+provided with spurs at the base (fig. 117). This design is found in
+an extended area. It occurs most frequently on the great plains but
+also on part of the western plateaus and among the Pueblo Indians
+(fig. 118). To the west it is found among the tribes of the woodlands
+and certain peculiar patterns of New England and the interior of
+Labrador are strongly reminiscent of it. The stylistic similarity,
+or better, identity of the pattern on the plains is so great that
+it cannot possibly have developed from several independent sources.
+It is part and parcel of the general art style of the area that has
+developed either in one spot, or what seems more probable, by the
+conflux of artistic activities of a number of tribes. Thirty or forty
+years ago, under the strong influence of the evolutionary theory, the
+psychologising ethnologist might have interpreted this similarity as
+due to the sameness of the reaction of the human mind to the same
+or similar environmental causes,—as Daniel G. Brinton explained
+the similarity of Algonquin and Iroquois mythologies. However, the
+development of our science since that time has so firmly established
+the fact that even the most primitive cultures must be considered
+as having had a historical development no less complex than that of
+civilization, that the theory of independent origin of almost identical
+phenomena in contiguous areas can no longer be maintained and has been
+given up by all serious students.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 118. Triangular design, prehistoric Pueblo.]
+
+When we study the significance of the pattern we find the greatest
+possible divergence of meaning. As pointed out before, different
+individuals in one tribe, do not all assign to it the same meaning, but
+more or less decided tendencies to certain interpretations are found
+in each tribe. The design is sometimes drawn steeply and the sides of
+the triangle extend slightly beyond the apex. Thus the form of a tent
+with tent poles, doorway and pegs for pinning down the tent cover is
+expressed. At other times the triangle is more obtuse and represents a
+hill. It may be placed on a white background which signifies snow or
+sand; blue lines extending downward from the base indicate springs of
+water and small triangles may be placed in the inner triangle. Thus
+it becomes the mythical mountain in which, at the beginning of time,
+the buffaloes were kept and which is located on a snowcovered plain. On
+the slopes of the mountain grow trees. Again, quite different, is the
+interpretation given by the Pueblo Indians. In their arid country the
+greatest need is rain without which their crops wither and starvation
+stares at the people. The communal life centers around the idea of
+fertility to be attained by an abundance of rain. Accordingly they
+interpret the symbol as a cloud from which the rain falls. Since their
+art is far less angular in style than that of the Plains Indians, they
+often substitute a semicircle for the triangle and attain a greater
+realistic resemblance to clouds by superimposing three of these
+semicircles, from which flow down the rain lines. When we turn to the
+western plateaus, we find among the Shoshone the regular design of the
+obtuse triangle applied and explained on the basis of geographical
+features; it suggests to them mountain-passes and a fort protected by
+palisades. Further to the north we do not find the enclosed rectangle,
+but the triangle and the spurs at the base persist. These are explained
+as paws of a bear, the triangle being the sole of the foot, the spurs
+the claws. In the eastern woodlands new developments occur. The
+triangle now is exceedingly narrow, so that there is no room for the
+enclosed rectangle which is reduced to a triangle. The sides of the
+triangle are produced beyond the apex, even more so than among the
+Sioux Indians, and a considerable number of almost straight vertical
+lines are added to the sides. The form bears now a certain resemblance
+to a fish tail and is so interpreted. Still more curious are the
+developments in New England. The triangle and the enclosed rectangle
+are still unmistakably present, although curved lines, characteristic
+of eastern American art, are added on. The interpretation has changed
+again. The pattern is a symbol of the town or of the tribe and its
+chief.
+
+Among none of these tribes do we find any indication of the existence
+of more realistic forms from which the conventional triangle might
+have been derived. The realistic forms of the western tribes are almost
+exclusively crudely pictographic and no transition from the pictograph
+to ornamental, geometric patterns can be traced. The realistic forms
+of the eastern tribes are found particularly in mattings and weaving.
+These also show no relation to the triangular forms that we are
+discussing. The theory that the pattern has developed under the stress
+of a compelling style that cast a variety of realistic forms into the
+same mould does not find support in the facts, because transitional
+forms are lacking. We conclude, therefore, that the sameness of
+form and the difference of meaning are not due to a geometrisation
+of realistic forms but to a reading in of significance into old
+conventional patterns. This view is corroborated by the prevailing
+uncertainty in regard to many of the meanings. The Blackfeet, according
+to Clark Wissler,[69] have practically no feeling whatever for the
+significance of these designs. The Arapaho behave somewhat differently
+on different occasions. Ceremonial paraphernalia may have fairly
+definite meaning, while clothing, bags and other objects are given
+interpretations that are quite subjective and which show therefore
+great individual differences.
+
+[69] Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 18, p.
+276.
+
+The importance of the social position, or perhaps better, of the social
+interests of the owner of an object, in determining the meaning of
+ornaments has been demonstrated most clearly among the Sioux Indians.
+In former times their ornamentation was made in porcupine quill
+embroidery, but at present beads have taken place of the quills. Men
+and women use to a considerable extent the same ornamental designs, but
+with distinctive meaning. A diamond-shaped pattern with attached double
+triangular appendages, when found on a cradle, or a woman’s legging, is
+interpreted as a turtle, the turtle being a symbol closely associated
+with birth and maturity of the woman. When found on a man’s legging it
+represents a slain enemy.[70]
+
+[70] Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians, Bull. Am. Mus.
+Nat. Hist., Vol. 18, pp. 253, 273.
+
+I will mention one more case in which the actual process of reading
+in has been observed. At one time, when I visited British Columbia,
+I purchased a woven bag from an elderly woman. It was decorated with
+a series of diamonds and small embroidered cross-like figures. Upon
+inquiry I learned that the bag had been purchased from a neighboring
+tribe and that the new owner did not know anything about the
+original significance of the pattern,—if such a significance existed
+which is doubtful, because the tribe in question is not given to
+interpretations. It appeared to the new owner that the diamonds looked
+like a series of lakes connected by a river. The different colors of
+the diamonds appeared to her to suggest the colors of the lakes;—a
+green border, the vegetation of the shore, a yellow area inside the
+shallow water, and a blue center the deep water. The interpretation
+did not seem to her sufficiently clear, and in order to emphasize it
+she added, in embroidery, figures of birds flying towards the lakes.
+Thus she gave greater realism to her conception and made it more
+intelligible to her friends (Plate VII).
+
+
+[Illustration:                                               PLATE VII.
+
+Woven Pouch, British Columbia.]
+
+The needle cases of the Alaskan Eskimo offer an excellent example of an
+elaboration of geometrical into realistic forms. It must be remembered
+that all the Eskimo tribes, east and west, are very fond of carving and
+that they produce many small animal figures that serve no practical
+purpose but which are made for the pleasure of artistic creation, and
+that many of their small implements are given animal forms. The mind of
+the worker in ivory is imbued with the idea of animal representation.
+The Alaskan needle cases have a stereotyped form to which the bulk of
+the specimens conform (fig. 119). The type consists of a tube slightly
+bulging in the middle, with flanges at the upper end, with lateral
+knobs under the flanges on opposite sides. On the body of the tubing,
+between the flanges, is a long narrow concave face, set off from the
+flanges and the body of the tube by parallel lines with small forks at
+the lower ends. Lines border the sides and ends of the flanges and the
+upper end of the concave face, and an alternate-spur band is found at
+the lower end of the tube. This type is presumably related to the
+ancient type of needle case from Hudson Bay, which is characterized by
+a tubular form, flanges at the upper end and a pair of large wings in
+the middle part of the tube. These, I believe are the prototypes of the
+small knobs at the sides of the Alaskan type. These are sometimes so
+small that they can hardly be seen, although they may be felt when the
+fingers glide lightly over the surface of the tube. However this may
+be, the majority of Alaskan specimens are of the type here described.
+The variations in geometrical form are very slight.[71]
+
+[71] See Franz Boas, Decorative Designs on Alaskan Needlecases,
+Proceedings of the United States National Museum, Volume XXXIV, (1908),
+pages 321-344, Washington, D. C.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 119. Alaskan needle cases.]
+
+In a number of cases part of the needle case or the whole object is
+elaborated in representative forms. In a few specimens the knobs
+have been given the form of seal heads. A slight enlargement and the
+addition of eyes and mouth are sufficient to bring about this effect
+(fig. 119 _c_). In other cases the flanges have been developed into
+walrus heads (fig. 119 _d_) or into other animal forms that fit the
+form of the flange (fig. 119 _e_). By adding a point for the eye and by
+cutting out the inner part of the flange the outer form is essentially
+preserved and the form of the bulky walrus head with its large tusks is
+successfully attained; or the walrus motive may be repeated so that the
+original form of the needle case is considerably obscured. By adding a
+seal’s head at the lower end the lower part of the object receives more
+or less the form of a seal.
+
+It is important to note that in all specimens of this type the double
+spur ornament persists, although it interferes with the seal’s head
+that is often added at the lower end. It seems very unlikely that
+the many animal forms attached to the needlecases were the primary
+forms from which the geometrical form developed. On the contrary, the
+wide distribution and the great frequency of the geometrical forms,
+their agreement with Eskimo geometrical style and the occurrence of
+this geometric style on specimens that do not imitate animal forms
+are entirely in favor of the assumption that the earlier form is
+geometrical, whatever the origin of the flanges and knobs may have
+been. Presumably the habit of carving animal forms has induced the
+artist to produce the variants described here.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 120. Reels of Alaskan Eskimo.]
+
+Equally interesting are the reels used by the Alaskan Eskimo. Their
+prototype is a piece of caribou antler cut as shown in fig. 120.
+This, however has been developed into animal forms. One specimen has
+a geometrical decoration on the body, while three of the ends are
+elaborated as animal heads. In another one the two prongs on one side
+are given the form of seal heads which are connected by a long line
+with the flippers which are shown on the opposite side. Still another
+specimen has been treated like a much distorted form of a wolf. The
+head is at the prong of one end, the forelegs at the other prong of
+the same end; the two hind legs are carved on the two prongs at the
+opposite end.
+
+Similar observations may be made on arrow shaft straighteners and snow
+knives of the Alaskan Eskimo.[72]
+
+[72] E. W. Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, Annual Report Bureau
+of American Ethnology, Volume XVIII, pl. 40, 48, 94.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 121. Eye shades and vessel, Ammassalik.]
+
+The examples which I have given demonstrate beyond cavil that the
+process of reading in exists and accounts for the significance of
+many geometrical forms; that it is not necessary to assume in each
+and every case that geometrical ornament is derived from realistic
+representations. Hjalmar Stolpe to whose researches on primitive art we
+owe so much had an exaggerated opinion of the importance of realistic
+designs, for he believed that every geometric form must have been
+derived from a representation. Stephan expresses the same opinion. I
+may perhaps illustrate Stolpe’s point of view by one example. Among the
+Eskimo of East Greenland is found an eye-shade decoration consisting
+of notched pieces of ivory placed side by side. Stolpe explained this
+form as a derivation from carvings representing seals, abbreviated due
+to the rhythmic repetition of the seal design (fig. 121). However, we
+know that the Eskimo when making small blocks of ivory, such as are
+used for the manufacture of toggles or other similar objects, cut the
+walrus tusk just in this manner, so that through a technical process
+they have become familiar with the ornamental form. Therefore it is not
+indispensable to assume a realistic origin for the design.
+
+It is interesting to compare the process with which we are dealing with
+other ethnic phenomena of similar import. The essential conclusion
+drawn from our observations is that the same form may be given
+different meanings, that the form is constant, the interpretation
+variable, not only tribally but also individually. It can be shown
+that this tendency is not by any means confined to art, but that it is
+present also in mythology and in ceremonialism, that in these also the
+outer form remains, while the accompanying interpretations are widely
+different. In the case of mythology we may observe that in the same way
+as patterns have a wide distribution, so also motives of myths, or even
+whole plots are found over extended areas. For example, the well known
+tale of the magic flight, which is one of the most widely distributed
+fairy tales, occurs in a number of North American localities. Among
+the Eskimo it is given as accounting for the origin of fog; in British
+Columbia it is made to account for the origin of certain cannibalistic
+ceremonials. Another example is the so-called star husband story, a
+tale of two girls who were taken up to the sky by the stars. The story
+is widely spread and is told as the explanation of a great variety of
+phenomena. The child of one of the women becomes the culture hero and
+destroys the monsters infesting the world. Customs, ceremonials, and
+prerogatives of clans are explained by this tale, in accordance with
+the chief interests of the tribes concerned. The nature myths collected
+from all parts of the world by Dähnhardt[73] are full of examples
+of this kind: the most diverse features are explained by the same
+tales. This shows that it is quite untenable to assume that the tales
+developed through the immediate effect of viewing natural phenomena,
+that much rather the tales preexisted and the explanatory part was
+tacked on at a later time, precisely as the art forms preexisted
+and their meaning was tacked on according to the peculiar mental
+disposition of the individual or the tribe.
+
+[73] Oskar Dähnhardt, Natursagen, Vol. 4. Leipzig 1912.
+
+The same observation has been made in regard to ceremonials. The
+so-called sun dance is performed by almost all the tribes of the
+great plains. The general run of the ceremonial is essentially the
+same everywhere, although different tribes have added on special
+characteristic details. The meaning, on the other hand, presents far
+greater variations. In one case the performance is made in fulfilment
+of a vow made when supernatural aid is invoked in time of distress; in
+another case it is undertaken to purchase the right of ownership in a
+sacred bundle, and then again it is a tribal, seasonal ceremonial.[74]
+
+[74] Leslie Spier, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of
+Natural History, Vol. XVI, (1921), pp. 457 et seq.
+
+These three examples illustrate that the psychological explanation of a
+custom and its historical development are not by any means the same; on
+the contrary, owing to secondary interpretations that in course of time
+set in and the general character of which depends upon the cultural
+interest of the people, the psychological explanation is much more
+likely to be quite independent of the actual historical happenings. The
+mere fact that a tribe explains forms according to a certain pattern
+does not prove, that they have developed from actual representations of
+the objects they now represent.
+
+It might perhaps be admitted that in the special case of the North
+American triangle which we have discussed the argument is convincing
+because no transitional forms exist, that, however, when an almost
+continuous series of forms is found, beginning with the most realistic
+and ending with a purely geometrical one, the conclusion cannot be
+avoided that the development has been in the direction from realism
+to conventionalism. I have already indicated that as long as there is
+no historic proof, the sequence might as well be reversed. In all the
+cases that have been described and that are based on direct inquiry
+among primitive people regarding the meaning of designs, realistic and
+conventional forms have been found to occur at the same time. It would
+therefore be necessary to give a reason why some excellent artists
+should use the one style, others, equally good ones the other; or why
+even the same artist should combine the two styles.
+
+It is generally claimed that slovenly execution brings about
+deterioration of pattern and through this, causes misunderstandings.
+I do not consider this explanation as tenable under the conditions of
+life prevailing among primitive people, because there is no slovenly
+execution among natives who make utensils for their own use. The
+pottery and paintings of the South American Indians, observed by Von
+den Steinen, the crocodile arrows of New Guinea, the frigate bird
+carvings, are all carefully made. We find often that people will use
+inferior wares for exchange with neighboring tribes, while they keep
+the good material for themselves. The natives of Vancouver Island
+for instance, adulterate with elderberries berry cakes that are made
+for trade, while those made for home consumption are made of the
+more valuable berries, such as blueberries or salmonberries without
+the addition of other material of inferior value. This tendency,
+particularly when combined with the desire to manufacture quickly
+large masses of material, leads to poor work. The question then
+arises, what happens in cases of this kind. Does slovenly work lead to
+misunderstandings and to conventionalism? Balfour has tried to make the
+process clear. He let an individual copy a design and used the first
+reproduction as original for a second copy. By continuing in this way
+he received the most astonishing transformations. Such results may
+occur when work executed in a highly developed technique is imitated by
+people of lesser accomplishments. The standard example is that of the
+degeneration of Greek coins when copied by Keltic imitators[75] which
+led to a complete disruption of the original design. However, this
+example is not to the point, because we are ordinarily not dealing with
+copies of designs borrowed from people of higher technical development,
+but with those belonging to a single tribe.
+
+[75] See Max Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, Vol. 6, pp. 301 et
+seq.
+
+I have had occasion to observe the effect of factory production and of
+slovenly execution in some Mexican material. In western Mexico dishes
+are made of tree calabashes which are covered with an orange laquer. By
+the lost-color process these are overlaid with designs in green laquer.
+The industry is probably of Spanish origin. Old specimens made of wood
+are of excellent workmanship. These are decorated mostly with animal
+forms, deer, fish, and so on. At present the work is of much poorer
+execution and the ware is sold in market places, as in Oaxaca (fig.
+122). On some specimens the fish designs of ancient type are still
+used, but we find also, even more frequently, leaf patterns and we may
+here apparently observe just that kind of misunderstanding described
+by Balfour. The gill region becomes the base of the leaf. The head of
+the fish corresponds to the base of the leaf; the fins to the marginal
+indentations, and the ribs of the fish to the veins of the leaf. Since
+both the fish and the leaf occur in modern types it may be doubted
+whether we are dealing with an actual transformation, with a real
+misunderstanding. It might be as well that the psychological process
+involved has been rather the substitution of new subject matter for the
+old, in which process the new subject was rigidly controlled by the
+old, stereotyped form. We shall see that conditions of this kind are
+often very potent.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 122. Designs from vessels made of tree calabashes,
+Oaxaca.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 123. Fragments of pottery vessels, Texcoco.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 124. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan.]
+
+Another good example is the pottery made for sale by the ancient
+inhabitants of the Valley of Mexico. Pottery was made here in great
+masses and, as described by Sahagun,[76] sold in the market places.
+The vessels show plainly the effect of factory production and of the
+resultant slurring. The Aztec pottery is fundamentally of uniform type.
+In Culhuacan, a small village at the foot of the Sierra de la Estrella,
+a coarse kind of this ware was made. Great masses of potsherds are
+found in the swampy soil which was used in early times as garden beds.
+The pottery is thick, dark orange, painted black. It is a pronounced
+local form, darker than the light ware of Texcoco (fig. 123); the
+painted lines are broad and coarse, while those of Texcoco are very
+delicate. The patterns are fixed, but the rapidity of manufacture has
+developed a definite style, analogous to the styles of handwriting.
+Each painter had his own method of handling the brush, with the result
+that his individuality may easily be recognized.[77] I select a few
+examples here in order to show the effect of slurring upon design. It
+is essential to note that on the same specimen the lines are always
+drawn in the same way; that is, that the hand of the painter followed
+very definite motor habits.
+
+[76] Bernardino de Sahagun, Historia general de las cosas de Nueva
+España, ed. C. M. de Bustamente, México, 1830, Vol. 3, p. 56.
+
+[77] See, Franz Boas y Manuel Gamio, Album de colecciones
+arqueológicas, México 1912.
+
+One of the simplest designs is instructive in regard to the effect of
+slurring and the development of individual style. One of the decorative
+elements consists of a series of S shaped, interlocking figures (fig.
+124). It will be noticed that, in fig. 124 _b_ the lines which seem to
+have developed from the S shaped forms, are degenerating into simple
+curves, while in _c_ the lines are drawn more carefully. Fig. 124 _d_
+represents the decoration from the outer side of a vessel and here the
+S shaped curves have been carefully connected and are developing into a
+new pattern.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 125. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan.]
+
+Another simple pattern which illustrates the effect of rapid production
+consists of a regular repetition of a curve and two vertical strokes.
+It seems likely that the form is derived from a circle followed by
+vertical strokes such as are also found in the finely painted pottery
+of Texcoco (Fig. 125 _a_). The corresponding Culhuacan specimens are
+shown in fig. 125 _b_, _c_. While in a few cases the curve is a more or
+less carefully drawn circle (_b_, _c_), it has generally the shape of
+a spiral. One of the most striking characteristics of the development
+of this pattern is the tendency to change the direction of the vertical
+strokes to an inclined position (fig. 126). According to the tendency
+of the painter the strokes incline either strongly from right above to
+left below (_a_, _b_ inside, _c_, _d_ outside), while in _e_ and _f_
+the strokes run from the left to the right. In the rapid creation of
+these forms the vertical lines are transformed into hooks. They are so
+characteristic that it seems perfectly feasible to recognize the same
+hand in these specimens.
+
+There is still another way the design is treated. In fig. 127 _a_ the
+spiral lies in the direction opposite to the one usually given to it
+and a single dividing vertical line is placed between the two spirals;
+the end of the first spiral taking the place of the second vertical
+line. Here again the method of treatment is consistent. In a few cases
+the spiral line instead of terminating abruptly is continued under the
+vertical strokes (_b_). In still another case, a separate single or
+double horizontal line is placed under the spiral (_c_).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 126.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 127.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 128. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan.]
+
+A frequent design of which many specimens have been collected consists
+of a spiral with attached curves. Presumably it is derived from a
+circle and straight lines (fig. 128 _a_). In rapid execution, the
+center of the circle is connected with the circumference so that the
+whole line is transformed into a spiral. Sometimes the spirals develop
+into a simple hook (_b_), and the lowest point of the circumference
+of the circle is continued into the adjoining horizontal line. In by
+far the majority of specimens the distinction between the circle and
+the adjoining line may be recognized by a sudden turn, or at least an
+indention in the lowest horizontal line (_c_). The form developing
+from the original pattern depends entirely upon the peculiar turn of
+the brush used by the artist. In many cases (_b_, _c_) the spiral,
+continuing into the lowest horizontal line and turning back into the
+central horizontal line, is made in one stroke and the upper horizontal
+line is added on by a separate movement, adjoining the middle and
+forming a hook. In other cases (_d_, _e_), the spiral and lowest
+horizontal are drawn in the same way. The horizontal lines, however,
+are made separately by drawing a right angle, probably from the top
+downward and adding a central line. In these cases, the horizontal ends
+at the far side in a sharp angle. In fig. 128 _f_, the two horizontal
+lines are separated from the curve; in _g_, they are made very long
+and apparently the middle one is made in one stroke with the spiral.
+The method of producing _h_ is the same as that applied in _b_ and _c_
+but the upper horizontal line is very much reduced in size. The same
+method is applied in _i_ with the difference that the lower horizontal
+is turned up and ends rather abruptly, and that the upper and middle
+horizontals are made in the form of a single horseshoe curve. In _j_
+and _k_ quite a different method is applied, the spiral remains as
+before but the horizontal lines are made separately in the form of a
+3. In _l_ and _m_ the whole curve is made in one continuous line which
+has led to the doubling of the middle horizontal in the form of a
+loop. In _n_ the three horizontals are treated quite differently; the
+long S shaped figure starting above on the left being substituted for
+the lines attached to the lowest horizontal. A similar principle, but
+beginning on the opposite side, is applied in _o_, in which specimen
+the three horizontals have taken the form of a spiral ending below in
+an almost vertical spur. In _p_ we recognize a form in which the S
+shaped curve is made separately; in the middle an additional horizontal
+line is added and furthermore, the lowest part of the S shaped curve is
+connected with the lower horizontal. The form _q_ is reversed and by
+attaching the S shaped curve to the center of the spiral, a divergent
+form is developed.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 129. Alligator designs from Chiriqui pottery.]
+
+I believe that many of the highly irregular forms that occur in painted
+pottery must be explained in the same way. Another instance of this
+kind is represented by the so-called alligator ware of the Chiriqui
+(fig. 129) on which W. H. Holmes based his arguments of gradual
+degeneration of realistic forms into conventional forms. Although
+the pot itself is well made, the painting is almost always slovenly;
+evidently the result of mass production. The most characteristic trait
+of decoration of this ware is line and dot work. All the designs are
+characterized by the use of black and red lines interspersed with
+dots. The geometrical designs, as well as the animal forms are crudely
+executed. Professor Holmes has called attention to the fact that the
+dots are used to indicate the scales of the alligators, but this fact
+does not prove that all the dots are derived from alligator scales.
+Forms like those shown in fig. 129 to the right above may well be
+understood as attempts in general decoration in black and red lines
+and dots, badly executed. This seems more probable since the dotted
+triangle has a much wider distribution than the alligator motives. A
+representation of the alligator might then be explained as executed
+in accordance with the technique applied to geometrical motives.
+Owing to slovenly execution the animal form may degenerate according
+to the motor habits of the individual artist. However, this would
+not prove that the alligator, as such, is older than the line and dot
+decoration. It must be borne in mind also, that the upturned snout of
+the alligator, of which much is made as a means of identification,
+is a character of much wider distribution than the alligator motive
+itself. Representations of monkeys have it and we find it also in
+representations from the interior of Costa Rica and from some parts of
+South America. All this is also true of the curious nuchal appendage
+which occurs in Costa Rica as well as in South America.
+
+Equally instructive is the application of small nodes and fillets
+to pottery which has been explained by Dr. G. G. MacCurdy as
+resulting from degeneration of armadillo figures.[78] The essential
+characteristic of all this ware is the use of small nodes and fillets
+applied to the surface of the vessel or to some of its parts, like
+feet, neck, shoulder or handle. These attachments are decorated by a
+series of short parallel impressions. An oval node with single medial
+line or lines is often used to indicate an eye; a similar nodule with
+several parallel lines indicates the foot; a series of parallel, short
+fillets with short parallel crosslines, are applied to forms that
+represent animals, but they are also found on the bodies of vases. Dr.
+C. V. Hartman[79] and S. K. Lothrop[80] describe the same technical
+motives from other parts of Costa Rica. In technical character these
+are so much like the Chiriqui specimens that we can hardly doubt that
+they are derived from the same device. This method of decoration is
+widely spread. Its use extends over Central America and the West
+Indies. It is most characteristic of archaic ware, particularly
+figurines of this early period are always modelled by means of
+attaching nodules and fillets. During this period the eye is regularly
+represented by a nodule with one or several incisions. This technique
+is also found in Ecuador[81] up to more recent times. In the Toltec
+period the adornment of vessels by attached nodule decoration reached
+its highest development. In North America it is not common. Incised
+fillets occur in remains from the middle Mississippi region but even
+here they are not one of the pronounced features. In contrast with its
+frequency in the highly developed pottery of early Central America its
+rarity may be noted in Africa, where highly developed forms are by no
+means absent, and where lids with animal figures might seem to suggest
+readily the application of the device.[82] This is true also of the
+prehistoric pottery of Europe. The nodule appears in the pottery of
+Michelsberg, in Jaispitz (Moravia) and in a few other late localities.
+Only in the slip (barbotine) decorations of the terra sigillata do we
+find anything resembling the American appliqué ornamentation, but since
+the material is applied in a semifluid state, it does not attain the
+same freedom of treatment. Nodes that do occur in European prehistoric
+pottery were apparently made rather in imitation of punched bronze
+decorations and belong to a late period. Attached animal figures, made
+in clay, like those found at Gemeinlebarn, also seem to be imitations
+of metal work and have never reached that development which is so
+characteristic of Central American ceramic art.
+
+[78] George Grant MacCurdy, A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Memoirs
+Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol. 3 (1911), pp. 48 et seq.
+
+[79] C. V. Hartman, Archaeological Researchers in Costa Rica,
+Stockholm, 1901.
+
+[80] Samuel Kirkland Lothrop. Pottery of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, New
+York, Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1926.
+
+[81] Marshall H. Saville, The Antiquities of Manabi, Ecuador, New York,
+1910.
+
+[82] See a relief ornament on a red ware vessel from Banana, Belgian
+Congo, Annales du Musée du Congo; Notes analytiques sur les collections
+ethnographiques, Vol. 2, Brussels, 1907, Les industries indigènes, Pl.
+III, fig. 34.
+
+The characteristic slit rattle feet of Chiriqui pottery prove even more
+conclusively than the application of fillets and nodes, that the art
+forms of this province must be considered as a special development of
+forms characteristic of a much wider area. This type of foot is widely
+spread beyond the territory in which the fish forms prevailed.[83]
+
+[83] See Franz Boas y Manuel Gamio, Album de colecciones arqueológicas,
+México, 1912, Plates 36, 42, 51.
+
+We are thus led to the conclusion that the use of the nodes and fillets
+for building up armadillo motives, are historically related to the
+method of decorating vessels by means of the attachment of separate
+pieces. The armadillo motive can then be only a specialized application
+of building up animal motives from the elements in question. The
+elements themselves must not be considered primarily as symbols of
+the armadillo, nor can all the animals built up of these elements be
+interpreted as armadillos.
+
+The essential point of this consideration lies in the wide distribution
+of technical and formal motives over large areas, although differing
+in details in various localities. These technical and formal motives
+are the materials with which the artist operates and they determine
+the particular form which a geometrical motive or a life motive
+takes. If the notched fillet and node are the material with which the
+hand and the mind of the artist operate, they will occur in all his
+representations.
+
+The investigators who have tried to prove that conventionalized forms
+originate through a process of degeneration from representations, have
+generally overlooked the strong influence of motor habits and of formal
+arrangements upon the resultant style. In those cases in which there
+is a tendency to organize decorative motives in rectangular panels, in
+circular areas, or in fields defined in other ways, the result must be
+quite different from others in which the artist habitually arranges
+his material in large fields or in continuous bands. The habit of
+decorating pottery by moulding and by adding on relief forms, must
+lead to results different from those which are obtained by painting
+or engraving. The use of lines and the habit of using dots or circles
+will also effect the resultant style. I think there can be very little
+doubt that if an artist is in the habit of using dot designs combined
+with lines and if, later on, he tries to represent an animal, this
+particular method will be applied in the representation. The origin of
+the motor habits must probably be looked for in technical processes,
+that of arrangement in the same processes and in the forms of familiar
+utensils.
+
+Our examination of the factory-made material shows that the process
+of slurring, or slovenly execution leads first of all to the
+development of individual characteristics that can best be compared
+with handwriting. Pronounced mannerisms permit us to recognize the hand
+of the artisan. It is only when an unusually careful and ingenious
+person operates with this traditional material that new forms develop,
+analogous to those described by Balfour. It will readily be seen that
+these conditions are not often realized in primitive society.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 130. Chinese embroidery representing bats.]
+
+I believe another cause is more potent in bringing about a modification
+of design. Ornamental patterns must be adjusted to the decorative field
+to which they are applied. It is not often that the artist is satisfied
+with representing part of his subject and cutting it off where the
+decorative field ends. He will much rather distort and adjust the
+parts in such a way that they all fit in the field that he has at his
+disposal. When a bird is represented with outspread wings, which would
+occupy approximately a square field, and the space to be decorated is
+long and narrow, the artist may twist body and tail about, and draw out
+the wings and thus squeeze the design into the available space. Henry
+Balfour[84] gives as an instance the adjustment of Chinese figures of
+bats to an ornamental band (fig. 130).
+
+[84] The Evolution of Art, 1893, p. 50.
+
+The northwest coast Indians, who always take the greatest liberties
+with the outer forms of animals, do not hesitate to distort them in
+a way that allows the artist to adjust the animal to the decorative
+field. Their method will be discussed in greater detail at another
+place (see pp. 183 et seq.).
+
+On shell discs from the mounds of Tennessee the rattlesnake is so
+represented (fig. 131). The head of the rattlesnake with upturned upper
+jaw is readily recognized in fig. 131 _a_. Behind the mouth, the eye
+represented by a number of circles, will be seen. The body continues
+along the lower rim towards the right and terminates on the left, in
+a rattle. The analogy between fig. _b_ and _a_ is easily recognized;
+the essential difference consists in the fact that the body in _b_
+is undecorated; the rattle lies just over and behind the eye. Figure
+_c_ still preserves the same form, but added to the decorations found
+in the preceding specimens, is the long loop with small circles
+surrounding the eye. The position in _d_ is slightly changed; the eye
+will be easily recognized and just to the right of it, more upright
+than in the preceding specimens, is the mouth with a fang. The body
+is in the same position as before, following the rim of the disk and
+ending in a rattle. In _e_ the mouth is very much shortened and the eye
+is reduced to a single small circle, while the body and tail retain
+their characteristic features.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 131. Shell with representation of rattle snake.]
+
+The formal elements which were discussed in the beginning of this book
+exert a far-reaching influence upon decorative forms. The exigencies of
+symmetry within a decorative field require adjustments which may modify
+the representative form considerably. A peculiar effect of inverted
+symmetry may be seen in those Borneo shields in which the whole shield
+represents the face of a demon; one half to the left of the vertical
+middle line right side up, the other half upside down.[85]
+
+[85] A. R. Hein, Die bildende Künste bei den Dayaks of Borneo, figs.
+48, 49, 51.
+
+Much more potent than the necessities of formal adjustment is the
+symbolic tendency which is liable to lead to abbreviations in which
+the representation is reduced to the slightest indications. In our
+former discussions we have seen that symbolic representations are
+very common and that it happens in many cases that the symbol itself
+is represented in a more or less perspective way. Wherever the art of
+the people wavers between the symbolic and representative modes of
+delineation, opportunity arises for the occurrence of realistic and
+abbreviated forms, side by side. To this class belong the face urns,
+the prehistoric representations of human figures in stone, and even
+our busts and portraits may be considered as continuing this practice,
+for they are fragmentary in so far as they show only that part of the
+body in which we find the character of the individual most clearly
+expressed; in part, because the rest of the body is always covered by
+inexpressive clothing which hides whatever individuality may exist.
+The principal character of forms of this type will be the tendency to
+suggest an object by the indication of a few of the most characteristic
+traits. It would probably be erroneous to speak in these cases of a
+gradual breaking up of the realistic form and the development from it
+of a conventional form, for this is not what actually happens. The two
+types occur side by side.
+
+
+
+
+                                  STYLE
+
+
+We have to take up now the problem of individual art styles. The
+general formal elements of which we spoke before, namely symmetry,
+rhythm, and emphasis or delimitation of form, do not describe
+adequately a specific style, for they underlie all forms of ornamental
+art. Representative art is more apt to develop differential features,
+for in each area symbolic, perspective and wavering representations
+have peculiar, pronounced characteristics. The principles of symbolic
+selection and the method of composition help to individualize
+representative art forms; but, besides these, many formal elements
+are integral parts of every art style and these give it its most
+specific character. The New Zealander, the Melanesian, the African,
+the Northwest American, the Eskimo,—all are in the habit of carving
+human figures in the round. They are all representative, and still the
+provenience of each is easily determined on account of very definite
+formal characteristics.
+
+We shall direct our attention to an elucidation of the principles by
+which art styles may be described. We shall also ask ourselves, in how
+far the historical and psychological conditions under which art styles
+grow up and flourish may be understood.
+
+It will be well to begin with a simple problem. We have seen that we
+may consider as works of art undecorated implements made by a perfectly
+controlled technique,—in other words made by a virtuoso. Such are
+polished stone axes, chipped arrow or lance heads, iron spear heads,
+spoons, boxes; in short, any object of daily use, provided only the
+form which we may recognize as conceived in crude specimens, is worked
+out in a perfect technique. Objects of this kind, used for the same
+purposes, have not by any means the same form everywhere. The specimens
+accumulated in ethnological museums prove that, until very recent
+times, before contamination by European wares, each locality, and
+also each cultural period had developed fixed types that were rigidly
+adhered to.
+
+This observation is illustrated by the utensils of prehistoric times as
+well as by those collected among the primitive tribes of our times. The
+throwing sticks of the Eskimo may serve as an example. They are used to
+give greater impetus to the hand-thrown weapon. The principle of their
+use is the same among all the Eskimo tribes, but they present highly
+specialized local forms, so distinct in appearance that each type may
+with certainty be assigned to the region from which it comes (fig. 132).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 132. Throwing sticks of the Eskimo; _a_, Greenland;
+_b_, Ungava Bay; _c_, Cumberland Sound; _d_, Point Barrow; _e_, Alaska
+(exact location doubtful); _f_, Cape Nome.]
+
+For the purpose of our inquiry it is important to understand the
+reasons that bring about this fixity of type. In a tool like the
+throwing stick it is obviously related to the manner of its use. The
+clumsy board of Baffinland must feel unwieldy to the hand of a native
+who has learned to handle the narrow, pegged stick from Bering Sea. The
+adaptation of the hand to the handle does not permit the use of forms
+that require unusual muscular movements which would lessen the accuracy
+and ease of use. Therefore the variations of form are confined within
+the limits established by the fixed motor habits of the people. Even if
+a variation of form should appeal to the eye, it will not be adopted if
+it should require a new adjustment of the hands. The more fundamental
+the motor habits that determine the form of the implement, the less
+likely will be a deviation from the customary type.
+
+The motor habits which find expression in the forms of utensils are in
+part highly specialized,—like those required for the effective use of
+the throwing sticks just referred to,—but others are much more general
+in character, and it would seem as though large divisions of mankind
+were characterised by habits of this kind which influence the forms of
+their implements and household goods. The restriction to the islands
+of the Pacific Ocean of the process of producing fire by ploughing;
+the areas of different types of arrow release described by Edward S.
+Morse; the extended use of throwing clubs in Africa and their relative
+insignificance in many parts of America are other examples of this kind.
+
+A curious instance of the stability of motor habits is found among the
+Eskimo; notwithstanding their great inventiveness the ancient Eskimo
+does not seem to have used the saw for cutting large bones. The cutting
+was always done by drilling holes close together along the line on
+which the bone was to be divided. When enough holes had been drilled
+the parts were separated by a blow of a hammer or by means of a wedge;
+it seems that saws of flaked stone were entirely unknown to these
+people.
+
+Another instance may be cited; the Indians of the North Pacific Coast,
+from southern Alaska to central Vancouver Island, do not practice
+the art of stone chipping and flaking. All their stone work was made
+either in tough stones that are handled by sawing, battering, pecking
+and polishing, or in soft stones that can be cut with a knife and
+rubbed down with polishing materials. The beautiful chipped blades,
+characteristic of their Eskimo neighbors in the north and their Indian
+neighbors on the interior plateaus and of the southern coast tribes,
+are missing here entirely.
+
+Similar observations may be made in regard to the handling of the
+knife. The North American woodcarver of modern times uses principally
+the crooked knife, the blade of which forms part of a spiral surface.
+Archaeological specimens of this type are rare[86] so that it is
+not certain whether this method of cutting was extensively used in
+olden times. At present it is undoubtedly distributed over the whole
+continent.[87] The knife is used like a spoke-shave, being drawn
+towards the body. In Africa, on the other hand, carving is done with
+a rasp and a straight[88] double-bladed knife. I find the use of a
+crooked, sickle shaped knife mentioned only once, as being applied
+to the shaving down of an arrow shaft and, presumably, to similar
+purposes. Schweinfurth[89] mentions that the Mangbattu are the only
+people in the regions he visited,—including even Egyptians—, who are
+familiar with the use of the single-edged carving knife, while all the
+others use the double-edged knife. Of the Ila speaking people it is
+also said that they use a spear blade for carving[90].
+
+[86] Harlan I. Smith, Archaeology of the Thompson River Region, Publ.
+Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, fig. 352 _d_, p. 418; James
+Teit, The Thompson Indians, _ibid._ figs. 125, 126. p. 184; perhaps
+also the beaver tooth knife, _ibid._ fig. 49, p. 144.
+
+[87] Otis T. Mason, Report U. S. National Museum, 1897, pt. 1, pp. 725
+et seq.
+
+[88] M. Weiss, Die Völkerstämme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas, p. 421 et
+seq.; also G. Tessmann, Die Pangwe, p. 222; Jan Czekanowski (Ruanda) l.
+c. (see p. 111) p. 155.
+
+[89] G. Schweinfurth, Im Herzen von Afrika, 3d ed. p. 349.
+
+[90] E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern
+Rhodesia, Vol. I, p. 199.
+
+Another example illustrating our point is presented by the hammers
+used by the Indians of the northwest coast of North America. The coast
+tribes of Washington use a hand hammer made of a single bowlder with a
+lateral striking head, the tribes of Vancouver Island, a hand hammer
+also made of a single bowlder, with a cylindrical shaft and a flat
+striking head at the lower end[91]; those of northern British Columbia
+a heavy hammerstone lashed to a large wooden handle.
+
+[91] Franz Boas, The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, Publications of the
+Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. 5, pp. 314 et seq.
+
+In another way habits of movement or position find expression in
+household furniture and dress. Tribes among which squatting on the
+ground is habitual do not use stools or chairs. Those in the habit of
+lying on their sides do not use neck rests which are found among people
+with elaborate hair dress that lie on their backs.
+
+The clothing of women is adapted to the manner in which they carry
+their children. The hood of the Eskimo woman of Baffinland accommodates
+the child that is carried on the back. The wide boot of the women of
+Southampton Island and of the ancient styles of Hudson Strait served to
+protect the child that was carried on the hip.
+
+It is hardly likely that the habits of the people originated from forms
+of the household goods they used. It is much more probable that the
+inventions were determined by older habits. In later times the relation
+may have been reversed, in so far as each generation stabilizes its
+habits in accordance with the objects to which it is accustomed.
+
+A similar permanence of form of utensils which are adjusted to definite
+motor habits exists in modern times, as is illustrated by the rigidity
+of form of many tradesmen’s tools or the permanence of the keyboard of
+the piano.
+
+The same conservatism, although based on the training of another sense
+organ, is found in the stability of the forms of the letters of our
+alphabet. In writing, both the firmly established motor habits and
+the fixity of the associations between visual image and form, help to
+stabilize old forms and to make difficult innovations.
+
+The stability of language is another phenomenon of the same kind.
+The fundamental phonetic characteristics of a language are based on
+motor habits; the use of vocabulary and of grammatical forms partly on
+auditory associations. In all these cases; in the use of tools, forms
+and language the mind becomes so thoroughly adjusted to the use of
+definite motor habits, and to certain types of association between
+sense impressions and definite activities, that a resistance to change
+appears as the most natural mental attitude; if for no other reason,
+because it requires the effort of unlearning and relearning. It must be
+understood that this does not imply an absolute stability, which does
+not exist, but merely the individual resistance to sudden changes.
+
+In another way this resistance is expressed through an emotional
+attachment to customary forms. In the domain of tools it is perhaps
+not so much the pleasure of play that induces man to bestow much labor
+upon the manufacture of his utensils, as rather the love of the special
+tool that he is using, a love that implies pleasure in the customary
+movements as well as in the form of the implement. This mental attitude
+is one of the most important sources of the conservatism in the form
+of objects of use, and of the tendency to give to them the greatest
+possible technical excellence. The intensity of the emotional relation
+between a person and his tool is naturally greatest when maker and
+user are the same person; it must decay with the ease with which
+substitutes are obtained. Here is one of the causes of the rapid decay
+in the beauty of form of native utensils as soon as European tools and
+manufactures are introduced.
+
+While the lack of variation in the forms of utensils, and their
+regional characterisation are often expressions of definite motor
+habits, or of other sensory reactions that are firmly associated
+with useful activities which have become culturally fixed, there are
+other cases in which conservative retention of form may not be thus
+explained. This is true particularly when the use of an object does
+not depend to any considerable extent upon its form. Whether a basket
+is round or oblong, angular or without corners does not influence the
+mode of its use, unless it serves as a carrying basket. Still, in many
+cases the familiarity established through long use of the objects
+may readily lead to an emotional attachment that finds expression
+in permanence of form, and in the refusal to accept new, unfamiliar
+shapes for every day use, an emotional resistance to change that may
+be variously expressed,—as a feeling of impropriety of certain forms;
+of a particular social or religious value, or of superstitious fear of
+change. Permanence of form is also favored by the participation of many
+individuals in the manufacture of objects. In most cases every person
+supplies his own needs. The number of original minds is certainly no
+larger in primitive society than in our own, although I do not believe
+that it is any smaller. The bulk of the makers of objects of every day
+use are, therefore, imitators, not originators, and the mass of uniform
+material that is in use and constantly seen will restrict the free
+play of imagination of the original minds. The desire for deliberate
+attempts to create something novel, that characterises the industries
+of our times, is not present, just as little as it is present among our
+peasants, so far as they are uncontaminated by city influences. I do
+not mean to imply that primitive forms are absolutely stable. Nothing
+could be farther from the truth; but the conscious striving for change
+that characterizes our fashions, is rare. We are also conservative in
+forms, a modification of which would require fundamental changes of
+habits.
+
+The stability of the inner arrangements of houses, notwithstanding
+all variations in detail; the adherence to types of windows used in
+different countries; the forms of churches, our localized food habits
+are all examples of a considerable degree of conservatism. This
+prevails also at least in part, in the fundamental patterns of male and
+female attire.
+
+Conservatism of form makes itself felt in many cases in which an object
+is made of new material. The relinquishment of the old material may
+be due to lack of an adequate supply of the old material, or it may
+be an innovation due to an inner creative impulse. It constitutes
+a break with the past. The old forms, however, are often retained.
+Such substitutions are the more liable to occur the more plastic the
+new material. Pottery, to a lesser extent wood, and also stone are
+the principal materials in which forms can be imitated in the round.
+Particularly pottery lends itself readily to the manufacture of a great
+variety of forms. When the necessary skill in tempering the clay, in
+modeling and firing has been attained, the opportunity is presented
+for copying a great variety of forms. Thus we find shell dishes and
+spoons, gourd vessels and basket forms imitated in pottery. We still
+continue doing so. We have in our China ware innumerable instances of
+copies of even the finest fabrics. In Africa we find clay lamps which
+are evidently derived from the forms of bronze lamps of antiquity
+in which the complicated feet are imitations of wire work, and many
+pottery vessels seem to be copies of baskets. For instance, the handled
+ceremonial clay dishes of the Pueblo Indians look more like baskets
+than like pottery forms.
+
+On account of the great frequency of imitative forms in pottery the
+theory has been advanced, that all pottery forms must have originated
+from prototypes that were first made in some other technique. Professor
+Schuchardt[92] assumes that the first neolithic forms which are
+pointed at the base, must be copies of bottles made of hide. Cushing
+and Holmes[93] have advocated the theory that pottery and pottery
+designs developed from basketry, that pots were first of all modeled
+over a basket and that the basket with its clay cover was then fired.
+The basket was thus burnt and the clay vessel remained in the form of
+the basket. In corroboration of this theory it has been pointed out
+that actually clay covered baskets have been found, on the surface of
+which the ornamental pattern that is usually found on the basket is
+painted on the clay. These attempts do not seem to me convincing. The
+oldest pottery that we know is very crude and does not recall any other
+technical form. The Eskimo made clay lamps of unbaked clay that seems
+to be merely squeezed into shape. It seems much more likely that the
+firing of clay was discovered when foods were cooked on clayey soil or
+in pits in clayey ground, than that baskets should be made watertight
+by an application of clay and that the basket, the making of which is
+a laborious process, should then have been intentionally destroyed.
+However, I do not wish to introduce a new unproven theory in place of
+others. For our purpose it is sufficient to recognize the frequent
+copies of natural and technical forms in pottery.
+
+[92] Carl Schuchardt, Alteuropa, Berlin 1919, p. 44.
+
+[93] W. H. Holmes, Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in
+Ceramic Art, Frank Hamilton Cushing, A Study of Pueblo Pottery; Fourth
+Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1886. There is, however,
+evidence that pots were moulded on baskets, then removed and fired.
+
+The same happens, although not quite so extensively in wood carving and
+even in stone work, particularly in soft stones that may be worked with
+a knife. Wooden copies of objects made of buffalo horn occur in Africa.
+Many of the beautifully carved wooden goblets from the Congo region
+look to me like pottery vessels, held in place by stone supports.
+Carvings in wood imitate forms made by joining pieces together. In some
+regions we find stone vessels of the same form that is usually used for
+wooden ones. Best known among imitative stone forms are the prehistoric
+European stone axes which are copies of the forms of bronze weapons
+that were in use in more southern regions, or the stone settees of
+ancient South America, copies of wooden seats.
+
+We have spoken so far only of the general forms of the objects, not
+of decoration or ornament. We have seen in our discussion of the
+purely formal elements that the technique will sometimes bring about
+patterns on the surfaces of the manufactured objects. We mentioned
+the patterns produced by flaking of stone, by adzing and by weaving
+with coarse material. The importance of these surface patterns for
+the development or ornament can hardly be overstated. When a large
+board is adzed, the workman must shift his position in order to cover
+the whole board. According to the way he moves, different patterns of
+adjoining surfaces may develop. Much more important are the patterns
+that naturally develop when a weaver plays with his technique, that
+is when he or she is no longer satisfied with the simple weaving up
+and down, but begins to skip strands and thus introduces more complex
+rhythms of movement. The solidity of the fabric requires alternations
+of skipping and thus the twilling leads immediately to diagonal surface
+patterns. The more complex the rhythmic movements, the more complex
+will also be the patterns. The attempt has been made to trace the
+origin of all important decorative patterns to this source. I presume
+this is an exaggeration, because other conditions may as well lead to
+the discovery of designs. I say advisedly discovery, not invention,
+for I believe, with those investigators who would derive all patterns
+from weaving, that intentional invention is less important than the
+discovery of possibilities which come to be observed as an effect of
+the play, particularly the rhythmic play with technical processes.
+
+I presume that the occurrence of a number of simple ornamental elements
+may be explained as technically determined. We have seen before that
+the straight line and the regular curve such as circle and spiral
+presuppose an accurate technique, that they are too rare in nature to
+be considered as representative in character. The straight line may
+be the result of cutting, folding or splitting some kinds of wood, of
+the use of reeds or similar materials, of stretching fibres and of
+many other processes. Circles may originate by the regular turning of
+coiled basketry and of coiled pottery: spirals by the laying of coarse
+coils. Weaving in coarse material leads to rectangular figures, to
+checker patterns, steplike diagonals and to many other complicated
+forms. Tying with cord produces straight lines intersecting at various
+angles and also parallel, circular and spiral forms. We may confidently
+claim independent origin in separate areas for the triangular design in
+basketry (fig. 104 _a_, _b_, p. 109); for simple radial forms in coiled
+basketry placques; for the swastika cross, the meander and for many
+other simple forms, like the spirals of prehistoric Bohemia; of eastern
+Siberia; of Melanesia and of ancient New Mexico; in the sameness of
+design elements from Africa and America; in the occurrence of the
+circle and central dot in prehistoric Europe and among the Eskimo.
+The principle of symmetry, of balance, of rhythmic repetition and of
+emphasis laid upon prominent points or lines apply to all kinds of
+technique and many lead to parallel developments.
+
+We have seen that in some cases, simple elements which develop
+independently, possess stylistic peculiarities that differentiate
+one locality from another. But even if the forms are identical, the
+arrangement in the decorative field is liable to give a specific form
+to the art of each locality.
+
+The negroes of the Congo present an excellent example of the transfer
+of design from one technique to another. Their woven patterns consist
+largely of intersecting bands, imitating the interweaving of broad
+bands. These motives appear in most of the decorative work of these
+tribes. Their embroidered pile cloth (fig. 133) imitates the interwoven
+patterns; they reappear on their wood carvings, particularly on their
+goblets (see fig. 52, p. 59), and on carvings on buffalo horns.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 133. Pile cloth, Congo.]
+
+Interwoven bands that look like imitations of coarse weaving are also
+very common in American art. They are found in many parts of South
+America and among the Pueblo Indians. Some of the wood carving of Tonga
+is evidently influenced in style by the artistic methods of tying,
+which are highly developed in the islands of the Pacific Ocean.
+
+Granting all this, it still remains obscure why there should be that
+degree of individualization of style that is actually observed even
+where similar technical processes prevail. The Indians of Guiana and
+the Indonesians use the same methods of weaving in rather broad, stiff
+materials. The technical conditions controlling their basketry work are
+practically the same. Nevertheless the styles of art they use are quite
+distinctive.
+
+We conclude from this that besides the influence of the technique
+there must be some other causes that determine the individual style of
+each area. I doubt very much that it will ever be possible to give a
+satisfactory explanation of the origin of these styles, just as little
+as we can discover all the psychological and historical conditions that
+determine the development of language, social structure, mythology or
+religion. All these are so exceedingly complex in their growth that
+even at best we can do no more than hope to unravel some of the threads
+that are woven into the present fabric and determine some of the lines
+of behavior that may help us to realize what is happening in the minds
+of the people.
+
+We have to turn our attention first of all to the artist himself.
+Heretofore we have considered only the work of art without any
+reference to the maker. Only in the case of slovenly work have we
+referred to the artisan. It has appeared that his behavior as revealed
+in his work helped us to understand the fate of the designs. We may
+hope, therefore, that in the broader question also knowledge of the
+attitude and actions of the artist will contribute to a clearer
+understanding of the history of art styles. Unfortunately, observations
+on this subject are very rare and unsatisfactory, for it requires an
+intimate knowledge of the people to understand the innermost thoughts
+and feelings of the artist. Even with thorough knowledge the problem is
+exceedingly difficult, for the mental processes of artistic production
+do not take place in the full light of consciousness. The highest type
+of artistic production is there, and its creator does not know whence
+it comes. It would be an error to assume that this attitude is absent
+among tribes whose artistic productions seem to us so much bound by
+a hard and fast style that there is little room for the expression of
+individual feeling and for the freedom of the creative genius. I recall
+the instance of an Indian from Vancouver Island who was suffering of
+a lingering malady that confined him to his bed. He had been a good
+painter but his productions did not differ stylistically in any way
+from those of his tribe. During his long illness he would sit on
+his bed, holding his brush between his lips, silent and apparently
+oblivious of his surroundings. He could hardly be induced to speak,
+but when he spoke he dilated upon his visions of designs that he could
+no longer execute. Undoubtedly his was the mind and the attitude of a
+true, inspired artist.
+
+The general character of the artistic productions of man, the world
+over, shows that the style has the power of limiting the inventiveness
+of the productive artist; for, if we grant that potential genius like
+the one just described is born in all cultures, then the uniformity of
+art forms in a given tribe can be understood only by these limitations.
+
+The restriction of inventiveness is not due, as might perhaps be
+supposed, to the habit of copying old designs and to a sluggishness
+of the imagination of the artisan who finds it easier to copy than to
+invent. On the contrary, primitive artists hardly ever copy. Only in
+very exceptional cases are found working designs such as we employ in
+embroidery, dressmaking, woodcarving and architecture. The work is
+laid out in the mind of the maker before he begins and is a direct
+realization of the mental image. In the process of carrying out such
+a plan technical difficulties may arise that compel him to alter his
+intentions. Such instances can easily be discovered in the finished
+product and are highly instructive, because they throw a strong light
+upon the mental processes of the workman. We may see particularly
+in richly decorated basketry how such difficulties arise and what
+influence they exert upon the development of the design.
+
+Even in the making of mass products, like the pottery which we
+described before, (pp. 132 et seq.) copying is evidently not
+practised. The patterns are so simple and require only a small number
+of standardized movements which are combined in a variety of ways.
+The method of work corresponds strictly to our method of writing in
+which also a number of standardized movements occur in a multitude of
+combinations.
+
+Although the artisan works without copying, his imagination never
+rises beyond the level of the copyist, for he merely uses familiar
+motives composed in customary ways. It does not require much practice
+to learn how to carry out such simple work without patterns. The method
+of procedure is the same as that followed in European folk art. The
+embroidered or woven patterns, the wood carvings of European peasants
+are not copies of patterns but the results of individual composition.
+Pattern books appear only at a time when the folk art is decadent.
+Therefore, notwithstanding the rigidity of style it would be difficult
+to find two objects that have identical ornamentation.
+
+When designs are very complex, and rigid symmetry or accurate rhythmic
+repetitions are required, we find sometimes the use of stencils. It
+does also happen, that one person plans a design and another executes
+it. In these cases actual copying may occur; both of these instances
+are rare in primitive culture and do not modify the general picture as
+here outlined.
+
+It is interesting to hear the opinions of individuals who create new
+designs. We have already seen that the novelty consists generally in
+the combination of old pattern elements in new ways. Nevertheless, the
+authors of these designs are convinced that they have created something
+new. I have information on the attitude of these artists only from the
+North American Indians. They call designs of this kind “dream designs”,
+and claim that the new pattern actually appeared to them in a dream.
+This explanation of the origin of the new form is remarkably uniform
+over the whole continent. It has been recorded on the Great Plains,
+on the north western Plateaus and among the Pueblo Indians. There is
+little doubt but that this is merely another term for invention. It
+expresses a strong power of visualization which manifests itself when
+the person is alone and at rest, when he can give free play to the
+imagination. Perhaps the artists have greater eidetic power than most
+adults among ourselves. The few individuals who create new forms in
+this manner have probably a good control over the technique and wide
+command over a multitude of current forms. In the one case which has
+been investigated with some care by James Teit the woman who created
+new basketry patterns was also one of the best technicians and had full
+command over the greatest variety of forms.
+
+When the patterns made by individual artists are compared, it is seen
+that the number of designs made by different individuals differs very
+considerably. Some have command of the full range of forms, while
+others are satisfied with a small number which they repeat over and
+over again.
+
+The controlling power of a strong, traditional style is surprising.
+The Northwest coast people have characteristic methods of representing
+heads, eyes, eyebrows and joints; fig. 67 (p. 71) shows the attempt of
+an excellent Haida artist who tried to illustrate the tale of an eagle
+who carried away a woman.
+
+The general form of the eagle is quite realistic, but the artist could
+not avoid placing the characteristic eye design in the wing joint of
+the eagle, and to render the head in the conventional style in which
+the eagle is shown. The woman whom the eagle carries has the typical
+eyebrow and cheek patterns. The style has penetrated the picture which
+was planned as a realistic representation.
+
+Similar observations may be made in regard to the Wasgo, the fabulous
+sea-monster with a wolf’s body and large ears. In fig. 134 it is shown
+carrying a whale between its ears, another one in its tail, and a
+person in the mouth. It has the characteristic high nose of the wolf,
+the ears turned back (here shown as transparent). The large shoulder
+and hip joints and the hands and feet in form of eyes are features of
+Northwest coast art. The whale with its round eyes, blow-hole, and
+characteristic tail conforms also to the local art style. Still the
+artist attempted to give a realistic painting.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 134. Haida painting representing a sea-monster in
+the form of a wolf, carrying two whales.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 135. Haida drawing representing the story of a
+young man who caught a sea-monster.]
+
+Quite analagous is another painting by the same Haida artist, Charles
+Edensaw (fig. 135) who tried to illustrate for me a Haida story of
+a man who caught the sea-monster Wasgo by placing a split cedar tree
+under water. It was held open by means of a spreading-stick. A child
+was placed in it as bait and when the monster appeared to devour the
+child, the youth knocked out the spreading-stick; the tree closed and
+caught the monster. In this sketch the tree is shown by the black,
+sharp angle, set on the inside with teeth that killed the monster. The
+spreading-stick, which holds the split tree apart is indicated by the
+black crossbar. The Wasgo in the form of a wolf with large dorsal fin
+is shown biting the head of the child, while the youth sits on the
+tree. The story continues telling that the youth dons the Wasgo skin
+and goes every night to hunt sea game which he deposits on the beach of
+the village. His mother-in-law claims shamanistic power and pretends to
+have obtained the game. When the youth makes known that he has killed
+it, his mother-in-law falls down being shamed by the young man. She is
+shown on the left in shamanistic dress with shell rattles, shamanistic
+apron, neck ring of bone ornaments and the shamanistic crown. Her
+position indicates that she is falling. It will be noticed that here
+also every figure shows characteristic traits of the northwest coast
+ornamental style.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 136. Haida drawing representing part of the raven
+story.]
+
+In fig. 136 part of the raven story is represented. The human figure
+in the left hand upper corner presumably represents the owner of the
+halibut hook. Under it is shown the raven flying and carrying on his
+back the owner of the halibut hook. According to this story he throws
+him into the sea, takes the halibut hook and begins to fish. This
+incident is shown on the right hand side of the sketch. The meaning of
+the seal in the upper right hand corner is not clear.
+
+We have seen that in representative art the particular type of
+perspective or symbolic form or the combination of the two determines
+in part the local style. We have to turn now to a consideration of the
+purely formal elements that characterize style. We may distinguish
+here between the forms of ornamentation and their composition. A
+general survey of the field of primitive art convinces us at once of
+the great variety of elementary forms and of their sharp localization.
+As an instance of the importance of fundamental forms I choose the
+occurrence of the spiral. It is characteristic of the art of New
+Zealand, of Melanesia, and of the Amur tribes,—to select only a few
+typical examples. And still, how great are the differences, how sharply
+specialized the spiral of each of these districts!
+
+Practically all the spirals in primitive art are equidistant. It can
+easily be shown that spirals develop in many different ways. As has
+been pointed out by Semper, the coiling of wire or the making of coiled
+basketry or pottery must lead to the discovery of the ornamental
+spiral. Wrapping with twine may have a similar result. In other cases
+the spiral develops without technical motives from natural forms. This
+is exemplified, for instance, by the spirals used for expressing the
+nostrils of the beaver, bear and dragon-fly in northwest coast art (see
+figs. 157 p. 186, 175 p. 193). It is, however, doubtful whether the
+spiral has ever become in this manner a dominant motive of local art.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 137. Types of New Zealand spirals.]
+
+The New Zealand carved spiral (fig. 137) is generally double; one
+arm running in, the other out, and the two clasping each other in the
+center. The spirals are so placed that their general contours harmonize
+with the decorative field, although their outer turns often cut into
+its borders. The appearance of the spiral is strongly influenced by
+the application of a common pattern of carving, which consists of a
+long lineal field with crosshatching limited by two or more equidistant
+lines. The two arms of the spiral are connected at regular intervals
+by small bars having crossline decoration. In other cases the spirals
+themselves are decorated with crosslines, while the surrounding
+lines are smooth. Sometimes the spirals are given a notched outline.
+Single spirals consisting of a number of equidistant lines, occur in
+tattooing and in wood carving representing tattooed faces. Spirals are
+often connected and form S shaped figures and when placed serially
+in a narrow field, they are accompanied by a series of equidistant
+lines,—fragments of the outer turns that would have shown if the spiral
+had been able to develop freely.
+
+The spiral of eastern New Guinea is in some ways similar to the one of
+New Zealand. The double spiral appears commonly in both areas, also
+the notches or scallops on the spiral and the filling in of the gore
+with curved lines accompanying the outer turns of the spiral (fig.
+138). The lack of connecting bars, of the crossline decoration and the
+fundamentally different design arrangement, as well as the treatment in
+black and white differentiate the New Guinea spiral from that of New
+Zealand. The curves are fitted much more rigorously in the decorative
+field. The great freedom of the New Zealand forms, the delicate
+accuracy of all the constituent elements, and the multiplicity of forms
+connected with the spiral, are absent.
+
+The third area, the Amur region, in which the spiral is used
+extensively, represents fundamentally different forms, (fig. 139).
+While the spirals of New Zealand and those of New Guinea are equally
+wide through the whole distance of their course, those of the Amur
+region show peculiar lateral developments. The spirals of this area are
+generally single, and broad; or double, but the spirals do not clasp
+each other. The outlines of the spiral bands are varied by strictures.
+Where the general course of these spirals leaves fields that would
+remain undecorated, they are filled in by broad tendrils, leaf like
+projections or by independent circular ornaments that help to keep the
+background broken up in bands that retain throughout approximately the
+same width. Often the variations in the lines of spirals form animal
+figures, particularly birds and fishes; sometimes of fairly realistic
+form.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 138. Types of spirals from eastern New Guinea.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 139. Spirals from the Amur River.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 140. Pictographs representing human beings: _a_,
+Potawatomi; _b_, Wahpeton Sioux; _c_, Blackfoot; _d_, Dakota; _e_,
+Alaskan Eskimo; _f_, Pencil sketches by Eskimo from the west coast of
+Hudson Bay.]
+
+Fixity of form occurs even in crude representative drawings made
+without such technical skill as is developed in industrial occupations.
+This is strikingly illustrated by certain forms used by the Algonquin
+tribes of the woodlands around the western Great Lakes and also by the
+neighboring Siouan tribes. In their pictographs the human figures
+appear regularly with broad shoulders, tapering down in straight
+lines to the waist. Sometimes the figure is cut off at this place;
+sometimes it expands downward from the waist. Fig. 140 _a_ represents
+a Potawatomi drawing; fig. 140 _b_ a Wahpeton Sioux drawing of the
+same type. In the winter counts of the Sioux published by Mallory,
+the human figure is represented in quite a different style, (fig.
+140 _d_). This type occurs both in the La Flamme and Lone-Dog winter
+counts. We may compare these forms with the typical symbol used by the
+Blackfeet to represent a slain enemy, which, according to Wissler,
+has always the form given in _c_. On the reproductions of pictographs
+the same form appears, often with only one leg. Quite distinct from
+these Plains Indians types are the forms used by the Alaskan Eskimos
+in their etchings on bone, antler, and ivory (_e_). The forms are
+always small silhouettes in lively motion and the realism of form and
+movement of the Eskimo etchings forms a strong contrast when compared
+to the conventional style of the Plains and Woodlands Indians. Even
+the pictographic representations of men in motion, which do occur in
+other types of Plains Indian drawings, differ entirely in style from
+those of the Eskimo. The style of the eastern Eskimos representation of
+the human form differs considerably from that of the Alaskan Eskimo.
+They do not use silhouettes but draw their forms true to life with
+particular attention to the details of the clothing (fig. 140 _f_).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 141. Pictographs; _a_, _b_, _c_, from the Cueva de
+los Caballos; _d_, Bushman.]
+
+Quite distinct from these forms are the representations of the human
+form made by the Bushman and by paleolithic man. They are always
+silhouettes of large size with strong exaggerations of characteristic
+forms and movements of the body, (fig. 141). Obermaier has described
+these in detail.[94] Some of the figures in lively motion are
+represented with thread-like legs and body, while in other cases
+the calves of the legs are shown in exaggerated sizes. The Bushman
+paintings are somewhat similar in type to those of the paleolithic
+period. We find the same exaggeration of the length of the limbs and
+particularly in the representation of females, exaggeration of all the
+characteristic features of the body.
+
+[94] H. Obermaier, P. Wernert, Las Pinturas Rupestres del Barranco de
+Valletorta. (Castellon) Comisión de investigaciones paleontológicas
+y prehistóricas, Mem. No. 23. Museo Nacional de ciencias naturales,
+Madrid 1919.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In almost every art definite stylistic forms may be recognized. I will
+add a few additional examples based on certain classes of objects which
+illustrate this.
+
+Miss Ruth Bunzel has given to me a full description of the decoration
+of the water jar of the Zuni. “It is characterized by great stability
+in decorative style. The form of the jar itself shows very slight
+variations. The outer surface is slipped with white clay which serves
+as a background for painted decorations in black and red. The most
+characteristic feature of the decorative scheme is the boxing off of
+the field into clearly defined areas outlined by heavy black lines. The
+ways in which the field is thus divided and the designs permissible in
+each section are all definitely prescribed by prevailing standards of
+taste.
+
+“Essential on every jar is the division of the field into two zones
+known as neck and body. Neck designs are always used in pairs, four
+or six alternating units being used on each jar. At the present
+time the choice of designs for the neck is limited to two sets of
+designs, the way in which they are combined being absolutely fixed.
+Alternating diamond and triangular patterns, both highly elaborated,
+are used together, and, on the other hand a scroll and conventionalized
+prayer-stick are used together on other jars.
+
+“For the body there is a greater choice of design, but the choice is
+between certain well known patterns, and the ways in which each may be
+used are definitely fixed. The most characteristic and, at the present
+time, the most popular type is the deer-sunflower pattern (fig. 142).
+Two large medallions representing sunflowers are painted on opposite
+sides of the jar. Three such medallions are sometimes used, but two
+is the preferred number. The space between the medallions is divided
+horizontally by a narrow band. The band may be filled with small
+conventionalized birds or with an interlocking scroll figure. In each
+of the spaces formed by this band are painted two deer, each surrounded
+by graceful scroll work, called in Zuni terminology ‘the deer’s house’.
+In all, eight deer are used, two in each of the four fields. The deer
+are always painted in exactly the same way, in profile with the head
+to the right, and with certain of the internal organs indicated.
+There is no variation even in the ornamental scrolls surrounding the
+representation. In small jars it is permitted to substitute for the
+deer on the lower and smaller part of the jar one of several well
+defined crook or scroll patterns, but any other departures from the
+established scheme are severely criticised. The first of the two rim
+designs referred to above is always used with the deer pattern. The
+whole composition in precisely the combination described appears over
+and over again in water jars now in use at Zuni as well as in older
+specimens now in our museums, and the fixity of the type is clearly
+recognized by native artists.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 142. Zuni pot.]
+
+“This is only one of a number of equally fixed types of decoration at
+present in favor at Zuni. There is, for instance, one very elaborate
+terraced figure repeated in literally hundreds of specimens of water
+jars, and always without the slightest variation either in the figure
+itself or in its application to the jar. It is always used in threes
+and with the second of the two rim designs. There are other types also,
+any one of which is known to and can be described by any well informed
+Zuni potter. Although the invention of new designs is considered
+eminently desirable among them, the actual number of Zuni pots that do
+not belong to one or the other of these recognized types is exceedingly
+small.”
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 143. Haussa embroideries.]
+
+As another example I choose the style of embroidery on Haussa shirts
+(fig. 143). Felix von Luschan has called attention to the rigidity of
+the general pattern.[95] A narrow elongated field in the left hand
+upper corner of the design surrounded on the left by a thin white line,
+on the right by a white field with long pointed triangles, limits the
+hole through which the head passes. The white disk to the left of it
+rests, therefore on the right side of the chest, the upper disk on
+the right shoulder blade. The line dividing the design into an upper
+and lower part, beginning just at the lower end of the slit through
+which the head passes, sets off the embroidery on the body of the shirt
+from that on the large pocket below. The upper rim of the pocket is
+always decorated with a central design, consisting of a square field
+with checkered figures, to the left of which are two triangles, to
+the right, three. In many specimens there is, on the right border of
+the field, a looped band. The design on the lower part of the pocket
+and the one on the body of the shirt are, in the main, symmetrical.
+The three-barbed arrow pattern of the lower border reappears on top
+followed inside by the same type of rosette. The two designs differ,
+however, in so far as the three-pointed pattern with the connected loop
+band is repeated to the right of the slit for the head, turned at right
+angles to the corresponding portion on the pocket border. This pattern
+disturbs the symmetry of the upper and lower designs and produces a
+distortion of the upper one which, however, does not influence the
+pattern elements. On the pocket below and to the left, is a rectangular
+band with a leaf design forming an inner border.
+
+[95] Felix von Luschan, Beiträge zur Völkerkunde, p. 50. Patterns of
+the same kind have been figured by Leo Frobenius in “Das sterbende
+Afrika,” Pls. 58-60.
+
+Great fixity of design appears also in the rawhide boxes of the Sauk
+and Fox Indians, to which I referred before (p. 25 et seq.). The
+characteristic feature is the division of the rectangular hide that is
+to form the box, into three fields lengthwise, five fields crosswise.
+The five fields are determined by the way in which the box is folded;
+four sides forming front, bottom, back and top, and the fifth a flap
+covering the front. The lengthwise division is not so determined, for
+the width of the box differs considerably from that of the central
+field. The design elements are based on common patterns of the Indians
+of the northern part of North America: rectangles divided by central
+longitudinal lines and obtuse triangles on each side of it. It should
+be noticed that the design unit is not the diamond but the rectangle
+with two obtuse triangles that have the apex near the central dividing
+line. This appears clearly in the specimen shown in fig. 144 _b_ in
+which every design begins at the margin with a triangle pointing inward
+towards the opposite triangle and also in the other figures in which,
+in accordance with the art style of the eastern woodlands, a segment
+is substituted for the acute triangle. A second element in these
+designs is the acute triangle with lines, or a single line, extending
+from the apex; a form which is also common to all the woodland and
+plains Indians.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 144. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 145. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.]
+
+
+Two styles of these paintings may be distinguished; one in which the
+five crosswise fields are so treated that the patterns on the three
+central rectangular fields (2, 3, 4) are at right angles to those in
+the two extreme fields (1, 5). In the central fields the long sides
+of the rectangles run parallel to the narrow side of the hide and in
+the outer ones, the rectangles are turned so that the long sides are
+parallel to the long side of the hide. The central lengthwise field
+extends only over the three middle fields and is very narrow (figs.
+14, 144, _a_, _b_). The only ornament on fig. 144 _b_ is the rectangle
+with two obtuse triangles facing at the apex. To the four rectangles
+on 2, 3, 4 correspond four corresponding ones in the fields 1 and
+5. In fig. 144 _a_ there is an alternation of two designs in these
+fields. There are two triangles with protruding lines with complex
+frames, and rectangles with the obtuse triangles transformed into
+segments. The central dividing line in these rectangles is missing. It
+will be noticed that here also the number of rectangles in the three
+inner fields (2, 3, 4) corresponds to the number in the outer fields
+(1 and 5), but their order is reversed. Left and right triangles in
+the outer fields (1 and 5) are also in reverse positions. The narrow
+central field is occupied by a single acute triangle. In fig. 145 _b_
+we have a similar arrangement, but in place of the rectangle with
+obtuse triangles, we find a new arrangement of acute triangles. Fig.
+14 (p. 27) differs from those just described in that the central field
+is divided into two divisions instead of four. The obtuse triangles
+in the four corners are treated somewhat differently and the figure
+between them in the middle of the short side is treated as though the
+essential design were the diamond, not the obtuse triangle. The heart
+shaped design and the star like figures give the impression of a new
+development of older patterns.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 146. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.]
+
+In figures 13, 15, 145 _a_ and 146 the rectangles are all placed in the
+same direction; the long side parallel to the short side of the hide.
+Fig. 145 _a_ consists throughout of curved segments corresponding to the
+obtuse triangles. At the apices of these segments the rectangles are
+divided by central lines. The fields separating the rectangles bear
+each an acute triangle with prolonged apex. In the narrow central field
+we find also the acute triangle with extending lines. Fig. 15 consists
+of the acute triangle with the usual frame but with scolloped edges
+instead of the angular figures of fig. 145 _b_. The central field is
+treated in the same way as in fig. 145 _a_. Fig. 13 corresponds nearly
+to fig. 145 _a_, except that the rectangular fields are not divided by
+a central line, but have a central figure somewhat hour-glass shaped
+enclosing an acute triangle at each end. The crosses in the middle
+field are also derived from the acute triangles. The three central
+fields of the long side of fig. 146 _b_ correspond to fig. 144 _a_.
+Since the rectangles in the marginal field on the short side are not
+turned, the acute triangle design did not fit and we find, therefore,
+instead the cross design. The lack of symmetry between the extreme
+upper and lower fields is quite unusual. In fig. 146 _a_ we find, as
+in fig. 14, only four fields. The designs are similar in character
+to those of fig. 146 _b_, except that the acute triangle design is
+developed in a peculiar manner.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 147. Painted rawhide, Ioway.]
+
+The Ojibwa and Ioway use another method of building up their boxes. The
+short sides are made of separate flaps and there is no flap covering
+the front. The bottom is not decorated and the hide is folded over
+simply in box form and sewed together (fig. 147). The method used by
+the Otoe and sometimes by the Ioway, is still different. There is
+a short flap covering part of the front; the sides are folded in,
+somewhat in the same manner as done by the Fox and there is also a
+complete lack of coherence between the design as laid out on the hide
+and as it appears in the completed box (fig. 148).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 148. Painted rawhides; _a_, Ioway; _b_, Otoe.]
+
+Still another example of fixity of type is presented in the woven bags
+of the Ojibwa and Potawatomi (figs. 149, 150). The two opposite sides
+have always distinct patterns. The purely geometrical patterns are
+always laid out symmetrically. There is a broad central figure bordered
+by a number of narrow stripes. These are followed, above and below by
+a wide stripe of a pattern different from the central one. Sometimes
+the colors above and below are inverted. The dividing line runs all
+around the bag, but the patterns in the broad bands change. On the one
+side there are often representative figures above, and in this case
+there is no correspondence between the upper and lower designs. Similar
+bags are used by other neighboring tribes. The Potawatomi use the same
+decorative arrangements, except that the central band often remains
+undecorated.[96]
+
+[96] See Alanson Skinner, The Mascontens or Prairie Potawatomi Indians,
+Bull. Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, Vol. 6, No. 2, Plate 21.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 149. Design from pouch, Ojibwa.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 150. Design from two sides of pouch, Potawatomi.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 151 _a_. Type of parfleche and pouch painting,
+Arapaho.]
+
+For a clear understanding of the character of a local style a
+comparison with related forms in contiguous areas is indispensable.
+Historical conditions like those that may be traced in the development
+of art forms in prehistoric and historic times in Europe and in Asia
+have been determinants in forming the art of primitive people also.
+There is probably not a single region in existence in which the art
+style may be understood entirely as an inner growth and an expression
+of cultural life of a single tribe. Wherever a sufficient amount of
+material is available, we can trace the influence of neighboring
+tribes upon one another, often extending over vast distances.
+Dissemination of cultural traits that has made the social structures,
+the ceremonials and the tales of tribes what they are today, has also
+been a most important element in shaping the forms of their art. The
+local distribution of technical processes, of form elements, and
+of systems of arrangement contribute to the character of each art
+style. In another place we have discussed the distribution of pottery
+decorated by means of applied pellets and fillets (see p. 138), and
+it appeared that the technical process covers a wide continuous area
+and that it is applied in different ways by each cultural group.
+We have also seen that the characteristic triangular design with
+enclosed rectangle, often with spur lines along the base, is widely
+disseminated over the North American continent. We found that this form
+is common to the Pueblos, the Indians of the northwestern plateaus and
+of the plains, and that the fundamental pattern may be recognized in
+New England and Labrador. Patterns composed of lines, triangles and
+rectangles are characteristic of the art of the North American Indian.
+Notwithstanding their simplicity, these forms are practically confined
+to North America. Their strong individuality proves that their present
+distribution must be due to mutual influence among various North
+American cultures. We cannot determine where the pattern originated but
+it is quite certain that its present distribution is due to cultural
+contact; its occurrence is probably related to the use of stiff
+rawhide for receptacles, to the method of painting used by the Indians,
+and to the old method of decorating with porcupine quill weaving and
+embroidery. I have called attention to the difference in arrangement
+of these patterns among a number of tribes and A. L. Kroeber, R. H.
+Lowie, and Leslie Spier[97] have discussed these questions in greater
+detail (fig. 151). The parallel stripe arrangement is characteristic of
+the Arapaho; a central field surrounded by a square, of the northern
+Shoshone. Owing to the close contact in which these two tribes live at
+the present time, which favors intertribal trade, the distribution is
+not quite so clear as it has probably been in earlier times.
+
+[97] Leslie Spier, An Analysis of Plains Indian Parfleche Decoration,
+University of Washington Publications in Anthropology, Vol. I, pp. 89
+et seq. where the earlier literature has been quoted.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 151 _b_, _c_. Types of parfleche and pouch
+painting, Shoshone.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 152. Arapaho designs.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 153. Sioux designs.]
+
+Certain differences may also be observed in the arrangement of bead
+embroidery the forms of which are very uniform over an extended area of
+the western prairies. A characteristic form of this design consists of
+a central diamond or rectangle, from the corners of which emanate lines
+that terminate in triangles facing the central field either with the
+apex or with the base; sometimes a crossbar with prongs is found at the
+end of these lines. Among the Arapaho (fig. 152) these patterns appear
+singly on a plain background; among the Sioux (fig. 153) the central
+square is seldom used. While among the Arapaho the lines are usually
+attached to only two opposite ends, the Sioux almost always attach them
+to the four corners of the central diamond. Furthermore, the Sioux like
+to vary the background by inserting stars or crosses and the design
+seems to occur more frequently symmetrically doubled than among the
+Arapaho.
+
+Another good example of differentiation in arrangement and identity
+of pattern elements is presented by the basketry of the Indians of
+British Columbia. Among the Thompson Indians the design elements
+are distributed evenly over the whole side of the basket; among the
+Lillooet they are confined to the upper part of the side while the
+lower part remains undecorated; among the Chicotin there are three
+bands of decoration along the upper part of the basket (see p. 297).
+
+As another case of the wide distribution of a design element, evidently
+due to diffusion, we may mention the so-called quail tip ornament of
+California which consists of a right angle with a thin upright stem and
+a short heavy horizontal arm. This pattern is found commonly throughout
+California and extends northward as far as the Sahaptin tribes of
+Columbia River. It is particularly important to note that technically
+the basket of the Sahaptin tribes belongs to the coiled and imbricated
+type used by the Thompson Indians farther to the north; while in the
+southern regions a multiplicity of methods of basket weaving are used.
+In all of these the same quail tip occurs (see p. 109).
+
+We have spoken so far of local styles as though in every case only a
+single style occurred in a tribal unit. This might seem plausible on
+account of the comparative uniformity of tribal life. Still there are
+many cases in which fundamentally different styles may be observed in
+the same community. I have referred several times to the realistic
+carving and drawing of the Eskimos, which is often combined with very
+characteristic but subordinate geometrical patterns, particularly
+with the double line with alternating spurs, a series of “Y” shaped
+figures, arranged on a continuous line; and circles and dots (see fig.
+78, p. 86). In certain cases realistic forms are used for the purpose
+of ornamentation. On some modern specimens from the west coast of
+Hudson Bay, the representations of human beings or animals are found
+(see fig. 51 _b_, p. 58). In Greenland wooden vessels are ornamented
+by attached ivory carvings representing seals, which are nailed on to
+the surface (fig. 121, p. 127). Pieces of skin in which needles are
+kept, are ornamented with appliqué figures.[98] On the east coast of
+Greenland similar decorative motives are in use.
+
+[98] Kaj Birket-Smith, Ethnography of the Egedesminde District,
+Meddelelser om Grønland, Vol. 66, (1924), pp. 522, 550.
+
+The style of ornamenting cloth is quite different. There is no realism
+and the formal patterns which are used are broad bands, accompanying
+the borders of the garments and long lines of fringes. The basis of
+this ornamentation is a feeling for color contrast and a tendency to
+emphasize outlines. The representative tendency is entirely absent. In
+a single specimen in which it appears as a representation of a human
+hand, it looks strangely out of place.[99] This decorative type is
+fully developed in Greenland where checker work is applied to garments,
+buckets, and also to wooden goggles.
+
+[99] Franz Boas, The Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson Bay, Bulletin
+American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 15, (1907), Plate 9.
+
+I presume the principal cause for the difference of these styles is
+found in the difference of the technical processes, but perhaps even
+more in the circumstance that the realistic work is made by the men,
+the clothing and sewed leather work by the women.
+
+Two fundamentally distinct styles occur also among the Indians of
+the North Pacific coast. I have referred a number of times to their
+symbolic representations of animals with the curious disregard of
+natural relations between the parts of the body. This style of art
+is confined primarily to woodwork and to other industries allied to
+woodwork. It occurs also in appliqué and in embroidery in porcupine
+quill,—probably copied from painted designs,—so that it is practiced by
+both men and women. It is, however, entirely absent in modern basketry
+made for home use, and in matting. The decorative patterns in these
+types of technique are always geometrical and bear no relation to the
+art of carving. Only in the woven blankets of the Tlingit which are
+copied by the women from pattern boards made by the men do we find the
+typical symbolic style.
+
+I might also refer to the contrast between the pictographic
+representations of the Indians of the Plains and their ornamental art,
+if it were not for the fact that their pictography never rises to the
+dignity of an art.
+
+The cases might be considerably increased in which a difference of
+style is found in different types of technique, or in different parts
+of the population. Birchbark baskets of the interior of British
+Columbia have their own style of border decoration and their sides
+are often covered with pictographic designs. Coiled baskets from the
+same district have geometrical surface patterns. Central American
+painted pottery differs in style from other types in which painting is
+not used, but in which plastic ornamentation is applied. New Zealand
+borders of woven mattings have geometric style and lack patterns that
+might be considered derived from the elaborate spiral decoration that
+characterizes Maori carving (Plate VIII).
+
+Such differences in style are, however, not by any means the rule. As
+has been stated before, we find much more commonly (p. 154) that the
+most highly developed art is liable to impose its style upon other
+industries and that mat weaving and basketry have been particularly
+influential in developing new forms and powerful in imposing them upon
+other fields.
+
+[Illustration:                                               PLATE VIII.
+
+Woven Blanket, New Zealand.]
+
+
+
+
+          ART OF THE NORTH PACIFIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA[100]
+
+[100] The present chapter is a revised edition of my essay, “The
+Decorative Art of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast of America”
+(Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IX, pp. 123-176,
+1897).
+
+
+The general principles discussed in the preceding chapters, may now be
+elucidated by a discussion of the style of the decorative art of the
+Indians of the North Pacific Coast of North America.
+
+Two styles may be distinguished: the man’s style expressed in the art
+of wood carving and painting and their derivatives; and the woman’s
+style which finds expression in weaving, basketry, and embroidery.
+
+The two styles are fundamentally distinct. The former is symbolic, the
+latter formal. The symbolic art has a certain degree of realism and
+is full of meaning. The formal art has, at most, pattern names and no
+especially marked significance.
+
+We shall discuss the symbolic art first. Its essential characteristics
+are an almost absolute disregard of the principles of perspective,
+emphasis of significant symbols and an arrangement dictated by the form
+of the decorative field.
+
+While the Eskimo of Arctic America, the Chukchee and Koryak of Siberia,
+the Negroes and many other people use carvings in the round which
+serve no practical ends, but are made for the sake of representing a
+figure,—man, animal, or supernatural being,—almost all the work of
+the Indian artist of the region that we are considering serves at
+the same time a useful end. When making simple totemic figures, the
+artist is free to shape his subjects without adapting them to the
+forms of utensils, but owing to their large size, he is limited by the
+cylindrical form of the trunk of the tree from which they are carved.
+The native artist is almost always restrained by the shape of the
+object to which the decoration is applied.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 154. Tlingit helmet.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 155. Mask representing dying warrior, Tlingit.]
+
+The technical perfection of carvings and paintings, the exactness and
+daring of composition and lines prove that realistic representations
+are not beyond the powers of the artist. This may also be demonstrated
+by a few exquisite examples of realistic carvings. The helmet shown
+in fig. 154 is decorated with the head of an old man affected with
+partial paralysis. Undoubtedly this specimen must be considered a
+portrait head. Nose, eyes, mouth and the general expression, are highly
+characteristic. In a mask (fig. 155) representing a dying warrior, the
+artist has shown faithfully the wide lower jaw, the pentagonal face,
+and the strong nose of the Indian. The relaxing muscles of mouth and
+tongue, the drooping eyelids, and the motionless eyeballs, mark the
+agonies of death. Plate IX represents a recent carving, a human figure
+of rare excellence. Posture and drapery are free of all the formal
+characteristics of North West coast style. Only the treatment of the
+eye and the facial painting betray its ethnic origin. Here belongs
+also the realistic head previously referred to, made by the Kwakiutl
+Indians of Vancouver Island (fig. 156), which is used in a ceremony and
+intended to deceive the spectators who are made to believe that it is
+the head of a decapitated dancer.[101]
+
+[101] The selection of North West Coast art given by Herbert Kühn
+(Die Kunst der Primitiven, pp. 100, 104, Plates 48, 50, 51 are
+characteristic only of realistic representations. Only Plates 47, 49
+and part of 52 are stylistically typical).
+
+[Illustration:                                                 PLATE IX.
+
+Carved Figure, British Columbia.]
+
+When the artist desires realistic truth he is quite able to attain it.
+This is not often the case; generally the object of artistic work is
+decorative and the representation follows the principles developed in
+decorative art.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 156. Carved head used in ceremonial, Kwakiutl
+Indians.]
+
+When the form of the decorative field permits, the outline of the
+animal form is retained. The size of the head is generally stressed as
+against that of the body and of the limbs. Eyes and eyebrows, mouth and
+nose are given great prominence. In almost all cases the eyebrows have
+a standardized form, analogous to that in which the Indian likes to
+trim his own eyebrows,—with a sharp edge on the rim of the orbits, and
+a sharp angle in the upper border, the brows being widest at a point a
+little outward from the center, tapering to the outer and inner angles
+and ending quite abruptly at both ends. The eye is also standardized.
+In many cases it consists of two outer curves which indicate the
+borders of the upper and lower eyelids. A large inner circle represents
+the eyeball. The lip lines are always distinct and border a mouth which
+is given an extraordinary width. Generally the lips are opened wide
+enough to show the teeth or the tongue. Cheeks and forehead are much
+restricted in size. The trunk is not elaborated. The ears of animals
+rise over the forehead (fig. 157). These are almost always applied in
+reproductions of mammals and birds, while they are generally missing
+in those of the whale, killer-whale, shark and often also of the
+sculpin. The human ear is represented in its characteristic form, on a
+level with the eye (figs. 207 and 209, pp. 217, 218). Whales and fish
+often have round eyes, but exceptions occur (figs. 233, 234, 235, pp.
+229-231).
+
+For clear presentation of the principles of this art it seems
+advantageous to treat the symbolism and the adjustment of the animal
+form to the decorative field before taking up the purely formal
+elements.
+
+Fig. 157 _a_ is a figure from the model of a totem pole, which
+represents the beaver. Its face is treated somewhat like a human face,
+particularly the region around eyes and nose. The position of the
+ears, however, indicates an animal head. The two large incisors serve
+to identify the rodent par excellence,—the beaver. The tail is turned
+up in front of the body. It is ornamented by cross-hatchings which
+represent the scales on the beaver’s tail. In its forepaws it holds a
+stick. The nose is short and forms a sharp angle with the forehead.
+The nostrils are large and indicated by spirals. The large incisors,
+the tail with cross-hatchings, the stick, and the form of the nose
+are symbols of the beaver and the first two of these are sufficient
+characteristics of the animal.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 157. Carvings representing the beaver from models
+of Haida totem poles carved in slate.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 158. Carving from handle of spoon representing
+beaver, Tlingit.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 159. Headdress representing beaver; a dragon-fly is
+shown on the chest of the beaver, Haida.]
+
+Fig. 157 _b_ is another representation of a beaver from the model of a
+totem pole. It resembles the former one in all details, except that the
+stick is missing. The beaver is merely holding its three-toed forepaws
+raised to the chin. In other carvings the beaver is shown with four or
+five toes, but the symbols described here never vary.
+
+On the handle of a spoon (fig. 158), the head and forepaws of the
+beaver are shown; and in its mouth are indicated an upper pair of
+incisors, all the other teeth being omitted. The scaly tail is shown
+on the back of the spoon. The nose differs from the one previously
+described only in the absence of the spiral development of the nostril.
+Its form and size agree with the preceding specimens.
+
+In the centre of the front of a dancing headdress (fig. 159), a beaver
+is represented in squatting position. The symbols mentioned before
+will be recognized here. The face is human, but the ears, which
+rise over the forehead, indicate that an animal is meant. Two large
+pairs of incisors occupy the center of the open mouth. The tail,
+with cross-hatchings, is turned up in front of the body, and appears
+between the two hind legs. The forepaws are raised to the height of
+the mouth, but they do not hold a stick.[102] The nose is short, with
+large round nostrils and turns abruptly into the forehead. On the
+chest of the beaver another head is represented over which a number
+of small rings stretch upward. This animal represents the dragon-fly,
+which is symbolized by a large head and a slender segmented body.[103]
+Its feet extend from the corners of its mouth towards the haunches of
+the beaver. Its face resembles a human face; but the two ears, which
+rise over the eyebrows, indicate that an animal is meant. In many
+representations of the dragon-fly there are two pairs of wings attached
+to the head. Combinations of two animals similar to the present one are
+found frequently, as in figs. 165, 170 and 235.
+
+[102] For additional representations of the beaver see figs. 216, 225,
+228, 229, 230, 255, 283.
+
+[103] See p. 192.
+
+In a painting from a Kwakiutl house-front (fig. 160), which was made
+for me by an Indian from Fort Rupert, the large head with the incisors
+will be recognized. The scaly tail appears under the mouth. The broken
+lines (1) around the eyes, indicate the hair of the beaver. The design
+on each cheek (3) the bones of the face, the high point of the nose (2)
+its sudden turn. The nostrils are large and round as in the specimens
+described before. Under the corners of the mouth are the feet. The
+meaning of the two ornaments over the head is doubtful.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 160. Painting for a house-front placed over the
+door, representing the beaver, Kwakiutl Indians.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 161. Halibut hook with design representing a
+sculpin swallowing a fish, Tlingit.
+
+Fig. 162. Part of a totem pole with design representing a sculpin,
+Tsimshian.]
+
+A carved halibut hook (fig. 161) is decorated with the design of the
+sculpin. The symbols of the fish are fins and tail, those of the
+sculpin, two spines rising over its mouth, and a joined dorsal fin. The
+sculpin is represented swallowing a fish, the tail of which protrudes
+from its mouth. The two spines appear immediately over the lips, their
+points being between the two eyes which are represented by two circles
+with small projections. The two pectoral fins are indicated over the
+eyes. The joined dorsal fin extends from the eyes upward toward the
+narrowest part of the body. The tail of the animal extends toward the
+place where point and shank of the hook are bound together by means of
+a strip of spruce root.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 163. Woolen legging with appliqué designs
+representing sculpin, Haida.]
+
+The same animal is represented in a slightly different way on the lower
+portion of a totem pole (fig. 162). The lowest figure is probably the
+sun, or perhaps a starfish. Its arms extend upward, and are held in
+the mouth by a sculpin, standing head downward, back forward, and tail
+extending upward. Two crescent-shaped ornaments above the corners of
+the mouth represent the gills of the fish. Above these are the pectoral
+fins. On the level of the pectoral fins towards the middle appear the
+symbols of the sculpin, two spines, the lower portions of which are
+decorated with small human faces. The round eyes are placed just under
+the spines. The dorsal fin commences at the height of the eyes, and
+merges into the tail which is clasped by a human figure cut in two by
+the fish tail. This carving is also characterized by two symbols,——the
+two spines and the joined dorsal fin.
+
+On a legging made of blue cloth (fig. 163) the sculpin is shown in red
+cloth appliqué. Its teeth, eyes, and dorsal fin are represented by
+buttons of abalone shell. Two small triangles cut out to the right and
+left of the mouth represent the gills. Immediately over the eyes, and
+extending toward the middle of the back, are the two spines, indicated
+by two slender triangular pieces of red cloth cut out in their middle
+parts. The pectoral fins are indicated by two broader pieces of red
+cloth extending from the eyes outward and upward toward the margin of
+the body of the fish, the dorsal fin by the long slits along the back
+of the animal. The species is characterized by the two spines which
+appear over the eyes.[104]
+
+[104] For additional representations of the sculpin see figs. 206, 219,
+224, 262.
+
+In facial paintings the sculpin is generally indicated by the two
+spines which are painted just over the lips (fig. 164).
+
+Figs. 165-168 represent the hawk which is symbolized by an enormous
+hooked beak, curved backward so that its slender point touches the
+chin. In many cases the face of the bird is that of a human being, the
+nose being given the shape of the symbol of the hawk. It is extended in
+the form of a beak, and drawn back into the mouth, or merged into the
+face below the lower lip.
+
+On the headdress, fig. 165, the upper, larger face is that of the hawk.
+The face in human; but the ears, which rise over the forehead, indicate
+that an animal is meant. The body is small, and is hidden behind the
+face of a sea-monster with bear’s head and flippers. The wings of the
+hawk are grasped by the arms of the sea-monster whose flippers may be
+seen over the arms.
+
+Fig. 166 is the handle of a spoon on which is represented the head of a
+hawk, symbolized by its beak. The top of the spoon represents a man who
+is holding a small animal with a segmented body, which may represent
+the dragon-fly, although the head seems rather smaller than usual.[105]
+
+[105] See also figs. 207, 243, 257.
+
+In figs. 167 and 168 the same symbols of the hawk will be recognized.
+It is worth remarking that in most of these specimens the mouth is
+entirely separated from the beak and has the form of the toothed mouth
+of a mammal. A characteristic form of the hawk’s beak is shown in the
+facial painting fig. 169.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 164. Facial painting representing the sculpin,
+Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 165. Headdress representing a hawk, Tsimshian.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 166. Handle of a spoon made of mountain-goat horn;
+lowest figure representing a hawk; upper figure representing a man
+holding a dragon-fly, probably Tsimshian.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 167. Rattle with design of a hawk, Tlingit.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 168. Dish made of horn of big-horn-sheep, Tlingit.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 169. Facial painting representing hawk, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 170. Headdress representing an eagle bearing a frog
+on its chest, Tsimshian.]
+
+Fig. 170, the front of a headdress representing the eagle, is quite
+similar to the forms of preceding series; but it differs from them in
+that the beak of the bird is not turned back so as to touch the face,
+but ends in a sharp point extending downward, and that there is no
+mammal mouth indicated. The wings of the eagle are shown extending from
+the border of its body inward. The shoulder joint is indicated by the
+head of a human figure which is ornamentally carved on the wings. The
+feet are seen at the sides of the lower border of the carving, under
+the wings. On the body of the eagle is a rather realistic carving of a
+toad. An eagle is also shown on top of the Haida house post (fig. 171).
+The wings are turned in in front of the body and the curves of the
+lower figures fit into the curved side.[106]
+
+[106] See also fig. 215.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 171. Housepost representing eagle above, cormorant
+below, Haida.]
+
+In figs. 172 and 173 I give two representations of the hawk (or fish
+hawk) made by the Kwakiutl. The treatment is different from that of the
+Haida, but the sharply curved beak is found here also. On the paddle
+(fig. 172), (1) represents the eyebrow and ear, (2) the cheek, (3) the
+wing, (4) the beak. Fig. 173 is taken from a painting on a settee. On
+the back is shown a man with ears (4) over the head, like those of the
+Haida animals. (1) is the navel, (2) the wrinkles running down from
+the nose to the corners of the mouth, (3) is painting on the cheeks.
+The head of the hawk is placed on each side of the human figure. On
+the lower border of the settee is the lower jaw (5), over the eyes the
+feathers on the head (6), the eye next to the head on the side wing of
+the settee, is the shoulder joint. The bone of the wing is shown in
+(7), the long wing feather in (8), the feathers of the body in (9).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 172. Painting on paddle representing hawk,
+Kwakiutl.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 173. Painting on back and one end of a settee
+representing man and hawk, Kwakiutl.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 174. Handle of spoon of mountain-goat horn
+representing dragon-fly.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 175. Berry spoon with engraving representing
+dragon-fly.]
+
+The dragon-fly is represented with a large head, a long segmented body
+and two pairs of wings. The representation on the headdress, fig. 159,
+has been referred to before. The head is human but provided with animal
+ears. It has also been mentioned that the animal with segmented body
+in fig. 166 may be a dragon-fly, although it is lacking the wings.
+According to Edensaw, the spoon handle (fig. 174) also represents the
+dragon-fly. It has a strongly curved beak; wings are placed under
+the lower jaw and the segmented body forms the tip of the handle. A
+particularly good representation of a dragon-fly is found on the Haida
+berry spoon[107] (fig. 175). Attention should be called to the spiral
+proboscis on this specimen.
+
+[107] These flat, wooden spoons are used for eating soapberries which
+are beaten to a foam.
+
+The most important characteristic of the killer-whale as represented
+by the Haida is the long dorsal fin,—often with white circle or white
+stripe in the middle, and a face or eye indicating a joint at the base.
+The head is elongated, the mouth long and square in front. The nostril
+is large, high, and at the same time elongated. The distance from the
+mouth to the eyebrow is long and on totem poles and spoon handles
+the head is always so placed that the long snout points downward.
+When seen in profile the front of the face is square on account of
+the forward extension of the nose over the front part of the mouth.
+The eye is generally round but sometimes surrounded by elongated lid
+lines with sharp inner and outer corners. Sometimes the blow-hole is
+shown by a circular spot over the forehead. In fig. 176 are shown a
+few representations of the killer-whale as found on handles of spoons
+made of mountain-goat horn. In (_a_) and (_b_) the dorsal fin rises
+immediately over the head of the animal. The inverted face in (_b_)
+probably represents the blow-hole. In (_a_) and (_c_) the fins are
+folded forward; in the latter specimen the tail is turned up in front
+on the body. On the rattle (fig. 177) the characteristic large head
+with steep face appears. The mouth is set with large teeth; the eye is
+round. In front of the dorsal fin is a blow-hole. The Haida float (fig.
+178) is abnormal in so far as it has a very small dorsal fin (see also
+fig. 182 _d_).
+
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 176. _a_-_e_ Carvings from handles of spoons of
+mountain-goat horn representing killer-whale, Tlingit.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 177. Rattle representing killer-whale, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 178. Wooden float representing killer-whale, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 179. Masks and dishes representing the
+killer-whale, Kwakiutl.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 180. Helmet representing the killer-whale, Tlingit.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 181. Carvings from the handles of spoons of
+mountain-goat horn representing the bear.]
+
+A number of Kwakiutl masks and dishes representing the killer-whale are
+shown in fig. 179. Although there are some differences in the treatment
+of the animal, the main features are common to both tribes. All these
+specimens, except _h_, have the dorsal fin; the last named specimen
+shows the head only. The long, high nose is found in all except in _c_,
+_d_, _e_. The high, steep face is common to all of them. Fig. _e_, a
+large house dish,[108] is said to represent the They are emblems of
+the family of the houseowner.] whale. It will be noticed that _b_,
+_c_, _d_ have round eyes while in _a_ and _h_ the regular oblong eye
+is used. In _e_ and _g_ the fundamental form of the eye is also round.
+Fig. 180 is a Tlingit helmet which is characterized as the killer-whale
+by the large mouth set with teeth, the sudden turn of the nose towards
+the forehead, the fin made of hide which rises over the crown of the
+head, and the fin which is painted on the left cheek. Ordinarily the
+killer-whale has no ears. In facial painting red under and on the lower
+jaw up to a line running from the angle of the jaw to a point a little
+below the lips, represents the throat of the killer-whale.
+
+[108] These dishes are used in great feasts. Some of them are of
+enormous size.
+
+The bear is symbolized by a large mouth set with many teeth, often in
+the act of swallowing some animal. Very often the tongue protrudes.
+The nostrils are high and round, sometimes represented by spirals (see
+also figs. 157, 175). On totem poles and carved spoon handles they are
+similar to those of the killer-whale but do not extend quite so far
+backward. There is a sharp turn in the profile from the nose to the
+forehead. The paws are large (fig. 181).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 182. Berry spoons representing bear; _a_, _b_,
+Tsimshian; _c_, Tlingit; _d_, representing killer-whale.]
+
+In fig. 182 three berry spoons are shown which, according to Charles
+Edensaw, represent the bear. Fig. 182 _a_ is quite clear. At the end
+of the spoon is shown the head with an enormous ear (1), the size of
+which is determined by the form of the spoon. Two teeth are indicated
+by red curves (2). Under the mouth is a broad black curve, the
+foreleg (3), and to the right of it (4) the fore-paw. The lowest part
+represents the hindlegs. Fig. 182 _b_ is not so clear. The face in the
+middle is the hip joint, under it, to the right, the thigh, to the left
+the paw with long claws. Edensaw considered the design over the hip
+joint as the tail, the end as the head, but I doubt the correctness
+of this interpretation. The end of the spoon looks more like the head
+of a sea-monster and the design over the hip joint like the fin. Fig.
+182 _c_ was also called a bear by the same informant, while 182 _d_
+was called a killer-whale. I place these side by side, because the
+formal agreement of the lower part is striking. The right half of the
+base of 182 _c_ has the characteristic form of the dorsal fin of the
+killer-whale and corresponds to an analagous design in fig. 182 _d_.
+In both cases the inverted eye above the “fin” would be the joint. The
+rest of the design consists of eye and flipper elements that are not
+readily recognized. In 182 _d_ the flat curves in the middle may be the
+body; in front to the left the fin, and over it eye and mouth. In 182
+_c_ the elements are still less clear. According to Edensaw there is no
+head, only a tail at the upper end of the spoon.
+
+There are quite a number of representations of the sea-monster,
+the form of which is partly that of a bear and partly that of a
+killer-whale. In a number of cases the monster has a bear’s head (fig.
+183) and body, but fins are attached to the elbows. In other cases the
+head is that of a killer-whale and the body that of a bear. In this
+form it appears on many horn spoon handles (fig. 184). In still other
+cases the characteristics of bear and killer-whale are intermingled in
+other ways.
+
+The frog is characterized by a wide toothless mouth, a flat nose, and
+lack of a tail.
+
+The following series (figs. 185-188) are representations of the
+dogfish or shark. When the whole body of this animal is represented,
+it is characterized by a heterocerc tail, a large mouth, the corners
+of which are drawn downward, a series of curved lines on each cheek
+which represent the gills, and a high tapering forehead imitating the
+inferior position of the mouth. It is often decorated with two circles
+(the nostrils), and a series of curved lines (wrinkles) similar to the
+gill lines on the cheeks.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 183. Carving representing a sea-monster, Tlingit.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 184. Carvings from handles of spoons made of
+mountain-goat horn representing a sea-monster.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 185. Part of totem pole carved in slate
+representing shark surmounted by an eagle, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 186. Handle of a dagger representing the head of a
+shark, Tlingit.]
+
+Fig. 185 represents a shark devouring a halibut, from the upper part
+of a totem pole. The head has the characteristic symbols, to which
+are added here the numerous sharp teeth that are found often, but
+not regularly, as symbols of the shark. The greater part of the body
+has been omitted, since the animal is sufficiently identified by the
+symbols found on the head; but under the chin will be noticed the two
+pectoral fins which identify it as a fish.
+
+Fig. 186 is the handle of a copper dagger on which the mouth with
+depressed corners, the curved lines on the cheeks, and the ornament
+rising over the forehead, characterize the shark.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 187. Wooden pipe representing a shark, Tlingit.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 188. Tattooing representing a shark, Haida.]
+
+A small pipe (fig. 187) has the form of a shark. The square end at
+the right hand side is the face of the animal (fig. 187). Eyes and
+mouth are inlaid with abalone shell. On account of the narrowness of
+the face, the three curved lines generally found on the cheeks are
+placed under the mouth. The forehead has the characteristic high form
+described before. The opposite end of the pipe shows the tail turned
+upward. On the sides are carved the pectoral fins, which extend over
+the body of the pipe.
+
+Fig. 188 is a copy of a tattooing on the back of a Haida woman. Here we
+have only the outline of the head of a shark, again characterized by
+the peculiar, high forehead, the depressed corners of the mouth, and
+curved lines on each cheek.
+
+The shark[109] (or dogfish) is found frequently on Haida carvings and
+paintings. It is rare among the southern tribes.
+
+[109] See also figs. 213, 214, 217, 232, 233, 261.
+
+The ts’um’os, the personified snag, is represented in a form similar
+to the bear. According to Edensaw the form of the head is analogous to
+that of the bear but the corners of the mouth are drawn down like those
+of the dog-fish (fig. 189). This is contradicted by the representation
+of a third snag monster, in which the mouth is square like that of the
+bear. The region behind the mouth has, however, the characteristic
+curvature demanded by Edensaw. The fins of this being correspond to the
+concept of the sea-monster.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 189. Handles of spoons representing sea-monster,
+Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 190. Handles of spoons made of mountain-goat
+representing snail, Tlingit.]
+
+In fig. 190 are represented two spoon handles, representing, according
+to Edensaw, the snail. The characteristic feature seems to be the
+long snout with its sudden, angular turn. The conventional concept of
+the animal form with eye and nose is strikingly brought out in this
+instance.
+
+Let us briefly recapitulate what we have thus far tried to show.
+Animals are characterized by their symbols, and the following series of
+symbols has been described in the preceding remarks:
+
+1. Of the _beaver_: large incisors; large, round nose; scaly tail; and
+a stick held in the fore paws.
+
+2. Of the _sculpin_: two spines rising over the mouth, and a continuous
+dorsal fin.
+
+3. Of the _hawk_: large, curved beak the point of which is turned
+backward so that it touches the face.
+
+4. Of the _eagle_: large, curved beak, the point of which is turned
+downward.
+
+5. Of the _killer-whale_: large, long head; elongated large nostrils;
+round eye; large mouth set with teeth; blow-hole; and large dorsal fin.
+
+6. Of the _shark_ or _dogfish_: an elongated rounded cone rising over
+the forehead; mouth with depressed corners; a series of curved lines
+on the cheeks representing gills; two circles and curved lines on the
+ornament rising over the forehead representing nostrils and wrinkles;
+round eyes; numerous sharp teeth; and heterocerc tail.
+
+7. Of the _bear_: large paws; and large mouth set with teeth;
+protruding tongue; large, round nose; and sudden turn from snout to
+forehead.
+
+8. Of the _sea-monster_: bear’s head; bear’s paws with flippers
+attached; and gills and body of the killer-whale, with several dorsal
+fins; or other mixtures of bear and killer-whale type.
+
+9. Of the _dragon-fly_: large head; segmented, slender body; and wings.
+
+10. Of the _frog_: wide, toothless mouth; flat nose; and lack of tail.
+
+11. Of the personified _snag_: like a bear with mouth depressed at the
+corners like that of the dogfish.
+
+12. Of the _snail_: long snout with sudden downward turn.[110]
+
+[110] See also characterization of wolf, p. 207.
+
+I have had occasion to examine the Kwakiutl in greater detail in regard
+to the symbols used in designating certain animals. One artist gave
+me a series of eye patterns together with the adjoining parts of the
+face and explained in what way each is characteristic of the animal in
+question. These are shown in figs. 191 and 192.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 191. Types of eyes of various animals, Kwakiutl;
+_a_, sea bear; _b_, grizzly bear; _c_, beaver; _d_, wolf; _e_, eagle;
+_f_ raven; _g_, killer-whale.]
+
+The grizzly bear of the sea (_a_) has a large eye, the form of which
+is not definitely determined, a very large, round nostril, large teeth
+and a large ear. The grizzly bear (_b_) has a round eye with white
+rim, smaller than that of the grizzly bear of the sea. The nose is
+not round, but high, the teeth large but smaller than those of the
+grizzly bear of the sea. The ear is small and pointed. The beaver (_c_)
+has, besides the large incisors, a high, round nose and a very small
+ear. The wolf (_d_) has a slanting, long eye; the ear is laid down
+backward; he has many teeth. The eye of the eagle (_e_) has a white
+crescent behind the eyeball, the nostril is slanting and placed high
+up on the beak. The eye of the raven (_f_) is white in the center.
+The killer-whale (_g_) has a very large eyebrow, a long eye and face,
+long nose and a long mouth with many teeth. The whale (fig. 192 _a_)
+has a round eye and nose. The sea lion (_b_) has a round nose, large
+teeth, the eye near to the nose and a small ear. The frog (_c_) has
+an elongated eye, flat mouth and flat nose. The fabulous double-headed
+serpent (_d_) has a small eye like that of the wolf, a spiral nose and
+a spiral plume. The eyes of a man, of the woodman, and of the seaspirit
+who gives wealth, are shown in _e_, _f_, and _g_.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 192. Types of eyes of various beings, Kwakiutl,
+_a_, whale; _b_, sea lion; _c_, frog; _d_, double-headed serpent; _e_,
+man; _f_ merman; _g_, spirit of the sea.]
+
+The Kwakiutl also claim as the standard for the bird’s tail, a
+joint with a single eye, although sometimes there may be two
+eyeballs enclosed in one eye. The rounded feathers (fig. 193) are
+also characteristics of the bird’s tail. The tail of the whale,
+killer-whale, and porpoise, on the other hand, has two joints and the
+flukes have double curvatures on the inner side.
+
+The Kwakiutl also claim a definite distinction between the designs
+representing wing feathers and those representing fins, (fig. 194). The
+wing feathers should be pointed; the fin, on the other hand, has no
+point and is cut off square.
+
+In figs. 195 and 196 are represented the characteristic elements of
+the halibut and of the wolf. These elements are supposed to be used
+by the Kwakiutl in the representation of these animals, selected
+according to the requirements of the decorative field. In the figures
+here reproduced they are given without any reference to the decorative
+field. Fig. 195 represents the halibut; (1) the mouth and over it the
+nose, (2) the eyes, (3) the bone of the top of the head and (4) the
+side of the head. In (5) are shown the gills; (6) and (8) represent
+the intestinal tract, and (7) is the part of the intestinal tract just
+under the neck; (9) is the collar bone, (10) the lateral fin, the bones
+of which are shown in (11). (12) is the clotted blood that is found in
+the dead halibut under the vertebral column; (13) represents the joint
+of the tail, (14) part of the bone in the tail, and (15) the tip of the
+tail.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 193. Styles of tails, Kwakiutl; above bird; below
+sea mammals.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 194. Styles of wing designs and of fin designs,
+Kwakiutl; above, fin; below, wing.]
+
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 195. Elements used in representing the halibut,
+Kwakiutl.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 196. Elements used in representing the wolf,
+Kwakiutl.]
+
+Fig. 196 represents, in the same way, the wolf. The head with the
+elevated nose is easily recognized. (1) represents the throat. (2) The
+humerus connected with the forearm is shown in the lower left hand
+side of the pattern; (3) represents the collarbone, the four circles
+(4) the backbone, (5) the back with hair. The three thin slanting lines
+(6) are the ribs, (7) the sternum and the hooks over it the intestinal
+tract, (9) is the hind leg, corresponding to (2), (10) the toes, (11)
+the foot, (12) connects the backbone with the tail. The thin lines (13)
+represent the hair of the tail, (14) is supposed to be a second joint
+in the tail, (15) the hairy tail, and (16) the ears.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 197. Painting from bow of a canoe, representing the
+wolf.]
+
+Fig. 197 represents the wolf, a painting from the bow of a canoe. Here
+again the elevated nose of the wolf will be recognized. The hachure
+(1) represents the pelvis, (2) and (3) the intestinal tract, (4) the
+humerus, (5) the cheek, (6) the facial bones, and (7) the ear.
+
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 198. Masks and dishes representing the wolf,
+Kwakiutl.]
+
+An examination of carved and painted specimens shows clearly that this
+description of symbols is theoretical rather than rigidly normative,
+for in many cases considerable freedom in their use may be observed.
+An example of this kind is presented by the wolf masks used by the
+Kwakiutl in the dance “Brought-Down-From-Above”[111] (fig. 198). Most
+of these have the slanting eye and pointed ears. In one specimen,
+however, the ear is pointed forward. The snout slants backward, the
+nose is high. The identity of treatment of the specimen shown in figs.
+_d_ and _f_ is interesting. The former was collected by Captain Adrian
+Jacobsen, 1884, and the latter by Captain Cook more than a hundred
+years earlier. The double mask, fig. _a_, resembles them in general
+shape, but the eye is treated quite differently and the ear, while
+narrow, is not pointed and the backward slant of the snout is not
+sufficiently pronounced. The double-headed wolf dish (_e_), has small
+reclining ears and long eyes. The ears of figs. _c_, _d_, _e_, are
+small and recline, but the eye of _c_ and _d_ is rounded.
+
+[111] See Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl
+Indians, Annual Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, p.
+477, illustrations p. 493, Plate 37.
+
+The forms of animals used by the northern tribes vary considerably
+also. It is not safe to base our arguments on models or on objects made
+for the trade. I shall use, therefore, exclusively, older specimens
+which have been in use.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 199. House post, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 200. Designs from a set of gambling sticks.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 201. Designs from a set of gambling sticks.]
+
+Swanton[112] gives two interpretations of the Haida house post fig.
+199. He had two informants; both explained the top figure as an eagle
+but they differed as to the meaning of the rest. The one claimed that
+the lower part of the pole represented the story of a woman being
+carried away by a killer-whale. The woman’s face shows just below the
+eagle’s beak, and the whale’s blow-hole is represented by a small face
+above the face of the killer-whale. The second informant, however,
+explained the large face at the bottom as that of a grizzly bear,
+presumably meaning thereby, the sea grizzly bear; and the small figure
+over it as the “sea ghost” which usually rides upon its back. The
+woman’s face he left unexplained. From an objective point of view, the
+face at the base of the pole appears as a grizzly bear’s face. Attached
+to it on each side are the ears and above these, the flippers. Just
+under the talons of the eagle is found the inverted tail of a fish or
+aquatic mammal, which presumably belongs to the figure at the bottom,
+although it seems rather small. It seems doubtful whether the upper
+face, to which belong the two hands just under it and the legs, in
+squatting position below the tail, is that of a woman because there
+ought to be a large labret in the lower lip. Furthermore, the face has
+animal ears so that it does not seem likely that the intention of the
+artist was to represent a woman.
+
+[112] John R. Swanton, The Haida, Publications of the Jesup North
+Pacific Expedition, Vol. V, p. 128.
+
+It is true that in some other cases in which this same story is
+represented,[113] the person sitting on the back of the killer-whale
+has no labret, while in other cases it is shown. Obviously in this case
+the symbolism is not clear enough to enable an Indian who does not
+know the artist or who does not know the meaning of the carving, to
+interpret it correctly.
+
+[113] See Swanton, The Haida, pl. 15, fig. 1, where the woman is shown
+without labret while in the specimen pl. 14, fig. 5, she wears a large
+labret.
+
+The uncertainty of interpretation becomes the greater the more
+fragmentary the figure. A set of gambling sticks which in 1897 I
+submitted to the best carver and painter (Charles Edensaw) among the
+Haida, could not be satisfactorily interpreted by him (figs. 200, 201).
+For example: Number 35 he recognized as a series of three dorsal fins
+without being able to tell to what animal they belonged. Number 36 he
+explained as a shoulder on the right, and a tail on the left, but he
+was unable to identify the particular animal. Number 37 he explained,
+hesitatingly, as a mosquito. For the following group he felt quite
+unable to give any satisfactory explanation.
+
+The uncertainty of explanation appears particularly clearly in the
+interpretation of Chilkat blankets. I give here a few examples
+according to Lieutenant George T. Emmons.[114]
+
+[114] George T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, Memoirs of the American
+Museum of Natural History, Vol. 3. Part 4, N. Y. 1907, pp. 352, 369,
+372, 377, and 387.
+
+The blanket shown in fig. 202 represents a bear with young. The large
+central figure represents the male bear; the two inverted eyes in the
+middle of the lower border, with the adjoining elongated designs with
+round tips, the hind quarters of the bear and the legs; the three heads
+in the middle of the upper margin, the female and the young bears.
+The central head in the middle of the upper margin was also explained
+as the forehead of the bear. The lateral panels represent each a
+young bear. The design along the lower border of the lateral panel is
+the freshwater stream on which the bear lives. According to John R.
+Swanton the blanket represents the sea grizzly bear. The explanation
+of the principal parts is the same as that given by Lieutenant Emmons,
+except that the three heads in the middle along the upper border were
+explained, the middle one as the top of the head, the lateral ones as
+ears. The wing designs which extend sideways from the border, cutting
+into the middle parts of the lateral panels, were explained as part of
+the forelegs, representing, probably, the fins which are believed to be
+attached to the arms of the sea grizzly bear. The two inverted eyes in
+the lower border, with the ornaments attached to the right and left of
+the eyes, were said to represent the hind legs.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 202. Chilkat blanket.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 203. Chilkat blanket.]
+
+The blanket shown in figure 203 represents, according to Emmons, a
+female wolf and young. The body of the wolf is given the form of a
+hawk; the two eyes and the wing designs between them, near the lower
+border of the blanket, being the face of the hawk. The double feather
+design over these eyes represents the hawk’s ears. The face in the
+center of the lower border of the blanket represents the body, the
+wing feather designs extending downward under the corners of the jaws
+of the wolf, the wings of the hawk. In the lateral panels the young
+wolf is shown sitting up. These designs represent probably at the same
+time, the sides and back of the wolf’s body. According to Swanton the
+blanket represents a young raven. The body of the raven is occupied
+by two profiles of ravens, represented by the two large eyes near the
+lower border of the blanket. The face in the centre of the lower border
+is the raven’s tail. The lateral wing designs extending downward from
+under the corners of the jaws of the large head, are the wings of the
+raven. The lateral panels represent two young ravens in profile.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 204. Chilkat blanket.]
+
+The blanket shown in fig. 204 shows, according to Emmons, on top, a
+brown bear sitting up. On the body of the bear is a raven’s head. The
+hind-quarters are treated like a whale’s head. The eyes being at the
+same time the hip joints, the mouth the feet of the bear. He was given
+another explanation: the principal figure being explained as a whale,
+the head of which is below. The body, which is turned up, is treated as
+a raven’s head, and the tail as a bear’s head. The side panels are the
+sides and the back of these animals, but represent at the same time,
+an eagle in profile on top, and a raven in profile below. According to
+Swanton the design represents a halibut. The head is below. The whole
+large middle face represents the body; and the large face nearer the
+upper border, the tail. The wing designs in the lateral panels, next
+to the lowest head, are the small pectoral fins and the rest of the
+lateral fields, the continuous border fin.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 205. Chilkat blanket.]
+
+The blanket in Fig. 103 (p. 108) represents, according to Emmons, a
+diving whale and the lateral fields a raven sitting. The head, with
+nostrils and mouth, is shown below. The central face represents the
+body. The eyes near the upper border are the flukes of the tail. The
+face designs at the sides of the body represent the fins. In the
+lateral panels is shown a raven sitting. According to Swanton the same
+blanket represents a wolf with young. The head is shown below. The hind
+legs and hip joints are represented by two large eyes and the adjoining
+ornaments along the upper border, the two dark segments just over the
+eye, being the feet. The face in the middle of the design represents,
+as usual, the body of the animal. The small eye design, with adjoining
+ear and wing feather designs, in the middle on each side of the body,
+are interpreted as foreleg and foot. The lateral panels are explained
+as representing each a young wolf sitting.
+
+There are also considerable discrepancies in the explanation of
+the blanket shown in fig. 205. According to Emmons it represents a
+killer-whale. In each lower corner is one half of the head with teeth;
+right in front of the teeth, the nostril; between the two halves of
+the head, in the lower border of the blanket, the tail. The inverted
+face in the middle of the upper border, represents the body. The
+large square designs containing the goggle design, on each side, are
+interpreted as water blown out from the blow-hole. One half of the
+dorsal fin is indicated by a small round wing feather design in each
+upper corner, the human face in profile under it, representing one
+half of the blow-hole. According to Swanton a spirit of the sea is
+represented. One half of the head is shown in each lower corner, the
+eye design in front of the tongue being interpreted as chin. The two
+faces in the middle of the lower border are explained as the young
+ones of this sea spirit; the flicker-feather designs over them, as the
+inner part of the body of the old animal; the inverted large face in
+the middle of the upper border, as its hat; the large square designs on
+each side of this face, containing the goggle designs, as the dorsal
+fin; the two human faces in profile near the upper corners, the young
+ones whose bodies are shown by the round feather design over the face.
+Still another explanation of the same pattern was given to me. In each
+lower corner is shown one half of the head of a killer-whale. Its food
+is represented by the eye design in front of the mouth. The tail is
+below in the middle; the two halves of the dorsal fin are just over the
+tail; the inverted face in the middle of the upper border is the chest;
+the adjoining square designs and the attached round feather design
+are the flippers. Accordingly the profile faces near the upper, outer
+corners should be the blow-holes.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 206. Model of totem pole with three figures
+representing, from below upward; sculpin, dog-fish, and sea-monster;
+Haida.]
+
+These examples show clearly that there is ample room for the fancy of
+the interpreter. The symbols lend themselves to various explanations,
+which are presumably selected in accordance with totemic affiliations
+of the owner. Not all of them seem quite consistent with the best
+northwest coast usage; for instance, Swanton’s explanation of the last
+named blanket seems doubtful on account of the inverted position of the
+hat and the explanation of a single wing design as a body.
+
+So far I have considered the symbols only in connection with their use
+in representing various animals. It now becomes necessary to inquire in
+what manner they are used to identify the animals. We have seen that
+in a number of the preceding cases entire animals were represented,
+and that they were identified by means of these symbols. However, the
+artist is allowed wide latitude in the selection of the form of the
+animal. Whatever its form may be, as long as the recognized symbols are
+present, its identity is established. We have mentioned before that the
+symbols are often applied to human faces, while the body of the figure
+has the characteristics of the animal.
+
+We find this principle applied on the totem pole, fig. 206. Each of
+the three animals represented has a human face, to which are added
+characteristic symbols. In the top figure the ears indicate an animal;
+the arms, to which flippers are attached, the sea-monster (see fig.
+183). The next figure below represents the shark. Originally a large
+lip with a labret was attached to it. This would indicate that a female
+shark is represented. Its symbols are the peculiar high snout which
+rises over its forehead, and the fins, which are placed under the chin.
+The body of the lowest figure which is shown under the face represents
+a fish; and the two large spines which rise over the eyebrows specify
+the sculpin.
+
+In many cases the bodies of the animals are not represented and the
+essential symbols are applied to a purely human face. This style is
+found on masks and in facial paintings.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 207. Mask representing the hawk, Tlingit.]
+
+Fig. 207 has a human face with human ears. Only the nose indicates that
+the mask is not intended to represent a human being. It is strongly
+curved, and drawn back into the mouth, thus symbolizing the hawk.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 208. Mask with painting symbolizing the flicker,
+Tlingit.]
+
+In fig. 208 we see the face of a woman with a moderately large labret.
+The ears, as explained before, are those of an animal. The nose, which
+has been lost, had undoubtedly the form of a bird’s beak. Thus the face
+was characterized as that of a bird. It was specified partly by the
+form of the beak, but principally by the ornaments painted in red and
+black on the cheeks and forehead. These represent the feathers of the
+red-winged flicker.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 209. Mask with eyebrows symbolizing the squid,
+Tlingit.]
+
+A small mask representing a human face (fig. 209) has, in place of the
+eyebrows, two rows of circles, the sucking-cups of the squid. By means
+of this symbol the face is recognized as that of the squid.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 210. Mask with painting symbolizing the
+killer-whale, Tlingit.]
+
+In the same manner the mask fig. 210 is identified as the killer-whale
+by the two black ornaments painted on the left cheek and extending down
+to the chin. They represent the dorsal fin of the killer-whale.
+
+These symbols are also used as facial paintings and body paintings
+by dancers, who are thus recognized as personifying the animal in
+question, or as belonging to the social group with which the animals
+are associated (see figs. 264, 265, pp. 250, 251). Sometimes these
+symbols are attached to the garments. To this class belongs the
+ornament (fig. 212), which represents the dorsal fin of a killer-whale
+and which is worn attached to the back part of the blanket.
+
+Having thus become acquainted with a few of the symbols of animals,
+we will next investigate in what manner the native artist adapts the
+animal form to the object he intends to decorate. First of all, we
+will direct our attention to a series of specimens which show that he
+endeavors, whenever possible, to represent the whole animal on the
+object that he desires to decorate.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 211. Wood carving representing the killer-whale,
+Tlingit.]
+
+Fig. 211 is a club used for killing seals and halibut before they
+are landed in the canoe. The carving represents the killer-whale.
+The dorsal fin, the principal symbol of the killer-whale, cannot be
+omitted. If placed in an upright position on the club, the implement
+would assume an awkward shape. Therefore the artist bent it down along
+the side of the body, so that it covers the flipper. The tail of the
+whale would have interfered with the handle, and has been turned
+forward and lies flat over the back.
+
+The distortion of the body has been carried still further in the handle
+of a spoon (fig. 176 _a_, p. 195) which represents the same animal. The
+large head of the whale, to which the flippers are attached is near
+the bowl of the spoon. The body has been twisted backward so that it
+is completely doubled up. Therefore, the surface pattern of the tail
+is carved on the back of the spoon, and the two projections just below
+the mouth are the two tips of the whale’s tail. The dorsal fin extends
+upward from the head of the whale, between the legs of the man who
+forms the tip of the handle.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 212. Wood carving representing dorsal fin of the
+killer-whale, Tlingit.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 213. Model of a totem pole representing a shark,
+Haida.]
+
+Fig. 213 is a small totem pole representing the shark. The tip of its
+tail forms the top of the pole, while the face is placed at its lower
+end. Since most of the symbols of the shark are found on its face, it
+was necessary to bring the face into such a position as to be seen in
+front view, but the artist also desired to show the back of the fish.
+For this reason the head has been twisted around entirely, so that it
+appears in front view over the back of the fish. The flippers are made
+visible by having been pushed backward far beyond the place to which
+they properly belong.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 214.
+
+Speaker’s staff representing a shark, Tlingit.]
+
+The speaker’s staff (fig. 214), which also represents the shark, has
+been distorted in the same manner; but here the head has been turned
+round entirely, so that it faces the back of the fish. The pectoral
+fins are shown below the chin.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 215. Berry Spoon with design representing the
+eagle.]
+
+On the berry spoon (fig. 215) is an eagle whose head which is turned
+back completely. The small wing occupies the field under the head. The
+upper margin with geometrical decoration represents the body under
+which the hip joint, leg and feet are shown.
+
+The changes of position and of the relative sizes of parts of the body,
+which result from such adaptations to the form of the object to be
+decorated, are still more far-reaching in the following specimens.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 216. Halibut hook representing a beaver, Tlingit.]
+
+On a halibut hook (fig. 216) carved with a design of the beaver, the
+two incisors, the symbols of the beaver, have been moved to the same
+side of the mouth. In reality only one of the incisors is visible in
+profile, but being important symbols, both are shown.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 217. Part of totem pole representing a shark,
+Haida.]
+
+Fig. 217 is a shark represented on the top of a totem pole. The head of
+the animal is shown in the form of a human face with the characteristic
+symbols. Under the chin are two flippers. The body must be considered
+turned upward; but it has been shortened so much that only the tail
+remains, which rises immediately above the face.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 218. Dancing-hat representing a killer-whale,
+Tsimshian.]
+
+On a wooden dancing-hat (fig. 218) the symbols of the killer-whale
+are attached to its head. Since the whole body has been omitted, the
+dorsal fin, the essential symbol, has been moved from the back to the
+head, and the flippers are attached to the head behind the eyebrows.
+
+In all these cases the artist has taken great liberties with the form
+of the animal body, and has treated it so that the symbols become
+clearly visible. On the whole, he endeavors to represent the whole
+animal. When this is not possible, all its essential parts are shown.
+The insignificant parts are often omitted.
+
+Far-reaching distortions result from the adjustment of the animal
+body to the decorative field and from the necessity of preserving its
+symbols.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 219. Wooden hat with carving representing the
+sculpin.]
+
+Fig. 219 is the top view of a wooden hat on which is carved the figure
+of a sculpin. The animal is shown in top view, as though it were lying
+with its lower side on the hat. The dancing-hats of these Indians have
+the forms of truncated cones. To the top are attached a series of
+rings, mostly made of basketry, which indicate the social rank of the
+owner, each ring symbolizing a step in the social ladder. The top of
+the hat, therefore, does not belong to the decorative field, which is
+confined to the surface of the cone. The artist found it necessary,
+therefore, to open the back of the sculpin far enough to make room for
+the gap in the decorative field. He has done so by representing the
+animal as seen from the top, but split and distended in the middle, so
+that the top of the hat is located in the opening thus secured.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 220. Grease dish representing seal.]
+
+Fig. 220 represents a dish in the shape of a seal. The whole dish is
+carved in the form of the animal; but the bottom, which corresponds to
+the belly, is flattened, and the back is hollowed out so as to form the
+bowl of the dish. In order to gain a wider rim the whole back has been
+distended so that the animal becomes inordinately wide as compared to
+its length. The flippers are carved in their proper positions at the
+sides of the dish. The hind flippers are turned back, and join the tail
+closely. A similar method of representation is used in decorating small
+boxes. The whole box is considered as representing an animal. The front
+of the body is painted or carved on the box front; its sides, on the
+sides of the box; the hind side of the body, on the back of the box
+(see figs. 282 et seq., p. 270). The bottom of the box is the animal’s
+stomach; the top, or the open upper side, its back. These boxes are
+bent of a single piece of wood and are represented here unbent.
+
+In the decoration of silver bracelets a similar principle is followed,
+but the problem differs somewhat from that offered in the decoration of
+square boxes. While in the latter case the four edges make a natural
+division between the four views of the animal,—front and right profile,
+back and left profile,—there is no such sharp line of division in the
+round bracelet, and there would be great difficulty in joining the four
+aspects artistically, two whole profiles offer no such difficulty. This
+is the method of representation adopted by the native artists (figs.
+221; 255-257 p. 245). The animal is imagined cut in two from head to
+tail, so that the two halves cohere only at the tip of the nose and
+at the tip of the tail. The hand is put through this hole, and the
+animal now surrounds the wrist. In this position it is represented
+on the bracelet. The method adopted is therefore identical with the
+one applied in the hat (fig. 219), except that the central opening is
+much larger, and that the animal has been represented on a cylindrical
+surface, not on a conical one.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 221. Design on a bracelet representing a bear, Nass
+River Indians.]
+
+An examination of the head of the bear shown on the bracelet (fig.
+221), makes it clear that this idea has been carried out rigidly. It
+will be noticed that there is a deep depression between the eyes,
+extending down to the nose. This shows that the head itself must not be
+considered a front view, but as consisting of two profiles which adjoin
+at mouth and nose, while they are not in contact with each other on a
+level with the eyes and forehead. The peculiar ornament rising over the
+nose of the bear, decorated with three rings, represents a hat with
+three rings which designate the rank of the bearer.
+
+We have thus recognized that the representations of animals on dishes
+and bracelets (and we may include the design on the hat, fig. 219) must
+not be considered as perspective views, but as representing complete
+animals more or less distorted and split.
+
+The transition from the bracelet to the painting or carving of animals
+on a flat surface is not a difficult one. The same principle is
+adhered to; and either the animals are represented as split in two so
+that the profiles are joined in the middle, or a front view of the
+head is shown with two adjoining profiles of the body. In the cases
+considered heretofore the animal was cut through and through from the
+mouth to the tip of the tail. These points were allowed to cohere, and
+the animal was stretched over a ring, a cone, or the sides of a prism.
+If we imagine the bracelet opened, and flattened in the manner in which
+it is shown in fig. 221, we have a section of the animal from mouth to
+tail, cohering only at the mouth, and the two halves spread over a flat
+surface. This is the natural development of the method here described
+when applied to the decoration of flat surfaces.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 222. Painting representing bear, Haida.]
+
+It is clear that on flat surfaces this method allows of modifications
+by changing the method of cutting. When the body of a long animal, such
+as that of a fish or of a standing quadruped, is cut in this manner, a
+design results which forms a long narrow strip. This mode of cutting
+is therefore mostly applied in the decoration of long bands. When the
+field that is to be decorated is more nearly square, this form is
+not favorable. In such cases a square design is obtained by cutting
+quadrupeds sitting on their haunches in the same manner as before, and
+unfolding the animal so that the two halves remain in contact at the
+nose and mouth, while the median line at the back is to the extreme
+right and to the extreme left.
+
+Fig. 222 (a Haida painting) shows a design which has been obtained
+in this manner. It represents a bear. The enormous breadth of mouth
+observed in these cases is brought about by the junction of the two
+profiles of which the head consists.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 223. Painting from a house-front representing a
+bear, Tsimshian.]
+
+This cutting of the head is brought out most clearly in the painting
+fig. 223, which also represents the bear. It is the painting on the
+front of a Tsimshian house, the circular hole in the middle of the
+design being the door of the house. The animal is cut from back to
+front, so that only the front part of the head coheres. The two halves
+of the lower jaw do not touch each other. The back is represented by
+the black outline on which the hair is indicated by fine lines. The
+Tsimshian call such a design “bears meeting”, as though two bears had
+been represented.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 224. Wooden hat painted with the design of a
+sculpin, Haida.]
+
+In a number of cases the designs painted on hats must also be explained
+as formed by the junction of two profiles. This is the case in the
+painted wooden hat (fig. 224), on which the design of a sculpin is
+shown. It will be noticed that only the mouth of the animal coheres,
+while the eyes are widely separated. The spines rise immediately over
+the mouth. The flippers are attached to the corners of the face, while
+the dorsal fin is split into halves, each half being joined to an eye.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 225. Hat made of spruce roots painted with design
+of a beaver, Haida or Tsimshian.]
+
+The beaver (fig. 225) has been treated in the same manner. The head
+is split down to the mouth, over which rises the hat with four rings.
+The split has been carried back to the tail, which, however, is left
+intact, and turned up towards the centre of the hat. The importance
+of the symbols becomes very clear in this specimen. If the two large
+black teeth which are seen under the four rings, and the tail with the
+cross-hatchings, were omitted, the figure would represent the frog.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 226. Tattooing representing a duck, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 227. Tattooing representing a raven, Haida.]
+
+In other designs the cut is made in the opposite direction from the
+one described heretofore. It passes from the chest to the back, and
+the animal is unfolded so that the two halves cohere along the middle
+line of the back. This has been done in the Haida tattooings figs. 226
+and 227, the former representing the duck, the latter the raven. In
+both the tail is left intact. The duck has been split along the back so
+that the two halves of the body do not cohere except in their lowest
+portions, while the two halves of the raven are left in contact up to
+the head.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 228. Dancing-apron woven of mountain-goat wool,
+design representing a beaver, Tsimshian.]
+
+Fig. 228 is a dancing-apron woven from mountain-goat wool, and fastened
+to a large piece of leather, the fringes of which are set with puffin
+beaks. The woven design represents the beaver. Its symbols, the two
+pairs of incisors and the scaly tail, are clearly represented. While in
+most carvings and paintings the tail is turned upward in front of the
+body, it is hanging down here between the two feet. The meaning of the
+ornaments in the upper part of the apron to the right and to the left
+of the head is not quite clear to me, but, if they are significant at
+all, I believe they must be considered as the back of the body split
+and folded along the upper margin of the blanket. If this explanation
+is correct, we have to consider the animal cut into three pieces, one
+cut running along the sides of the body, the other one along the back.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 229. Painted legging with design representing a
+beaver sitting on a man’s head, Haida.]
+
+Fig. 229 shows the design on a leather legging, a beaver squatting on
+a human head. In this specimen we observe that the proportions of the
+body have been much distorted owing to the greater width of the legging
+at its upper part. The head has been much enlarged in order to fill the
+wider portion of the decorative field.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 230. Gambling-leather with engraved design
+representing a beaver, Tlingit.]
+
+
+The gambling-leather (fig. 230) is treated in a similar manner. It
+represents the beaver, and must probably be explained as the animal
+cut in two. The symbols,—the large incisors and a scaly tail,—appear
+here as in all other representations of the beaver, but the lower
+extremities have been omitted. It might seem that this design could
+be explained as well as a front view of the animal, but the deep
+depression between the two eyes is not in favor of this assumption. The
+head consists undoubtedly of two profiles, which join at the nose and
+mouth; but the cut has not been continued to the tail, which remains
+intact.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 231. Embroidered legging representing a sea-monster
+with a bear’s head and body of the killer, Haida.]
+
+Fig. 231 is one of a pair of leggings embroidered with quills on
+a piece of leather. The design, which represents the sea-monster
+described in fig. 183, must also be explained as a representation of
+the animal split along its lower side, and flattened. In the lower
+portion of the legging the two profiles are seen, which are joined on a
+level with the eyes, while the two mouths are separated. The nostrils
+are shown in the small triangle below the line connecting the two
+eyes. Owing to the shape of the legging, the arms are not attached to
+the body, but to the upper part of the head. They appear at the right
+and left borders of the legging, and are turned inward along the
+lower jaws, the three-toed paws touching the lower border. The fins,
+which are supposed to grow out of the upper part of the arms, adjoin
+the elbows, and are turned upward. Another pair of fins, which do not
+appear in most representations of this monster, are attached to the
+upper part of the back, and form the two flaps to the right and left
+of the upper margin. On the back we see a series of circles, which
+probably represent the dorsal fin. The tail occupies the centre of the
+upper margin. The smaller ornaments in the outside corners of the head,
+adjoining the mouth, probably represent the gills.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 232. Painting representing a dog-fish, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 233. Slate dish design representing a shark, Haida.]
+
+In the following figures we find a new cut applied. Figs. 232 and 233
+represent the shark. I explained, when discussing the symbols of the
+shark, that in the front view of the animal the symbols are shown to
+best advantage. For this reason side views of the face of the shark are
+avoided, and in representing the whole animal a cut is made from the
+back to the lower side, and the two sides are unfolded, leaving the
+head in front view.
+
+The painting (fig. 232) has been made in this manner, the two halves
+of the body being entirely separated from each other, and folded to
+the right and to the left. The heterocerc tail is cut in halves, and
+is shown at each end turned downward. The pectoral fins are unduly
+enlarged, in order to fill the vacant space under the head.
+
+The shark which is shown in fig. 233 is treated in a slightly different
+manner. Again the head is left intact. The cut is made from back to
+chest, but the two halves of the animal are not separated. They cohere
+at the chest, and are unfolded in this manner, so that the pectoral
+fins and dorsal fins appear to the right and left of the body. The
+heterocerc tail is not clearly indicated in this specimen.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 234. Painting on edge of a blanket representing a
+killer-whale, Tlingit.]
+
+The method of section applied in fig. 234 is still different. The
+figure represents a painting on the border of a large skin blanket. The
+animal here represented is the killer-whale. The upper painting clearly
+represents the profile of the animal. The lower painting represents
+the other profile, so that both the right and the left halves are
+visible. Since there was no room for showing the dorsal fin on the
+lower painting, it is indicated by a curved line on one of the series
+of wider fringes at the lower border. It is remarkable that the tails
+in the two halves of the animal are not drawn symmetrically; but it
+is possible that this is due to a mistake on the part of the painter,
+because the design is repeated on the opposite border of the blanket in
+the same manner, but with symmetrical tails. The two halves of the body
+differ in details, but their main features are identical. The flipper
+is shown on a very large scale. It is attached immediately behind the
+head, and extends to a point near the tail. Its principal part is
+occupied by a face, in front of which an eye is shown.
+
+Animals are represented by means of sections not only on flat surfaces,
+but also in round carvings in which one side cannot be shown. This
+is the case on all totem poles, for the rear side of the pole is not
+carved. Whenever all the symbols of the animal can be shown on the
+front of the totem pole, the animals are apparently represented in
+their natural position. But representations of animals, the symbols
+of which would be placed on the rear side of the totem pole, make it
+clear that the artist actually splits the animals along the rear of
+the totem pole, and extends this cut in such a way that the animal is
+spread along the curved front of the pole. This will become clear by a
+consideration of the following figures.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 235. Model of totem pole representing a
+sea-monster, Haida.
+
+Fig. 236. Model of totem pole representing a sculpin, Haida.]
+
+Fig. 235 represents a sea-monster with a whale’s body and bear’s paws.
+It differs from the monster discussed before in that it has a whale’s
+head, and no fins attached to the fore paws. It has, however, one large
+dorsal fin. The blow-hole of the whale is shown over its eyebrows. The
+tail is turned up in front of the body, and the paws are raised in
+front of the chest. The dorsal fin will be recognized in the narrow
+strip, ornamented with a small ring, which slants downward from the
+elbow towards the tail. An ornament of this sort is shown on both sides
+of the carving. We see, therefore, that the dorsal fin has been split,
+and is turned down along each side of the body. This shows that the
+right and left margins of the carved portion of the totem pole must be
+considered as the medial line of the back, which has been split and
+pulled apart.
+
+The sculpin on the totem pole (fig. 236) is treated in the same manner,
+but in this case the cut is made along the lower side of the animal.
+The head is turned upward, so that the front view of the face is seen
+when looking down upon the back of the fish. The spines rise over nose
+and eyebrows. The pectoral fins are shown over the eyebrows on the edge
+of the carved portion of the pole, while the hind portion of the lower
+part of the body occupies the upper part of the margin of the pole.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 237. Model of totem pole representing a sea-monster
+devouring a fish, Haida.]
+
+The exceedingly intricate central figure on the pole shown in fig.
+237 must be explained in the same manner as fig. 235. We see here the
+sea-monster described before in fig. 183. It has a bear’s head. In each
+ear is placed a small human figure the hands of which grasp the eyelid
+of the monster, which they are lifting. The tail (_c_) is turned upward
+in front of the body, immediately over a beaver’s head which is the
+next lower figure on the column. The dorsal fin (_a_) has been split,
+and one-half of it is seen under the mouth of the bear, indicated by a
+projection which is decorated with a double circle. The fore paws of
+the animal (_d_) are raised in front of its chest, and appear under the
+mouth. The fins which are attached to them (_b_) are shown to the right
+and to the left of the tail. The animal is swallowing another being,
+but it is not clear what animal is meant. A fish tail and a hand are
+seen protruding from the mouth. The space between the fore paws and the
+tail of the sea-monster is occupied by an inverted bird, which will be
+seen clearly when the figure is reversed. Its head is shown with beak
+resting between the feet. The two wings (_e_) are extended, and reach
+from the fins of the fore arm of the monster to its dorsal fin. The
+particular point brought out by this figure is the same as that which
+I tried to explain in considering fig. 235; namely, that the two edges
+of the carved pole must be considered as the extended medial line of
+the back of the animal that is represented on the pole.
+
+These carvings make it clear that in paintings on hats, such as shown
+in figs. 219, 224 and 225, and in flat figures, such as fig. 163, we
+must consider the outer rim of the figure as the distended sides of a
+cut made along the lower side of the body. All of these distortions and
+sections of animals may be explained by the necessity the artist felt
+of showing in his work all the symbols of the animal.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 238. Slate carving representing the sea-monster,
+Wasgo, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 239. Tattooing representing the fabulous
+sea-monster, Ts’um’a´ks, Haida.]
+
+In most cases the symbols appear clearly in profiles of animals. For
+this reason the artist, when representing profiles, has not endeavored
+to show both sides of the body. I will give here a series of figures
+illustrating this point.
+
+Fig. 238 represents the top of a box on which is carved the sea-monster
+Wasgo. It has a wolf’s head and body, and a large dorsal fin. It is
+able to hunt in the sea as well as on land. The artist has shown a
+profile of the animal with one foreleg and one hindleg, the tail curled
+up over the back. The dorsal fin, which in most representations of this
+animal stands out vertically from the body, has been laid down along
+the back in order to fit it into the decorative field.
+
+Fig. 239 is a tattooing representing the sea-monster Ts’um’a´ks, which
+is sometimes described as having a raven’s body with a whale’s body
+attached to its head, and a fin attached to the raven’s back. It is
+shown in profile with one leg, the dorsal fin, and the tails of raven
+and whale, twisted around so as to be seen from the side. In other
+cases it is described as having a bear’s head with the mouth of a shark.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 240. Slate dish with design representing a
+killer-whale, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 241. Drum painted with design of an eagle,
+Tsimshian.]
+
+In fig. 240, which represents the design on a circular slate dish, we
+see a good case of the adaptation of a profile to the decorative field.
+The design represents a killer-whale with two dorsal fins. The animal
+is bent around the rim of the dish so that the head touches the tail.
+The two dorsal fins are laid flat along the back, while the large
+flipper occupies the centre of the dish.
+
+Fig. 241, which is the painting on the head of a drum, is a combination
+of front and side views. The head is turned sideways, while the body,
+the outstretched wings, and the feet are shown in front view. This
+method is found rarely in the art of the North Pacific coast, and,
+so far as I am aware, almost exclusively in representations of the
+eagle (see, however, fig. 239). The painting on the outer ring of the
+drum-head is difficult to explain. It will be noticed that the tail
+of the eagle occupies the lower centre of the ring. On top we see the
+front view of a human figure, the arms of which, of diminutive size,
+are placed near the lower corners of the face, while the hands are of
+very large size. The two sitting figures below the two hands probably
+represent the back of the man who is shown on top, but their connection
+with the peculiar fin-like figures on the lower portion of the painting
+is not clear.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 242. Tattooing representing the moon, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 243. Carving on the end of a food tray representing
+a hawk, Tlingit.]
+
+Fig. 242 is a tattooing representing the moon. In its lower portion the
+crescent will be seen. In the dark portion of the moon a semi-human
+figure is shown in profile, with one leg. One arm is extended downward,
+and one backward, as though he were lifting a heavy weight.
+
+There are very few designs which can possibly be interpreted as
+full-face views of animals. I explained before that the face of the
+shark is always shown in this manner, because its symbols appear best
+in this position. The only other animal which is painted or carved
+on flat surfaces in full front view is the hawk or thunder-bird,
+whose symbol is the long beak which descends to the chin. A number of
+carvings representing the thunder-bird were given in figs. 165-168 (p.
+191).
+
+We find full-face representations of the thunder-bird frequently
+used on dishes, on which the beak is indicated by a long wedge which
+separates the mouth into two halves. It is, however, not certain
+whether the artists consider this face always as a full front view,
+because we often find (fig. 243) a depression between the two eyes,
+corresponding to the depression which I described before when
+referring to the joining of the profiles of animals. It may be that
+the long central wedge must be considered as the two halves of the
+long descending beak, which join in the middle. It might be expected,
+however, that in this case the beak would, at least sometimes, be
+carried on outward to the right and to the left below the chin,
+corresponding to one-half of the beak seen in fig. 166 (p. 191). I have
+not observed a single specimen in which this is the case, and therefore
+I am inclined to consider the carvings of thunder-birds on dishes as
+full front views.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 244. Painting from a house-front representing
+thunder-bird, Kwakiutl.]
+
+This ornament may have originated in the following manner: Many grease
+and food dishes have the form of canoes. The canoe symbolizes that a
+canoe-load of food is presented to the guests; and that this view is
+probably correct is indicated by the fact that the host in his speeches
+sometimes refers to the canoe filled with food which he gives to his
+guests. The canoe form is often modified, and a whole series of types
+may be established forming the transition between canoe dishes and
+ordinary trays. Dishes of this sort always bear a conventionalized
+face at each short end, while the middle part is not decorated. This
+is analogous to the style of the decoration of the canoe. On the whole
+the decoration of the canoe is totemic. It may, however, be that the
+peculiar manner in which the beak of the hawk is represented has given
+rise to the prevalence of this decoration. The upper jaw of the hawk
+is always shown so that its point reaches the lower jaw and turns
+back into the mouth. When painted or carved in front view the beak is
+indicated by a narrow wedge-shaped strip in the middle of the face,
+the point of which touches the lower margin of the chin. The sharp
+bow and stern of a canoe with a profile of a face on each side, when
+represented on a level or slightly rounded surface, would assume the
+same shape. Therefore it may be that originally the middle line was not
+the beak of the hawk, but the foreshortened bow or stern of the canoe.
+This decoration is so uniform that the explanation given here seems to
+me probable.
+
+In fig. 244 we see a painting representing a full front view of the
+thunder-bird. Its principal symbol is the long beak, which in front
+view appears like a long line descending from the nose over the mouth.
+In this case it is doubtful whether the body may be considered as being
+split along the back. Since the face is certainly represented in front
+view, it seems more likely that the animal is represented with spread
+wings, similar to the eagle in fig. 241.
+
+I have described a number of dissections applied in representing
+various animals. Heretofore we have had cases only in which the
+dissections were rather simple. In many cases in which the adaptation
+of the animal form to the decorative field is more difficult, the
+sections and distortions are much more far-reaching than those
+described before.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 245. Model of totem pole with design representing a
+killer-whale, Haida.]
+
+The cut that has been applied in the totem pole (fig. 245) is much
+more intricate than the preceding ones. The upper figure represents a
+bird which is shown in the form of a human being, to the arms of which
+wings are attached. Under this figure we find a representation of the
+killer-whale. The hind part of its body is more easily recognized than
+the head. A small human figure is seen riding on the dorsal fin. The
+tail (_a_), which appears at the lower margin of the figure, is turned
+backward over the back of the animal. We must therefore imagine that
+the head has been turned downward behind the human figure (_b_) riding
+on the dorsal fin (_c_). It would, therefore, lie on the back of the
+totem pole, which is not carved. Consequently, according to what was
+stated before, the artist has split and distended it so that the middle
+line appears at each edge of the carved portion of the pole. Thus the
+right half of the head (_d_) has been brought into view on the right
+side of the totem pole, and the left half on the left. This is the
+explanation of the whale’s head with its teeth, which is seen in our
+figure next to the tail, the lower jaw being omitted. The flipper (_e_)
+which adjoins the head, is laid over the back of the whale, immediately
+under the feet of the human being riding on the dorsal fin of the
+whale. The figure must therefore be explained in such a way that the
+animal is twisted twice, the tail being turned up over the back, and
+the head being first turned down under the stomach, then split and
+extended outward.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 246. Painting for a box front, design representing
+a frog, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 247. Painting for a house-front, design
+representing a killer-whale, Kwakiutl.]
+
+Fig. 246 is a copy of a painting on the front of a box, made on paper
+with colored crayons by a Haida Indian named Wiha. It represents a
+frog. By far the greater portion of the box front is occupied by the
+head of the animal, which, according to what was said before, must be
+considered as consisting of two adjoining profiles. The symbol of the
+frog’s head is its toothless mouth. The two black portions extending
+downward from the lower corners of the face are two halves of the body.
+To these are joined the fore paws, which occupy the space below the
+mouth; the upper arm and fore arm being turned inward, the fore feet
+being turned outward under the arm. The hind legs occupy the lateral
+field on both sides of the head. They are not connected in any way with
+the body of the animal.
+
+In fig. 247 we find a novel representation of the killer-whale, which
+was given to me as illustrating the painting on a house of the Kwakiutl
+Indians. The sections that have been used here are quite complicated.
+First of all, the animal has been split along its whole back towards
+the front. The two profiles of the head have been joined, as described
+before. The painting on each side of the mouth represent gills,
+thus indicating that a water-animal is meant. The dorsal fin, which
+according to the methods described heretofore would appear on both
+sides of the body, has been cut off from the back before the animal was
+split, and appears now placed over the junction of the two profiles of
+the head. The flippers are laid along the two sides of the body with
+which they cohere only at one point each. The two halves of the tail
+have been twisted outward so that the lower part of the figure forms a
+straight line. This is done in order to fit it over the square door of
+the house.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 248. Painting for a house-front with design
+representing a killer-whale, Kwakiutl.]
+
+In fig. 248 the same animal has been treated in still a different
+manner. The figure illustrates also the painting from a house-front of
+the Kwakiutl Indians. The central parts of the painting are the two
+profiles of the head of the killer-whale. The notch in the lower jaw
+indicates that it also has been cut, and joined in its central part.
+The cut on the upper part of the face has been carried down to the
+upper lip. The body has disappeared entirely. The cut of the head has,
+however, been carried along backward the whole length of the body as
+far as the root of the tail, which latter has been cut off, and appears
+over the junction of the two profiles of the head. The dorsal fin has
+been split, and the two halves are joined to the upper part of the
+head, from which they extend upward and outward. Immediately below them
+the two halves of the blow-hole are indicated by two small faces, the
+upper parts of which bear a semicircle each. The flippers are attached
+to the lower corners of the face. The painting on the face next to the
+mouth represents gills.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 249. Painting on a paddle representing porpoise and
+seal, Kwakiutl.]
+
+Fig. 249 is a complicated painting on a Kwakiutl paddle. It represents
+a porpoise and a seal combined; the porpoise turning to the right,
+the seal to the left, and both having a common body. At the right is
+seen the head of the porpoise and the short lines behind it, upward,
+represent the animal spouting. (1) is the neck, (2) the flipper, (3) a
+joint in the flipper, (4) and (5), (9) and (13) jointly representing
+the body of the porpoise, (5) is the stomach, (8) the dorsal fin of
+the porpoise, (9) is the backbone both of the porpoise and of the
+seal, (12) is the tail of the porpoise. The head of the seal is shown
+in (11), (10) represents the ears, although another pair of ears, like
+those of all animals, appear over the head. It has been stated before
+that (9) is the backbone of both seal and porpoise, (5) is the stomach
+of the seal, (13) its flippers, and (4) its tail.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 250. Painting for a house-front representing a
+raven, Kwakiutl.]
+
+Fig. 250 represents the painting from a house-front showing a raven in
+profile. This painting appears on the right and left of the doorway;
+the beaks facing the door. (1) is the raised tuft on the head of the
+raven, (2) feathers, (3) the facial bones, (4) the skin over the
+beak, (5) is supposed to be a joint in the tongue, (6) the skin over
+the lower jaw, (7) the supposed joint at the base of the tongue, (8)
+represents the shoulder joint, (9) feathers, and (10) the long wing
+feathers. It will be noticed that the inner feathers (9) are rounded,
+while the wing feather has a sharp point, according to the standard
+requirements referred to on p. 205. (11) represents the tail with a
+single face as a joint, according to standard requirements.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 251. Painting for a house-front representing a
+thunder-bird, Kwakiutl.]
+
+Fig. 251 is a design from a house-front, over the door, representing
+a thunder-bird. The design must be considered as consisting, more or
+less clearly, of two profiles. (1) represents the hooked nose, (2) the
+skull, (3) the ears, (4) the feathers over the heavy eyebrows. The tail
+rises over the head. It has the characteristic single joint. Rounded
+feathers are shown on the wings, right and left; the extreme long wing
+feather is sharply pointed. The feet, to the right and left of the
+face, are enormously enlarged. The circular eye design represents the
+joint to which three toes are attached.
+
+Fig. 252 represents another painting which is placed over the door
+of a Kwakiutl house-front. It represents a whale. In this specimen
+are found a number of deviations from the supposed standard. Below is
+the tail (1), with the flukes (2). While the double curvature on the
+inner side of the flukes is preserved, there is only one joint design
+instead of the normal two. The design (3) on each side represents the
+fins. According to the standard these ought to be round, but they
+are actually sharply pointed like wing feathers. This may be due to
+the prevailing tendency of showing the middle feathers as round, and
+letting the extreme lateral ones run into a long point which closes
+off the design more effectively than a round form would. Over the tail
+will be noticed the long mouth and the nose with its sudden turn.
+The line (4) indicates the strong curve which sets off the nose from
+the forehead. This is analogous to the treatment of the nose among
+the Haida. (5) represents the shoulder joint. The scallops under the
+eyes are the cheekbones. Over the eyes are the ears (6), over the
+forehead rises the dorsal fin with a single joint. Normally the eyes
+of the whale are round and the person who explained the design called
+particular attention to the fact that in this painting they had not the
+standard form.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 252. Painting for a house-front representing a
+whale, Kwakiutl.]
+
+Fig. 253 is another house-painting of the Kwakiutl, representing the
+raven. The same principle as in fig. 251 has been adhered to by the
+artist. The central portion of the figure is occupied by the head of
+the raven split from its lower side upward so that the two halves
+cohere along the upper edge of the beak. The two halves of the head
+have been folded outward, so that the two halves of the tongues (2)
+and the two lower jaws (1) appear on each side of the central line.
+The two halves of the lower side of the body are shown extending in a
+curved line (3) from the corners of the mouth towards the tail, which
+latter has not been cut. The wings have been considerably reduced in
+size, and pulled upward so that they appear over each upper corner of
+the head. The legs (5) occupy the right and left lower parts of the
+painting, the feet (4) being disconnected from the thin legs.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 253. Painting for a house-front representing a
+raven, Kwakiutl.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 254. Painting from the edge of a blanket
+representing a sea-monster, Northern British Columbia.]
+
+In fig. 254, which is a painting on the margin of a blanket, the
+sea-monster described in Fig. 183 (p. 199) is represented. The animal
+is shown here as split in two along its back; but all its parts,
+except the head, the paws, and the tail, are much reduced in size.
+The two enormous eyes, and between them the nose, will be readily
+recognized. The teeth are indicated by a series of slanting lines under
+each eye, but the lower jaws of both halves have been omitted. The
+whole body is represented by the thin line extending from the lower
+outer corner of the eyes upward, then along the upper margin of the
+painting, and downward again. The three dorsal fins are shown over this
+line,—one-half of each on each side of the back. The arms are indicated
+by two curves under the line indicating the back. The fin of the arm is
+shown under the fore arm. While all these are of small size, the paw
+which adjoins the fore arm is shown on a large scale, the claws turned
+towards the face. The line representing the body runs towards both ends
+of the painting along the lower margin until it is merged into the
+tail, one-half of which is shown on each side. In this specimen the
+proportions of the body are much more distorted than in any previous
+case.
+
+The following series of figures are designs found on a number of
+silver bracelets. The animals represented on these are also shown very
+fragmentarily.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 255. Design on a silver bracelet representing a
+beaver, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 256. Design on a silver bracelet representing a
+sea-monster, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 257. Design on a silver bracelet representing a
+hawk, Haida.]
+
+In fig. 255 we see the beaver cut in two along its back. The face does
+not need any further explanation. The fore legs adjoin it on each
+side, the toes being turned inward; but the whole rest of the body has
+been omitted, except the two halves of the tail, which the artist was
+compelled to show, because they are symbols of the animal.
+
+In fig. 256 we recognize the sea-monster, with a bear’s head and a
+whale’s body. Here also by far the greater portion of the etching
+represents the head and fore arms of the monster. The fins, that are
+attached to the upper arms near the elbow, are shown on a rather small
+scale. The whole rest of the body is of small size, the two halves of
+the body, with the adjoining half of the tail, occupying only the outer
+upper margin of the bracelet. I am not quite clear whether the artist
+intended to represent the two halves of the dorsal fin by the curved
+ornament adjoining the hat which rises over the nose of the monster.
+
+The hawk which is shown in fig. 257 has been cut in a different manner,
+namely, from the beak backward, the two halves being then turned
+outward. The centre of the design is occupied by the two halves of the
+head, and the two talons which adjoin it. The wings are cut off from
+the body, and occupy the outer corners of the design.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 258. Slate dish with design representing a
+sea-monster, Haida.]
+
+The designs on the following series of carvings are no less
+conventionalized. Fig. 258 is a sea-monster adjusted to a circular
+slate dish. The carving is perfectly symmetrical. The drawing appears
+asymmetrical because it has been taken from an eccentric point of view.
+Here also the centre is occupied by the head of the animal. The tail
+is seen under the lowest part of the mouth, turned upward in front of
+the body. The arms are shortened considerably. They are attached to the
+lower corners of the mouth, the paws touching the chin. The fins are
+joined to the upper part of the arms, and are turned upward so that
+they lie close to the sides of the face and about on a level with the
+ears. Attention is called again to the spiral nostrils.
+
+In fig. 259, which represents the front of a small box carved in slate,
+the same sea-monster is shown. Again we see the animal cut in two, the
+section separating the eyes and the ears, the mouth, however, being
+left intact. Here the whole body has been omitted, with the exception
+of the paws to which the fins are attached. The paws will be recognized
+turned inward under the mouth, while the fins extend upward along
+the outer margins of the slab. The dorsal fin has been bisected, and
+one-half is shown in each upper corner. The ornament in the centre
+of the upper margin probably represents the tail turned upward over
+the back so that it almost touches the head. This arrangement must be
+considered in connection with the formal treatment of boxfronts which
+will be discussed later (pp. 263 et seq.).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 259. Front of a slate box with design representing
+a sea-monster, Haida.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 260. Slate slab with design representing a
+sea-monster, Haida.]
+
+Fig. 260 represents the carving on a slate slab. We have here a
+different representation of the sea-monster, which is also, as we might
+say, much abbreviated. The head occupies by far the larger portion
+of the carving. The body which is seen underneath the head, in the
+centre of the slab, is indicated by a comparatively small square with
+rounded edges, decorated with two fins. The rest of the decoration
+on the lower edge of the slab must be interpreted as the arms of the
+monster, the large face on each corner representing an elbow. The whole
+arm, extending from the elbow to the hand, is omitted. The latter is
+indicated by an oval the centre of which is occupied by an eye. From it
+rise the three fingers or claws. The important symbols of the monster,
+the fins, which are attached to the fore arm, are shown adjoining the
+elbow, and rise along the sides of the slab, outside of the eyes. The
+two ornaments occupying the upper corners of the slab are undoubtedly
+the tail. This arrangement is also determined by the general
+principles governing the decoration of boxes (see p. 263).
+
+The shark which is shown in fig. 261 is found on one end of a small
+food tray. I do not need to repeat the description of the shark’s
+face, on which the characteristic symbols will be recognized. I have
+introduced this figure here in order to show that the whole body of the
+animal has been omitted with the sole exception of its pectoral fins,
+which are carved on the rim of the tray on both sides of the forehead.
+Their position is somewhat analogous to the one found on the totem pole
+fig. 213 (p. 219).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 261. Design from the end of a food tray
+representing a shark, Tlingit.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 262. Slate dish with design representing a sculpin,
+Haida.]
+
+In figs. 262 and 263 we find the representations of the sculpin
+distorted and dissected in the same manner as the sea-monster of the
+preceding figures.
+
+In fig. 262 the sculpin has been adapted to a circular slate dish. The
+centre of the design is occupied by a rosette, which has undoubtedly
+been copied from European patterns. In the drawing the outlines of the
+various parts of the body have been strengthened in order to make their
+relations somewhat clearer. It will be noticed that the head is split
+in two, cohering only at the nose and the upper jaw. The two spines
+rise immediately from the nose. The two halves of the body extend from
+the corners of the face upward along the rim of the dish. There they
+grow thinner, indicating the thin portion of the fish body near the
+tail. The tail has not been split, and is turned upward and backward so
+that it touches the central rosette. A comparison between this design
+and the design at the centre of the upper margin in fig. 259 will show
+a great similarity between the two, thus making it probable, that, as
+stated before, the latter design is intended to represent the tail of
+the monster. The pectoral fins of the sculpin are shown in a rather
+abnormal position. They are turned forward from the body so that they
+adjoin the lower jaw. They will be recognized between the jaws and
+the rim of the dish. The dorsal fin is indicated by the long pointed
+ornaments extending from the eye towards the tail.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 263. Front of a slate box with design representing
+a fish, Haida.]
+
+In the design fig. 263 a fish has been dissected in a somewhat
+different manner. The head occupies the upper margin of the slab. It
+has a remarkably triangular shape. The body has been bisected from head
+to tail, and turned and twisted in such a manner that each half extends
+in a curve downward from the corners of the face to the middle of the
+lower margin of the slab. The pectoral fins have been left in contact
+with the corners of the mouth, and are placed in the same position as
+in the preceding figure, namely, adjoining the lower jaw. They meet
+just below the chin of the animal. I believe the ornaments which are
+stretched along the right and left margins of the slab represent the
+dorsal fins.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 264. Body painting representing the bear, Kwakiutl.]
+
+I have described at a previous place (p. 215) the extraordinary
+distortion and dissection of the killer-whale in its adaptation to a
+blanket, and I have given the description at that place.
+
+Quite a unique distortion is found in body paintings used by the
+Kwakiutl Indians in a boy’s dance. Fig. 264 is a copy of a body
+painting representing the bear. On the chest, the head of the bear is
+shown turned downward. The white spots over the collarbones are the
+eyes of the bear; the angular line with semicircles, the mouth and
+teeth. On the upper arms are shown the forelegs, the claws just under
+the elbow. The hind legs are shown on the front of the thighs. On the
+back of the person is shown the nape of the bear placed on the upper
+part of the back; under it, extending downward, is the back, the lines
+representing hair. The hip joints are shown by dark designs on the
+buttocks. The spiral design on the left leg was said to represent the
+tail.
+
+Still more remarkable is the frog painting shown in fig. 265. On the
+small of the back is shown the top of the head of the frog; the two
+eyes with eyebrows above, the mouth below. Corresponding to this place
+we find in the front of the body the mouth set with teeth (which really
+do not belong to the frog). The back of the frog is shown on the upper
+part of the back; the hind legs on the back of the arms. The opposite
+side of the hind legs is shown on the front of the arms. It seems
+probable that in the design which was copied for me by an Indian, the
+painting on the front of the left arm was accidentally omitted. The
+shoulder joint is shown on the front of the thighs; the forelegs in
+corresponding position on the back of the thighs; the ankle joints on
+the knees; and the foot on the calf of the legs. In other words, the
+frog is shown in such a way as though the body of the person were the
+frog. No explanation was given for the black design on the left leg.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 265. Body painting representing the frog, Kwakiutl.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+We will turn now to the purely formal side of the treatment of the
+decorative field. There is a tendency to cover the entire surface with
+design elements. Vacant places are avoided. When the surface of the
+object represented has no features that lend themselves to decorative
+development, the artist resorts to devices that enable him to fill
+the surface with patterns. On totem poles the bodies of the animals
+represented occupy considerable space. The monotony of the surface
+is broken by placing the forelegs and hindlegs across the front of
+the body, by turning up the tail in front, and by adding small animal
+figures.
+
+Far more important is the application of a great variety of decorative
+elements, all of which consist of curved lines. The Indians have a
+decided disinclination to apply equidistant curves. In all work of
+the better class the lines are so arranged that more or less crescent
+shaped surfaces result, or that narrow, curved areas, wide in the
+middle, narrower at the ends, are formed.
+
+The most striking decorative form which is used almost everywhere,
+consists of a round or oval field, the “eye design”. This pattern is
+commonly so placed that it corresponds to the location of a joint.
+In the present stage of the art, the oval is used particularly as
+shoulder, hip, wrist, and ankle joint, and as a joint at the base
+of the tail and of the dorsal fin of the whale. It is considered as
+a cross section of the ball and socket joint; the outer circle the
+socket, the inner the ball. Often the oval is developed in the form of
+a face: either as a full face or a profile.
+
+The general disposition of this design demonstrates that the
+explanation is not by any means always tenable. Thus in the blanket,
+fig. 205 (p. 215), the eye pattern in the two lower corners has no
+connection with a joint. In this position, in the mouth of an animal,
+it is sometimes described as food. The two profile faces higher up on
+the side of the same blanket, are obviously fillers. They might be
+replaced by “eye designs”. Another instance of similar kind is found on
+the upper part of the face of the dish fig. 168 (p. 191). The circular
+designs shown here might perhaps be interpreted as tail joints, but
+they are probably decorative elements. The design appears clearly as a
+filler in fig. 283 _f_ (p. 272) at the inner upper corner on the long
+side of the box, and on the ears of the beaver, fig. 229, (p. 227). On
+Chilkat blankets it appears always in fixed positions (see p. 258) and
+in large boxes it is the constant corner design (see p. 263). Its use
+and interpretation as a joint is presumably related to the frequent
+ornamental combination shown, for instance, in the feet on fig. 160
+(p. 188) and in the tails fig. 193 (p. 205). The oval represents the
+joint and the elevated part the limb. These are at the same time formal
+elements that appear regularly on the lateral border designs on carved
+boxes (fig. 274, p. 263). The eye design appears in a variety of forms
+ranging from a large double eye to a circular pattern with black center.
+
+Lieutenant Emmons has collected the various design elements as they
+appear on the blankets and has given the names by which they are
+designated by the Tlingit (fig. 266). These names do not fit the
+explanations given for the whole pattern. The “double eye” (_h_) and
+the “eye” (_f_) are not always eyes but occur also as joints, (fig. 269
+_b_). The profile eye is called the “head of the salmon trout” (_c_).
+It is used quite generally as the eye of any animal. The “black eye”
+(_g_), the “nostril” (_l_) and the design called “one in another” (_o_)
+are practically identical. They are also used as joints. The frequent
+use of the circular design of light or dark color, set off against a
+dark or light background indicates that the tribes of the north west
+coast do not tolerate areas of the same color, the monotony of which is
+relieved by the insertion of circular designs of contrasting colors.
+These may be seen on many blanket and box designs (fig. 274 et seq.).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 266. Design elements from Tlingit blankets.]
+
+The forms called “side holes” (_p_) and “holes”, “ends of gambling
+sticks” or “rain drops” (_q_) have white circles relieving a black
+background. It is quite evident that these designs also, as parts of
+the whole design, have not the significance implied in the names, nor
+do the names explain the reason for their use. The frequent occurrence
+of the white circles, both isolated and in lines, (see figs. 269 et
+seq., pp. 259 et seq.) proves that they must be considered primarily as
+a formal element designed to break large surfaces.
+
+It seems to me most likely that the black or white circular design has
+been the basis from which the eye design has developed. In the style of
+the north west coast art shoulders, hips, hands, and feet form large
+dark monotonous surfaces. These are broken by a large white circle or
+oval, which is again varied by a black center. This tendency would
+also account for the goggle design (fig. 266 _i_). The same desire to
+relieve the monotony of the cheek surface leads to the insertion of an
+oval design on the cheek (_k_).
+
+In carved designs these forms are not contrasted by color, but the form
+alone varies the monotony of the large undecorated surface.
+
+Another characteristic pattern, the narrow crescent, has presumably
+also originated from the desire to break the monotony of continuous
+areas. It appears particularly when it is desired to set off two
+merging patterns against each other. Here also design names obtained by
+Emmons, “woman’s hair ornament” (_r_) and “slit” (_s_) have nothing to
+do with its function and significance as part of the whole pattern.
+
+The most characteristic filler, next to the eye, is a double curve,
+which is used to fill angular and round fields that rise over a
+strongly or gently curved line. Many fillers of this type have a
+dark colored band at the upper end, generally rounded in paintings
+or carvings, square in blankets (see fig. 202, lower lateral design
+on central panel; the tail patterns, fig. 193). In the blankets the
+angular form is perhaps due to the technique in weaving, although the
+frequent eye designs prove that round forms are not impossible. On
+blankets the heavy upper line is often drawn out into a tip (fig.
+270 _a_, over the “goggle” design on the side of the central panel).
+Examples of these forms have been collected by Lieutenant Emmons who
+states that the Tlingit call them “the wing feather of red-winged
+flicker” (fig. 266 _t_). The use of the pointed form of this design for
+a bird feather agrees with the theoretical claim of the Kwakiutl (see
+p. 205), but obviously the explanation does not always fit the meaning
+of the pattern as a whole, as is shown by the killer-whale design fig.
+205 (p. 215) or the whale design fig. 270 (p. 260).
+
+The design is used commonly to represent quite diverse objects. Thus,
+the double flicker-feather (fig. 266 _t_), occurs in fig. 269 _a_ as
+the beak of a bird, occupying the middle of the mouth design between
+the two large eyes. It occurs also between the ears along the upper
+border of the design as the single flicker-feather. Here as well as
+over the beak of the bird, in the lateral fields, it is used only
+for filling in parts of the design which otherwise would remain
+undecorated. In fig. 202 (p. 213) the same design occurs between the
+eyes, just over the nostril, and here also it obviously has nothing to
+do with the red-winged flicker. Many other cases of this application of
+the wing feather design, simply for the purpose of filling in spaces,
+may be observed in practically all the blankets. A comparison of fig.
+202 with the box designs fig. 274 shows that the wing feather design
+may serve to express the forearm and the upper arm. In fig. 274, we
+have the two hands placed in a position, similar to the paws in figs.
+202 and 269 _b_. On the box fig. 274 _a_ the parts are connected with
+the body by a narrow red strip, which is divided by characteristic
+curves into two parts. A comparison of this design with figs. 222 and
+223 shows very clearly that they are meant to represent the upper
+arm. In the blanket design fig. 269 _b_, the two sections connecting
+the paw with the body may be recognized distinctly as upper arm and
+forearm. In the blanket designs fig. 202, the space that is available
+for the upper arm is much condensed; but it is quite obvious that the
+two wing feather designs which lie on the outer sides of the paws
+must be interpreted here also as the forearm and upper arm. Judging
+by this analogy, I think there can be very little doubt that the two
+wing feathers placed by the sides of the body in fig. 269 _a_ may be
+considered in the same way as the two parts of the arm of the animal
+represented. Since the animal here shown is a bird, these feather
+designs are in this way made to represent the bones of the wing.
+
+Similar considerations have determined the distribution of ornaments in
+the design fig. 270 _b_. Here the two feet will be recognized at the
+lower edge of the design. Adjoining it, above the “eye”, are two long
+white flicker-feather designs, which obviously represent the legs. Each
+of the two inverted double eyes under the jaws must be interpreted as
+a shoulder joint to which is attached the lower part of the arm in the
+form of a flicker-feather design.
+
+The forms here discussed are interpreted as various kinds of
+animals,—birds, quadrupeds, sea-monsters,—but never as the red-winged
+flicker, nor can the parts be interpreted as ornaments made of
+flicker-feathers. It is obvious that we are dealing here with a fixed
+form, which has a conventional name, and which is used for a variety of
+purposes.
+
+It will be noticed that this design occurs in three principal forms.
+In one of these it is cut off square at the upper end. Most of those
+shown in fig. 266 are of this type. Another characteristic form of this
+design has the pointed wing feather, (as the second one in the series
+fig. 266 _t_). A third form, which is not given in the series of named
+designs, seems to be quite common. It has a rounded tip, and may be
+observed, for instance, in the beak part in front of the upper eye in
+the lateral panels of figs. 203 and 269 _a_; also in the central field
+in fig. 273 _b_.
+
+The wing design is applied wherever a somewhat oval or rectangular
+field which is situated laterally has to be filled in, particularly
+when the field adjoins another design which is surrounded by heavy
+black lines, and which forms part of an animal body. For this reason
+the design appears very commonly in front of, over, or under the eye
+design. It is used to fill in the ears; it appears at the sides of the
+body, as in figs. 203 and 269 _a_; and it is used to fill in small
+fields which adjoin black lines, as for instance, in the lowest section
+of the lateral panels in fig. 269 _a_.
+
+On blankets the light circle on a darker background with black tip
+and small white segment at the base, is almost ever-present. The
+white segment at the base is limited very often by a pointed double
+curve,—like a brace,—which divides the adjoining colored field more or
+less distinctly into two halves. These may be observed, for instance,
+in one of the ear designs in figs. 202 and 269 _b_, and also in the
+design over the nose in fig. 202.
+
+This pattern is also used as a filler for long narrow spaces.
+According to Emmons this is called the “mouth design” (fig. 266 _j_)
+or the “eyebrow” (_e_), but it is often used on fields that cannot be
+interpreted as “mouth” or “eyebrow”, as for instance, in the lateral
+parts of the lower border of fig. 202 and in the lower corner of the
+box, fig. 274 _b_.
+
+Judging from the general application of this design, it is quite
+obvious that it is not primarily a feather design, but that it is a
+decorative element used throughout in certain definite positions for
+the purpose of filling in.
+
+Flat black curves are used quite often for indicating the teeth. These
+may be observed in fig. 269 _a_, on the body of fig. 270 _a_, in the
+lowest face in fig. 204, in the lower faces of fig. 271.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+We have discussed before the adjustment of animal form to the
+decorative field. The adjustment is not by any means free, but
+definite, stylistic forms may be recognized. These appear with great
+clarity on the Chilkat blankets.
+
+The measurements of the blankets show that the central height is
+very nearly one half of the width. The width of the narrow border,
+consisting of a black and yellow stripe, is about one twelfth of the
+total width. The angle of the lower border is quite variable, the
+vertical distance from a line connecting the lower corners of the
+blanket to its greatest depth is generally a little less than one sixth
+of the width. The fundamental trait of the blanket pattern is the
+division of the field into three panels. The central one about double
+the width of the lateral ones, or more. In most blankets the line of
+division of these fields is quite clear and is indicated by black and
+white lines. The designs on the lateral fields are symmetrical and
+quite distinct from the central field.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 267. Schematic design showing the arrangement of
+the central field of the Chilkat blanket.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 268. General plans of Tlingit blankets.]
+
+The blankets may be divided into two large groups. Their fundamental
+patterns are indicated schematically in fig. 267. The one design is
+clearly a representation of an animal with a large head which occupies
+the whole upper part of the field down to an almost straight cross
+line (fields 1, 2, 5, fig. 268). Under it are the body (field 3) and
+in the lower border the tail and hips (field 4) of the animal. It may
+be noticed that there are always two tail joints, although in other
+cases the use of a single tail joint for birds and a double tail joint
+for sea mammals is fairly consistent. Fields 6, 7, and 8 are used in
+various ways. They are not essential parts of the animal represented,
+although field 6 may be utilized for the purpose of showing parts of
+the back, and field 7 may be utilized for a representation of the fore
+arms. In this style we may distinguish, in the wide center, a central
+stripe, consisting of the elements numbered 6, 2, 3, 4 and two lateral
+stripes 5, 1, 7, and 8. Generally these sections interlock. In a few
+specimens, the outer limits of field 3 are carried down to the lower
+border so that they form a continuous broad line with the outer limits
+of field 4.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 269. Chilkat blankets.]
+
+Examples of this type are shown in figs. 202 and 269. In these the
+animal figure in the center appears very clearly. It will be noticed
+that the large eyes of the animal have always a cheek design attached
+to them. These appear also in fig. 203, a blanket belonging to the same
+class, the lower part of which is, however, much less distinctively
+body and tail belonging to the large head. The reduction of field 7
+and its extension to the lower margin is rare in other specimens. In
+fig. 202 field 7 is occupied by the raised hands of the animal, while
+in fig. 269 _a_ it is occupied by a wing design. The rectangular frame
+surrounding the body in fig. 269 _b_ is an exceptional feature which I
+have seen only in one other modern blanket.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 270. Chilkat blankets.]
+
+A sub-type may be distinguished in which the lower part is treated
+differently (fig. 270 _a_). The two eyes of field 4 are of the same
+size as those of field 1. In this way a more symmetrical impression
+is produced, but at the expense of the unity of the animal form. This
+treatment lends itself to a sharper separation of the fields 5, 1,
+7, 8 against the fields 6, 2, 3, 4 so that the whole central field
+seems to be divided into three sections (see fig. 204). Fig. 270 _a_
+is decidedly influenced by the second type of blanket; the four eyes
+being approximately of the same size and symmetrically arranged around
+a central face.
+
+The fundamental feature of the second type of blankets is a central
+face placed a little higher than in the preceding type, so that it
+forms exactly the center of the whole field. In place of the large eyes
+on top, we find two large inverted eyes, often without the adjoining
+jaw design. In many cases two small circular patterns, or small eye
+designs, occupy the center of the lower border. These may often be
+identified with the nostril of the head to which the two large lower
+eyes belong. This pattern is much more symmetrical than the former
+type, but its symbolism is much more obscure. I presume that the
+inverted position of the eye in the upper border is essentially due
+to the attempt to obtain greater symmetry. For an explanation it is
+necessary that the upper eyes must be viewed as some part of the body
+that is turned upside down. Characteristic examples of this type are
+shown in figs. 103 and 271. In these, the fields to the right and left
+of the central face are treated, in the former, as a profile face; in
+the second they are decorated with a feather design filler. A somewhat
+different treatment is given in fig. 272 which may be compared with
+fig. 270. In both a large face occupies the center of the whole design,
+surrounded by the four large eyes and the lateral spaces filled with
+feather designs.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 271. Chilkat blankets.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 272. Chilkat blanket.]
+
+In fig. 273 the upper eyes have been moved towards the center and the
+eye design has been expanded into a profile which occupies the whole
+upper margin of the central field. In fig. 273 _b_ the lateral fields
+next to the central face are occupied by the two sides of the dorsal
+fin so that here the form of a whale is brought out fairly clearly.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 273. Chilkat blankets.]
+
+The general scheme of the narrow lateral panels is also quite definite.
+We find on practically all the blankets an eye design,—part of the
+profile of an animal’s head,—in the upper, outer corner, another eye
+design near the lower border, generally approximately in the middle
+of the lateral field. The position of the lower eye design is much
+more irregular than that of the upper one. In general we are given the
+impression of an animal, the body of which extends along the extreme
+outer border of the blanket, the head occupying the centre of the
+panel, while the feet or tail are shown along the lower border. In this
+way a space is left in the middle, next to the central panel, which
+does not belong essentially to the form of the animal.
+
+In both fundamental types the intervening spaces which are not filled
+by the large eye designs, the body, tail, and extremities, are filled
+with a variety of patterns which depend only in part upon the selection
+of the animal to be represented, but are very largely determined by
+esthetic considerations.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 274. Front, reverse and side of a painted box.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 275. Painted and carved box front.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 276. Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit.]
+
+The broad sides of rectangular boxes bear the same fundamental design
+as the first type of blankets; an animal with an enormous head on the
+upper border, the body occupying the centre below. A fairly consistent
+difference between the blanket and box types is that the lower border
+of the large face is curved on the boxes; straight on the blankets.
+I believe this difference is due to the desire to avoid excessive
+parallelism. In the blanket the straight lower line of the head is set
+off against the curves of the upper part of the head and against the
+angle in the lower border of the blanket, while in the boxes a straight
+middle line would appear set off against the parallel upper and lower
+edges of the box. The lateral panels of the blanket correspond, in a
+way, to the narrow lateral strips in the front of the long boxes (fig.
+274 _a_) which are characterized by a fairly large eye design in each
+corner. These are connected by a variety of decorative elements. At
+the lower border of the box front there originate, in this manner,
+five fields. The middle one being occupied by the body of the central
+animal; the corners being occupied by the eye designs which form the
+basis of the lateral strips. Between these there remain spaces which
+are often filled with designs representing the fore or hind feet of
+the central animal. On account of the shifting of the eyes the five
+field division does not appear as clearly in fig. 275. The reverse side
+of fig. 276 is treated differently; in the lower field the body is
+omitted, the two eyes placed in the middle so that a fourfold division
+of the whole area under the mouth originates. A similar treatment is
+given to a front (fig. 277 below), in which the eyes are placed in the
+corners while the middle is occupied by the two sides of a tail, which,
+however, is treated like a hawk’s face. The arbitrary character of the
+details appears very clearly in this arrangement.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 277. Four sides of a painted box, front on a larger
+scale, Tlingit.]
+
+The narrow sides of the boxes are generally painted with a design
+analogous to the central design of the front with this difference,
+however, that the lateral panels are missing and that the head is
+more compressed. In a number of cases the short sides are treated
+differently, as shown in fig. 276. Very rarely the short sides contain
+a profile figure that does not occupy the whole width of this side
+(fig. 277).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 278. Front and side of a painted box.]
+
+There are also a number of low boxes which are treated somewhat
+differently. On account of the lowness of the sides the lower rim
+of the head is drawn straight so that a narrow rectangular panel
+originates along the lower border (fig. 278). In this specimen the eyes
+are retained; the central face in the lower field presumably represents
+the body, to which are attached the arms and hands. In most specimens
+of this type, however, the lower section is almost entirely suppressed;
+the large upper face is retained but under it we find only a few
+ornaments that may be interpreted only as fillers (fig. 279 above).
+
+There are also a number of low boxes in which the body is entirely
+suppressed. They contain, essentially, the large head design with a few
+decorative features along the sides, and the eyes in the upper corners.
+(Fig. 279 below).
+
+The arrangement of the long boxes is such that the center of the mouth,
+or a point a little below it, is the center of the decorative field
+(figs. 274-276). A line drawn from the center of the lower border to
+the upper corners passes almost always along the corner of the mouth
+and often also through the sharp curve at the upper, outer outline of
+the face. The line drawn from the center of the upper border to the
+lower corner passes, generally, through the corner of the mouth. When
+the central field along the upper border is wide, so that it reaches
+down to the upper curve limiting the mouth, the eye is shown in profile
+(figs. 274 _b_, 276 reverse). When the central field consists only of
+a sharp short angle, there is a double eye (figs. 274 _a_, 275, 276
+front, 277).
+
+The general arrangement of lines on the box is such that the upper
+curves of the face are strongly curved downward. The curvature
+decreases downward; and in some boxes, for instance in those shown in
+figs. 275 and 276 reverse, there is a tendency to an arrangement of
+lines which are convex, upward.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 279. Front, reverse and side of carved boxes.]
+
+The eye decorations are always so placed that they are not arranged in
+straight lines. It will be seen that in the best boxes they fall into
+curves that intersect the black lines of the design. In fig. 274 _a_,
+the eyes in the lower corners and those in the mouth are placed so as
+to form a continuous curve; in fig. 274 _b_, the arrangement of the
+eyes in the upper corners, the eyes of the large head, and those in the
+mouth form a fairly regular curve.
+
+In the square boxes on which only one side of the face is shown on
+each side (fig. 280), the body is very much reduced in size. In most
+of these the large head is limited below by a straight line, while on
+the long boxes containing the full face on the front the lower line of
+the face is curved. In only one of these (fig. 278) do we find the face
+limited below by a straight line.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 280. Carved boxes.]
+
+In fig. 280 _a_, the two sides shown on the left are occupied by a
+large head on top, corresponding to the blanket fields 1, 2, and 5. The
+ear (5) is much reduced in size. The sharp beak in the middle indicates
+that the hawk is meant. Under it is seen a small field corresponding
+to field 3 on the blankets and under it a face with its two eyes,
+corresponding to 4. The field 7 is occupied by the arms, indicated by
+the curved line running from the shoulder to the wrist of the raised
+hand. The whole lateral field of the blanket is condensed in the
+narrow strip to the right and left of the face and body. The designs
+on the upper corners are clearly ornamental and do not represent
+any particular part of the head; the eyes in the lower corners are
+considered as feet and toes; the large eyes over the lower corners as
+knee joints. The two sides of the box shown on the right hand side
+correspond in all details to those on the left, excepting the mouth,
+which is treated quite differently; the nostrils being shown in the
+center.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 281. Carved box, Tlingit.]
+
+In fig. 280 _b_ the lower portion of the decorated side is much reduced
+in size and the marginal fields are simplified. The head may represent
+a hawk; the eyes in the lower fields are exceptional in so far as
+they are not placed in the corners but near the body and they may be
+considered ankle joints and below them the toes. The eye designs in
+the upper corners take the place of the ears. The reduction of the
+body is even more marked in fig. 281; here the eye designs and the
+adjoining curves on the upper margin are clearly fillers; the body
+has been completely dissolved. The eyes in the lower corners with the
+attached lower curve show an attempt to represent a flipper. The common
+character of these three specimens is the horizontal dividing line
+under the mouth and (excepting the one face in fig. 281) the general
+tendency to the symmetrical arrangement of lines in the upper and lower
+fields. The lines in the upper field point from the middle downward,
+and those in the lower, from the middle upward.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 282. Carved trays.]
+
+There are a number of peculiar developments of the head and body
+designs which are used on small food trays, the sides of which are
+bent out of a single plank. In one group of these (fig. 282) the two
+narrow sides represent, in front, the head of the animal; on the
+opposite, side the tail. This appears most clearly in figs. 282 _b_
+and _d_; both representing the beaver. In fig. 282 _d_ the beaver’s
+head and tail are perfectly plain. In 282 _b_ there is considerable
+confusion; the beaver’s body below is provided with two human arms and
+over it is indicated the large characteristic head. The tail is shown
+on the opposite short side, together with the hind legs and the two
+disconnected eyes which ordinarily would form the hip joints and would
+be connected with the upper end of the thighs. On all these specimens,
+282 _a_, _b_, and _c_, the other sides show an inverted face. This
+originates evidently in such a way that the eyes represent, at one
+end, the shoulder joints, at the opposite end, the hip joints, but
+instead of developing the sides as fore and hind legs, the inverted
+eyes have lead to the development of a face design which has no
+particular relation to the animal represented. In other words, we find
+here, as well as in many other places that elements which are in part
+derived from representations of parts of animals, have assumed a purely
+decorative function so that an explanation of the details is, to a
+great extend, arbitrary. The geometrical decoration on the long side
+of fig. 282 _d_ is also derived from the shoulder and hip joints, but
+instead of parts of a face, slit designs fill in the rest of the side.
+
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 283. Carved trays.]
+
+The trays shown in fig. 283 are of the same make as those shown
+before, with the only difference that on the long sides the shoulder
+joints, knee and foot are shown in the ordinary way. The hind limbs
+are here represented on the short side, where the hip joints are
+shown by two large eyes in the upper part of the design. It will be
+observed, however, that in these cases also there is a considerable
+amount of arbitrary use of decorative elements that have no particular
+significance, but which must be considered simply as fillers. This
+appears most clearly in fig. 283 _e_, which represents a dish with a
+design of a human being. Here the arms are represented on the long
+sides, the shoulder joint by an eye which, however, is provided with
+lids. The space under the eye is filled in with a mouth which has
+no function in this position. It is evidently introduced in the same
+way as the profile faces which serve as fillers on the blankets. The
+most distinctive specimen of this type is shown in fig. 283 _f_. It
+represents a beaver, the face indicated by disconnected eyes, mouth,
+and ear; the nose showing the form of one of the conventional copper
+plates used by the northwest coast Indians, while the face in the
+middle of the upper border is purely ornamental. The opposite short
+side shows very clearly a tail, hip, legs, and feet and on the long
+side also the large shoulder joint in the form of an eye with ear; the
+arm and the foot are distinctly shown but here also, by the addition of
+four teeth, the shoulder joint is elaborated in the form of a face; the
+eyes in the corners of the long field are purely ornamental.
+
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 284. Carved trays.]
+
+To the same group belong also the carved trays cut out of a single
+piece of wood, shown in fig. 284. Here we have only the head design
+which is adjusted to the curvature of the upper border of the
+decorative field. The lines of the face are drawn so as to conform to
+the decorative field.
+
+It will be observed that the eyes of the large head in the blankets
+are always almost horizontal while those on the boxes and trays are
+strongly inclined. I presume this is due to the tendency to avoid
+massing of parallel lines.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 285. Designs on Tlingit armor.]
+
+The large head design found on the blankets and boxes occurs also on
+the paintings in the center of the front of slat armour. The lateral
+panels are missing and the design consists simply of the head with
+attached shoulder, arm, and hand (fig. 285).
+
+A number of square food trays, bent of a single piece of wood, are
+not decorated according to this plan. The face, consisting of two
+symmetrical halves, is replaced by a series of profiles (fig. 286); the
+short and high sides have the large eye in the left hand upper corner;
+the mouth in the lower right hand corner. The design on the long sides
+represents the sides of the body. The large eyes stand, presumably,
+for the shoulder joint and are placed in the center of the side; wrist
+and fingers are in the lower left hand corner. The significance of
+the design in the right hand upper corner is not clear. The general
+distribution of the design elements is evidently determined by the
+central position of the large eyes.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 286. Painted tray.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 287. Painted boxes.]
+
+The boxes shown in fig. 287 illustrate that still another pattern is
+used on square boxes. Each of the four sides of the two boxes shown in
+figs. 287 _a_ and _b_, is divided into four rectangles of unequal size.
+The general plan of the two designs is almost the same, although there
+are considerable differences in detail. It is quite evident that in 287
+_a_ the lower part of the first and third sides represents legs and
+feet. A distinct wing design appears in the left hand upper rectangle
+of the fourth side, but otherwise the arrangement of the elements
+is so arbitrary that a safe interpretation is impossible. It seems
+plausible that in this case also the attempt at decoration was much
+more important than the attempt at interpretation. An interpretation
+was given to me for the box shown in fig. 287 _b_. Although obtained
+from Charles Edensaw, one of the best artists among the Haida, I
+consider it entirely fanciful. The first side to the left, corresponds
+to the third side, which is opposite to it on the box. The second side
+corresponds to the fourth side. Edensaw explained the design as showing
+four interpretations of the raven as culture hero. The upper right
+hand rectangle of the first side he claimed to represent the head of
+the raven surmounted by the ear; the large eye to the left of it, in
+the left hand upper corner, the shoulder and under it the wing and
+tail. The design in the right hand lower corner he interpreted as the
+foot; the toes are clearly visible in the lowest right hand corner of
+this field. He claims that the head turned upside down in the left hand
+upper rectangle of the second side represents the head of the raven
+and under it the hand; the raven being conceived as a human being. The
+rectangle in the upper right hand corner contains the shoulder; the
+right hand lower corner under it, the tail; and the left hand lower
+corner, leg and foot.
+
+The box shown in fig. 287 _c_ is related to the general design of fig.
+287 _b_. The somewhat slanting lines between the upper and lower fields
+occur in both cases, but the vertical division of each side, which is
+characteristic of the specimen just described, is lacking in the last
+named specimen.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 288. Horn spoons showing carving on the back; _a_,
+representing sea-monster; _b_, hawk; _c_, beaver (?); _d_, raven; _e_,
+killer-whale; _f_, raven; _g_, dlia (?); _h_, sun.]
+
+A fairly fixed formal arrangement may also be observed on horn spoons
+moulded of a single piece (fig. 288). On the back of the spoon is a
+design, the center of which is a large face. In many specimens the
+space above the eye is filled by two ear designs which are doubled
+and unusually large on account of the space that they have to fill.
+In these specimens the space between the ears is taken up by a narrow
+decorated strip. In a few simpler forms parts of the bowl of the spoon
+remain undecorated.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 289. Dish of horn of big-horn-sheep representing
+the bear.]
+
+A closer examination of the decorated objects shows that even apart
+from the decorative use of symbolic motives, geometric elements are
+not by any means absent. The most striking use of geometrical forms
+is found on wooden trays, which bear at the ends the characteristic
+faces, but which are decorated on the sides by groups of short parallel
+lines (fig. 284, p. 273). The line and circle pattern on the dish
+(fig. 168, p. 191) illustrates also the use of geometrical forms for
+decorative purposes. On the berry spoon (fig. 215, p. 221) the space
+left vacant by the symbolic design is filled in with a net of crossing
+lines. This specimen shows that the cross hatching which occurs in many
+specimens,—on the beaver tail (fig. 157, p. 186), on berry spoons (fig.
+182, p. 197), on spoons (fig. 189, p. 201) and often in red or black
+as a filler on boxes (fig. 274, p. 263) has a decorative value even
+when it may be given at the same time a symbolic meaning. The dish of
+big-horn-sheep horn (fig. 289) shows a bear’s head at each end. At the
+same time it has a decorative border which seems to imitate the border
+of a basket and which is purely ornamental. It serves to close off the
+rim which without it would seem to end abruptly. A similar device is
+used on a Kwakiutl mask (fig. 290). Although the encircling ornament
+is explained as a ring made of twisted, shredded cedar bark, it is
+obviously essentially ornamental. The circular and spiral designs bring
+out the ornamental character most clearly.
+
+[Illustration:                                                  PLATE X.
+
+Chilkat Blanket.]
+
+[Illustration:                                                 PLATE XI.
+
+Cedarbark Blanket, British Columbia.]
+
+[Illustration:                                                PLATE XII.
+
+Blankets of Mountain-goat Wool.
+
+Bella Coola, British Columbia.]
+
+
+It seems not unlikely that the symbolic style and the desire to
+cover the whole field with ornaments have developed exuberantly only
+recently. In early times geometric ornaments were probably more widely
+used than is the case now. We shall see presently that they are in
+extensive use in basketry.
+
+A number of ancient blankets show that angular geometrical ornaments
+played an important part in earlier weaving. Plate X represents
+a blanket of mountain-goat wool, in the Ethnological Museum at
+Copenhagen, formerly belonging to the old collections in Leningrad.
+It is decorated entirely with geometrical designs arranged in
+horizontal bands. The same zig-zag pattern in short panels that occupies
+alternating bands in this blanket appears in a second ancient blanket
+(Pl. XI) which contains also curiously conventionalized faces and
+triangular designs. This is a cedar bark blanket in the British Museum
+transferred from the United Service Museum about 1868, collected at
+Nootka. It has a border in brown and yellow wool (?), consisting of
+obtuse triangles, assimilated to an eye design. A series of photographs
+of blankets in the hands of Dr. Newcombe of Victoria, British Columbia,
+shows that these types were in common use in Bella Coola (Pl. XII, see
+also p. 292).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 290. Mask of Kwakiutl Indians used in winter
+ceremonial; according to some representing fool dancer, according to
+others The-One-Shining-Down.]
+
+Our consideration of the fixed formal elements found in this art prove
+that the principles of geometric ornamental form may be recognized even
+in this highly developed symbolic art; and that it is not possible to
+assign to each and every element that is derived from animal motives a
+significant function, but that many of them are employed regardless of
+meaning, and used for purely ornamental purposes.
+
+The symbolic decoration is governed by rigorous formal principles. It
+appears that what we have called for the sake of convenience dissection
+and distortion of animal forms, is, in many cases, a fitting of animal
+motives into fixed ornamental patterns. We infer from a study of form
+and interpretation that there are certain purely geometric elements
+that have been utilized in the symbolic representation. Most important
+among these are the double curve which appears always as a filler in
+an oval field with flat base, and the slit which serves to separate
+distinct curves. The typical eye design is presumably related to the
+circle and dot and may have developed from the double tendency of
+associating geometrical motives with animal forms and of the other, of
+standardizing forms derived from animal motives as ornamental elements.
+
+This art style can be fully understood only as an integral part
+of the structure of Northwest coast culture. The fundamental idea
+underlying the thoughts, feelings, and activities of these tribes is
+the value of rank which gives title to the use of privileges, most
+of which find expression in artistic activities or in the use of art
+forms. Rank and social position bestow the privilege to use certain
+animal figures as paintings or carvings on the house-front, on totem
+poles, on masks and on the utensils of every day life. Rank and social
+position give the right to tell certain tales referring to ancestral
+exploits; they determine the songs which may be sung. There are other
+obligations and privileges related to rank and social position, but
+the most outstanding feature is the intimate association between
+social standing and art forms. A similar relation, although not quite
+so intimate, prevails in the relation of religious activities and
+manifestations of art. It is as though the heraldic idea had taken hold
+of the whole life and had permeated it with the feeling that social
+standing must be expressed at every step by heraldry which, however,
+is not confined to space forms alone but extends over literary,
+musical and dramatic expression. Who can tell whether the association
+between social standing and the use of certain animal forms,—that
+is the totemic aspect of social life,—has given the prime impetus
+to the art development or whether the art impetus has developed and
+enriched totemic life? Our observations make it seem plausible that
+the particular symbolic development of art would not have occurred,
+if the totemic ideas had been absent and that we are dealing with the
+gradual intrusion of ever fuller animal motives into a well established
+conventionalized art. On the other hand it seems quite certain that
+the exuberance of totemic form has been stimulated by the value given
+to the art form. We may observe among all the tribes that high chiefs
+claim highly specialized art forms that are built up on the general
+background of totemic representation. In the south, there is clear
+evidence of the late exuberant development of the totemic, or perhaps
+better, crest idea, owing to the strong endeavor to raise by the
+possession of art forms the standing of the social units to which the
+individual belongs. The multiplicity of forms among the numerous small
+divisions of the Kwakiutl and the sporadic appearance of animal forms
+among the adjoining Salish are ample proof of these relations.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 291. Ancient type of Kwakiutl box.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 292. _a_, Food tray; _b_, Bucket, Kwakiutl.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 293. Small boxes, Kwakiutl.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 294. Combs, Kwakiutl.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 295. Bone club and sword, Kwakiutl.]
+
+The style has undoubtedly its home in northern British Columbia and
+southern Alaska. The manufactures of the tribes of Vancouver Island
+show a far more extended use of geometrical ornamentation than those of
+the northern tribes. I am under the impression that these are survivals
+of an older style. Trays, boxes, and baskets of the Kwakiutl Indians
+are still decorated with geometrical patterns. A rattle used in a
+ceremony performed after the birth of twins (fig. 19, p. 31) bears a
+pattern consisting of angular fields. Ancient boxes found in caves are
+ornamented with a geometrical style more elaborate than that of modern
+times (fig. 291).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 296. Spindle whorls.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 297. Ladle made of big-horn-sheep horn, Columbia
+River.]
+
+The small food trays, the sides of which are bent out of a single
+board, bear on the upper end a border pattern consisting of equidistant
+lines following the rim, while the body of the sides is ornamented
+with vertical lines (fig. 292 _a_). A similar border pattern is found
+on buckets (fig. 292 _b_). In boxes a border design is cut in, setting
+off the central field (fig. 293). Combs are decorated with geometrical
+motives most of which consist of a central rectangular field set off
+from the background by parallel lines or developed by a subdivision of
+the field. In one case triangles and crossing lines with hachure are
+used (fig. 294). On a bone sword the decoration consists of circles
+with center, a pattern that is widely distributed among the western
+Eskimo, the plateau tribes of the interior and in California (fig.
+295). It will be noticed that the head carved at the end of this
+specimen does not conform at all to the style of art here discussed
+but rather agrees with the carving found in the region of the Gulf of
+Georgia and Puget Sound. Another specimen (fig. 295), differs still
+more from the style of the Northwest coast art and resembles that of
+the tribes of the interior.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 298. Clubs made of bone of whale, Nootka.]
+
+
+In the art of the West coast of Vancouver Island, in a few ancient
+specimens of the Kwakiutl and particularly in the whole area of the
+Gulf of Georgia, a triangular motive analogous to the “Kerbschnitt” of
+northern Europe, plays an important role. It is found on the ancient
+Kwakiutl boxes previously referred to (fig. 291), and is a common
+decorative motive on clubs made of bone of whale (fig. 298). A related
+motive is found on spindle whorls (fig. 296). It is also found on
+representative wood carvings, as on the eagle design on a house post
+from the Fraser River Delta (Plate XIII p. 288). In the region still
+farther south, this ornament becomes more and more important, as may be
+seen on dishes and spoons from the Columbia River area. On these the
+circular design and central dot also occur (fig. 297).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 299. Clubs made of bone of whale, Nootka and coast
+of Salish.]
+
+A number of ancient specimens prove the existence of a fixed art style
+in this region, representative, but differing in character from the
+style of the Northwest coast. This is best illustrated by a series
+of war clubs. The fundamental type is a blade of a lenticular cross
+section surmounted by a head resembling that of an eagle, which bears
+on its head a bird headdress not unlike what is used by the Nootka of
+modern times.[115] In all the specimens represented in figures 298 and
+299 this fundamental form will be recognized, although in many cases
+the outlines are so crude that the elements of the composition are
+recognized with difficulty only. It is possible that in a number of
+these carvings it was not the intent to represent the eagle with bird
+headdress, but that the form is rather due to the compelling influence
+of a standardized form that determined the outlines of the subject
+of the representation. Common to these clubs is also the central
+ornamental line ending near the point in a circular ornament which is
+often given the form of a human head.
+
+[115] See Harlan I. Smith, Archaeology of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget
+Sound, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol II,
+figs. 165-168.
+
+Representations of animals in wood carving differ also in important
+features from those of the northern region. The tendency to ornament
+the whole body, the dislike of a plain background is not found here.
+If we are right in assuming that the fullest development of a rich
+ornamentation in the north is late, we might say that in the south the
+ornamentation has not yet encroached upon the whole background. The
+eye design, double curve, the slit design are foreign to this area.
+Instead of house posts carved in the round, we find heavy posts of
+rectangular cross section which bear on the front figures carved in the
+round or in high relief. Sometimes the post assumes geometrical forms.
+A characteristic trait of the human face in this region is the sharp
+angle setting off the forehead from the face. This is most pronounced
+in the carvings of the Puget Sound region (fig. 300 and Plate XIV).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 300. House posts, Lower Fraser River.]
+
+On Puget Sound animal representations are used with great frequency in
+basketry, particularly as ornamental borders. In ancient times they
+were also applied to hats (fig. 301, see also fig. 72 p. 78). This
+style seems to be entirely missing in the north.
+
+
+[Illustration:                                               PLATE XIII.
+
+House Post near Eburne, Fraser River Delta, British Columbia.]
+
+At the present time the Kwakiutl apply the symbolic style in house
+paintings, house posts, and masks. The skill of the artist is not
+inferior to that found among the northern tribes, but the subject
+matter differs somewhat according to the difference in mythological
+concepts. The distortions in painting are, if anything, more daring
+than those of the Haida, but I have not observed to the same degree the
+tendency to interlock various animal forms, as is done on spoon handles
+and totem poles of the northern tribes. On totem poles so far as these
+occur, and on house posts the single figures are placed one on top
+of the other, but they remain separated. The masks are painted as
+elaborately as those of the northern tribes. Double masks and revolving
+attachments occur. In short, the decorative art of those objects that
+are strictly related to use in totemic and similar ceremonies, have the
+northern type, while objects of every day life tend to have geometric
+ornamentation. The use of animal forms on large dishes (see fig. 198,
+p. 208) is a characteristic trait of this region.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 301. Basket, Lower Chehalis.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 302. Designs on matting, Kwakiutl.]
+
+Historical tradition confirms our view that the northern art type is
+of recent introduction among the Kwakiutl. In ancient times the walls
+of the houses were built of horizontal, overlapping boards that did
+not admit painting, except on separate planks. Old Indians claim that,
+until about 1860, the house posts were heavy planks with relief carving
+or painting,—like those known to us from Fraser River, and that only
+masks were of the same type as those now in use.
+
+While realistic representations are rare among the northern tribes,
+they are found quite frequently among the Kwakiutl. They are
+principally caricatures that are made and exhibited for the purpose of
+ridiculing a rival. A head used in a ceremonial performance has been
+referred to before (fig. 156 p. 185).
+
+I have stated that in basketry and matting geometrical ornamentation
+is used by all the tribes. It is the style of the woman’s art. On
+decorated mats checker designs are made in black and red on the
+background of natural color of cedar bark (fig. 302). More elaborate
+are the patterns which occur on spruce root weaving, particularly on
+hats. These are made by twining, and ornamental lines are developed by
+the occasional skipping of two woof strands. By this device lines are
+produced which appear raised over the surface of the plain weaving. The
+most frequent designs which are made in this way consist of a series of
+diamonds and of zig-zag lines. Sometimes these hats are also painted. In
+these the woven pattern disappears almost completely under the painted
+design (fig. 303).
+
+On the coast of Alaska we find the highest development of the geometric
+style.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 303. Woven hat of spruce root, Kwakiutl.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 304. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry.]
+
+The patterns used on these baskets consist of angular forms, except on
+modern placques, and bear names.[116] From the way in which these are
+used we may infer that they have no symbolic significance. I give here
+a selection of these. Fig. 304 _a_, _b_, _c_, patterns consisting of
+zig-zag lines, represent in this order: the woodworm or the woodworm
+tracks (_a_), lightning (_b_), the butterfly (_c_). The rectangle
+divided by an oblique line, (_d_), represents tracks of the bear;
+the dark part of the rectangle may be interpreted as the sole of the
+foot; the light part of the rectangle as the claws. The design (_e_)
+is called the arrow; (_f_) the rainbow; (_g_) fire weed; and (_h_)
+the hood of the raven. Fig. 305 _a_ shows various representations
+of the isosceles triangle, some of which are identical with the
+forms occurring in California. All of these are called head of the
+salmon-berry. The designs _b_, _c_, and _d_, are closely related; (_b_)
+is generally used on the narrow central band which separates two broad
+design bands; it is called “tying”. Flying geese are represented in
+(_c_); tracks of geese in (_d_). The complicated design in (_e_) is
+called “raven tail”; the relation between this name and the form is not
+clear; (_f_) shows a number of representations of the wave. Designs
+(_g_) and (_h_) are from circular placques; (_g_) represents the fern
+frond; (_h_) the porpoise. In the last named case the relation between
+form and name is obscure.
+
+[116] G. T. Emmons, The Basketry of the Tlingit, Memoirs American
+Museum of Natural History. Vol. 3 (1903) pp. 229 et seq.
+
+
+I have little doubt that the designs are closely related to the blanket
+patterns previously referred to and to the porcupine quill embroidery
+of the tribes of the interior. The design fig. 304 _h_, for instance,
+is found in identical form on the lowest stripe of the Bella Coola
+blanket on top of Plate XII. The arrangement of patterns in blocks on
+these blankets is also similar to the arrangement found in this type
+of basketry. In fact the technique is a kind of embroidery in which
+the decorative material is wrapped around the woof strand when the
+basket is being made. The materials used are grasses and fern stems of
+contrasting color.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 305. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry.]
+
+The baskets are round, mostly with almost straight walls. The diameter
+is very nearly equal to the height. On the majority of baskets which
+are used for berrying and as general receptacles, the patterns are
+applied in horizontal bands. The rim of the basket is generally
+undecorated. The rim weave which holds the warp together, is in most
+cases quite insignificant and does not give a decorative effect. The
+only specimen of decorative band at the upper rim, with which I am
+familiar, has no color embroidery but has only a zig-zag decoration made
+by the process of twilling described before, similar to the pattern
+fig. 304 _h_. Most baskets are decorated by a broad band parallel to
+the rim, which consists of two wide stripes separated by a narrow one.
+These bands are placed at a short distance from the upper rim. (Plate
+XIV). The distance is often about equal to the width of the central
+band. The designs on the wide upper and lower bands are generally
+identical. The central dividing band is in most cases decorated with
+small elements arranged in zig-zag lines. In a fairly large number of
+cases, only the two outer bands are embroidered, while the central
+band remains undecorated. In a few cases the central band is reduced
+to a single undecorated line of stitches so that the impression is
+conveyed of a single broad band encircling the whole basket. In open
+work spoon baskets the central band is placed near the middle of the
+basket, while the outer bands are moved to the bottom and to the upper
+border. Although some of the designs are of such a character that they
+may be used as continuous horizontal bands, there is a marked tendency
+of dividing up the circumference into a number of panels which are
+separated by straight vertical lines.
+
+A considerable number of the baskets decorated with three bands have
+either two or four “droppers”, and in a few cases the design of the
+“dropper” is repeated over the upper design. The number of repetitions
+of the design in the bands is quite irregular, some of the large
+designs are repeated only twice. When there are many repetitions of
+the design in the upper and lower band their distribution is generally
+quite independent, that is, the upper and lower design elements are not
+fitted the one over the other.
+
+Unfortunately there is not enough porcupine embroidery available
+that will allow us to investigate in detail the relations between
+the patterns used in this industry and in basketry. The designs here
+described are akin to the geometrical basketry patterns of other parts
+of the Pacific slope and to designs occurring in bead embroidery. They
+are entirely foreign to the painting and carving described in the
+previous pages.
+
+[Illustration:                                                PLATE XIV.
+
+Tlingit Baskets.]
+
+Northwest Coast culture has exerted its influence over the tribes both
+of the north and south. The woodwork of the Columbia River region and
+of northern California has undoubtedly been stimulated by its example.
+Although the style changes materially, the technique of handling the
+wood and the relative abundance of wood carving indicates the
+interrelation of these cultures. Taken in conjunction with other
+features,—such as the peculiar type of correlation of wealth and rank
+and the extensive use of standards of value,—the historical relation
+seems firmly established. The art style of woodwork does not exhibit a
+close affinity to the North West Coast. We have shown that the older
+art of the Gulf of Georgia is quite distinct from that of the North
+West Coast. The further south we go the more meager become the vestiges
+of the symbolic style here treated.
+
+In the north conditions are somewhat different. Even among the
+northern Tlingit tribes some types of masks may be observed that
+are conceptionally different from those found further south. They
+are characterized by the attachment of small animal figures to the
+face,—particularly on the forehead and cheeks. This usage is much
+more frequent among the Eskimo tribes.[117] Their masks tend to be
+flat and appear like plastic representations of their paintings and
+etchings: realistic forms of human or imaginary beings or of animals.
+They have adopted from the North West Coast the attachment of parts
+of the body to the face, while these parts,—such as hands and feet,
+retain their realistic character. The attachment of small animal forms
+to the face is quite frequent here. Its source may perhaps be found
+in the application of animal heads to carved objects, which is one of
+the principle features of the decorative art of the Alaskan Eskimo.
+It is exemplified in the needle cases shown in fig. 119, p. 125. The
+abundance of masks can hardly be understood unless we assume that the
+coast people of the south exerted a powerful influence over the Eskimo.
+The eastern Eskimo, among whom this influence is lacking, have few
+masks of quite a different type.
+
+[117] Sie E. W. Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, 18^{th} Ann.
+Rep. Bur. Am. Ethn. (1899) Plates 95 et seq.; also the Athapascan
+masks from Anvik in J. W. Chapman, Notes on the Tinneh tribe of Anvik,
+Congrès International des Americanistes XV^e session, Vol 2, pp. 7 et
+seq.
+
+The relation of the North West Coast art to that of the adjoining
+plateaus of the interior deserves special consideration. The contrast
+between the two is striking. A few of the tribes that have adopted,
+partially at least, totemic ideas of the coast people, as the Lillooet,
+have taken over with it a moderate amount of carving. A few that have
+fallen more fully under the sway of the North West Coast culture, as
+the Bella Coola, Babine, and a few of the Alaskan tribes near the coast
+of southern Alaska, have also, to a great extent, adopted the art style
+of the coast.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 306. _a_, Rawhide pouch, Salish or Chinook; _b_,
+Design from parfleche, Fort Colville, Washington.]
+
+As soon as we move farther inland we find an art that, in its
+essential characteristics, is subject to the Plains art. The style and
+decoration of the clothing are essentially those of the Plains. Rude
+pictography is used extensively. There is hardly any attempt to fit the
+pictographic representation to the decorative field that serves merely
+as the background on which the representative design is conveniently
+placed. Most of the geometric patterns that do occur are closely
+related to eastern forms. A rawhide pouch from the interior of British
+Columbia (fig. 28, p. 36) may serve as an example. On parfleches and
+rawhide pouches from Fort Colville and from Columbia River (fig. 306)
+we find the same designs that are characteristic of eastern paintings
+on rawhide (see figs. 144-146 pp. 170-172). Analogous forms are found
+in bone carvings from the Tahltan in Alaska (fig. 307). In the southern
+parts of the plateaus of British Columbia, simple lines and circles
+with center are the most common decorative pattern on bone and on wood.
+Representative sculpture is rare although a few ancient specimens have
+been found. The archaeological remains prove that at an early time the
+same art type prevailed in the Delta of Fraser River. The symbolism of
+the patterns is very weak, but seems analogous to that found in the
+east.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 307. Scraper of bone, Tahltan.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 308. Detail of imbricated basketry.]
+
+Decorative art is most highly developed in basketry. The basketry
+of the Coast tribes is made by twining or weaving, but the highly
+decorated basketry of the interior is exclusively of the coiled type.
+Only among the Sahaptin and other tribes to the southeast do we find
+elaborately decorated twined bags. The twined weaving of the interior
+of British Columbia is largely undecorated or bears a few lines set
+off in lighter color. The coiled weaving is decorated by imbrication,
+a method peculiar to that part of the plateaus extending from the
+Columbia River to Chilcotin (fig. 308). In this area a number of
+decorative art styles have developed. These appear most clearly on the
+burden baskets. The southern baskets are round and flaring, those of
+southern British Columbia are angular in cross section, those of the
+north oblong and of irregular form. The southern baskets are decorated
+all over with designs resembling Californian patterns. Those of
+the Thompson River have design areas set off against an undecorated
+background. The designs are made by imbrication and extend over the
+whole side of the basket, evenly on all sides. The Lillooet baskets are
+more flaring than those of the Thompson. The coils are wider and the
+decorative field is arranged in a different manner. The imbrication is
+confined to the upper two-thirds of the basket while the lower part
+remains undecorated, except that there are frequently two hangers
+on the wide sides which may be compared to the hangers on Tlingit
+baskets, described before. I am doubtful whether there is an historical
+connection between the two, notwithstanding their striking similarity.
+The Indians suggest that the hangers may have developed from the
+earlier use of birch bark baskets. These were often wrapped at the
+upper part with buckskin the lower portion of which hung down freely in
+fringes, so that the droppers would represent the fringes. Many of the
+Lillooet designs are large. (Plate XV).
+
+The Chilcotin type differs from the preceding by the small size of
+the coil and a distinctive form, the narrow ends being higher than
+the middle of the long sides. The treatment of the decorative field
+is similar to that used by the Tlingit. The ornamentation consists
+of three bands; the upper and the lower ones wide, bearing the same
+kind of decorative design and the central one narrower and either
+undecorated or showing a design of a different character. Arrangements
+of this kind are used so frequently that is seems hardly justifiable to
+consider them as proof of an historical connection between Tlingit and
+Chilcotin basketry. We find similar arrangements for instance in the
+pouches of the Woodland Indians referred to on p. 175, figs. 149, 150.
+
+[Illustration:                                                 PLATE XV.
+
+Imbricated Baskets from British Columbia and Washington.]
+
+
+
+
+                      LITERATURE, MUSIC, AND DANCE.
+
+
+We shall now turn to a consideration of literature, music and dance. It
+is a noticeable fact that a rich literary art is much more universally
+distributed than well developed decorative art. While among tribes
+like the Bushman and the eastern Eskimo very few manufactured objects
+of artistic value are found, these same tribes produce an abundance
+of literary work. Volumes of Eskimo lore have been collected and if
+it did not require a most intimate knowledge of the people and an
+endless amount of patience to collect songs and poems, their number
+would undoubtedly equal that of tales. The collections of Bushman lore
+are also quite extended. I believe the reason for this difference is
+not far to seek. Decorative art requires rest and quiet, a stationary
+abode. There must be opportunity to continue steadily the work which
+requires the use of tools; or at least there must be a chance to lay it
+aside and to take it up again. The life of hunters is not favorable to
+the prosecution of such work. First of all the weapons of the hunter
+must be kept in order. The supply of provisions is generally so scanty
+or the possibility of laying by stores for future use is so limited,
+that the hunter is compelled to spend the greater part of every
+day in pursuit of the game. Little time remains for domestic work.
+Furthermore when camp is shifted which is frequently necessary, bulky,
+half finished work can be carried along with difficulty only. It is,
+therefore, not surprising that the household goods of the hunter are
+few in number and easily transported. The property of a Bushman family
+might be carried in two hands.
+
+Quite different are conditions under which literary work and music
+develop. It might be imagined that the hunter has just as little
+time for poetic work, as for the manufacture of decorated articles.
+This opinion is based on an erroneous conception of the work of the
+hunter. He is not all the time following strenuously the tracks of
+the game, but often he resorts to trapping, or he sits still, waiting
+for the game to appear. The Eskimo, for instance, sits for hours by
+the breathing-hole of the seal. During such times his fancy is free to
+wander and many of his songs take shape during these moments. There are
+other times of enforced idleness in which manual work is impossible but
+when the people may give free range to their fancy. An instance of this
+stands out clearly in my mind: An Eskimo youth was carried away in the
+fall on the drifting ice. After a few days he succeeded in reaching
+land. During these days of danger and privation he composed a song in
+which he mocked his own misfortunes and the hardships he had endured,
+a song which appealed to the fancy of the people and which soon became
+popular in all the villages.[118]
+
+[118] See Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 7, p. 50.
+
+    “Aya, I am joyful; this is good!
+    Aya, there is nothing but ice around me, that is good!
+    Aya, I am joyful; this is good!
+    My country is nothing but slush, that is good!
+    Aya, I am joyful; this is good!
+    Aya, when, indeed, will this end? this is good!
+    I am tired of watching and waking, this is good!”
+
+We must remember that the first condition for the development of
+artistic handicraft is leisure. No matter how strong the art impulse
+may be, it cannot find expression so long as man’s time is entirely
+taken up by procuring the barest necessities of life. The paleolithic
+hunter who painted on the walls of the caves must have been able to
+spare sufficient time from the labor of getting his food supply to
+devote himself to the joy of painting the animals of the chase. We
+recognize in a study of the art products of each people that the amount
+they produce is in direct relation to the amount of their leisure.
+Therefore tribes that procure their main food supply in one season and
+store it up for the rest of the year and who enjoy, therefore, seasons
+of leisure, will be found to be most productive in works of art as well
+as in ceremonial affairs and other manifestations of social life that
+do not contribute to the mere need of food and shelter.
+
+These conditions are more easily fulfilled for those arts that do not
+require manual labor than for those based on industrial occupations;
+hence the wider distribution of literary art.
+
+The two fundamental forms of literature, song and tale, are found
+universally and must be considered the primary form of literary
+activity. Poetry without music, that is to say forms of literary
+expression of fixed rhythmic form, are found only in civilized
+communities, except perhaps in chanted formulas. In simpler cultural
+forms the music of language alone does not seem to be felt as an
+artistic expression, while fixed rhythms that are sung occur everywhere.
+
+We may even recognize that in all parts of the world songs are found
+in which the words are subordinated to music. As we sing tunes without
+words, either because the words are not known,—or, more significantly,
+on a refrain, on vocables consisting of syllables without meaning,—so
+songs carried along on a meaningless burden are found in all parts
+of the globe. They are not often recorded because the collection of
+material of this kind is quite novel, but the data that we have in hand
+prove that the connection between song and burden is universal. The
+Eskimo have songs carried along on the syllables _amna aya_, _iya aya_,
+and other similar ones. In some cases there is a certain emotional
+significance inherent in the burden, as on the Northwest coast of
+America where the songs refer to different supernatural beings, each
+having its own characteristic syllables: the cannibal spirit _ham ham_,
+the grizzly bear _hei hei_ and so on. According to the usual definition
+of poetry we should perhaps exclude these songs, but that is impossible
+because the transition from songs carried along by the burden alone
+and others that contain significant words is quite gradual. In many
+cases a single word is introduced at a definite point of the tune and
+the verses contain each one single word. This may be the name of the
+supernatural being to which the song refers.
+
+Thus we have in British Columbia
+
+    Ham ham hamaya, He-who-travels-from-one-end-of-the-world-to-the-other
+                                      ham ham.
+    Ham ham hamaya, The-great-cannibal-of-the-north-end-of-the-world,
+                                      ham ham.
+    Ham ham hamaya, He-who-carries-corpses-to-be-his-food,
+                                      ham ham.
+
+In other songs the significant words are more elaborate. They are
+phrases fitted to the tunes, often by doing violence to the ordinary
+forms of the words. The words are controlled by the tunes. I might
+imitate this in the following way:
+
+Instead of “I saw the great spirit travelling about”. We might have
+
+    I sawhaw the greaheat sp’rit tra’ling ’bout, ham ham.
+
+This process is not quite unfamiliar to us in so far as we use the
+apostrophe for syllables that in ordinary speech are not slurred, when
+we expand a long vowel over several tones, when we utilise archaic
+pronunciations for the sake of the meter, or when wrong accents are
+introduced. Disregard for the words is found also in borrowed songs
+which are sung in a language that is not understood and in which the
+words (which are usually mispronounced) have only the value of a burden
+that may be connected with a certain emotion determined by the use of
+the song. All these forms are found everywhere and must therefore be
+considered the foundations of poetry.
+
+Primitive poetry is primarily lyric, in many cases dithyrambic, and
+elements which express definite coherent ideas are, in all probability,
+later developments. Perhaps we may see here an analogy to the growth of
+language. In the animal world cries are primarily reactions to emotions
+and only indirectly designative. It seems likely that in human speech
+the spontaneous emotional cry preceded the designative and so much more
+the predicative expression, not by any means in the sense that the
+exclamation accounts for the origin of organized speech, but that it is
+probably the first form of articulation.
+
+It must not be assumed that the control of the word by music is
+characteristic of all primitive song. On the contrary, in recitatives
+which are quite common, the words are often controlling and musical
+phrases are added or omitted whenever the words require it. Among the
+Sioux Indians we find often both tendencies; the words adapted to the
+tunes and the tune, on its part, adjusted to the words.[119]
+
+[119] Frances Densmore, Teton Sioux Music, Bull. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 61,
+Washington, 1918; see, for instance No. 38, p. 162.
+
+We might express the results of our considerations in stating that song
+is older than poetry and that poetry has gradually emancipated itself
+from music.
+
+The relation between music, words and dance are of a similar character.
+Primitive literary expression is often, though not by any means always,
+accompanied by some kind of motor activity; or certain kinds of motions
+may release articulations that take the form of song or of spoken
+words. Strong, but controlled emotion finds utterance in movements of
+the body and in articulation, and emotional speech releases similar
+movements. This may be inferred from the frequent association of song
+and dance, of song and games, and of that of gestures and lively
+speech. Dance has always remained associated with music, but with the
+emancipation of poetry music has lost its close association with the
+spoken word.
+
+Primitive artistic prose has two important forms: narrative and
+oratory. The form of modern prose is largely determined by the fact
+that it is read, not spoken, while primitive prose is based on the art
+of oral delivery and is, therefore, more closely related to modern
+oratory than to the printed literary style. The stylistic difference
+between the two forms is considerable.
+
+Unfortunately most primitive prose has been recorded in European
+languages only, and it is impossible to determine the accuracy of the
+rendering. In most of the records there is an obvious attempt to adapt
+it to the European literary style. Even when the material is available
+in the original text we may assume that, at least in the majority of
+cases, it does not reach the standard of excellence of the art of
+native narrative. The difficulty of phonetic rendering of foreign
+languages requires such slowness of dictation that the artistic style
+necessarily suffers. The number of collectors who possess complete
+mastery of the languages of the natives is altogether too small. The
+best approximation to the art of narrative of primitive people is
+probably found in those cases in which educated natives write down the
+texts, or in the records taken down by missionaries who in long years
+of personal, intimate contact with the people have acquired complete
+control of their language, and who are willing to give us just what
+they hear.
+
+As an example of the difference in style between the free rendering
+of a story told in English by an interpreter, and the translation of
+a native text I give part of the Twin-Hero story of Sia, as told by
+M. C. Stevenson, and the same story as dictated to me in Laguna. Mrs.
+Stevenson[120] tells as follows: Upon visiting the plaza the twins
+found a large gathering and the housetops were crowded with those
+looking at the dance. The boys who approached the plaza from a narrow
+street in the village, stood for a time at the entrance. The one
+remarked, “I guess all the people are looking at us and thinking we are
+very poor boys; see how they pass back and forth and do not speak to
+us;” but after a while he said, “We are a little hungry; let us walk
+around and see where we can find something to eat.” They looked in all
+the houses facing upon the plaza and saw feasting within, but no one
+invited them to enter and eat, and though they inspected every house in
+the village, they were invited into but one. At this house the woman
+said, “Boys, come in and eat; I guess you are hungry.” After the repast
+they thanked her, saying, “It was very good.” Then the one said, “You,
+woman, and you, man,” addressing her husband, “you and all your family
+are good. We have eaten at your house; we give you many thanks; and now
+listen to what I have to say. I wish you and all your children to go
+off a distance to another house; to a house which stands alone; the
+round house off from the village. All of you stay there for a while.”
+
+[120] Matilda Coxe Stevenson, The Sia, 11th Annual Report Bureau of
+Ethnology, Washington, 1894, pp. 54-55.
+
+The Laguna version is as follows:[121]
+
+Long ago.—Eh.—Long ago in the north in Whitehouse lived the people. At
+that time they had a war dance. At that time, when they were dancing,
+Salt-Woman and her grandsons, the Twin-Heroes, were travelling in this
+direction searching for a town, yes, some place where nobody would make
+dirt, searching for good water standing on the ground; for that they
+were searching. At the time they reached Whitehouse the people were
+having a war dance. They arrived at the east end of the town, and they
+climbed up the ladder, entered after having climbed down, but nobody
+said anything to them. Then they climbed up and out again. Again they
+climbed down into a house on the west and again they entered, climbing
+downward. Here also nobody invited them in and nobody gave them to
+eat. Then they climbed up going out and climbed down the ladder. Then
+the grandmother spoke thus, “Grandchildren, are you hungry?” said she
+to them. Then the Twin-Heroes spoke, “Yes,” they said to her. Then
+the grandmother, Salt-Woman, spoke thus, “Now let us go for the last
+time, climb up the house to the west.” Thus said Salt-Woman. They
+went westward and climbed up, then they climbed down the ladder and
+entered. When they had entered the Parrot People were about to eat.
+They said, “How is everything?”—“It is well,” said the Parrot People.
+“Sit down,” said the Parrot People. Then they sat down and soon they
+were satisfied. After a while the one who was the mother of the Parrot
+People spoke thus, “Give them to eat,” said she. Then they gave them
+to eat and they dipped out the deer meat with a chamber vessel. Then
+the one who was the mother spoke thus, “Take this; eat,” said she.
+Then Salt-Woman put her hand into the soup that had been dipped out
+and she stirred it with her hand and they ate and they were satisfied.
+Then the one who was the mother of the Parrot People took it away.
+She spoke thus, “I wonder why this soup is so different,” said she.
+Then she tasted it. Then the one who was the mother spoke thus, “Oh
+my, that soup is very sweet,” said the one who was the mother. Then
+Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Behold, go on, dip it out and give it to them
+and eat,” said Salt-Woman. Then she dipped out the soup and passed
+it about. They sat down there together. Then Salt-Woman took scabs
+from her body (which was salt) and she put the salt in for them. Then
+Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Let us continue to stir it,” said Salt-Woman.
+Then they stirred it and ate. Now Salt-Woman spoke thus, “I tell you
+this,” said Salt-Woman, “I am Salt-Woman, there is no sickness on my
+body. Is not this my body pure salt?” said Salt-Woman. “Now I also tell
+you this,” said Salt-Woman. “How many children have you and how many
+families of Parrot People live here?” said Salt-Woman. “Now go ahead
+and come in this direction,” said she, “for I am very grateful because
+you gave me to eat,” said Salt-Woman. Now the one who was the mother
+of the Parrot People went to call her relatives. She brought the whole
+number of them. Then she took them down and Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Are
+these your relatives, the Parrot People?”—“Yes,” said the one who was
+the mother. “Indeed,” she said, “Go ahead, take this basket and give
+it to me,” said Salt-Woman. Then she gave the basket to Salt-Woman and
+salt came off from her arms and from her feet. Then she picked it up
+and put it into the basket. “Take this,” said Salt-Woman, “with this
+you will season what you eat.” Then again she spoke thus, “Enough,” she
+said, “it is good, thank you. Now we shall climb up and go out from
+here. You stay here,” said Salt-Woman, “then, when the Twin-Heroes are
+ready we shall open the door after a while.” Thus spoke Salt-Woman.
+Then they climbed up and went away and climbed down again. After they
+had climbed down outside the children came and looked at them for a
+while. The Twin-Heroes were playing thereabouts with a shuttlecock.
+Then the children spoke thus, “Boy,” said they, “go ahead, bring me
+this shuttlecock,” said the children. Then the younger one of the
+Twin-Heroes spoke thus, “Go ahead,” said he, “stand there to the
+south under the cotton wood tree.” The children went southward. They
+arrived there. Then the children spoke thus, “Go ahead,” they said.
+“Now look out,” said the elder one of the Twin-Heroes, “I throw the
+shuttlecock southward.” When it arrived at the south where they stood,
+the shuttlecock fell down between them. Then all were turned into
+chaparral jays. All flew upward. Then Salt-Woman and her grandchildren
+went to the south. They arrived in the south. Then the elder one of
+the Twin-Heroes stood up. He took up his shuttlecock in his turn.
+The younger one said, “Now, look out, it is my turn. Let me make
+the shuttlecock fly to the north.”—“Go ahead,” said the elder one.
+The younger one made the shuttlecock fly northward. In the north it
+reached the plaza and when the shuttlecock fell down the people were
+transformed into stones. Then Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Enough,” said
+she, “Now go ahead to the house of the Parrot People and open the door.”
+
+[121] Franz Boas, Keresan Texts, Publications of the American
+Ethnological Society, Vol. 8, p. 17.
+
+Another example may not be amiss. Dr. Ruth Benedict recorded the
+following as part of the creation myth from a Zuni Indian who has a
+good command of English:
+
+“The Two came to the fourth world. It was dark there; they could see
+nothing. They met a man; he was naked and his body was covered with
+green slime, he had a tail, and a horn on his forehead. He took them to
+his people. The Two said to them, “In the upper world there is no one
+to worship the sun. He has sent us down to you to take you out to the
+world above.” They said, “We are willing. In this world we cannot see
+one another, we step upon one another, we urinate upon one another, we
+spit upon one another, we throw refuse upon one another. It is nasty
+here, we do not want to stay. We have been waiting for someone to lead
+us out. But you must go to the priest of the north; we want to know
+what he has to say.”
+
+They took them to the priest of the north. He said to them, “What is it
+that you have come to say?”—“We want you to come out into the upper
+world.”—“We are willing to go. In this world we cannot see, we step
+upon one another, we urinate upon one another, we throw refuse upon
+another, we spit upon one another. It is nasty here, we do not want to
+stay. We have been waiting for someone to lead us out. But you must go
+to the priest of the west; we want to know what he has to say.” (This
+is repeated for the priests of the six directions.)
+
+Cushing[122] has rendered the same incident as follows:
+
+“Anon in the nethermost of the four cave-wombs of the world, the seed
+of men and the creatures took form and increased; even as within eggs
+in warm places worms speedily appear, which growing, presently burst
+their shells and become as may happen, birds, tadpoles, or serpents, so
+did men and all creatures grow manifoldly and multiply in many kinds.
+Thus the lowermost womb or cave-world, which was Anosin tehuli (the
+womb of sooty depth or of growth-germination, because it was the place
+of first formation and dark as a chimney at night time, foul too, as
+the internals of the belly) thus did it become overfilled with being.
+Everywhere were unfinished creatures, crawling like reptiles one over
+another in filth and black darkness, crowding thickly together and
+treading each other, one spitting on another or doing other indecency,
+insomuch that loud became their murmurings and lamentations, until many
+among them sought to escape, growing wiser and more manlike.”
+
+[122] Frank H. Cushing, Zuni Creation Myths, 13th Annual Report of the
+Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 381.
+
+I think these examples demonstrate that it is not easy to discover
+from published material the stylistic pattern of primitive narrative.
+Sometimes the rendering is bald and dry owing to the difficulties of
+expression that the interpreter cannot overcome; sometimes elaborated
+in a superimposed literary style that does not belong to the original.
+
+In free prose narrative particular stress is laid upon the completeness
+of the succession of events. Both Pueblo and Kwakiutl informants
+criticize tales from this point of view. A Pueblo will say, “You
+cannot say, ‘he entered the house,’ for he must first climb up the
+ladder, then down into the house. He must greet those present properly
+and receive the proper courteous reply.” None of these steps may be
+omitted. This is illustrated by the example of the Laguna tale referred
+to before (see p. 305). The Kwakiutl cannot say, “Then he spoke,” but
+they would say “Then he arose, spoke and said.” They do not allow a
+person to arrive at a place without first letting him start and travel.
+An epic diffusiveness, an insistence on details is characteristic of
+most free primitive narrative.
+
+Besides these free elements, primitive prose contains passages of fixed
+form which are, to a great extent, the source of its attractiveness
+to the hearer. Quite often these passages consist of conversation
+between the actors and in these, deviations from the fixed formula, are
+not permitted. In other cases they are of rhythmic form and must be
+considered poetry, chants or songs rather than prose.
+
+In almost all reliable collections the fixed, formal parts are of
+considerable importance. In a few cases, as among the Wailaki of
+California, the connective text disappears almost completely.
+
+In contrast to the fullness of the free narrative these formal parts
+are apt to be so brief that they are obscure unless the significance
+of the story is known to the hearers. Examples of these are the brief
+tales of the Eskimo. In Cumberland Sound I recorded the following
+example:[123] a tale of a woman and the Spirit of the Singing-House.
+
+  “Where is its owner? Where is its master? Has the singing-house an
+  owner? Has the singing-house a master? It has no owner.”—“Here he is,
+  there he is.”—“Where are his feet? Where are the calves of his legs?
+  Where are his knees? Where are his thighs?”—“Here they are, there
+  they are.”—“Where is his stomach?”—“Here it is, there it is.”—“Where
+  is his chest? Where is his arm? Where is his neck? Where is his
+  head?”—“Here it is, there it is.” He had no hair.
+
+[123] Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 7, (1894), p. 45.
+
+This means that the woman felt for the supernatural owner of the
+singing-house. He is supposed to have bandy legs, no hair and no
+occipital bone. To touch his soft head is immediate death.
+
+The same observation may be made in formulas of the Chukchee.[124]
+
+[124] W. Bogoras, Publications of Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol.
+VIII, Chukchee Texts, p. 133.
+
+  “I call Raven. My abdomen I make into a bay. The bay is frozen.
+  Icebound rubbish is there. All this rubbish is frozen in the ice of
+  the bay. It is the disease of my stomach. Oh, you my stomach, you are
+  full of pain. I make you into a frozen bay, into an old ice floe,
+  into a bad ice floe.
+
+  “Oh, Oh! I call to Raven. You Raven travel around from very remote
+  times. I want your assistance. What are you going to do with this bay
+  that is frozen? Mischievous people made it freeze; you have a strong
+  beak, what are you going to do?”
+
+Sometimes these parts of tales are in an archaic form, or in a
+foreign language, so that they may be quite unintelligible. Their
+impressiveness rests on the form and the general emotional trend of the
+passages in which they occur.
+
+When such passages are discourse they are probably the best material
+for the study of literary style.
+
+From these remarks let us turn to a few general characteristics
+of literary style, first of all to a consideration of rhythm and
+repetition.
+
+The investigation of primitive narrative as well as of poetry proves
+that repetition, particularly rhythmic repetition, is one of its
+fundamental, esthetic traits.
+
+It is not easy to form a just opinion regarding the rhythmic character
+of formal prose; in part because the rhythmic sense of primitive people
+is much more highly developed than our own. The simplification of the
+rhythm of modern folk song, and of poetry intended to appeal to popular
+taste, has dulled our feeling for rhythmic form. I have referred to
+this question before when discussing the complexity of rhythm in
+decorative art. It requires careful study to understand the structure
+of primitive rhythm, more so in prose than in song, because in this
+case the help of the melodic pattern is lacking.
+
+Rhythmic repetition of contents and form is found commonly in
+primitive narrative. For example, the tales of the Chinook Indians
+are often so constructed that five brothers, one after another, have
+the same adventure. The four elder ones perish while the youngest
+one emerges safe and successful. The tale is repeated verbatim for
+all the brothers, and its length, which to our ear and to our taste
+is intolerable, probably gives pleasure by the repeated form.[125]
+Conditions are quite similar in European fairy tales relating to the
+fates of three brothers, two of whom perish or fail in their tasks,
+while the youngest one succeeds. Similar repetitions are found in the
+German tale of Redridinghood, in the widely spread European story of
+the rooster who goes to bury his mate, or in the story of the three
+bears. In Oriental tales the incidents of the tale are sometimes
+repeated verbatim being retold by one of the heroes.
+
+[125] Franz Boas, Chinook Texts, Bull. Bur. of Ethnol. Washington D.
+C., (1894), pp. 9 et seq.
+
+A few additional examples taken from the narratives of foreign people
+will illustrate the general occurrence of the tendency to repetition.
+In the Basuto tale called Kumonngoe a man leads his daughter into
+the wilderness where she is to be devoured by a cannibal. On the way
+he meets three animals and the son of a chief. In each case the same
+conversation ensues. “Where are you leading your daughter?”—“Ask
+herself, she is grown up.” She replies:
+
+    “I have given to Hlabakoane, Kumonngoe,[126]
+    To the herd of our cattle Kumonngoe
+    I thought our cattle were going to stay in the kraal, Kumonngoe,
+    And so I gave him my father’s Kumonngoe.”
+
+[126] The girl had a brother named Hlabakoane, to whom she had given a
+magical food, called Kumonngoe, that belonged to her father and that
+the girl had been forbidden to touch. E. Jacottet, The Treasury of
+Basuto Lore, Vol. 1, (1908), p. 114.
+
+In an Omaha tale[127] of a Snake-Man it is related that a man flees
+from a serpent. Three helpers in succession give him moccasins which,
+on the following morning return of their own accord to their owners,
+and every time the same conversation is repeated. When the serpent goes
+in pursuit it asks every animal for information in exactly the same
+words. In a tradition of the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island the same
+formula is repeated forty times together with the description of the
+same ceremonial. In the tales of the Pueblo Indians the same incident
+is repeated four times as happening to four sisters; the yellow, red,
+blue, and white girls. In a Siberian tale of the Hare we hear that a
+hunter hides under the branches of a fallen willow tree. One hare after
+another appears in order to browse, espies the hunter and runs away.
+In a Papua tale from New Guinea the birds come one after another and
+try to peck open the stomach of a drowned person so as to let run out
+the water that he has swallowed. Still more markedly appears this type
+of repetition in a tale from New Ireland. The birds try to throw the
+casuary off from the branch of a tree on which he is perched. In order
+to accomplish this, one after another alights on the same branch next
+to the casuary but nearer the trunk. Thus he is compelled to move out
+farther and farther until finally he drops down.
+
+[127] James Owen Dorsey, The Thegiha Language, Contributions to North
+American Ethnology, Vol. VI, (1890), Washington D. C., p. 284.
+
+Much more striking are the rhythmic repetitions in songs. Polynesian
+genealogies offer an excellent example. Thus we find in Hawaii the
+following song:[128]
+
+    Lii-ku-honua, the man,
+    Ola-ku-honua, the woman,
+    Kumo-honua, the man,
+    Lalo-honua, the woman,
+
+and so on through sixteen pairs.
+
+[128] Fornander Collection of Hawaiian Antiquities and Folk-lore. Mem.
+Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, Vol. VI, Honolulu, (1919), p. 365.
+
+Or in a cradlesong of the Kwakiutl Indians:[129]
+
+    “When I am a man, then I shall be a hunter, o father! ya ha ha ha.
+    When I am a man, then I shall be a harpooneer,
+           o father! ya ha ha ha.
+    When I am a man, then I shall be a canoe-builder,
+           o father! ya ha ha ha.
+    When I am a man, then I shall be a carpenter, o father! ya ha ha ha.
+    When I am a man, then I shall be an artisan, o father! ya ha ha ha.
+    That we may not be in want, o father, ya ha ha ha.”
+
+[129] Franz Boas, Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, 35th An. Rep. Bur. Am.
+Ethn., Washington, 1921, p. 1310.
+
+In the Eskimo song of the raven and the geese, the raven sings:[130]
+
+
+    Oh, I am drowning, help me!
+    Oh, now the waters reach my great ankles.
+    Oh, I am drowning, help me!
+    Oh, now the waters reach my great knees.
+
+and so on through all the parts of the body, up to the eyes.
+
+[130] W. Thalbitzer, The Ammassalik Eskimo, Meddelelser om Grønland,
+Vol. XL, p. 211. Compare before p. 309, for a similar formula from
+Cumberland Sound.
+
+Quite remarkable is the analogy between this song and the following
+Australian war song:
+
+    Spear his forehead
+    Spear his chest
+    Spear his liver
+    Spear his heart, etc.
+
+Rhythmic variations of a similar type develop also in oratory when a
+number of persons are addressed in the same formal way: As an example
+may serve the following address in a Kwakiutl speech:
+
+    Now you will witness, Northerners,[131] the dance of Many-on-Fire,
+                              the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents,
+    Now you will witness, Great Kwakiutl,[131] the dance of Many-on-Fire,
+                              the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents,
+    Now you will witness, Rich Side,[131] the dance of Many-on-Fire,
+                              the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents,
+
+[131] These are names of tribes, Columbia Contributions to
+Anthropology, III, p. 140.
+
+or:
+
+    “I have come Northerners; I have come Great Kwakiutl,
+                              I have come Rich Side.”[132]
+
+[132] Ibid., p. 142.
+
+The repetitions discussed so far are rhythmic in form, varied in
+contents. They may be compared to an orderly succession of decorative
+motives that agree in the plan of the unit, but vary in details. In
+poetry rhythmic repetitions of identical formal units are frequent.
+These occur in all songs without words, consisting of vocables only.
+An example of this is a Kwakiutl canoe song in which every syllable is
+sung with one stroke of the paddles:
+
+      Aw, ha ya ha ya hä
+          ha ya he ya ä
+          he ya ha ya ä
+      A, ha ya ha ya hä
+     aw, ha ya he ya hä
+          he ya ha ya hei
+                  ya hä
+          hä hä wo wo wo.
+
+They are also found in introductions to many songs in which the tune is
+carried by vocables as an introduction to the words of the song:[133]
+
+    Mai hamama.
+      Haimama hamamai hamamamai.
+    Hamama hamamayamai
+      Haimama hamamai hamamamai.
+
+[133] The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl
+Indians; Rep. U. S. National Mus. for 1895, Washington, 1897, p. 703.
+
+Rhythm is not confined to the larger units, but is applied as an
+artistic device in the detailed structure. In exhortative speech some
+tribes develop a rhythmic form by adding a strongly accented syllable
+to each word. The Kwakiutl use the strongly accented ending ai for this
+purpose and I may imitate the impression of their speech by saying,
+Welcome-ai! brothers-ai! at my feast-ai! Here the time for each word
+group ending in _ai_ is approximately equal, or the words leading up to
+the ending _ai_ are at least pronounced with great rapidity when they
+contain a longer phrase.
+
+In the recital of myths rhythmic structure is sometimes attained by
+the addition of meaningless syllables that transform the recital into
+a chant. Thus the Fox Indians will add in the recital of the Culture
+Hero legend, the syllables nootchee, nootchee. A. L. Kroeber and Leslie
+Spier tell us that the myths of Southern California are chanted. Edward
+Sapir has observed the Song recitative in Paiute mythology, each animal
+speaking according to a definite rhythm and tune to which the text is
+adjusted.[134] I have recorded an Eskimo tale from Cumberland Sound in
+which the travels of the hero are recorded in a chant with interspersed
+melodic phrases.[135] In wails the repetition of the formal cry of
+moaning at short intervals and the rapid, even pronunciation of the
+recital creates rhythmic structure.
+
+[134] Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology, Journal American Folk-lore,
+Vol. 23, pp. 455 et seq.
+
+[135] F. Boas, Bull. A. M. N. H. Vol. 15, pp. 335, 340, tune in Sixth
+Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, p. 655, no. 13.
+
+Much stricter than in prose is the rhythmic structure of song. It is
+often assumed that regularity of musical rhythm, which is found in most
+primitive music, is due to the multiplicity of motor actions connected
+with the music, particularly to the close relation between music and
+dance. It is true that primitive song is often accompanied by movements
+of the body,—a swinging of the whole trunk, movements of head, feet,
+and arms; hand clapping and stamping; but it is an error to assume that
+for these the same synchronism prevails to which we are accustomed.
+With us the stamping and clapping of hands coincides with the accent
+of the song. Some tribes innervate so that the innervation for the
+articulation and for the movement of hands or feet coincide. This habit
+has the effect of letting the clapping, drumming, or stamping follow
+the accent of the song. It is also not a rare occurrence that the
+rhythmic pattern of body movements and of song are not homologous, but
+that they are interrelated in different ways or sometimes even seem to
+be quite independent. Negro music as well as that of Northwest America
+offers many examples of this kind.
+
+Although the problem involved in the structure of primitive poetry is
+better understood now than it was a few years ago, and although many
+energetic efforts are being made to obtain adequate collections, the
+material for the study of this subject is still quite insufficient.
+Travellers are rarely trained in the art of recording songs and are apt
+to give us only the simplest forms that offer the least difficulties,
+or to summarize their observations in descriptions that are altogether
+too often misleading. Exact observations show that rhythmic complexity
+is quite common. Regular rhythms consist of from two to seven parts,
+and much longer groupings occur without recognizable regularity of
+rhythmic structure. Their repetition in a series of verses proves that
+they are fixed units.
+
+On account of the physiologically determined emotional quality of
+rhythm it enters into all kinds of activities that are in any way
+related to emotional life. Its exciting effect manifests itself in
+religious songs and dances. Its compelling control may be observed in
+war songs; its soothing effect appears in melodies; its esthetic value
+is seen in song and decorative art. The origin of rhythm must not be
+looked for in religious and social activities but the effect of rhythm
+is akin to the emotional states connected with them and, therefore,
+arouses them and is aroused by them.
+
+I believe the great variety of forms in which rhythmic repetition of
+the same or similar elements is used, in prose and in poetry as a
+rhythm of time, in decorative art as a rhythm of space,—shows that
+Bücher’s theory according to which all rhythm is derived from the
+movements accompanying work cannot be maintained, certainly not in its
+totality. Wundt derives the rhythm of the songs used in ceremonies from
+the dance, that of the working song from the movements required in the
+performance of work,—a theory practically identical with that proposed
+by Bücher, since the movements of the dance are quite homologous
+to those of work. There is no doubt that the feeling for rhythm is
+strengthened by dance and the movements required in the execution of
+work, not only in the common work of groups, of individuals who must
+try to keep time, but also in industrial work, such as basketry or
+pottery that require in their execution regularly repeated movements.
+The repetitions in prose narrative as well as the rhythms of decorative
+art, so far as they are not required by the technique, are proof of
+the inadequacy of the purely technical explanation. The pleasure given
+by regular repetition in embroidery, painting, and the stringing of
+beads cannot be explained as due to technically determined, regular
+movements, and there is no indication that would suggest that this kind
+of rhythm developed later than the one determined by motor habits.
+
+It is a precarious undertaking to discuss the characteristics of
+primitive poetic forms, partly because so little reliable material
+is available, but partly also on account of the impossibility of
+obtaining a fair insight into the meaning and value of literary
+expression without an intimate knowledge of the language and culture
+in which they have come into being. For this reason I shall base
+the following remarks principally upon observations of the Kwakiutl
+tribe, a tribe with whose language and culture I am familiar. It would
+be unjustifiable to generalize and to claim that the traits that I
+am going to discuss are characteristic of all primitive literature.
+On the contrary, as our knowledge of primitive literature expands,
+individuality of style will certainly be found to prevail. Still it
+seems likely that features which are analogous to our own literary
+devices may disclose general tendencies.
+
+Emphasis of salient points is used extensively in Kwakiutl prose and
+song. Stress is most frequently given by repetition. I give a few
+examples culled from speeches: “Indeed, indeed, true are the words of
+the song, of my song, sung for you, tribe.”[136]
+
+[136] Contributions to the Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, Columbia
+University Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. 3, p. 194, line 25.
+
+“He is a kind chief who is kind, speaking kindly to those who have him
+for a chief.”[137]
+
+[137] Ibid., p. 258, line 24.
+
+“Now is finished the song of my chief. Finished is the great one.”[138]
+
+[138] Ibid., p. 268, line 25.
+
+“Now you will give the name Great-Inviter to Inviter who has come out
+of her room, her who has been made a princess, her who is all over a
+princess on account of this that has been done by this chief who has
+her for a princess.”[139]
+
+[139] Ibid., p. 308, line 3.
+
+In songs repetitions are much more frequent than in speech. I give a
+few examples:
+
+“Wa, out of the way! Waw haw hawa, Wa, out of the way! Ah, do not in
+vain ask for mercy, Waw haw hawa! Ah, do not in vain ask for mercy and
+raise your hands.”[140]
+
+[140] Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, Thirty-fifth Annual Report Bur. Am.
+Ethn., p. 1288.
+
+Another example is the following:
+
+“I am the only great tree in the world, I the chief: I am the only
+great tree in the world, I the chief.
+
+I am the great chief who vanquishes, Ha, ha, I am the great chief who
+vanquishes, Ha, ha!”[141]
+
+[141] Ibid., p. 1290.
+
+Emphasis may be obtained by placing the word to be emphasized at the
+end of one phrase and by beginning the next phrase with the same word.
+
+There are also many emphatic particles. The closing _ai_ referred to
+before, used in exhortative oratory, belongs to this group. Verbal
+affixes meaning “really”, “indeed”, and the like are used informal
+speech to give proper strength to the whole expression. In a wail a
+woman chants: “Haha, hanane, now really I do this, I remember my real
+past forefathers and really my great grandfathers and now really I will
+go on with my family-myth here, telling of this, of my beginning in the
+beginning of the world, of the chief who come up in this world, haha,
+hanane; and really this was my ancestor who really was going about
+spouting.”[142]
+
+[142] Ibid., p. 836.
+
+In Africa the telling of a story is enlivened by affirmative
+exclamations of the audience. When the narrator says, “The turtle
+killed the leopard,” the audience will repeat, clapping their hands,
+“The leopard, the leopard.”
+
+Emphasis is also given by an accumulation of synonyms. Alternate terms
+are often used in this manner and in the original they often have an
+added rhythmical value on account of the homology of their form. Thus
+the Kwakiutl sings in a laudatory chant: “I greatly fear our chief, oh
+tribes! I tremble on account of this great means of trying to cause
+fear, of this great means of trying to cause terror, of this greatest
+cause of terror.”[143]
+
+[143] Ibid., p. 1287.
+
+“I shall break, I shall let disappear the great Copper, the property of
+the great foolish one, the great extravagant one, the great surpassing
+one, the one farthest ahead, the greatest Spirit-of-the-Woods among the
+chiefs.”[144]
+
+[144] By “copper” is meant one of the valuable plates of
+copper that are considered the “highest” kind of property. The
+“Spirit-of-the-Woods” is the symbol of wealth and power, Ibid., p. 1288.
+
+The beginning or the end of a rhythmic unit is often marked by an
+interjection like the “haha hanane” of the wail previously quoted, or
+by the repetition of the same word. Both these forms occur often in
+love songs:
+
+    Ye ya aye ya! You are hard hearted, you who say that you love me,
+        You are hard hearted, my dear!
+    Ye ya aye ya! You are cruel, you who say that you are lovesick
+        for me, my dear!
+    Ye ya aye ya! When are you going to talk my love? my dear![145]
+
+[145] Ibid., p. 1301.
+
+or in a shaman’s song:[146]
+
+    I have been told to continue to heal him by
+        the Good Supernatural Power,
+    I have been told to keep on putting the hemlock ring
+        over him by the Shaman-of-the-Sea,
+        the Good Supernatural Power,
+    I have been told to put back into our friend his soul, by
+        the Good Supernatural Power,
+    I have been told to give him long life, by the Long-Life-
+        Giver-of-the-Sea, the Chief-of-High-Water,
+        the Good Supernatural Power.
+
+[146] Ibid., p. 1296.
+
+Symmetry in the rigid sense of the term does not exist in the arts
+built on time sequences. A reversion of time sequence is not felt as
+symmetry in the same way as a reversion of space sequence where every
+point has its equivalent point. In time sequences we have a feeling for
+symmetry only for the order of repetition and structural phrases. The
+following Negro poem will illustrate this:
+
+    Ko ko re ko kom on do!
+    Girl gone, him no gone,
+    Ko ko re ko kom on do![147]
+
+[147] Martha Warren Beckwith, Jamaica Anansi Stories, Memoirs. Amer.
+Folk-lore Soc., Vol. 17 (1924) p. 107.
+
+It seems, however that in primitive recitative poetry and music this
+form is not as frequent as in modern folk song or in modern poetry.
+
+The effect of poetry and oratory depends in part on the use of
+metaphor. It is hardly possible to discuss this in a generalized way,
+because the appreciation of metaphor requires a most intimate knowledge
+of the language in which it occurs. Apparent absence of metaphor is
+undoubtedly more likely due to imperfect records than to an actual
+absence of figures of speech. It is quite striking that it is difficult
+to find metaphorical expressions in American Indian literature,
+although it is undoubtedly a feature of their oratory. The whole naming
+system of most American Indians proves their feeling for figurative
+speech.
+
+Here also I may be permitted to confine my remarks to the use of
+metaphor among the Kwakiutl with whose speech forms I am fairly
+familiar. Metaphorical expressions are used particularly when
+describing the greatness of a chief or of a warrior. The chief is
+compared to a mountain; a precipice (from which rolls down wealth
+overwhelming the tribes); a rock which cannot be climbed; the post of
+heaven (who supports the world); the only great tree (that raises its
+crown over the lesser trees of the woods or that rises in lonely height
+on an island); a loaded canoe at anchor; the one who makes the whole
+world smoky (from the fire in the house in which he gives feasts); the
+thick tree; the thick root (of the tribe). It is said that through his
+great acts he burns up the tribes, a term which is primarily used for
+the warrior. The people follow him as the young sawbill-ducks follow
+the mother bird. He makes the people suffer with his short-life maker;
+he shoves away the tribes. His rival whom he tries to vanquish is
+called, he with ruffled feathers; the one whom he puts across his back
+(like a wolf carrying a deer); the one with lolling tongue; the one who
+loses his tail (like the salmon); the spider woman; old dog; mouldy
+face; dry face; broken piece of copper.
+
+Greatness of a chief is called the weight of his name; when he marries
+a princess he lifts her weight from the floor; his wealth of blankets
+is a mountain that rises through our heavens; in the feast surrounded
+by his tribe, he stands on his fortress. Wealth that he acquires is a
+salmon that he catches.
+
+When following ancient customs the people walk the road laid out for
+them by their ancestors.
+
+The warrior or a person of ill temper is called “hellebore”. The
+warrior is also called “the double-headed serpent of the world”.
+
+Metaphorical terms are an important element in the speeches
+accompanying public purchases, particularly the purchase of valuable
+“coppers”. Many of these terms are accompanied by symbolic actions. The
+first part of the payment in the purchase of a copper is called the
+pillow or mattress on which the copper is to rest or the harpoon line
+by which it is hauled in. The purchase itself is called “shoving” that
+means pushing the value of the purchase under the name of the purchaser
+who is thus raised in rank. At the end of the transaction the seller
+gives to the purchaser a certain number of blankets (which are the
+standard of value) as a “belt” to hold up the blankets (in which the
+purchase price is reckoned); as boxes in which to store these blankets;
+and finally he gives an amount as a dress for his dancer (that is his
+female relative who dances for him on festive occasions).
+
+When a person gives a great feast for his rival he extinguishes the
+fire of his rival’s house; his feast steps up to the fire in the middle
+of the house. If he surpasses his rival in liberality, his feast steps
+across the fire and reaches the rear of the house where the chief is
+seated.
+
+Presents for a bride are a packline to carry her property; a mat on
+which she is to sit; and a mast for her canoe.
+
+I do not mention here the many euphemistic terms for sickness and
+death, except a few that are used in speeches: the dead chief has gone
+to take a rest; he has disappeared from this world; he stays away; or
+he lies down.
+
+Metaphorical figures in songs are not rare. Of the death of a renowned
+man who was drowned, it is said in his mourning song:
+
+    “It deprived me of my mind, when the moon went down
+        at the edge of the waters”.[148]
+
+[148] Ethnology of the Kwakintl, 35th Ann. Rep. Bur Am. Ethn. p. 1292.
+
+And in another mourning song[149]:
+
+    Hana, hana, hana. It broke down, the post of the world.
+    Hana, hana, hana. It fell down to the ground, the post of the world.
+    Hana, hana, hana. Our great chief has taken a rest.
+    Hana, hana, hana. Now our past chief has fallen down.
+[149] Boas, Kwakiutl Ethnology, Columbia University Contributions to
+Anthropology. Vol. III, p. 77.
+
+
+In a feast-song the chief is compared to the salmon[150]:
+
+    The great one will not move, the greatest one, the great
+         Spring Salmon.
+    Go on, great one, hurt the young children, the humble sparrows
+         who are being teased by you, great Spring Salmon.
+
+[150] Ibid., p. 123.
+
+In another feast-song the rivals are compared to insects[151]:
+
+    I am a chief, I am a chief, I am your chief, yours,
+           who you are flying about.
+    I am too great to be bitten by those little flies that
+           are flying about.
+    I am too great to be desired as food by those little
+           horseflies that are flying about.
+    I am too great to be bitten by those little mosquitoes
+           that are flying about.
+
+[151] Ibid., p. 129.
+
+In still another song he is compared to a tree[152]:
+
+    A great cedar dancer is our chief, our tribes.
+    It cannot be spanned, our great chief, our tribes.
+    My chief here from long ago, from the beginning of the
+           myth time, for you, tribes.
+
+[152] Ibid., p. 197.
+
+A number of sayings of the Tsimshian present also good cases of the
+use of metaphor. “A deer though toothless, may accomplish something”;
+“he is just sleeping on a deerskin” (i. e. not expecting approaching
+hardships); “it seems you think that Nass River is always calm” (i.
+e. that you will always be fortunate); “he is just enjoying the water
+lilies for a short time” (as a bear feeding on water lilies and about
+to be killed by the hunter who lies in ambush).[153]
+
+[153] Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 2 (1889), p. 285.
+
+Examples of metaphor may be found here and there in songs and speeches.
+The Osage sing:
+
+    Ho! Toward what shall they (the little ones) direct their footsteps,
+               it has been said in the house.
+    It is toward a little valley they shall direct their footsteps.
+    Verily, it is not a little valley that is spoken of,
+    It is toward the bend of a river they shall direct their footsteps.
+    Verily, it is not the bend of a river that is spoken of,
+    It is toward a little house that they shall direct their footsteps.
+
+The valley and the bend of the river represent the path of life which
+is pictured as crossing four valleys or as following the course of the
+river having four bends.[154] This concept also finds expression in the
+decorative art of the Indians of the Plains.[155]
+
+[154] Francis La Flesche, The Osage Tribe, The Rite of Vigil, 39th Ann.
+Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnology, Washington 1925, p. 258.
+
+[155] A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin Am. Uns. Nat. Hist. Vol. 18,
+Plate 16, p. 100; Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians,
+Ibid., p. 242, fig. 77.
+
+Another metaphor is used in the following illustration:
+
+    Upon whom shall we slip off our moccasins? they said to one another,
+              it has been said in this house.
+    Toward the setting sun,
+    There is an adolescent youth,
+    Upon whom we shall always slip off our moccasins, they said to one
+              another, it has been said in this house.
+
+Here the slipping off of moccasins means the crushing and killing of
+the enemy, here personified in the adolescent youth.[156]
+
+[156] Francis La Flesche, Ibid., p. 84.
+
+In the speech containing the migration legend of the Creek, the
+head-chief Chekilli said: “The Cussetaws cannot yet leave their
+red hearts, which are, however, white on one side and red on the
+other”.[157]
+
+[157] Albert S. Gatschet, A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians,
+Philadelphia, 1884; p. 251.
+
+James Mooney records the following formula for success in hunting.
+obtained from the Cherokee.[158]
+
+  Give me the wind. Give me the breeze. Yu! O Great Terrestrial Hunter,
+  I come to the edge of your spittle where you repose. Let your stomach
+  cover itself; let it be covered with leaves. Let it cover itself at a
+  single bend, and may you never be satisfied.
+
+  And you, O Ancient Red, may you hover above my breast while I sleep.
+  Now let good (dreams?) develop; let my expressions be propitious. Ha!
+  Now let my little trails be directed, as they lie down in various
+  directions (?). Let the leaves be covered with the clotted blood, and
+  may it never cease to be so. You two shall bury it in your stomachs.
+  Yu.
+
+[158] James Mooney, The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees, Seventh
+Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 369.
+
+In this formula the gods of the hunt, fire and water are called upon.
+The Great Terrestrial Hunter is the river, its spittle the foam; the
+blood-stained leaves on which the game has been killed are to cover
+the surface of the water. The hunter asks that all the game may be
+assembled at one bend of the river which is supposed to long for
+evermore. In the second part, the Ancient Red is the fire. It hovers
+over the breast because the hunter rubs his chest with ashes. The
+blood-stained leaves are thrown into the fire and into the water which
+is expressed by having them buried in the stomach.
+
+The contents of primitive narrative, poetry and song are as varied as
+the cultural interests of the singers. It does not seem admissible
+to measure their literary value by the standards of the emotions
+that they release in us. We ought to inquire in how far they are an
+adequate expression of the emotional life of the natives. To primitive
+man, hunger is something entirely different from what it is to us
+who ordinarily do not know what the pangs of hunger mean, who do not
+realize all the implications of starvation. If a people like the
+Bushmen or the Eskimo sing of their joy after a successful hunt and
+after a hearty meal, if the Orang Semang of the Malay Peninsula sing
+of the gathering of fruit and of the successful hunt, the connotation
+of these songs is no different from that of a harvest song. We are too
+easily mislead by the concreteness of the picture and assume that the
+emotional connotation that we require in poetry must be absent. Even
+among ourselves a graphic passage in a lyric poem does not by any means
+always release a definite, mental image but appeals rather through the
+feelings engendered by the descriptive terms. For this reason we must
+necessarily assume that the emotional setting of the picture is the
+essential poetic element for the singer, not the objective terms that
+alone appeal to us because we are not familiar with the emotions of
+every day native life. We feel only the graphic value of the words. The
+much-quoted Semang[159] song represents a good example:
+
+    Our fruit grows plump at the end of the spray.
+    We climb along and cut it from the end of the spray.
+    Plump, too, is the bird (?) at the end of the spray.
+    And plump the young squirrel at the end of the spray.
+
+[159] W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay
+Peninsula, Vol. 1 (1906), p. 627.
+
+This song which deals with plants and animals serving as food, should
+be compared with another one that is more readily appreciated by us:
+
+    The stem bends as the leaves shoot up.
+    The leaf-stems sway to and fro.
+    To and fro they sway in diverse ways.
+    We rub them and they lose their stiffness.
+    On Mount Inas they are blown about.
+    On Mount Inas which is our home.
+    Blown about by the light breeze.
+    Blown about is the fog (?).
+    Blown about is the haze.
+    Blown about are the young shoots.
+    Blown about is the haze of the hills,
+    Blown about by the light breeze.
+        etc.
+
+If we feel the latter as a more poetic type it is presumably only
+because we cannot share the feelings aroused in the Orang Semang by the
+reference to the efforts in gathering fruit and in hunting animals. The
+effectiveness of poetry does not depend upon the power of expressive
+description that releases clear mental images, but upon the energy with
+which words arouse the emotions.
+
+It is misleading to compare primitive poetry that has been recorded by
+collectors with the literary poetry of our times. The coarse sexual
+songs or drinking songs that do not form part of our polite literature,
+are quite on a par with the songs that may be heard in primitive
+society in the company of lusty young men or excited young women and
+their prevalence in existing collections is, in all probability, merely
+due to the inability of the collector to approach the natives in
+moments of religious devotion, of tender love, or poetic exaltation. In
+many cases it is quite obvious that some of the songs collected were
+made to make fun of the collector. It is not admissible to build on
+the meagre evidence that we possess, a system of development of lyrics
+in which the coarse forms, the exuberant spirits of every day life are
+mistaken for the expression of the highest poetic achievement. In all
+those cases in which fuller collections are available, as in America
+for instance from the Omaha, Eskimo, Kwakiutl, and from some of the
+southwestern tribes, there is ample evidence of poetic feeling that
+moves on higher planes.
+
+Still, poetic susceptibility is not the same everywhere, neither in
+form nor in intensity. The local culture determines what kind of
+experiences have a poetic value and the intensity with which they act.
+I select as an example the difference between the descriptive style
+found in Polynesia and that of many Indian traditions. In the Fornander
+collection of Hawaiian tales we read: “They admired the beauty of his
+appearance. His skin was like to a ripe banana. His eyeballs were like
+the young buds of a banana. His body was straight and without blemish
+and he was without an equal.” In the story of Laieikawai it is said: “I
+am not the mistress of this shore. I come from inland, from the top of
+the mountain which is clothed in a white garment.” It would be a vain
+task to search for similar passages in the literature of many Indian
+tribes. The American Indians differ considerably among themselves in
+regard to this trait. Tsimshian tales are rich when compared to the
+barrenness of the descriptive tales of the Plateau tribes.
+
+Poetic descriptions appear more frequently in songs. However even these
+are not found everywhere. The songs of the Indians of the Southwest
+suggest that the phenomena of nature have impressed the poet deeply,
+although it must be remembered that most of his descriptive terms are
+stereotyped ceremonial expressions.
+
+As an example I give the following song of the Navaho:[160]
+
+    “On the trail marked with pollen may I walk,
+    With grasshoppers about my feet may I walk,
+    With dew about my feet may I walk,
+    With beauty may I walk,
+    With beauty before me, may I walk,
+    With beauty behind me, may I walk,
+    With beauty above me, may I walk,
+    With beauty under me, may I walk,
+    With beauty all around me, may I walk,
+    In old age wandering on a trail of beauty, lively, may I walk,
+    In old age wandering on a trail of beauty, living again, may I walk,
+    It is finished in beauty.
+
+[160] Washington Matthews, Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs. University
+of California Publications in Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 5, p. 48,
+lines 61-73.
+
+Of similar character is the following song of the Apache:[161]
+
+    “At the east where the black water lies, stands the large corn,
+      with staying roots, its large stalk, its red silk, its long
+      leaves, its tassel dark and spreading, on which there is the dew.
+
+    “At the sunset where the yellow water lies, stands the large
+      pumpkin with its tendrils, its long stem, its wide leaves, its
+      yellow top on which there is pollen.”
+
+[161] P. E. Goddard, Myths and Tales from the White Mountain Apache.
+Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol.
+24, 1910.
+
+The following song of the Pima has also ceremonial significance:[162]
+
+    “Wind now commences to sing;
+    Wind now commences to sing;
+    Wind now commences to sing.
+    The land stretches before me,
+    Before me it stretches away.
+
+    Wind’s house now is thundering;
+    Wind’s house now is thundering.
+    Came the myriad-legged wind.
+    The wind came running hither.
+
+    The Black Snake Wind came to me
+    The Black Snake Wind came to me.
+    Came and wrapped itself about,
+    Came here running with its song.
+
+[162] Frank Russell, The Pima Indians, 26^{th} Ann. Rep. Bur. Am.
+Ethn., p. 324.
+
+The following Eskimo song which describes the beauty of nature is well
+known:[163]
+
+    “The great Kunak mount yonder south, I do behold it;
+    The great Kunak mount yonder south, I regard it;
+    The shining brightness yonder south, I contemplate.
+    Outside of Kunak it is expanding,
+    The same that Kunak towards the seaside doth quite encompass.
+    Behold, how yonder south they shift and change.
+    Behold, how yonder south they tend to beautify each other,
+    While from the seaside it is enveloped in sheets still changing,
+    From the seaside enveloped to mutual embellishment.”
+
+[163] Henry Rink, Tales and Traditions of the Eskimos, London, 1875, p.
+68.
+
+A song, provided it does not contain intelligible words, may be of
+purely formal esthetic value, which depends upon its melodic and
+rhythmic character. Even these forms may be attached to more or less
+different groups of ideas of emotional value. On the other hand the
+established significance of the song may vary materially when different
+sets of words are used with it. We observe this in our own culture,
+when diverse thoughts are expressed in the same metre or when distinct
+poems are sung according to the same tune,—as, for example, happened in
+the transfer of folksongs into religious songs. I do not know in how
+far this may happen in primitive poetry. Among the tribes that I know
+best there is a decided tendency to associate a certain rhythm with a
+certain set of songs. Thus the five part rhythm of the Northwest coast
+of America seems to be closely connected with the religious winter
+ceremonial; the mourning songs with slow regular beating.
+
+The inherent relation between literary type and culture appears also
+clearly in narrative.
+
+The motives of action are determined by the mode of life and the chief
+interests of the people, and the plots give us a picture of these.
+
+In many typical tales of the Chukchee of Siberia the subject of the
+tale is the tyranny and overmastering arrogance of an athletic hunter
+or warrior and the attempts of the villagers to free themselves. Among
+the Eskimo a group of brothers often take the place of the village
+bully. Among both groups of people who live in small settlements,
+without any hard and fast political organization, the fear of the
+strongest person plays an important role, no matter whether his power
+is founded on bodily strength or on supposed supernatural qualities.
+The story uses generally a weak, despised boy as savior of the
+community. Although tales of overbearing chiefs do occur among the
+Indians they are not by any means a predominant type.
+
+The principal theme of the Indians of British Columbia, whose thoughts
+are almost entirely taken up by the wish to obtain rank and high
+position in the community, is the tale of a poor man who attains high
+position, or of the struggles between two chiefs who try to outdo
+each other in feats that will increase their social standing. Among
+the Blackfeet the principal theme is the acquisition of ceremonies,
+possession and practise of which is a most important element in their
+life.
+
+All these differences are not entirely those of content but they
+influence the form of the narrative, because the incidents are tied
+together in different ways. The same motive recurs over and over again
+in the tales of primitive people, so that a large mass of material
+collected from the same tribe is liable to be very monotonous, and
+after a certain point has been reached only new variants of old themes
+are obtained.
+
+However, much more fundamental are the differences which are based on
+the general difference of cultural outlook. The same story told by
+different tribes may bear an entirely different face. Not only is the
+setting distinct, the motivation and the main points of the tales are
+emphasized by different tribes in different ways and take on a local
+coloring that can be understood only in relation to the whole culture.
+An example selected from among the tales of the North American Indians
+will illustrate this point. I chose the story of the star husband,
+which is told on the prairies, in British Columbia, and on the North
+Atlantic coast. The prairie tribes tell that two maidens go out to dig
+roots and camp out. They see two stars and wish to be married to them.
+The next morning they find themselves in the sky married to the stars.
+They are forbidden to dig certain large roots, but the young women
+disobey the orders of their husbands and, through a hole in the ground
+they see the earth below. By means of a rope they climb down. From
+here on, the story takes distinctive forms in different geographical
+areas. In one form the adventures of the women after their return are
+described, in the other the feats of the child born by one of them.
+The central view-point of the same story as told by the Indians of
+British Columbia is completely changed. The girls of a village build
+a house in which they play and one day they talk about the stars,
+how happy they must be because they are able to see the whole world.
+The next morning they awake in the sky, in front of the house of a
+great chief. The house is beautifully carved and painted. Suddenly a
+number of men appear who pretend to embrace the girls but kill them by
+sucking out their brains. Only the chief’s daughter and her younger
+sister are saved. The elder sister becomes the wife of the chief of the
+stars. Finally the chief sends them back with the promise to help them
+whenever they are in need. They find the village deserted and the star
+chief sends down his house and the masks and whistles belonging to a
+ceremony which becomes the hereditary property of the woman’s family.
+The tale ends with the acquisition of the house and the ceremony,
+matters that are the chief interest in the life of the Indians. In
+this way the story becomes one of the long series of tales of similar
+import, although the contents belong to an entirely distinct group.
+
+As a second example I mention the story of Amor and Psyche which has
+been cast into a new mould by the Pueblo Indians. Here the antelope
+appears in the form of a maiden. She marries a youth who is forbidden
+to see the girl. He transgresses this order and, by the light of a
+candle, looks upon her while she is asleep. Immediately the girl and
+house disappear and the young man finds himself in the wallow of an
+antelope.
+
+Equally instructive are the transformations of biblical stories in
+the mouths of the natives. Dr. Benedict and Dr. Parsons have recorded
+a nativity story of the Zuni in which Jesus appears as a girl, the
+daughter of the sun. After the child is born the domestic animals lick
+it, only the mule refuses to do so and is punished with sterility. The
+whole story has been given a new aspect. It is made to account for
+the fertility of animals, and tells how fertility may be increased, a
+thought uppermost in the minds of the Pueblos.
+
+European fairy tales differ in this respect from those of primitive
+tribes, for in contents and form they embrace many survivals of past
+times. It is quite evident that the modern European fairy tale does not
+reflect the conditions of the State of our times, nor the conditions of
+our daily life, but that they give us an imaginative picture of rural
+life in semifeudal times, and that, owing to the contradictions between
+modern intellectualism and the ancient rural tradition, conflicts of
+viewpoints occur that may be interpreted as survivals. In the tales
+of primitive people it is otherwise. A detailed analysis of the
+traditional tales of a number of Indian tribes shows complete agreement
+of the conditions of life with those that may be abstracted from the
+tales. Beliefs and customs in life and in tales are in full accord.
+This is true not only of old native material but also of imported
+stories that have been borrowed some time ago. They are quickly
+adapted to the prevailing mode of life. The analysis of tales from the
+Northwest coast and from the Pueblos gives the same result. Only during
+the period of transition to new modes of life, such as are brought
+about by contact with Europeans, contradictions develop. Thus it
+happens that in the tales of Laguna, one of the Pueblos of New Mexico,
+the visitor always enters through the roof of the house, although the
+modern houses have doors. The headman of the ceremonial organization
+plays an important role in many tales, although the organization itself
+has largely disappeared. The tales of the Plains Indians still tell of
+buffalo hunts although the game has disappeared and the people have
+become tillers of the soil and laborers.
+
+It would be erroneous to assume that the absence of survivals of an
+earlier time can be explained as due to the permanence of conditions,
+to a lack of historical change. Primitive culture is a product of
+historical development no less than modern civilization. Mode of
+life, customs, and beliefs of primitive tribes are not stable; but
+the rate of change, unless disturbances from the outside occur, is
+slower than among ourselves. What is lacking is the pronounced social
+stratification of our times that brings it about that the various
+groups represent, as it were, different periods of development. So far
+as my knowledge goes we find the cultural, formal background of the
+art of narrative of primitive people almost entirely determined by its
+present cultural state. The only exceptions are found in periods of an
+unusually rapid change or of disintegration. However, in this case also
+a readjustment occurs. Thus the stories of the modern negroes of Angola
+reflect the mixed culture of the west African coast. In the cultural
+background of the narrative, survivals do not play an important role,
+at least not under normal conditions. The plot may be old and taken
+from foreign sources, but in its adoption it undergoes radical changes.
+
+These remarks relating to literature do not mean, of course, that in
+other aspects of life ancient customs and beliefs may not persist over
+long periods.
+
+We have spoken so far of the structure of the elements of prose tales
+and songs. Important characteristics are found also in the manner
+of their composition. In the narratives of some people the episodes
+are anecdotally short; among others the wish for a more complex
+structure is felt. Often this is accomplished by the meagre device of
+concentrating all the anecdotes around one personage.
+
+In many cases the craftiness, strength, voracity or amorousness of the
+hero gives a more or less definite character to the whole cycle. The
+Raven tale of Alaska consists entirely of unrelated episodes. The only
+connecting element, besides the identity of the hero, is the voracity
+of the Raven; but even this disappears in many cases. Quite similar
+are the Coyote tales of the Plateaus, the Spider tales of the Sioux,
+the Rabbit tales of the Algonquin, the Spider tales of the Guinea
+coast, the Rabbit and Turtle tales of South Africa, and the Fox tales
+of Europe. There is no inner connection between the specific character
+of the hero and the contents in the anecdote of the hoodwinked dancers
+(birds are induced to dance with closed eyes so as to give the hero a
+chance to wring their necks without being observed); in the tale of the
+eye juggler (the hero who is induced to throw up his eyes which are
+then caught in the branches of a tree so that he becomes blind); or
+in the incident of the bungling host (the hero is invited to partake
+of magically obtained food and he reciprocates the invitation but is
+ignominiously defeated in his attempt to repeat the magical procedure).
+
+Sometimes the tales are strung on the slight thread of an Odyssey, of
+a tale of adventure and travel. To this class belongs the Eskimo tale
+of a hero who escaped a storm created by magic, and who encountered
+dangers of the sea which are described in some detail. He reaches a
+foreign coast and encounters cannibals and other dangerous creatures.
+Finally he reaches home again. Another case of this kind is a newly
+developed legend of the Tlingit of Alaska. In the early days of Russian
+colonization of Alaska the Tlingit attacked the fort at Sitka and the
+Russian governor, Baranoff, had to flee. After a few years he returned
+to reestablish the fort. This interval is filled by the Tlingit with
+a marvellous journey, telling how he goes in search of his son. He
+encounters fabulous beings that are known from other tales, visits
+the entrance to the lower world and communicates with the ghosts who
+give him instructions. Among the Pueblo Indians a large number of
+incidents are connected in a tale of migration in which the whole tribe
+participates.
+
+In other cases there is an effort to establish an inner connection
+between the single elements. Thus the disconnected Raven tale of Alaska
+has been remodelled in southern British Columbia in such a manner
+that some of the elements of the tale have been brought into an inner
+connection: The thunder-bird steals a woman. In order to recover her
+the raven makes a whale of wood and kills the gum because he needs
+it to caulk the whale. In another tale the killing of the gum is the
+introduction to a visit to the sky. The sons of the murdered gum ascend
+the sky to take revenge.
+
+Other tales are so developed that they form a complex, novelistic plot.
+The creation legends of the Polynesians are of this character. Even
+among those tribes that enjoy the brief, etiological anecdote, tales
+occur that contain the elements of an epic poem. The bare outlines of a
+family story of the Kwakiutl may serve as an example: The Thunderbird
+and his wife live in heaven, they descend to our earth and become the
+ancestors of a family. The Transformer meets them and in a series of
+contests the two prove to be of equal power. Finally the transformer
+puts frogs into the stomach of the Thunderbird-ancestor who takes
+them out again and deposits them on a rock. The sons of one of his
+friends go and then the frogs enter their stomachs, but they are cured
+by the Thunderbird-ancestor. In return he receives a magic canoe.
+The tale goes on to relate the birth, magic growth, and exploits of
+his four children. His wife is ravished by a spirit and gives birth
+to a boy who is washed in the slime of a double-headed serpent. Thus
+his skin becomes stone. The tale continues with a long series of
+warlike exploits of this son. Finally he woos a princess for one of
+his brothers. On a visit to her home the son of this princess is made
+fun of by the children in the village of her father. This results in
+a war in which the village of her father is destroyed. One of the
+wives of her father escapes and gives birth to a boy. The second wife
+of her father is enslaved by Stone-Body, the young man whose skin had
+been transformed into stone. She gives birth to a boy and by a ruse
+succeeds in making her escape with her son. The two brothers grow up
+and, in a series of adventures and exploits, both obtain supernatural
+power. They meet and travel towards the village of their father,
+killing and transforming on the way dangerous monsters. Meanwhile
+Stone-Body has obtained a ceremonial from a southern tribe and goes
+to Feather-Mountain in the north to obtain bird’s down, needed for
+this dance. On his way back he meets the ancestors of another tribe
+and they have a contest of magical powers. In this he is overcome and
+killed with his whole crew. In the main story this incident is omitted.
+He goes on and the two brothers, the daughters of the escaped woman
+overturn his canoe and kill him. On a visit to her father the woman
+married to Stone-Body’s brother sees the head of Stone-Body and her
+child reports this after their return. Then her husband’s people set
+out to take revenge but all are killed by the two brothers, who give a
+feast in their house and maltreat their guests.
+
+So far we have considered only the reflection of cultural life in the
+form of the narrative. Its influence is also expressed in another
+manner. When the narrative is thoroughly integrated in the life of
+the people a process occurs quite similar to the one we observed in
+decorative art. As a geometric form often receives a secondary meaning
+that is read into it, so the narrative is given an interpretative
+significance that is quite foreign to the original tale; and as in
+decorative art the adventitious meaning varies in character according
+to the culture of the people, thus the style of the interpretation of
+a tale depends upon the cultural interests of the people telling it
+and, accordingly, assumes distinctive forms. We have found that art
+styles are apt to be disseminated over wide areas while the explanatory
+meaning of art forms shows much greater individuality. Precisely in
+the same manner, tales are apt to travel over enormous areas but their
+significance changes according to the various cultural interests of
+the tribes. As an example I refer to the story of the girl who married
+a dog, a tale widely spread in North America. It is used to explain
+the origin of the milky way (Alaska); the origin of the culture hero
+(British Columbia); the origin of the tribal ancestor (Southern
+British Columbia); the origin of a constellation (interior of British
+Columbia); the origin of a red cliff (interior of Alaska); the origin
+of the Dog Society (Blackfoot); and the reason why dogs are the friends
+of man (Arapaho).[164]
+
+[164] Waterman, The Explanatory Element in the Folk-tales of the North
+American Indians, Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 27 (1914), pp. 28
+et seq.
+
+The view of the historical development of explanatory tales here
+expressed is analogous to that regarding the relation of symbolism and
+design. The general type of interpretation of symbolism exists in the
+tribe and the tale is made to conform to it. In many cases the symbolic
+or interpretative explanation is a foreign element added on to the
+design or to the tale in agreement with a stylistic pattern controlling
+the imagination of the people. This process may lead indirectly also
+to a conformable stylistic development of other representations, or to
+attempts to give explanations for the phenomena of nature. Only on the
+basis of a pre-existing style which has its origin in non-symbolic and
+non-interpretative sources can the resultant form develop.
+
+It must not be assumed that the literary style of a people is uniform,
+on the contrary the forms are quite varied. I have pointed out before
+that unity of style is not found in decorative art either, that many
+cases may be adduced in which different styles are used in different
+industries or among different groups of the population. Just so we
+find in a tribe complex tales that have definite structural cohesion,
+and brief anecdotes; some told with an evident enjoyment of diffuse
+detail, others almost reduced to a formula. An example of this are the
+long stories and the animal fables of the Eskimo. The former treat of
+events happening in human society, of adventurous travel, of encounters
+with monsters and supernatural beings, of deeds of shamans. They are
+novelistic tales. On the other hand many of the animal fables are mere
+formulas. Similar contrasts are found in the tales and fables of the
+negroes.
+
+The styles of songs vary also considerably according to the occasion
+for which they are composed. Among the Kwakiutl we find long songs
+in which the greatness of the ancestors is described in the form of
+recitatives. In religious festivals songs are used of rigid rhythmic
+structure, accompanying dances. In these the same words or syllables
+are repeated over and over again, except that another appellation for
+the supernatural being in whose honor they are sung is introduced in
+each new stanza. Again of a different type are the love songs which are
+not by any means rare.
+
+It is striking that certain literary forms are found among all the
+races of the old world while they are unknown in America. Here belongs
+particularly the proverb. The important position held by the proverb in
+the literature of Africa, Asia, and also of Europe until quite recent
+times, is well known. In Africa particularly do we find the proverb in
+constant use. It is even the basis of court decisions. The importance
+of the proverb in Europe is illustrated by the way in which Sancho
+Panza applies it. Equally rich is Asiatic literature in proverbial
+sayings. On the contrary, hardly any proverbial sayings are known from
+American Indians. I have referred before to a few metaphorical sayings
+of the Tsimshian, the only proverbial sayings known to me north of
+Mexico.[165]
+
+[165] I collected one saying among the Eskimo of Cumberland Sound:
+“If I should go to get them I should be like one who goes to buy the
+backside of a salmon (i. e. something without value).”
+
+The same conditions are found in regard to the riddle, one of the
+favorite pass-times of the Old World, which is almost entirely absent
+in America. Riddles are known from the Yukon River, a region in which
+Asiatic influences may be discovered in several cultural traits, and
+also in Labrador. In other parts of the continent careful questioning
+has failed to reveal their occurrence. It is striking that even in
+New Mexico and Arizona, where Indians and Spaniards have been living
+side by side for several centuries and where Indian literature is full
+of Spanish elements, the riddle, nevertheless, has not been adopted,
+although the Spaniards of this region are as fond of riddles as those
+of other parts of the country. Sahagun, however, records a number of
+riddles from Mexico.[166]
+
+[166] B. Sahagun (see note p. 132), Vol. 2, pp. 236, 237.
+
+As a third example I mention the peculiar development of the animal
+tale. Common to mankind the world over is the animal fable by means of
+which form and habits of animals, or the existence of natural phenomena
+are explained. The moralising fable, on the other hand, belongs to the
+Old World.
+
+The distribution of epic poetry is also wide, but nevertheless
+limited to a fairly definitely circumscribed area, namely Europe and
+a considerable part of Central Asia. We have mentioned that in America
+long, connected tribal traditions occur, but up to this time no trace
+of a composition that might be called a romance or a true epic poem
+has ever been discovered. Neither can the Polynesian legends telling
+of the descent and deeds of their chiefs be designated as epic poetry.
+The distribution of this form can be understood only on the basis of
+the existence of ancient cultural relations. For this reason Wundt’s
+analysis of the origin of the epic poem does not seem adequate. It
+has a meaning only in so far as the inclination existed to express in
+song tribal history and the deeds of heroes, a pattern that developed
+locally, but that is not of universal occurrence.
+
+On the ground of the distribution of these types two conclusions may be
+established: the one that these forms are not necessary steps in the
+development of literary form, but that they occur only under certain
+conditions; the other that the forms are not determined by race, but
+depend upon historical happenings.
+
+If at the time when Europeans first came to the New World the
+literature of the Americans did not possess the three types of
+literature which we mentioned, it does not follow that they would have
+appeared at a later time. We have no reason whatever to assume that
+American literature was less developed than that of Africa. On the
+contrary, the art of narrative and poetry are highly developed in many
+parts of America. We must rather assume that the historical conditions
+have led to a form different from that of the Old World.
+
+The wide distribution of most of these forms among Europeans, Mongols,
+Malay, and Negro proves the independence of literary development from
+racial descent. It shows that it is one of the characteristics of the
+enormously extended cultural area, which embraces almost the whole of
+the Old World, and which in other features also appears in distinct
+contrast to the New World. I mention here only the development of a
+formal judicial procedure, founded on the taking of evidence, the oath
+and the ordeal and the absence of this complex in America; and the
+absence in America of the belief in obsession and of the evil eye which
+are widely known in the Old World.
+
+The characteristics of poetry lead us to a consideration of the forms
+of music. The only kind of music that is of universal occurrence
+is song; and the source of music must therefore be sought here.
+Universally valid characteristics of song will also be general
+principles of music. Two elements are common to all song: rhythm and
+fixed intervals. We have shown before that rhythm must not be conceived
+on the basis of our modern regularity as a sequence of measures of
+equal duration and somewhat free subdivision, but its form is much more
+general. Apparent irregularity must not be misinterpreted as a lack of
+rhythm, for in each repetition of a song the same order is preserved
+without change. Precisely as the rhythmic order in primitive decorative
+art is more complex than our own, so also is the rhythm of music liable
+to be more complex. Regular measures do occur, but they are not so
+rigidly confined to 2, 3 or 4 part time, as our own, but 5 and 7 part
+sequences frequently occur, in fact predominate in some types of music:
+five part rhythms are common in northwestern America, 7 part rhythms
+in southern Asia. Alterations of rhythms that seem unfamiliar to us
+are found, as well as very complex sequences that cannot be reduced
+to measures at all. We may best describe the rhythm of many types of
+primitive music as consisting of a regular sequence of musical phrases
+of irregular structure. Sometimes the phrases expand into long rhythmic
+units without recognisable subdivision.
+
+A second and all-important element of all music is the use of fixed
+intervals which may be transposed from one point of the tone series
+to another and which are always recognized as equivalent. In singing,
+these intervals are naturally inaccurate, for intonation is uncertain
+and wavering and depends upon the intensity of emotional excitement.
+Intervals are liable to increase, as the emotions of the singers
+are raised to a higher pitch. It is, therefore, difficult if not
+impossible to say what the singers intend to sing. The musical interval
+may be compared with the melody of language. Most languages do not
+use pitch in such a way that it is an important, significant part of
+articulation. The use of pitch in language is more widely distributed
+than is generally known. It is not by any means the exclusive feature
+of Chinese, but it occurs in Africa as well as in America, not to speak
+of its familiar use in the Scandinavian languages and in ancient Greek.
+Theoretically it is conceivable that early human speech might have used
+fixed intervals and musical phrasing of vowels and voiced consonants
+just as well as different timbre of vowels (that is our _a_, _e_, _i_,
+_o_, _u_, and other vowel values), to express different ideas, but it
+cannot be proved that such was done. It is much more likely, according
+to available linguistic evidence that musical tone in language is a
+secondary development due to the disappearance of formative elements.
+We must also consider that in languages with tone, glides are of
+great importance and that these are not typical parts of the melodic
+sequence, although they occur as endings of phrases. Furthermore the
+intervals of speech are not fixed and vary considerably according
+to the position of the word in the phrase. It does not seem likely,
+therefore, that the melody can be derived directly from speech, as
+Herbert Spencer tried to do. I rather adhere to the opinion of Stumpf
+who demands a different origin for the fixed interval. The sustained
+cry is much more likely to use fixed intervals and stable tones.
+
+Whatever their origin may have been, we must recognize the existence
+of fixed intervals and their transponability as the fundamental
+requirements of all music. It is true that in some languages the value
+of the fixed interval is keenly felt. This is demonstrated by the
+so-called drum language of West Africa in which the speech melody and
+rhythm is repeated on drums of definite tones and where these tone
+sequences are understood.
+
+Further investigation of primitive music requires a study of the
+intervals themselves. Notwithstanding the great differences of systems
+we find that all intervals may be interpreted as subdivisions of
+the octave. To the untrained ear the octave appears very commonly
+as a single tone; in other words, no distinction is made between a
+tone and its octave. To a lesser extent this is true of the fifth
+and even of the fourth. The majority of intervals that have been
+found must be considered as subdivisions of the octave. However, the
+subdivision does not always proceed according to harmonic principles
+as in our music, but by equidistant tones. The development of harmony
+in modern music has had the effect that we have lost all feeling for
+equidistance in a harmonic series and that the recent music in which
+non-harmonic equidistant tones are applied require a difficult break
+with the pattern of musical form to which we are accustomed. After a
+long struggle, we have reached a compromise between the two systems,
+the harmonic and the equidistant, by dividing the octave into twelve
+equal parts which give a fairly close agreement to the natural harmonic
+intervals, although the differences are audible to a trained ear. The
+Javanese divide the octave into seven equidistant steps, the Siamese
+into five, systems that are in fundamental conflict with those of
+our music. In short, a great variety of scales exist and serve as
+foundation for the musical systems of different people. All seem to
+have in common as foundation the octave.
+
+I will not enter into this intricate subject any further, because
+a safe method has not yet been found that would enable us to tell
+definitely what people _want_ to sing among whom there is no theory of
+music, as it exists among ourselves or the civilized people of Asia,
+and who have no exactly constructed instruments.
+
+Among musical instruments one type is of universal distribution: the
+percussion instruments, or perhaps better instruments for producing
+noises that carry the rhythm of the song. In the simplest cases these
+are sticks with which boards or other resounding objects are struck.
+But besides these we find everywhere the use of some kind of a drum:
+wooden, hollow boxes, hollow cylinders or hoops covered with a drum
+head of skin. Rattles, and locally other devices for producing noises
+occur. Not so general, for musical purposes, is the use of wind
+instruments. Whistles used as calls are perhaps universal, but the
+flute or pipe is not used everywhere as a musical instrument. Still
+more restricted is the use of stringed instruments. At the time of
+the discovery they were entirely unknown in America. Among primitive
+tribes, including the whole of America, song was accompanied only by
+rhythmic beating on instruments of percussion. It is interesting to
+note that the beats did not always coincide with the accent of the
+song, but had often an independent, though coordinated rhythm (see p.
+315). Singing in several parts is also unknown in primitive music. In
+Africa solo singing and response of a chorus occurs, and a kind of
+polyphony due to the overlapping of these. Sometimes true singing in
+parts has been observed in Africa.
+
+Music is always expressionistic and we are apt to associate with a tune
+and rhythm a definite mood, but these associations vary considerably
+with local styles. I have referred, in another place, to the feelings
+associated among ourselves with the major and minor keys. These are not
+by any means shared by people who have grown up under the influence
+of another musical style. It is likely that the symbolic meaning
+of music alone is vaguer than that of song; but it is difficult to
+reach a definite decision in regard to this question, for there is
+very little music without song or without association with symbolic
+or representative actions. The condition is perhaps comparable to
+that found in the symbolic significance of graphic and plastic arts,
+the connotations of which are, as we have seen, certain only when
+a definite relation between form and implied content exist. It is
+intelligible that a type of tune that is always applied in mourning
+ceremonies will produce the proper emotional effect, while the same
+type of tune without such definite setting might have quite a different
+effect.
+
+The present state of our knowledge of primitive music does not permit
+us to establish definite musical areas, but enough is known to prove
+that as all other cultural features, we may recognize a series of
+musical areas, each characterized by common fundamental traits. The
+narrow compass of tunes of east Siberian songs, the falling cadence
+with repetition of motives on a falling series of fundamental tones
+among the Plains Indians, the antiphony of Negro songs are examples
+of this kind. The varying systems of tonality, the use of purely
+instrumental music, the kind of accompaniment of song, are others. It
+seems quite certain that it will be possible to determine large areas
+in which, by diffusion, similar types of musical art have developed
+and in which, by subdivision, local types may be segregated similar in
+character to those found in decorative art. Even in the modern folk
+music of Europe a definite character of the folkmusic of each nation
+may be recognized. Borrowed melodies adapted to local forms illustrate
+this type of individuality. As an example of such adaptation I give on
+the next page a German song which has been adopted by the Mexicans. It
+was probably carried there by the army of Maximilian.
+
+On account of the interrelation between body movements and
+articulations it seems likely that rhythmic body movements release
+rhythmic articulations, that is song; and that in this sense, songs
+that consist of meaningless syllables may have their origin in
+movement. On the other hand the excitement engendered by song leads
+to movements that are related to the rhythm of the song, so that in
+this sense, a dance is conditioned by the song. We mean here by dance,
+the rhythmic movements of any part of the body, swinging of the arms,
+movement of the trunk or head, or movements of the legs and feet. The
+two forms of expression are mutually determined.
+
+We have to remember here the general remarks which we made in the
+beginning in regard to all art. We saw that without a formal element
+art does not exist. Technical work without fixed form does not create
+artistic enjoyment. In the same way violent, expressive movement born
+of the passion of the moment is not art. Art as an expression of
+feeling requires form as much as art born of the control of technical
+processes. If it were not selfevident we might have pointed out also
+that the passionate cry is neither poetry nor music. It is, therefore,
+not appropriate to call dance all the violent movements that occur in
+the lives of primitive people. We must reserve the term to movements
+of fixed form, although it may be recognized that in the height of
+excitement dance may turn into a formless tumult of motion, as music
+may change to formless cries of wildest excitement.
+
+
+[Music:
+
+  Denkst du daran, mein tapfer Lagienka, dass ich dereinst in
+  unserm Vaterland, an eurer Spitze nah bei Dubienka, viertausend
+  gegen sechzehntausend stand? Denkst du daran, wie ich vom Feind
+      umgeben,
+  mit Mühe nur die Freiheit uns gewann? Ich denke
+  dran, ich danke dir mein Leben; doch du, Soldat, Soldat denkst du
+      daran.[Trans. 1]
+
+  Yo trobador, yo pobre sin fortuna, si te admiro las
+  gracias que tu tienes; yo no te veo mas bella que la luna, si te adoro
+  me perdonas otra vez. Proscrito yo, en extranjero
+  suelo, no hay piedad de un triste trobador. Proscrito
+  yo en extranjero suelo, no hay piedad de un triste trobador.[Trans. 2]
+]
+
+  [Trans. 1] Do you remember, my brave Lagienka, that I once stood in
+    our fatherland, at your head near Dubienka, four thousand
+    against sixteen thousand? Do you remember how I was surrounded by
+        the enemy,
+    how hard it was to gain our freedom? I remember,
+    I owe you my life; but you, soldier, soldier, remember it too.
+
+  [Trans. 2] I troubadour, I poor without fortune, if I admire the
+    graces that you have; I don’t see you more beautiful than the moon,
+        if I adore you,
+    forgive me again. Banished I, in a foreign
+    soil, there is no mercy for a sad troubadour. Banished
+    I, in a foreign soil, there is no mercy for a sad troubadour.
+
+We observe among all primitive tribes that emotions finding vent in
+motor activities adopt a definite form. In this sense dance as an art
+form may be purely formal, that is, devoid of symbolic meaning. Its
+esthetic effect may be founded on the enjoyment of body movement, often
+reinforced by that emotional excitement that is released by the dance
+movement. The more formal the dance, the stronger will be the purely
+esthetic enjoyment, as against the emotional element.
+
+We are not well informed in regard to the local distribution of dance
+types among primitive people but enough is known to allow us to state
+that, as in decorative art and in music, areas of similar dance forms
+occur. The joint dances of the Pueblo Indians in which participate
+a large number of dancers dressed alike and in formation, are quite
+foreign to the North Pacific coast where the single dance prevails.
+In the formal woman’s dance of the Northwest Coast, the dancer stays
+in the same place with hands raised to the height of the face, palms
+forward and trembling. The body movements are carried on by gentle
+bending of the knees and slight swaying of the body. The Koryak dancer
+who holds the drum, moves in quite another way, swinging his body
+from the hips and beating the drum (see fig. 73, p. 79). Joint dances
+of the two sexes are rare and the dancers do not often so move that
+their bodies are in intimate contact. We find more frequently either
+single dances or a number of performers who repeat the same movements.
+The effectiveness of the dance is increased by the order in which the
+dancers stand and move.
+
+Symbolic movements are perhaps even more frequent than purely formal
+dance. They are used not only in accompanying song but also in
+oratory, and the muscular play accompanying lively conversation of both
+the speaker and the hearer is a manifestation of the relation between
+language and symbolic movements. These are also standardized in each
+cultural area. The number of organically determined gestures is very
+small. Most of them are culturally patterned. Many are so automatic
+that they are called forth immediately by the form of thought. In other
+cases the speaker enhances the effect of his words by appropriate
+gestures and the meaning of song is often brought out more vividly by
+significant movements. Thus the chorus of the Indians of the Pueblo of
+Laguna sing:
+
+    “In the east rises the sun youth,
+    Here westward he moves with life and vegetation.
+    Carrying them in his basket while he is walking along.”
+
+When this song is sung the singer faces westward and moves forward. The
+word “vegetation” is expressed by pushing the hands alternately upward;
+“basket” by describing a wide circle with both hands and bringing
+them together in front of the body. The gesture expresses the act of
+carrying in a basket. The word “walking” is indicated by stretching the
+hands out forward in front of the body and waving them up and up.
+
+The Kwakiutl sing as follows:[167]
+
+    “I am going around the world eating everywhere with
+          Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World.
+    I went to the center of the world; Cannibal-at-the-
+          North-End-of-the-World is crying “food”.
+
+[167] F. Boas, Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl
+Indians, Annual Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, p.
+457.
+
+The dancer accompanies this song which is sung by a chorus, with
+movements. His arms tremble from right to left. To the words, “I
+am going” the arms are stretched out to one side; “All around the
+world”, they swing around in a round circle; “I,” the shoulders are
+alternately brought forward and backward; “eating everywhere”, the
+right hand stretches far out as though it was taking food, and is
+then brought to the mouth, while the left describes a wide circle,
+indicating “everywhere”; “Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World”,
+both hands are bent inward and the finger tips moved toward the
+mouth, meaning “the eater”; “I went” is expressed as before;
+“Cannibal-at-North-End-of-the-World is crying ‘food’ for me”, the
+sign of the cannibal spirit is made; then the arms are stretched far
+backward, the palms turned downward, and the head is lowered, this
+being the cannibal spirit’s attitude when crying “food”. “At the center
+of the world”, when these words are sung the dancer is in front of
+the fire and looks up to the rear of the house in the characteristic
+attitude of the cannibal, the rear of the house being the center of the
+world.
+
+The further development of movement accompanying the song leads to true
+pantomimic and ultimately to dramatic performances.
+
+
+
+
+                               CONCLUSION
+
+
+We have now completed our review of the forms of primitive art and we
+shall try to sum up the results of our inquiry.
+
+We have seen that art arises from two sources, from technical pursuits
+and from the expression of emotions and thought, as soon as these take
+fixed forms. The more energetic the control of form over uncoordinated
+movement, the more esthetic the result. Artistic enjoyment is,
+therefore, based essentially upon the reaction of our minds to form.
+The same kind of enjoyment may be released by impressions received from
+forms that are not the handiwork of man, but they may not be considered
+as art, although the esthetic reaction is not different from the one we
+receive from the contemplation or the hearing of a work of art. When
+speaking of artistic production they must be excluded. When considering
+only esthetic reactions they must be included.
+
+The esthetic effect of artistic work developing from the control of
+technique alone is based on the joy engendered by the mastery of
+technique and also by the pleasure produced by the perfection of form.
+The enjoyment of form may have an elevating effect upon the mind, but
+this is not its primary effect. Its source is in part the pleasure
+of the virtuoso who overcomes technical difficulties that baffle his
+cleverness. As long as no deeper meaning is felt in the significance of
+form, its effect is for most individuals, pleasurable, not elevating.
+
+We have seen that in the various arts definite formal principles
+manifest themselves, the origin of which we did not try to explain,
+but which we accepted as present in the art of man the world over,
+and which for this reason we considered as the most ancient, the most
+fundamental characteristics of all art. In the graphic and plastic
+arts these elements are symmetry, rhythm and emphasis of form. We
+found symmetry to be very generally right and left and suggested that
+this may be due to the symmetry of manual movements as well as to the
+observation of right and left symmetry in animals and in man. We also
+observed that rhythmic repetition runs ordinarily in horizontal bands
+and pointed out the general experience that natural objects of the
+same or similar kind are arranged in horizontal strata, such as woods,
+mountains, and clouds; legs, body and limbs. Rhythmic form seems to
+be closely related to technical processes, although other causes of
+rhythmic repetition are revealed in poetry. The simplest technical
+processes produce a simple repetition of the same motives, while with
+increasing virtuosity more complex orders become the rule. The more
+virtuosity is developed, the more complex are the rhythms that are
+liable to make their appearance. The ability of primitive artists to
+appreciate rhythm seems to be much greater than our own.
+
+The desire to emphasize form made itself felt in the application of
+lines to the rim. We also observed the tendency of the rim designs to
+become exuberant and to encroach upon the decorative field. No less
+important is the tendency to attach ornament to prominent places of the
+decorated object and to divide the decorative field according to fixed
+principles.
+
+While the features so far considered are common characteristics of
+art the world over, they do not explain the style of separate areas.
+We considered this problem in some detail in the field of decorative
+art. Here our attention was first arrested by the fact that purely
+formal art, or perhaps better, art that is apparently purely formal,
+is given a meaning endowing it with an emotional value that does not
+belong to the beauty of form alone. It is an expressionistic element
+that is common to many forms of primitive art. It is effective because
+in the mind of the tribes certain forms are symbols of a limited range
+of ideas. The firmer the association between a form and a definite
+idea, the more clearly stands out the expressionistic character of the
+art. This is true in the graphic and plastic arts as well as in music.
+In the former a geometrical form, in the latter a sound cluster, a
+particular type of musical phrasing, if associated with a definite
+meaning, evokes definite emotions or even concepts. A study of these
+conditions shows also that a uniform reaction to form is indispensable
+for the effectiveness of an expressionistic art, a condition which is
+not fulfilled in our own modern society, so that an expressionistic art
+can appeal only to a circle of adepts who follow the lines of thought
+and feeling developed by a master. Symbolic art can still be applied
+successfully in the case of a few symbols that have fixed associations
+which are valid for all of us.
+
+The wide distribution of symbolic forms and the remoteness of their
+resemblance to the objects they symbolize led us to a consideration
+of the question of their history. We examined particularly the theory
+that all artistic reproduction is by origin naturalistic and that
+geometrization grows up only when the artist tries to introduce
+ideas that are not inherent in the object itself. We saw that this
+theory cannot be maintained, because realistic representation and
+geometrization spring from distinctive sources. In plastic art the
+contrast between the two tendencies does not appear as clearly as
+in graphic art. In the former it is found more in surface treatment
+than in general outline. In graphic art the matter is complicated
+by the difficulties involved in representing a three-dimensional
+object on a two-dimensional surface, a problem which the artist has
+to solve. This may be done in one of two ways. Either a perspective
+representation of the object as it appears at a given moment may be
+attempted, or the artist may decide that the essential point is to show
+all its characteristic parts, no matter whether they are visible in a
+single view or not. The former method lays stress upon the accidental
+features, it is impressionistic; the latter stresses those elements
+that are felt to constitute the fundamental qualities of the object, it
+is expressionistic. The two methods which we called the symbolic and
+the perspective are absolutely distinct and the one cannot be developed
+from the other. We have also seen that the consistent application of
+the perspective method is reached only when we introduce also the
+principle of indistinctness of those points that are removed from the
+center of the field of vision and that of dependence of color upon
+environment. Both of these have been tried in our day, without having
+found general acceptance. The symbolic method is always more or less
+wavering in the application of its principle. Sometimes perspective
+correctness of outline is attempted with a considerable degree of
+freedom in regard to the detailed treatment of those symbols that are
+considered important. Of this character are the Egyptian paintings with
+their vacillation between front and side views. In other cases the
+realism of outline is entirely sacrificed and the form may be reduced
+to a mere assembly of symbols.
+
+The theory has been advanced that geometric ornament developed through
+the degeneration of perspective designs; in part perhaps also through
+that of symbolic designs. It is assumed that the symbol, or the object
+represented was misunderstood and that in course of time through
+a process of slurring, by careless and inaccurate representation
+the forms became fragmentary and finally lost all semblance to the
+original. It is not possible to accept this theory, because the
+conditions under which the supposed slurring occurs are seldom
+realized. Slovenly work does not occur in an untouched primitive
+culture. Misunderstandings may happen in cases of borrowing of designs
+or in that of a gradual transformation of those concepts that find
+expression in decorative art. Actual slurring is found in factory
+production. By an examination of a few cases of this kind we were able
+to show that it does not lead to geometrization, but to the growth of
+an individualism akin to that of our handwriting. It cannot be denied
+that in such cases occasion for re-interpretation with consequent
+changes of form occur, but these are not frequent. On the other hand we
+were able to show that reading in of realistic meanings into geometric
+forms is quite common. We proved this by means of a detailed comparison
+of the style of painting and embroidery of the North American Plains
+Indians which we found to be practically identical everywhere, while
+the interpretations varied from tribe to tribe. This phenomenon
+agrees with the general tendency to keep intact the form, but to
+endow it with new meaning according to the chief cultural interests
+of the people. We pointed out the prevalence of the same tendency in
+folk-tales and ritual. As a general explanation the geometrization of
+realistic patterns is, therefore, unacceptable. In the majority of
+cases it seems to be rather due to the inclination of man to give a
+meaning to geometric form, as we enjoy reading meanings into the forms
+of clouds and mountains. We were also able to describe a few cases in
+which the process of reading in has actually been observed.
+
+Another fact prevents us from considering geometrization as a general
+historical process. It is very seldom only that the steps are found so
+distributed that they can be proved to follow one another in time. Much
+oftener all are found at the same time among the same people.
+
+Considering all these points we reached the conclusion that the
+stylistic form which contains to a greater or lesser extent constant
+geometrical elements, is decisive in determining the manner in which
+representations are rendered. We were thus led to the attempt to find
+the principles underlying art styles.
+
+We approached this subject by the study of a few art forms. We compared
+a number of art styles that make use of the spiral and found in each
+characteristic traits, as well regarding the form of the spiral as in
+the handling of the decorative field. In the same way we observed that
+in the art of the North American Indians the same kind of triangles and
+rectangles are used by all the tribes, but that there exist typical
+differences in the treatment of the decorative field. The problem was
+carried through in some detail by means of a study of the decorative
+art of the North Pacific coast which is highly symbolic in character.
+This example taught us an additional point, namely that in symbolic
+art the selection of symbols is of decisive importance in defining the
+style and that the arrangement of the symbols is subject to the same
+formal treatment of the decorative field which control the arrangement
+of geometrical motives.
+
+On the basis of this study we conclude that the particular types of
+geometrical motives that enter into the representative form, as well
+as the treatment of the decorative field determine the character of
+the design and that the degree of realism depends upon the relative
+importance of the geometric and representative elements. When the
+purely decorative tendency prevails we have essentially geometrical,
+highly conventionalized forms, when the idea of representation
+prevails, we have, on the contrary, more realistic forms. In every
+case, however, the formal element that characterizes the style, is
+older than the particular type of representation. This does not signify
+that early representations do not occur, it means that the method of
+representation was always controlled by formal elements of distinctive
+origin.
+
+The pattern of artistic expression that emerges from a long, cumulative
+process determined by a multiplicity of causes fashions the form of
+the art work. We recognize the permanence of pattern in those cases
+in which a useful form that has lost its function persists as a
+decorative element; in the imitation in new materials of natural forms
+used at one time as utensils, and in the transfer of forms from one
+technique to another. The fixity of the pattern does not permit the
+artist to apply natural forms unmodified to decorative purposes. His
+imagination is limited by the pattern. In cases of greater freedom the
+representative value may not be seriously encroached upon. Such is the
+case for instance, with the oriental palmetto and the ear ornaments
+of the Marquesas Islands, on which in olden times two deities were
+represented, back to back, while nowadays two girls in a swing are
+carved, in exactly the same spacial arrangement. When the pattern
+is highly formal and not adapted to representation, an apparent
+geometrization may be the result. The distinction between these two
+aspects appears clearly in those cases in which pictography and
+symbolic geometric art appear side by side.
+
+The art of the North Pacific coast proved also that we must not assume
+that the style of a tribe must always be uniform, but that it is
+quite possible that in different industries, particularly when carried
+along by different parts of the population, quite distinctive styles
+may prevail. The excellence and consistency of a style as well as the
+multiplicity of forms depend upon the perfection of technique. We
+found, therefore, that in those cases in which technical work is done
+by the men alone, they are the creative artists, that when the women
+do a great deal of technical work they are no less productive, and
+that when the two sexes carry on different industries they may develop
+distinctive styles. It is, however, more frequent that the style of a
+dominant industry may be imposed upon work made by other processes.
+Weaving in coarse material seemed to be a most fertile source of
+patterns that are imitated in paintings, carvings, and pottery.
+
+A comparison of the fundamental elements that are found in the graphic
+and plastic arts,—in the arts of space,—as contrasted with those
+of poetry, music, and dance,—the arts of time,—brings out certain
+differences and similarities. Common to both are rhythm, and it seems
+likely that the rhythm of technique is merely a spacial expression
+of the rhythm of time, in so far as the rhythmic movements result in
+rhythmic forms when applied to technical pursuits. We may perhaps also
+speak in both types of art of attempts to emphasize closed forms,
+for often we find musical phrases, and single ideas in poetry closed
+by what might be called a decorative end, consisting of burdens or
+of codas. Similar elements may also appear as introductions in the
+beginning. Completely lacking in the pure arts of time is symmetry,
+because an inverted time order does not convey the impression of
+symmetry, as is the case in the arts of space. It occurs only in a
+symmetrical arrangement of phrases. Dance contains elements of both
+the spacial and time arts. Therefore, the principles of the former may
+be clearly observed in dance forms. Rhythmic movements and rhythmic
+spacial order, symmetry of position and of movement, and emphasis and
+balance of form are essential in esthetic dance forms.
+
+The graphic and plastic arts owe much of their emotional value to
+the representative and symbolic values of form. This is no less true
+in literature, music and dance. Narrative and poetry so far as they
+contain intelligible words, always have a meaning which may have a deep
+significance because they touch upon those aspects of life that stir
+the emotions. Frequently there is an added meaning, when the words
+have a symbolic, ulterior significance related to religious beliefs or
+philosophical ideas. In music and dance also symbolic significance is
+often attached to form.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+We are at the end of our considerations, but one question remains to
+be answered. We have seen that the desire for artistic expression is
+universal. We may even say that the mass of the population in primitive
+society feels the need of beautifying their lives more keenly than
+civilized man, at least more than those whose lives are spent under
+the urgent necessity of acquiring the meagre means of sustenance. But
+among others also the desire for comfort has often superseded the
+desire for beauty. Among primitive people the καλὸν κἀγαθόν coincide.
+Goodness and beauty are the same. Do they then possess the same
+keenness of esthetic appreciation that is found at least in part of
+our population? I believe we may safely say that in the narrow field
+of art that is characteristic of each people the enjoyment of beauty
+is quite the same as among ourselves: intense among a few, slight
+among the mass. The readiness to abandon one’s self to the exaltation
+induced by art, is probably greater, because the conventional restraint
+of our times does not exist in the same forms in their lives. What
+distinguishes modern esthetic feeling from that of primitive people
+is the manifold character of its manifestations. We are not so much
+bound by a fixed style. The complexity of our social structure and our
+more varied interests allow us to see beauties that are closed to the
+senses of people living in a narrower culture. It is the quality of
+their experience, not a difference in mental make-up that determines
+the difference between modern and primitive art production and art
+appreciation.
+
+
+
+
+                              TEXT FIGURES
+
+
+                                                                   Page
+
+  Fig.   1. Front of painted box, Tlingit, Alaska
+          (A. M. N. H. 19/1074)                                       18
+
+    ”    2. Jar from Zuni (A. M. N. H. 50.1/3333)                     19
+
+    ”    3. Coiled basketry                                           20
+
+    ”    4. Twined basketry (From G. T. Emmons, Basketry of the Tlingit,
+          Memoirs A. M. N. H., Vol. 3, fig. 294, p. 240)              20
+
+    ”    5. Chipped flint implements; _a_, American Indian, A. M. N. H.
+          T 18542; _b_, Egypt, A. M. N. H. 75.0/820                   21
+
+    ”    6. Part of surface of wooden sail, Kwakiutl Indians, Vancouver
+          Island (A. M. N. H. 16.1/1744)                              23
+
+    ”    7. Painted board, Tierra del Fuego (After Wilhelm Koppers,
+          Unter Feuerland-Indianern, fig. 6, p. 48)                   23
+
+    ”    8. Bushman designs; to the left, designs from ostrich eggs
+          (After Felix von Luschan, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Vol.
+          55, pp. 32, 33, 37); to the right above (From Leonhard
+          Schultze, Aus Namaland und Kalahari, p. 672); to the right
+          below, bracelet made of horn (After E. von Sydow, Die Kunst
+          der Naturvölker und der Vorzeit, p. 158)                    23
+
+    ”    9. Kaffer headrests (After Henrik P. M. Muller and John F.
+          Snelleman, L’Industrie des Caffres, Pl. XIV, figs. 4 and 5) 23
+
+    ”   10. Paddle and shield, New Ireland (A. M. N. H. S 2266,
+           S 1409)                                                    25
+
+    ”   11. Plan of rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians                 26
+
+    ”   12. Rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians                         26
+
+    ”   13. Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians
+           (A. M. N. H. 50/3594)                                      27
+
+    ”   14. Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians
+           (A. M. N. H. 50/3596)                                      27
+
+    ”   15. _a_, Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians,
+           Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, 30740; _b_, Design
+           on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians
+           (A. M. N. H. 50/2284)                                      28
+
+    ”   16. Fringe from legging, Thompson Indians (From James Teit, The
+           Thompson Indians, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific
+           Expedition, Vol. I, fig. 313, p. 384)                      29
+
+    ”   17. Twilled weaving showing alternation of patterns
+           (A. M N. H. 16/8191)                                       30
+
+    ”   18. Carving on bow of Bella Bella canoe, British Columbia
+           (A. M. N. H.)                                              30
+
+    ”   19. Rattle used in twin ceremonial. Kwakiutl Indians,
+           British Columbia (A. M. N. H. 16/8282)                     31
+
+    ”   20. Base of flint knife, Scandinavia (After Sophus Müller,
+           Nordische Altertumskunde, fig. 97, p. 190)                 31
+
+    ”   21. Face painting, Tierra del Fuego (After Wilhelm Koppers,
+            Unter Feuerland-Indianern, Pl. V)                         32
+
+    ”   22. Australian shields (A. M. N. H. S 3957, S 421)            33
+
+    ”   23. Paleolithic paintings (After Hugo Obermaier, Fossil Man
+            in Spain, fig. 104, p. 234)                               33
+
+    ”   24. Patterns from bamboo combs (After Vaughn Stevens,
+            Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Vol. XXV, Pl. I)              35
+
+    ”   25. Designs from bamboo spear, New Guinea (Museum für
+            Völkerkunde, Hamburg. After Ernst Fuhrmann, Neu Guinea,
+            p. 114)                                                   35
+
+    ”   26. Etruscan vase (After M. Ebert, Reallexikon der
+            Vorgeschichte, Vol. III, Pl. XXVIII c, p. 140)            35
+
+    ”   27. Peruvian designs (After Inca, Vol. I, fig. 32, p. 230)    35
+
+    ”   28. Painted rawhide bags, Shuswap, British Columbia (From James
+            Teit, The Shuswap, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific
+            Expedition, Vol. II, fig. 220, p. 498)                    36
+
+    ”   29. Designs of the Dayak (After Alois Raimund Hein, Die
+            bildenden Künste bei den Dayaks auf Borneo, Pl. IV, fig. 6;
+            Pl. V, fig. 1)                                            37
+
+    ”   30. Carved board, Kaiserin Augusta Fluss, New Guinea (Museum für
+            Völkerkunde, Hamburg. After E. Fuhrmann, Neu Guinea, p. 112).
+            The two reversed spiral elements are indicated by dark and
+            light shading.                                            36
+
+    ”   31. _a_, Designs from pottery of ancient Pueblos (After J. Walter
+            Fewkes, An Archaeological Collection from Youngs Canyon near
+            Flagstaff, Arizona, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collection,
+            Vol. 77, No. 10, Pl. 4_e_).
+
+            _b_, Designs from pottery of ancient Pueblos (After J. Walter
+            Fewkes, Designs on Prehistoric Pottery from Mimbres Valley,
+            New Mexico, _Ibid._ Vol. 74, No. 6, fig. 36, p. 33)       37
+
+    ”   32. Bronze ornament, Sweden, 7th Century A. D. (After E. von
+            Sydow, Die Kunst der Naturvölker und der Vorzeit,
+            p. 480)                                                   38
+
+    ”   33. Design from Peruvian textile (After Walter Lehmann,
+            Kunstgeschichte des alten Peru, Pl. 4, p. 20)             38
+
+    ”   34. Designs from Peruvian textile (_Ibid._ Pl. 3, p. 16)      39
+
+    ”   35. Pot of coiled pottery, prehistoric Pueblo Indians
+           (A. M. N. H.)                                              40
+
+    ”   36. Necklace of Thompson Indians (After Gladys A. Reichard,
+            American Anthropologist, Vol. XXIV, 1922, p. 188)         41
+
+    ”   37. _a_, Koryak embroidery (From W. Jochelson, The Koryak,
+            Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI, fig. 206,
+            p. 690). _b_,Koryak embroidery (_Ibid._ fig. 210, p. 693) 43
+
+    ”   38. _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_, Koryak embroideries (_Ibid._ figs.
+            211-215, p. 693-696)                                      45
+
+    ”   39. Peruvian embroidery from Ica (A. M. N. H.)                47
+
+    ”   40. Peruvian fabric (The Necropolis of Ancon, W. Reiss and A.
+            Stübel, Vol. II, Pl. 67 _b_, fig. 3)                      49
+
+    ”   41. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 67, fig. 6)                  49
+
+    ”   42. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 48, fig. 2)                  50
+
+    ”   43. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 61)                          50
+
+    ”   44. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 66 _a_, fig. 1)              51
+
+    ”   45. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 68 _a_, fig. 3)              51
+
+    ”   46. Peruvian fabric (_Ibid._ Pl. 66, fig. 3)                  51
+
+    ”   47. Patterns from Mexican Codex (Codex Nuttall)               53
+
+    ”   48. _a_, Pottery vessel from Finland (After M. Ebert,
+            Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, Vol. III, Pl. 125 _k_).
+            _b_, Pottery vessel, Ica, Peru, A. M. N. H.               55
+
+    ”   49. _a_, _b_, Birchbark vessels from the Amur River (From
+            Berthold Laufer, The Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup
+            North Pacific Expedition, Vol. IV, Pl. 20). _c_, Birchbark
+            basket, Shuswap, British Columbia. _d_, _e_, Bark buckets,
+            Alaska (_c_, _d_, _e_, from James Teit, The Shuswap, Jesup
+            North Pacific Expedition, Vol. II, figs. 205, 207).       56
+
+    ”   50. _a_, _b_, Pottery vessels, Chiriqui, Costa Rica (After G. G.
+            MacCurdy, A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Memoirs of the
+            Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol. III [1911],
+            figs. 92, 85). _c_, Fort Colburne, Ontario (After 31st. Ann.
+            Archaeological Report, Ontario, 1919, p. 83).             57
+
+    ”   51. _a_, Part of soapstone kettle; _b_, _c_, _d_, Ivory combs,
+            Eskimo (From F. Boas, The Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson
+            Bay, Bull. A. M. N. H. Vol. XV, 1907, figs. 215, 254)     58
+
+    ”   52. Wood carving, Bambala, Congo (After Torday and Joyce, Notes
+            ethnographiques sur les peuples communément appelés Bakuba,
+            etc. Les Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques concernant les
+            populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II, Pl. 25, fig. 7)      59
+
+    ”   53. Pottery vessel, Molkenberg type, Megalithic period (After M.
+            Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, Vol. III, Pl. 11, p.
+            84)                                                       60
+
+    ”   54. Pouch, Arapaho (From A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. A. M.
+            N. H. Vol. XVIII, fig. 23 _c_, p. 89)                     60
+
+    ”   55. Embroidered Moccasin, Apache, A. M. N. H. 50/8622 _b_     60
+
+    ”   56. _a_, _b_, _c_, Birchbark vessels, eastern Indians (From
+            James Teit, The Shuswap, Vol. II, fig. 214). _d_, Birchbark
+            vessels, Koryak (From W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Jesup North
+            Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI, fig. 192 _c_, p. 675).       61
+
+    ”   57. Pottery vessel, Arkansas (After W. H. Holmes, Aboriginal
+            Pottery of the eastern United States, 20th Annual Report
+            Bureau of American Ethnology, Pl. XXV)                    61
+
+    ”   58. Imbricated basket, Chilcotin, British Columbia (After James
+            Teit, The Shuswap, Vol. II, fig. 268, p. 772)             62
+
+    ”   59. _a_, Embroidery, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Carl Lumholtz,
+            Decorative Art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs A. M. N. H.,
+            Vol. III, Part 3, fig. 430, p. 303)                       65
+
+            _b_, Symbolism of the Huichol Indian, _Ibid._ Part. 1, fig.
+            92, p. 92                                                 66
+
+    ”   60. Decorated fishskin garment, Amur River (After Berthold
+            Laufer, The Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup North
+            Pacific Expedition, Vol. IV, Pl. 30)                      66
+
+    ”   61. Upper row, pictographs of Ojibwa Indians; lower row,
+            pictographs of Dakota Indians (From Garrick Mallery, Picture
+            Writing of American Indians, 10th Annual Report Bureau of
+            American Ethnology, figs. 168 and 184 et seq.)            67
+
+    ”   62. Mexican painting from Codex Borbonicus (After Eduard Seler,
+            Gesammelte Abhandlungen, Vol. IV, p. 139)                 68
+
+    ”   63. _a_, Carved figure, Philippine Islands (After E. von Sydow,
+            Die Kunst der Naturvölker und der Vorzeit, p. 273). _b_,
+            Marble figure representing harpist (After Helmuth Th.
+            Bossert, Altkreta, fig. 17 _b_.)                          69
+
+    ”   64. Wooden mask, Urua, Congo (After Herbert Kühn, Die Kunst der
+            Primitiven, Pl. XXIX)                                     70
+
+    ”   65. Carved board, Papua Gulf, New Guinea (After Herbert Kühn, Die
+            Kunst der Primitiven, Pl. LIV)                            70
+
+    ”   66. Egyptian painting (After Heinrich Schäfer, Von Ägyptischer
+            Kunst fig. 200, p. 257)                                   71
+
+    ”   67. Haida drawing representing eagle carrying away a woman;
+            original by Charles Edensaw                               71
+
+    ”   68. Egyptian drawings, _a_, Bowl and pitcher; _b_, Sleeping
+            person covered by blanket (After Heinrich Schäfer, Von
+            Ägyptischer Kunst, p. 111)                                75
+
+    ”   69. Eskimo etching on walrus tusk, Alaska
+            (A. M. N. H. 60/239)                                      76
+
+    ”   70. Bushman rock paintings (After Moszeik, Die Malereien der
+            Buschmänner in Südafrika, Pl. I, fig. 236)                76
+
+    ”   71. Paleolithic painting representing bison (After Hugo
+            Obermaier, Fossil Man in Spain, Pl. I)                    77
+
+    ”   72. Hat of the Nootka Indians (After Handbook of the Ethnographic
+            collections, British Museum, fig. 235, p. 256)            78
+
+    ”   73. Koryak carvings (From W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Jesup North
+            Pacific Expedition, Vol. 6, figs. 170, 172, 175)          79
+
+    ”   74. Bronze casting, Benin (After Felix von Luschan, Alterthümer
+            von Benin, Pl. LI)                                        81
+
+    ”   75. Headmask, Cross River, Cameroon (After Ernst Vatter,
+            Religiöse Plastik der Naturvölker, 1926, fig. 57)         82
+
+    ”   76. Terra cotta head from Ife, Yoruba country (After Herbert
+            Kühn, Die Kunst der Primitiven, p. 92)                    82
+
+    ”   77. Pottery head from Arkansas (After W. H. Holmes, Aboriginal
+            Pottery of the eastern United States, 20th Annual Report
+            Bureau of American Ethnology, Pl. XXX)                    85
+
+    ”   78. Ivory and bone carvings, and tattooing of eastern Eskimo
+            (From F. Boas, Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson Bay, Bulletin
+            A. M. N. H. Vol, XV. figs. 257, 258, 268).                86
+
+    ”   79. Ornaments of the Auetö, Brazil (After Karl von den Steinen,
+            Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral Brasiliens, Pl. XXII).     89
+
+    ”   80. Ornaments of the Karayá (After Paul Ehrenreich, Die
+            Karayástämme am Rio Araguaya (Goyaz); Veröffentlichungen aus
+            dem Museum für Völkerkunde, Berlin. Vol. II, fig. 11, p. 25).
+                                                                      89
+
+    ”   81. Basketry patterns from British Guyana, _a_, snake pursuing
+            frog; _b_, man; _c._, dog; _d-f_, wild nutmeg (From Walter
+            Edmond Roth, An Introductory Study of the arts, crafts, and
+            customs of the Guyana Indians, 38th Annual Report Bureau of
+            American Ethnology, figs. 168, 178).                      90
+
+    ”   82. Basketry patterns from British Guyana; _a_, centiped; _b_,
+            savannah grass; _c-f_, periwinkles; _g_, butterflies; _h-j_,
+            snakes, _Ibid._ fig. 169.                                 91
+
+    ”   83. Designs of the Cheyenne Indians (After Paul Ehrenreich,
+            Ethnologisches Notizblatt, Vol. II, No. 1, pp. 27-29, 1899).
+                                                                      92
+
+    ”   84. Moccasin, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin
+            A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII, fig. 5_b_, p. 39).                94
+
+    ”   85. Knife case, Arapaho (_Ibid._ fig. 22, p. 88).             94
+
+    ”   86. Legging, Sioux Indians (After Clark Wissler, Decorative Art
+            of the Sioux Indians, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII, Pl.
+            LI, fig. 5).                                              95
+
+    ”   87. Drum of the Assiniboine (From Robert H. Lowie, The
+            Assiniboine, Vol. IV, Anthropological Papers A. M. N. H. fig.
+            11, p. 27).                                               96
+
+    ”   88. Rawhide bag, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho,
+            Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII, fig. 33, p. 115).        97
+
+    ”   89. Design from parfleche, Shoshone (A. M. N. H. 50/2299).    97
+
+    ”   90. Bamboo case from Friedrich-Wilhelm Hafen, New Guinea, (After
+            Emil Stephan, Südseekunst, p. 101).                       98
+
+    ”   91. Zuni bowl, broken and edges ground down, (private
+            property).                                                98
+
+    ”   92. Ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Karl
+            Lumholtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs A. M. N.
+            H. Vol III, fig. 133, p. 125)                             99
+
+    ”   93. Woven ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Karl
+            Lumholtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, _Ibid._ fig. 173,
+            p. 146).                                                 101
+
+    ”   94. Design from a pouch, Huichol Indians (From Karl Lumholtz,
+            Decorative art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs A. M. N. H.
+            Vol. III, Pt. 3, fig. 527, p. 325).                      101
+
+    ”   95. Tattooed designs, Marquesas (After Karl von den Steinen, Die
+            Marquesaner und ihre Kunst, _a_, fig. 103, p. 155; _b_, fig.
+            101, p. 154; _c_, fig. 99, p. 152; _d_, fig. 100, p. 153;
+            _e_, fig. 112, p. 163).                                  101
+
+    ”   96. Patterns representing the star, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber,
+            Decorative art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol.
+            XVIII).                                                  103
+
+    ”   97. Patterns representing persons (_Ibid._).                 104
+
+    ”   98. Patterns representing butterfly (_Ibid._).               104
+
+    ”   99. Designs from Neu-Mecklenburg, _a_, Carved bamboo; _b_,
+            embroidered mat (After Emil Stephan and Fritz Gräbner,
+            Neu-Mecklenburg, _a_, fig. 120, p. 114; _b._ Pl. I, fig. 3).
+                                                                     104
+
+    ”  100. Embroidered knife sheath, Arapaho (From A. L. Kroeber,
+            Decorative art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol.
+            XVIII, Pl. 13, fig. 5).                                  107
+
+    ”  101. Painted board, Neu-Mecklenburg (After Emil Stephan and Fritz
+           Gräbner, Neu-Mecklenburg, Pl. IX, fig. 8).                107
+
+    ”  102. Decorated paddle, Neu-Mecklenburg (_Ibid._ Pl. VI,
+            fig. 3 b).                                               107
+
+    ”  103. Blanket of mountain-goat wool, Tlingit, Alaska (From G. T.
+            Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, Memoirs A. M. N. H. Vol. III,
+            fig. 567, p. 377).                                       108
+
+    ”  104. Basketry patterns of the Pomo Indians, California (After
+            S. A. Barrett, Pomo Indian Basketry, Univ. California
+            Publications, Vol. 7, No. 3. pp. 180, 182, 187, 190, 204,
+            232).                                                    109
+
+    ”  105. Drawn work, Mexico (From Journal of American Folk-lore,
+             Vol. 33, 1920, p. 73).                                  110
+
+    ”  106. Designs of the Ruanda (After Jan Czekanowski,
+            Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Deutschen Zentral-Afrika
+            Expedition, 1907-1908, Vol. VI, Part 1, p. 330).         111
+
+    ”  107. Designs of the Pangwe (After Günther Tessmann, Die Pangwe,
+            Berlin 1913, Vol. I, fig. 211, p. 254).                  112
+
+    ”  108. Designs of the Bushongo (After E. Torday and T. A. Joyce,
+            Les Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques concernant les
+            populations du Congo Belge, figs. 322, 323, 219, 330).   113
+
+    ”  109. Feet of flat pottery dishes, Chiriqui, Costa Rica (After
+            G. G. MacCurdy, A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Mem.
+            Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol. III [1911],
+            figs. 140, 141, 139, 135).                               114
+
+    ”  110. Polynesian ornaments (After Charles H. Read, Journal of
+            the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland,
+            Vol. 21 [1892] Pl. 12).                                  115
+
+    ”  111. Crocodile arrows, New Guinea (After A. C. Haddon, The
+            Decorative Art of British New Guinea, Cunningham Memoir,
+            Royal Irish Academy, X [1894] fig. 19).                  115
+
+    ”  112. Designs representing frigate bird and crocodile (_Ibid._
+            Pl. XII).                                                116
+
+    ”  113. Facial urns (After M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte,
+            Vol. IV, Pl. 116).                                       117
+
+    ”  114. Armadillo designs, Chiriqui (After G. G. MacCurdy, _l. c._
+            figs. 77, 78)                                            117
+
+    ”  115. Designs of the Bushongo representing the head of the
+            antelope and the beetle (From E. Torday and T. A. Joyce,
+            Notes ethnographiques sur les peuples communément appelés
+            Bakuba etc. Les Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques
+            concernant les populations du Congo Belge, p. 211).      117
+
+    ”  116. Design representing the buffalo, Arapaho (From A. L.
+            Kroeber, Decorative Art of the Arapaho, Bulletin
+            A. M. N. H. Vol. XIII, p. 85).                           119
+
+    ”  117. Designs of North American Indians; the first nine, Arapaho
+            (After A. L. Kroeber, Decorative Art of the Arapaho,
+            Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII); the next six, Eastern
+            Algonquin (After Frank G. Speck, The Double Curve Motive
+            of Northeastern Algonkian Art, Geological Survey of Canada,
+            Anthropological Series No. 1); the last line; first,
+            Hopi; then archaeological specimens, Pueblo region.      120
+
+    ”  118. Triangular design, prehistoric Pueblo (After J. W. Fewkes,
+            Preliminary Account of an Expedition to the Pueblo Ruins
+            near Winslow, Arizona, Smithsonian Report for 1896, Pl. 34).
+                                                                     121
+
+    ”  119. Alaskan needle cases (After F. Boas, Decorative Designs
+            of Alaskan Needle Cases, Proceedings United States
+            National Museum, Vol. 34, p. 321 et seq., 1908).         125
+
+    ”  120. Reels of Alaskan Eskimo (United States National Museum,
+            numbers from above downwards, 44 994, 33 095, 38 276, 33 267,
+            45 110).                                                 126
+
+    ”  121. Eye shades and vessel, Ammassalik (After W. Thalbitzer,
+            The Ammassalik Eskimo, Meddelelser om Grønland, Vol. XXXIX,
+            fig. 278, and after Hjalmar Stolpe, On Evolution in the
+            Ornamental Art of Savage Peoples, figs. 22, 24, p. 80).  127
+
+    ”  122. Designs from vessels made of tree calabashes, Oaxaca,
+            (Private collection).                                    131
+
+    ”  123. Fragments of pottery vessels, Texcoco, D. F., Mexico.    132
+
+    ”  124. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico.  132
+
+    ”  125. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico.  133
+
+    ”  126. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico.  135
+
+    ”  127. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico.  135
+
+    ”  128. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico.  135
+
+    ”  129. Alligator designs from Chiriqui pottery (A. M. N. H.
+            30.0/1881; 7608; 5760; 1098; 5727).                      137
+
+    ”  130. Chinese embroidery representing bats (After A. H. Balfour,
+            The Evolution of Decorative Art, fig. 18, p. 50).        141
+
+    ”  131. Shell with representation of rattle snake (After W. H.
+            Holmes, Art in Shell, 2nd Annual Rep. Bureau of Ethnology,
+            Pl. 62, 2; Pl. 65, 2, 4, 6; Pl. 66, 2).                  142
+
+    ”  132. Throwing sticks of the Eskimo (_a_, Greenland, _b_,
+            Ungava Bay, _c_, Cumberland Sound, _d_, Point Barrow, _e_,
+            Alaska (exact location doubtful), _f_, Cape Nome) (After
+            Otis T. Mason, Throwing Sticks in the United States National
+            Museum, Annual Report U. S. Nat. Mus., 1884, p. 279 et
+            seq.)                                                    145
+
+    ”  133. Pile cloth, Congo (From Torday and Joyce, Notes
+            ethnographiques sur les peuples communément appelés Bakuba
+            etc. Les Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques concernant
+            les populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II, Pl. XVI, figs. 2
+            and 4)                                                   154
+
+    ”  134. Haida painting representing a sea-monster in the form of
+            a wolf, carrying two whales                              159
+
+    ”  135. Haida drawing representing the story of a young man who
+            caught a sea-monster                                     159
+
+    ”  136. Haida drawing representing part of the raven story       160
+
+    ”  137. Types of New Zealand spirals                             161
+
+    ”  138. Types of spirals from eastern New Guinea (From E. Fuhrmann,
+            New Guinea, p. 108)                                      163
+
+    ”  139.  Spirals from the Amur River (From Berthold Laufer, The
+            Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup North Pacific
+            Expedition, Vol. IV, Pl. 20, figs. 3 and 4)              163
+
+    ”  140.  Pictographs representing human beings, _a_, Wahpeton Sioux
+            (After Skinner, Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the
+            American Indian, Heye Foundation, Vol. 4, Pl. 23); _b_,
+            Menomenee (After Skinner, Anthropological Papers, A. M. N. H.
+            Vol. 13, fig. 30, p. 159); _c_, Blackfoot (After Clark
+            Wissler, _ibid._ Vol. 7, fig. 3. p. 40); _d_, Dakota (After
+            Garrick Mallery, Pictographs of North American Indians);
+            _e_, Alaskan Eskimo (After W. J. Hoffmann, Graphic Art of
+            the Eskimo, Report of the United States National Museum,
+            1895, Pl. 63); _f_, Pencil sketches by Eskimo from the west
+            coast of Hudson Bay                                      164
+
+    ”  141.  _a_, _b_, _c_, Pictographs from the Cueva de los Caballos,
+            _d_, Pictograph of Bushmen (After Obermaier and Wernert)
+                                                                     165
+
+    ”  142.  Zuni pot (After C. F. Lummis, Mesa, Canyon and Pueblo,
+             p. 369)                                                 167
+
+    ”  143.  Haussa embroideries; (_a_, After Lepage, La décoration
+            primitive; _b_, _c_, _d_. After Felix von Luschan, Beiträge
+            zur Völkerkunde der deutschen Kolonien, p. 50)           168
+
+    ”  144.  Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A M. N. H., _a_, 50/3597;
+            _b_, 50/2285)                                            170
+
+    ”  145.  Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A. M. N. H. _a_, 50/5212;
+            _b_, 50/3595)                                            171
+
+    ”  146.  Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A. M. N. H. _a_, 50/2282;
+            _b_, 50/3630)                                            172
+
+    ”  147.  Painted rawhide, Ioway (Public Museum City of Milwaukee,
+            30607)                                                   173
+
+    ”  148.  _a_, Painted rawhide, Ioway (Public Museum City of
+            Milwaukee, 30609); _b_, Painted rawhide, Otoe (Public Museum
+            City of Milwaukee, 30677)                                174
+
+    ”  149.  Design from pouch, Ojibwa, (A. M. N. H. 50/4596)        175
+
+    ”  150. Design from two sides of pouch, Potawatomi, (A. M. N. H.
+            50.1/7092).                                              175
+
+    ”  151. Types of parfleche and pouch painting, _a_, Arapaho
+            (A. M. N. H.),                                           176
+            _b_, _c_, Shoshone (A. M. N. H. 50/2294, 2432).          177
+
+    ”  152. Arapaho designs (From A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull.
+            A. M. N. H. vol. 18.) _a_, Moccasin, Pl. 2, fig. 5; _b_,
+            Toilet bag, fig. 28; _c_, Small pouch, Pl. 4, fig. 2;
+            _d_, Small pouch, Pl. 4, fig. 11; _e_, Knife scabbard,
+            Pl. 2, fig. 13; _f_, Knife scabbard, fig. 22; _g_,
+            Woman’s leggings, Pl. 3, fig. 5; _h_, Woman’s leggings,
+            fig. 6; _i_, Small pouch, fig. 23; _j_, Small pouch, Pl.
+            7, fig. 14; _k_, Moccasin, Pl. 3, fig. 2; _l_, Woman’s
+            leggings, Pl. 4, fig. 5; _m_, Toilet bag, fig. 25; _n_,
+            Toilet bag, fig. 27; _o_, Woman’s leggings, Pl. 2, fig.
+            5; _p_, Pouch, Pl. 3, fig. 12; _q_, Pouch, Pl. 4, fig.
+            12; _r_, Moccasin, Pl. 2, fig. 2; _s_, Woman’s work bag,
+            Pl. 2, fig. 15; _t_, Scabbard, Pl. 5, fig. 13.           178
+
+    ”  153. Sioux designs (From Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the
+            Sioux Indians, Bull. A. M. N. H., Vol. 18.) _a_, Moccasin,
+            fig. 98; _b_, Knife scabbard, Pl. 4, fig. 49; _c_, Small
+            pouch, Pl. 3, fig. 41; _d_, Pipe bag, Pl. 2, fig. 47; _e_,
+            Pipe bag, Pl. 2, fig. 42; _f_, Pipe bag, Pl. 3, fig. 42;
+            _g_, Cradle, fig. 42; _h_, Pipe bag, Pl. 1, fig. 42; _i_,
+            Small pouch, Pl. 4, fig. 41; _j_, Pipe bag, Pl. 1, fig.
+            47; _k_, Pipe bag, Pl. 3, fig. 43; _l_, Pipe bag, fig.
+            99; _m_, Woman’s leggings, fig. 74; _n_, Cradle, fig.
+            73; _o_, Small pouch, Pl. 1, fig. 41; _p_, Woman’s leggings,
+            Pl. 2, fig. 51; _q_, Woman’s leggings, Pl. 5, fig. 51;
+            _r_, Small pouch, Pl. 2, fig. 41; _s_, Pipe bag, Pl. 1,
+            fig. 43; _t_, Pipe bag, Pl. 4, fig. 47; _u_, Scabbard,
+            Pl. 2, fig. 49; _v_, Small pouch, Pl. 3, fig. 50; _w_,
+            Knife scabbard, Pl. 6, fig. 49; _x_, Pipe bag, Pl. 3,
+            fig. 47; _y_, Small pouch, Pl. 5, fig. 40; _z_, Pipe bag,
+            fig. 100; _z^1_, Pipe bag, Pl. 2, fig. 43.               179
+
+    ”  154. Tlingit helmet (A. M. N. H. E/3453).                     184
+
+    ”  155. Mask representing dying warrior, Tlingit (A. M. N. H.
+            E/2501).                                                 184
+
+    ”  156. Carved head used in ceremonial, Kwakiutl Indians, Museum für
+            Völkerkunde, Berlin.                                     185
+
+    ”  157. Carvings representing the beaver from models of Haida
+            totem poles carved in slate (A. M. N. H. 16/556, 16/551).
+                                                                     186
+
+    ”  158. Carving from handle of spoon representing beaver, Tlingit
+            (A. M. N. H. 19/1129).                                   186
+
+    ”  159. Headdress representing beaver; a dragon-fly is shown on
+            the chest of the beaver, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/245).     186
+
+    ”  160. Painting for a house-front placed over the door,
+            representing the beaver, Kwakiutl Indians.               188
+
+    ”  161. Halibut hook with design representing a sculpin
+            swallowing a fish, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1251).         188
+
+    ”  162. Part of a totem pole with a design representing a
+            sculpin, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/567)                  188
+
+    ”  163. Woolen legging with appliqué designs representing
+            sculpin, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/328)                      189
+
+    ”  164. Facial painting representing the sculpin                 191
+
+    ”  165. Headdress representing a hawk, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H.
+            16/252)                                                  191
+
+    ”  166. Handle of a spoon made of mountain-goat horn; lowest
+            figure representing a hawk; upper figure representing a
+            man holding a dragon-fly, probably Tsimshian (A. M. N. H.
+            16/105)                                                  191
+
+    ”  167. Rattle with design of a hawk, Tlingit (A. M. N. H.
+            E/1371)                                                  191
+
+    ”  168. Dish made of horn of big-horn-sheep, Tlingit. (A. M. N. H.
+            19/696)                                                  191
+
+    ”  169. Facial painting representing hawk                        191
+
+    ”  170. Headdress representing an eagle bearing a frog on its
+            chest, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/249)                    191
+
+    ”  171. Housepost representing eagle above, cormorant below,
+            Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/3686)                              192
+
+    ”  172. Painting on paddle representing hawk, Kwakiutl           193
+
+    ”  173. Painting on back and one end of a settee representing man
+            and hawk, Kwakiutl                                       193
+
+    ”  174. Handle of spoon of mountain-goat horn representing
+            dragon-fly, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/280)                  193
+
+    ”  175. Berry spoon with engraving representing dragon-fly (from
+            J. R. Swanton, The Haida Indians, Jesup North Pacific
+            Expedition, Vol. V, fig. 24 _b_, p. 148)                 193
+
+    ”  176. _a_—_e_, Carvings from handles of spoons of
+            mountain-goat horn representing killer-whale, Tlingit
+            (A. M. N. H.)                                            195
+
+    ”  177. Rattle representing killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H.
+            16/304)                                                  195
+
+    ”  178. Wooden float representing killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H.
+            16/8471)                                                 195
+
+    ”  179. Masks and dishes representing the killer-whale, Kwakiutl,
+            A. M. N. H. (from F. Boas, The Kwakiutl Indians, Jesup
+            North Pacific Expedition, Vol. V)                        196
+
+    ”  180. Helmet representing the killer-whale, Tlingit, Museum of
+            Academy of Sciences, Leningrad                           196
+
+    ”  181. Carvings from the handles of spoons of mountain-goat horn
+            representing the bear (A. M. N. H.)                      196
+
+    ”  182. Berry spoons representing bear (U. S. National Museum);
+            _a_, Tsimshian, 16253; _b_, Tsimshian, 16254; _c_,
+            Tlingit, 20820; _d_, berry spoon (U. S. Nat. Mus.,
+            20825)                                                   197
+
+    ”  183. Carving representing a sea-monster, Tlingit (A. M. N. H.
+            19/377)                                                  199
+
+    ”  184. Carvings from handles of spoons made of mountain-goat
+            horn representing a sea-monster (A. M. N. H.)            199
+
+    ”  185. Part of totem pole carved in slate representing shark
+            surmounted by an eagle, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/1161)      199
+
+    ”  186. Handle of a dagger representing the head of a shark,
+            Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/2037)                             199
+
+    ”  187. Wooden pipe representing a shark, Tlingit (A. M. N. H.
+            19/98)                                                   200
+
+    ”  188. Tattooing representing a shark, Haida (From a
+            photograph)                                              200
+
+    ”  189. Handles of spoons representing a sea-monster, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H., _a_, E/298; _b_, E/826; _c_, E/296)        201
+
+    ”  190. Handles of spoons made of mountain-goat representing
+            snail, Tlingit (A. M. N. H., _a_, 19/1116; _b_, E/828)   201
+
+    ”  191. Types of eyes of various animals, Kwakiutl. _a_, sea bear;
+            _b_, grizzly bear; _c_, beaver; _d_, wolf; _e_, eagle;
+            _f_, raven; _g_, killer-whale                            203
+
+    ”  192. _a_, whale; _b_, sea lion; _c_, frog; _d_, double-headed
+            serpent; _e_, man; _f_, merman; _g_, spirit of the sea   204
+
+    ”  193. Styles of tails, Kwakiutl; above bird, below sea mammals
+                                                                     205
+
+    ”  194. Styles of wing designs and of fin designs, Kwakiutl; _a_,
+            fin; _b_, wing                                           205
+
+    ”  195. Elements used in representing the halibut, Kwakiutl      206
+
+    ”  196. Elements used in representing the wolf, Kwakiutl         206
+
+    ”  197. Painting from bow of a canoe, representing the wolf,
+            Kwakiutl                                                 207
+
+    ”  198. Masks and dishes representing the wolf, Kwakiutl (_a-e_
+            from F. Boas, The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, Jesup
+            North Pacific Expedition, Vol. 5, Pls. 39, 42-44; _g_
+            British Museum; _h_ A. M. N. H. 16/384)                  208
+
+    ”  199. House post, Haida (From John R. Swanton, The Haida
+            Indians, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. V, fig. 10)
+                                                                     209
+
+    ”  200. Designs from a set of gambling sticks. (From John R.
+            Swanton, _Ibid._ figs. 26-31)                            210
+
+    ”  201. Designs from a set of gambling sticks (_Ibid._)          211
+
+    ”  202. Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket,
+            fig. 546)                                                213
+
+    ”  203. Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket,
+            fig. 561)                                                213
+
+    ”  204. Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket,
+            fig. 563)                                                214
+
+    ”  205. Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket,
+            fig. 580)                                                215
+
+    ”  206. Model of totem pole with three figures representing, from
+            below upward; sculpin, dog-fish, and sea-monster, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/550)                                     216
+
+    ”  207. Mask representing the hawk, Tlingit (A. M. N. H.
+            E/1591)                                                  217
+
+    ”  208. Mask with painting symbolizing the flicker, Tlingit
+            (A. M. N. H. E/337)                                      217
+
+    ”  209. Mask with eyebrows symbolizing the squid, Tlingit
+            (A. M, N. H. 19/920)                                     218
+
+    ”  210. Mask with painting symbolizing the killer-whale, Tlingit
+            (A. M N. H. E/1629)                                      218
+
+    ”  211. Fish-club representing the killer-whale, Tlingit,
+            (A. M. N. H. E/242)                                      219
+
+    ”  212. Wood carving representing dorsal fin of the killer-whale,
+            Tlingit, (A. M. N. H. E/923)                             219
+
+    ”  213. Model of a totem pole representing a shark, Haida,
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/1167)                                    219
+
+    ”  214. Speaker’s staff representing a shark, Tlingit (A. M. H. N.
+            19/790)                                                  220
+
+    ”  215. Berry spoon with designs representing the eagle (From
+            J. R. Swanton, The Haida Indians, Jesup North Pacific
+            Expedition, Vol. V, fig. 24 _a_, p. 148)                 221
+
+    ”  216. Halibut hook representing a beaver, Tlingit (A. M. N. H.
+            19/1152)                                                 221
+
+    ”  217. Part of totem pole representing a shark, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/1154)                                    221
+
+    ”  218. Dancing-hat representing a killer-whale, Tsimshian
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/580)                                     221
+
+    ”  219. Wooden hat with carving representing the sculpin
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/282)                                     221
+
+    ”  220. Grease dish representing seal                            222
+
+    ”  221. Design on a bracelet representing a bear, Nass River
+            Indians (A. M. N. H. E/2428)                             223
+
+    ”  222. Painting representing bear, Haida                        224
+
+    ”  223. Painting from a house-front representing a bear,
+            Tsimshian                                                225
+
+    ”  224. Wooden hat painted with the design of a sculpin, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/281)                                     225
+
+    ”  225. Hat made of spruce roots painted with design of a beaver,
+            Haida or Tsimshian, (A. M. N. H. 16/692)                 226
+
+    ”  226. Tattooing representing a duck, Haida                     226
+
+    ”  227. Tattooing representing a raven, Haida                    226
+
+    ”  228. Dancing-apron woven of mountain-goat wool, design
+            representing a beaver, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/349)    227
+
+    ”  229. Painted legging with design representing a beaver sitting
+            on a man’s head, Haida, (A. M. N. H. 16/330)             227
+
+    ”  230. Gambling-leather with engraved design representing a
+            beaver, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 19/1057)                    228
+
+    ”  231. Embroidered legging representing a sea-monster with a
+            bear’s head and body of the killer-whale, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/334)                                     228
+
+    ”  232. Painting representing a dog-fish, Haida                  229
+
+    ”  233. Slate dish design representing a shark, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/603)                                     229
+
+    ”  234. Painting on edge of a blanket representing a
+            killer-whale, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1502)               230
+
+    ”  235. Model of totem pole representing a sea-monster, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/544)                                     231
+
+    ”  236. Model of totem pole representing a sculpin, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/1155)                                    231
+
+    ”  237. Model of totem pole representing a sea-monster devouring
+            a fish, Haida (A. M. N. H.)                              232
+
+    ”  238. Slate carving representing the sea-monster Wasgo, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/687)                                     233
+
+    ”  239. Tattooing representing the fabulous sea-monster
+            Ts’um’a´ks, Haida                                        233
+
+    ”  240. Slate dish with design representing a killer-whale,
+            Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/605)                               234
+
+    ”  241. Drum painted with design of an eagle, Tsimshian
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/748)                                     234
+
+    ”  242. Tattooing representing the moon, Haida                   234
+
+    ”  243. Carving on the end of a food tray representing a hawk,
+            Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1236)                             234
+
+    ”  244. Painting from a house-front representing thunder-bird,
+            Kwakiutl                                                 236
+
+    ”  245. Model of totem pole with design representing a
+            killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/1166)                237
+
+    ”  246. Painting for a box front, design representing a frog,
+            Haida                                                    238
+
+    ”  247. Painting for a house-front with design representing a
+            killer-whale, Kwakiutl                                   238
+
+    ”  248. Painting for a house-front with design representing a
+            killer-whale, Kwakiutl                                   239
+
+    ”  249. Painting on a paddle representing porpoise and seal,
+            Kwakiutl                                                 240
+
+    ”  250. Painting for a house-front representing a raven,
+            Kwakiutl                                                 241
+
+    ”  251. Painting for a house-front representing a thunder-bird,
+            Kwakiutl                                                 242
+
+    ”  252. Painting for a house-front representing a whale,
+            Kwakiutl                                                 243
+
+    ”  253. Painting for a house-front representing a raven,
+            Kwakiutl, (1) lower jaw; (2) tongue; (3) chest; (4)
+            feet; (5) legs; (6) wings                                244
+
+    ”  254. Painting from the edge of a blanket representing a
+            sea-monster, Northern British Columbia (A. M. N. H.
+            16/355)                                                  244
+
+    ”  255. Design on a silver bracelet representing a beaver,
+            Haida (A. M. N. H. E/2462)                               245
+
+    ”  256. Design on a silver bracelet representing a sea-monster,
+            Haida (A. M. N. H. E/2461)                               245
+
+    ”  257. Design on a silver bracelet representing a hawk, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. E/2463)                                     245
+
+    ”  258. Slate dish with design representing a sea-monster, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/611)                                     246
+
+    ”  259. Front of a slate box with design representing a
+            sea-monster, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/687)                  247
+
+    ”  260. Slate slab with design representing a sea-monster, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/1149)                                    247
+
+    ”  261. Design from the end of a food tray representing a shark,
+            Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 16/1187)                            248
+
+    ”  262. Slate dish with design representing a sculpin, Haida
+            (A. M. N. H. 16/882)                                     248
+
+    ”  263. Front of a slate box with design representing a fish,
+            Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/687)                               249
+
+    ”  264. Body painting representing the bear, Kwakiutl            250
+
+    ”  265. Body painting representing the frog, Kwakiutl            251
+
+    ”  266. Design elements from Tlingit blankets (From G. T. Emmons,
+            The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 559, p. 366)                   253
+
+    ”  267. Schematic design showing the arrangement of the central
+            field of the Chilkat blanket                             258
+
+    ”  268. General plans of Tlingit blankets                        258
+
+    ”  269. Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket,
+            fig. 548 _b_, fig. 560 _a_)                              259
+
+    ”  270. Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket,
+            fig. 560 _b_ and fig. 562 _b_)                           260
+
+    ”  271. Chilkat blankets, _a-b_, United States National Museum
+            (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 564)       261
+
+    ”  272. Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket,
+            fig. 571, p. 381)                                        261
+
+    ”  273. Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket,
+            figs. 570 _b_, p. 380, 572 _a_, p. 382)                  262
+
+    ”  274. Front, reverse and side of a painted box (From G. T.
+            Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 551 _a_, p. 356, fig.
+            552, p. 357)                                             263
+
+    ”  275. Painted and carved box front (From G. T. Emmons, The
+            Chilkat Blanket, fig. 551, p. 356)                       264
+
+    ”  276. Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit (A. M. N. H.
+            E/652)                                                   264
+
+    ”  277. Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit (A. M. N. H.
+            E/1579)                                                  265
+
+    ”  278. Front and side of a painted box (From G. T. Emmons, The
+            Chilkat Blanket, fig. 553 _d_, p. 358)                   266
+
+    ”  279. Front, reverse and side of a carved box (From G. T.
+            Emmons The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 553 _a_ and _b_ p. 358)
+                                                                     267
+
+    ”  280. Carved boxes (From Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 556,
+            _a_, _b_, p. 362)                                        268
+
+    ”  281. Carved box, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 19/1231)                269
+
+    ”  282. Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket,
+            figs. 556 _c-e_, and 557 _d_, pp. 362, 363)              270
+
+    ”  283. Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket,
+            fig. 557 _a-c_, _e_, _f_, p. 363, and A. M. N. H.
+            19/953)                                                  272
+
+    ”  284. Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket,
+            fig. 554)                                                273
+
+    ”  285. Designs on Tlingit armor (From photograph from specimens
+            in the Museum of the Academy of Sciences, Leningrad)     274
+
+    ”  286. Painted tray (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket,
+            fig. 558 _a_, p. 364)                                    275
+
+    ”  287. Painted boxes (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket,
+            fig. 558, _b-d_, p. 364)                                 276
+
+    ”  288. Horn spoons showing carving on the back (A. M. N. H.).
+            _a_, 16/8799 representing sea-monster, _b_, 16/8791
+            representing the hawk, _c_, 16/8792 representing the
+            beaver (?), _d_, 16/8796 representing the raven, _e_,
+            16/8795 representing the killer-whale, _f_, 16/8798,
+            representing the raven, _g_, 16/8794 representing dlia
+            (?), _h_, 16/8793 representing the sun                   277
+
+    ”  289. Dish of horn of big-horn-sheep representing the bear
+            (Private Property)                                       278
+
+    ”  290. Mask of Kwakiutl Indians used in winter ceremonial;
+            according to some representing fool dancer, according to
+            others The-One-Shining-Down (After L. Adam,
+            Nordwest-amerikanische Indianer Kunst, Pl. 19)           279
+
+    ”  291. Ancient type of Kwakiutl box (A. M. N. H. 16/8117)       281
+
+    ”  292. _a_, Food tray (A. M. N. H. 16/8215), _b_, Bucket
+            (16/2243), Kwakiutl                                      282
+
+    ”  293. Small boxes (_a_, 16/2248, _b_, 16/8148), Kwakiutl       282
+
+    ”  294. Combs (A. M. N. H. _a_, 16/2299, _b_, 16/8911, _c_,
+            16/8180, _d_, 16/8235), Kwakiutl                         282
+
+    ”  295. Bone club and sword (A. M. N. H. _a_, 16/8274, _b_,
+            16/971), Kwakiutl                                        282
+
+    ”  296. Spindle whirls, Ethnographisches Museum, Berlin, Lower
+            Fraser River                                             283
+
+    ”  297. Ladle made of big-horn-sheep horn, Columbia River        283
+
+    ”  298. Clubs made of bone of whale. _a_, From Nootka, collected
+            by Captain Cook (British Museum, Cat. No. N. W. C. 42);
+            _b_, From Nootka (British Museum, Cat. No. N. W. C. 47);
+            _c_, From Columbia River (Oregon Historical Society, Cat.
+            No. 385, List 38); _d_, From Nootka, collected by Captain
+            Cook, 1778 (Ethnographical Museum, Florence); _e_, From
+            Barclay Sound, collected by Mr. A. Jacobsen (Museum für
+            Völkerkunde, Berlin, Cat. No. IV. A 1574); _f_, From
+            Nootka, collected by Captain Cook (British Museum, Cat.
+            No. N. W. C. 41); _g_, From shell-heap at Cadboro Bay
+            collected by Mr. J. Maynard (Provincial Museum, Victoria,
+            Cat. No. 769); _h_, From Neah Bay, collected by Hon.
+            James Wickersham (U. S. National Museum, Cat. No. 198032);
+            _i_, Collected by Vancouver (British Museum, Van. 93);
+            _j_, From Nootka (collection of Mr. W. Sparrow Simpson,
+            British Museum, Cat. No. 9383); _k_, From Upper Columbia
+            River, collected by Col. Brooks, U. S. A., about 1810,
+            property of Mr. M. F. Savage, New York (A. M. N. H. cast
+            No. 16/8578); _l_, British Museum, Cat. No. 78-11-1.623;
+            _m_, From Nootka (British Museum, Cat. No. 8766); _n_,
+            University Museum, Cambridge, Eng. Cat. No. R. D.
+            112 d                                                    284
+
+    ”  299. Clubs made of bone of whale. _a_, From Quamichan
+            Indians, collected by Dr. C. F. Newcombe (Field
+            Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Cat. No. 85348);
+            _b_, From shell-heap, Plumper’s Pass, collected by Mr.
+            Eduard Lomas (Provincial Museum, Victoria, Cat. No. 770);
+            _c_, From Neah Bay, collected by Hon. James Wickersham
+            (U. S. National Museum, Cat. No. 198033); _d_, From
+            Nuchatlath, collected by Mr. A. Jacobsen (Museum für
+            Völkerkunde, Berlin, Cat. No. IV A 1215); _e_, From
+            Hesquiath, collected by Mr. A. Jacobsen (Museum für
+            Völkerkunde, Berlin, Cat. No. IV A 1573); _f_, 16/2106
+            From Clayoquath, collected by Mr. Fillip Jacobsen;
+            _g_, 16/912 Bishop Collection from British Columbia;
+            _h_, 200/1471 Made of serpentine, from Blalock Island,
+            Wash., opposite Umatilla, Ore., collected by Mr. D. W.
+            Owen; _i_, From Cadboro Bay, collected by Mr. James
+            Deans (Provincial Museum, Victoria, Cat. No. 774);
+            _j_, From Fort Vancouver, Wash., about 1830 (Academy
+            of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia); _k_, From Neah Bay,
+            collected by Hon. James Wickersham (from cast in U. S.
+            National Museum, Cat. No. 198031); _l_, Peabody Academy
+            of Sciences, Salem, Mass., Cat. No. E. 6640; _m_, _n_,
+            From Nootka, collected by Capt. James Magee about 1794
+            (Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., Cat. Nos. 256, 255);
+            _o_, From Neah Bay, collected by Hon. James Wickersham
+            (from cast in U. S. National Museum, Cat. No. 198030);
+            _p_, 16/855, From shell-heap at Cadboro Bay; _q_, 16/911
+            Bishop Collection; _r_, 16/1100 Excavated on Songish
+            Reservation                                              286
+
+    ”  300. House posts, Lower Fraser River, from photograph by
+           Harlan I. Smith                                           288
+
+    ”  301. Basket, Lower Chehalis (Private Property)                289
+
+    ”  302. Designs on matting (A. M. N. H. _a_, 16/9990; _b_,
+            16/8222), Kwakiutl                                       289
+
+    ”  303. Woven hat of spruce root, Kwakiutl (A. M. N. H.
+            16/9993)                                                 290
+
+    ”  304. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry (From G. T.
+            Emmons, The Basketry of the Tlingit Indians)             291
+
+    ”  305. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry (From G. T.
+            Emmons, The Basketry of the Tlingit Indians)             293
+
+    ”  306. _a_, Rawhide pouch, Salish or Chinook, collected by
+            Wilkes, 1840; _b_, Design from parfleche, Fort Colville,
+            Washington (United States  National Museum, 2618 and 672)
+                                                                     296
+
+    ”  307. Scraper of bone, Tahltan (Private Property)              297
+
+    ”  308. Detail of imbricated basketry                            297
+
+
+
+
+                    EXPLANATION OF PLATES
+
+
+  Plate  I. Basketry of Maidu (From Roland B. Dixon, Basketry Designs
+            of California, Bull. Am. Museum of Natural History,
+            Vol. 17).                                         opp. p. 18
+
+    ”   II. Body Painting of an Andaman Islander (From Brown, The
+            Andaman Islanders)                                        32
+
+    ”  III. Melanesian House                                          34
+
+    ”   IV. Peruvian Textiles (From Charles W. Mead, Boas Anniversary
+            Volume, Pl. X)                                            46
+
+    ”    V. Kumiss Goblets of the Yakut (From W. Jochelson, Boas
+            Anniversary Volume, Pl. XXI)                              54
+
+    ”   VI. Shaman’s Dress, Amur River (A. M. N. H.)                  66
+
+    ”  VII. Woven Pouch, British Columbia (A. M. N. H.)              124
+
+    ” VIII. Woven Blanket, New Zealand, United States National
+            Museum                                                   182
+
+    ”   IX. Carved Figure, British Columbia, Linden Museum,
+            Stuttgart                                                184
+
+    ”    X. Chilkat Blanket, Ethnological Museum, Copenhagen         278
+
+    ”   XI. Cedarbark Blanket, British Columbia, British Museum      278
+
+    ”  XII. Blankets of Mountain-goat Wool, Bella Coola, British
+            Columbia                                                 278
+
+    ” XIII. House Post, near Eburne, Fraser River Delta, British
+            Columbia                                                 288
+
+    ”  XIV. Tlingit Baskets (From G. T. Emmons, The Basketry of the
+            Tlingit Indians)                                         294
+
+    ”   XV. Imbricated Baskets from British Columbia and Washington  298
+
+
+
+
+                      TABLE OF CONTENTS
+
+
+  Preface                                                              1
+    Mental attitude of primitive people                                1
+    Primitive culture, historical growth                               4
+    The object of the investigation is a study of dynamic conditions
+      of art growth                                                    7
+    Acknowledgments                                                    8
+
+  I.  Introduction                                                     9
+    What is art?                                                       9
+    Technical perfection in art                                       10
+    Emotional appeal of contents of art colors                        12
+    Historical notations                                              13
+
+  II.  The formal elements in art                                     17
+    Virtuosity                                                        17
+    Regularity of form and virtuosity                                 19
+    Lack of virtuosity and artistic form                              22
+    Lack of effect of artistic form                                   25
+    The plain, strong line and regular curve                          31
+    Symmetry                                                          32
+    Inverted symmetry                                                 36
+    Rhythm                                                            40
+    Marginal designs                                                  55
+    Decoration of prominent places                                    60
+    Conclusion                                                        62
+
+  III.  Representative art                                            64
+    Representation and representative art                             64
+    Primitive symbolic and realistic representation                   69
+    Influence of technique upon style of representation               81
+
+  IV.  Symbolism                                                      88
+    Wide distribution of symbolic interpretation                      88
+    Lack of stability of explanation                                 102
+    Lack of coherence in symbols                                     106
+    Design names                                                     109
+    Studies in conventionalization                                   113
+    Geographical distribution of explanations of similar designs     118
+    Reading in of meanings                                           121
+    Development of geometrical form according to representative
+      tendencies                                                     124
+    Stability of patterns of action as against instability of
+      interpretation                                                 128
+    Change of type due to slovenly execution                         130
+    Technical motives applying to representations                    138
+    Effect of decorative field                                       141
+    Effect of symbolic methods of representation                     143
+
+  V.  Style                                                          144
+    The problem of style                                             144
+    Motor habits and form                                            145
+    Concentration of forms                                           148
+    Transfer of forms in new materials                               150
+    Technical determination of form                                  153
+    Individuality of style                                           153
+    The artist in his cultural setting                               155
+    Control of style over invention                                  156
+    Formal elements of style                                         161
+    Dissemination of art forms and local developments                161
+    Diversity of style in the same tribe and community               180
+
+  VI.  The art of the Northwest coast of North America               183
+    Symbolic representations of animal forms                         186
+      The beaver                                                     186
+      The sculpin                                                    188
+      The hawk and the eagle                                         190
+      The dragon-fly                                                 192
+      The killer-whale                                               194
+      The bear                                                       197
+      The sea-monster                                                198
+      The frog                                                       198
+      The shark                                                      198
+    Summary of symbols                                               202
+    Minor symbols are not strictly normative                         207
+    The wolf; variations of form in representations of same animal   213
+    Variations in interpretation                                     214
+    Use of fragmentary symbols                                       216
+    Adaptation of animal forms to the decorative field               218
+    Formal elements in animal representations                        221
+    Design arrangement on Chilkat blankets                           257
+    Design arrangement on boxes                                      262
+    Design arrangement on food trays                                 270
+    Design arrangement on square boxes                               275
+    Geometrical elements                                             279
+    Older art styles of the Gulf of Georgia                          284
+    Realistic representations                                        285
+    Geometrical designs in basketry                                  289
+    Art of neighboring tribes                                        294
+
+  VII.  Primitive literature, music, and dance                       299
+      General occurrence of literature, music, and dance             299
+      Relation between song, music, and dance                        303
+      Primitive prose                                                303
+      Rhythm                                                         310
+      Emphasis                                                       317
+      Symmetry                                                       320
+      Metaphor                                                       320
+      Poetic description                                             325
+      Local culture reflected in literary form                       327
+      Symbolic meaning of narrative                                  337
+      Different literary styles are found in the same tribe          337
+      Distribution of literary forms                                 338
+      Music                                                          340
+      Dance                                                          344
+    Conclusion                                                       349
+
+  Text figures                                                       357
+
+  Explanation of plates                                              373
+
+
+
+
+  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
+
+  Illustrations in this eBook have been positioned between paragraphs
+  and outside quotations. In versions of this eBook that support
+  hyperlinks, the page references in the List of Illustrations lead to
+  the corresponding illustrations.
+
+  Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
+  corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within the
+  text and consultation of external sources.
+
+  Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, when a
+  predominant preference was found in the original book.
+
+  Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
+  and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.
+
+           Pg 86:  “underly” replaced by “underlie”
+              95:  “Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho”
+              96:  “rater” replaced by “rather”
+              96:  “Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho”
+              98:  “cocanut” replaced by “coconut”
+             103:  “Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho”
+             106:  “Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho”
+             131:  “Oxaca” replaced by “Oaxaca”
+             147:  “Czekanowsky” replaced by “Czekanowski”
+             163:  “Wahpaton” replaced by “Wahpeton”
+             199:  “sourmounted” replaced by “surmounted”
+             204:  “brings” replaced by “beings”
+             223:  “twowhile” replaced by “two whole”
+             243:  “then” replaced by “than”
+             294:  “wo” replaced by “so”
+             335:  “woes” replaced by “woos”
+             336:  “feasts” replaced by “feast”
+             341:  “timber” replaced by “timbre”
+             345:  “tapfrer” replaced by “tapfer”
+             364:  “Wahpaton” replaced by “Wahpeton”
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77834 ***
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+</head>
+<body>
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77834 ***</div>
+
+<div class="transnote">
+<strong>
+TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong>
+
+<p class="noindent">Although the <a href="#music">song</a> on page 345
+is notated as if it were one song, perhaps for comparison purposes,
+these are actually two separate songs, one German, one Mexican. Each
+has been transcribed separately, with separate MP3 and MusicXML (.mxl)
+files. A soprano voice is used for both.</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">Click on the audio player to hear the music in MP3
+format, or on the [MusicXML] link to download the notation. These links
+may not work if you are reading this e-book in a format other than
+HTML. The music files are the music transcriber's interpretation of the
+printed notation. A translation has also been provided for the songs.
+</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">Music transcription, translations and new original
+cover art included with this eBook are granted to the public domain.</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes have been moved to the bottom of the paragraph
+where they appear, and in the HTML version are demarked with a dotted line.</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">More information and comments on minor changes to
+the text are noted at the <a href="#ENDNOTE">end of the book</a>.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"></div>
+
+
+<p class="center fs175 lsp3">
+INSTITUTTET<br>
+FOR SAMMENLIGNENDE<br>
+KULTURFORSKNING
+</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp50" id="i_001" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_001.jpg" alt="(Institute Logo)">
+</figure>
+
+<p class="center fs130 lsp1">
+SERIE B: SKRIFTER<br>
+<br>
+VIII<br>
+<br>
+FRANZ BOAS: PRIMITIVE ART<br>
+<br>
+
+</p>
+<p class="center p4">
+<br>
+<span class="lsp1">OSLO 1927<br>
+
+<span class="fs70 lsp2">H. ASCHEHOUG &amp; CO. (W. NYGAARD)</span><br>
+
+<span class="fs110">LEIPZIG      <span class="pad20p">PARIS</span>
+      <span class="pad20p">LONDON</span></span></span>
+<br>
+<span class="fs60">OTTO HARRASSOWITZ      <span class="pad10p">HONORÉ CHAMPION</span>
+    <span class="pad7p"> WILLIAMS &amp; NORGATE, LTD.</span></span><br>
+<span class="fs90">CAMBRIDGE, MASS.</span><br>
+<span class="fs60">HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS</span>
+</p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"></div>
+
+
+
+<p class="center lsp2 fs110">
+INSTITUTTET<br>
+FOR SAMMENLIGNENDE KULTURFORSKNING
+</p>
+
+<hr class="r15">
+
+<h1>
+PRIMITIVE ART
+</h1>
+
+<p class="center p2">
+<span class="fs60 lspp5">BY</span><br>
+<br>
+<span class="fs140 lsp1">FRANZ BOAS</span><br>
+<span class="fs60">PROFESSOR OF ANTHROPOLOGY AT COLUMBIA<br>
+UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK</span>
+</p>
+
+<p class="center p8">
+<br>
+<span class="lsp1">OSLO 1927<br>
+
+<span class="fs70 lsp2">H. ASCHEHOUG &amp; CO. (W. NYGAARD)</span><br>
+
+<span class="fs110">LEIPZIG      <span class="pad20p">PARIS</span>
+      <span class="pad20p">LONDON</span></span></span>
+<br>
+<span class="fs60">OTTO HARRASSOWITZ      <span class="pad10p">HONORÉ CHAMPION</span>
+    <span class="pad7p"> WILLIAMS &amp; NORGATE, LTD.</span></span><br>
+<span class="fs90">CAMBRIDGE, MASS.</span><br>
+<span class="fs60">HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS</span>
+</p>
+
+
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"></div>
+<p class="center p6 pb6 fs50 lsp2">
+PRINTED IN NORWAY<br>
+<br>
+DET MALLINGSKE BOGTRYKKERI
+</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap">This book is an attempt to give an analytical description of the
+fundamental traits of primitive art. The treatment given to the
+subject is based on two principles that, I believe, should guide
+all investigations into the manifestations of life among primitive
+people: the one the fundamental sameness of mental processes in
+all races and in all cultural forms of the present day; the other,
+the consideration of every cultural phenomenon as the result of
+historical happenings.</p>
+
+<p>There must have been a time when man’s mental equipment was
+different from what it is now, when it was evolving from a condition
+similar to that found among the higher apes. That period lies
+far behind us and no trace of a lower mental organization is found
+in any of the extant races of man. So far as my personal experience
+goes and so far as I feel competent to judge ethnographical data on
+the basis of this experience, the mental processes of man are the
+same everywhere, regardless of race and culture, and regardless of
+the apparent absurdity of beliefs and customs.</p>
+
+<p>Some theorists assume a mental equipment of primitive man
+distinct from that of civilized man. I have never seen a person in
+primitive life to whom this theory would apply. There are slavish
+believers in the teachings of the past and there are scoffers and
+unbelievers; there are clear thinkers and muddleheaded bunglers;
+there are strong characters and weaklings.</p>
+
+<p>The behavior of everybody, no matter to what culture he may
+belong, is determined by the traditional material he handles, and
+man, the world over, handles the material transmitted to him according
+to the same methods.</p>
+
+<p>Our traditional experience has taught us to consider the course
+of objective events as the result of definite, objective causation.
+Inexorable causality governs here and the outer world cannot be
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[2]</span>influenced by mental conditions. Hence our hesitating wonder at
+the phenomena of hypnotism and suggestion in which these lines
+seem no longer sharply drawn. Our cultural environment has impressed
+this view upon our minds so deeply that we assume
+as a fundamental fact that material phenomena, particularly outside
+of the field of human behavior, can never be influenced by
+mental, subjective processes. Still, every ardent wish implies the
+possibility of fulfilment and prayers for objective benefits or for
+help do not differ in principle from the attempts of primitive man
+to interfere with the uncontrollable course of nature. The credulity
+with which fantastic theories bearing upon health are accepted, the
+constant rise of religious sects with abstruse dogmatic tenets, as well
+as the fashions in scientific and philosophic theory prove the weakness
+of our claim to a rational view of the world.</p>
+
+<p>Anyone who has lived with primitive tribes, who has shared their
+joys and sorrows, their privations and their luxuries, who sees in
+them not solely subjects of study to be examined like a cell under
+the microscope, but feeling and thinking human beings, will agree
+that there is no such thing as a “primitive mind”, a “magical” or
+“prelogical” way of thinking, but that each individual in “primitive”
+society is a man, a woman, a child of the same kind, of the same
+way of thinking, feeling and acting as man, woman or child in our
+own society.</p>
+
+<p>Investigators are too apt to forget that the logics of science,—that
+unattainable ideal of the discovery of pure relations of cause
+and effect, uncontaminated by any kind of emotional bias as well
+as of unproved opinion,—are not the logics of life. The feelings
+underlying taboo are ever-present among us. I remember that as a
+boy, when receiving instruction in religion,—that is in dogma,—I had
+an insuperable inhibition against uttering the word “God”, and I
+could not be brought to answer a question that required the answer
+“God”. If I had been older I should have searched for and found
+a personally satisfying explanation for this inhibition. Everyone
+knows by experience that there are actions he will not perform,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[3]</span>lines of thought that he will not follow, and words that he will not
+utter, because the actions are emotionally objectionable, or the
+thoughts find strong resistances and involve our innermost life so
+deeply that they cannot be expressed in words. We are right in
+calling these social taboos. It requires only a dogmatic standardization
+to transform them into true taboos.</p>
+
+<p>And magic? I believe if a boy should observe someone spitting
+on his photograph and cutting it to pieces he would feel duely
+outraged. I know if this should have happened to me when I was
+a student, the result would have been a duel and I should have
+done my level best to do to my adversary <i lang="la">in natura</i> what he had
+done to me <i lang="la">in effigie</i> and I should have considered my success as
+a compensation for the harm done me;—all this without any psychoanalytic
+meaning. I do not believe that my feelings would have
+differed much from those of other young men. Again a standardization
+and dogmatization would bring us right back to “magical”
+attitudes.</p>
+
+<p>Dr. Tozzer’s<a id="FNanchor_1_1" href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> collection of superstitions of College students with
+the enlightening remarks by those who hold the beliefs will be read
+with profit by all those who are convinced of our mental superiority
+and the lack of ability of clear thinking among the primitives.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_1_1" href="#FNanchor_1_1" class="label">[1]</a>
+ A. M. Tozzer, Social Origins and Social Continuities, New York, 1925, pp.
+242 et seq.</p></div></div>
+
+<p>Still other considerations should caution us against the assumption
+of a radical difference between primitive and civilized mentality. We
+like to see this distinction in greater individual mental freedom from
+social bondage expressed in a free critical attitude that makes possible
+individual creativeness.</p>
+
+<p>Our much admired scientific training has never proved a safeguard
+against the seductiveness of emotional appeals, just as little as it has
+prevented the acceptance as gospel truth of the grossest absurdities,
+if presented with sufficient energy, self assertion and authority. If
+anything, the late war with its organized governmental and private
+propaganda should make us understand this truth. Opinions energetically
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[4]</span>propagated and spurious facts diligently disseminated color
+the thinking of the people, and not only of the uneducated. The
+intellectual is deceived as easily as the untutored by sanctimonious
+professions that conform to the moral code of time and place and
+flatter the feeling of self-righteousness. They gloss over the conflict
+of deed and word and, when uttered by those in authority, make
+criminals appear like saints.</p>
+
+<p>Our advantage over primitive people is one of greater knowledge
+of the objective world, painfully gained by the labor of many generations,
+a knowledge which we apply rather badly and which we, or
+at least most of us, discard just as soon as a strong emotional urge
+impels us to do so, and for which we substitute forms quite analogous
+to those of primitive thought.</p>
+
+<p>The much maligned introspective psychology proves to the unbiased
+observer that the causes that make primitive man think as
+he does, are equally present in our minds. The particular behavior
+in each case is determined by the traditional knowledge at the
+disposal of the individual.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>The second fundamental point to be borne in mind is that each
+culture can be understood only as an historical growth determined
+by the social and geographical environment in which each people
+is placed and by the way in which it develops the cultural material
+that comes into its possession from the outside or through its own
+creativeness. For the purpose of an historical analysis we treat
+each particular problem first of all as a unit, and we attempt to
+unravel the threads that may be traced in the development of its
+present form. For this reason we may not start our inquiries and
+interpretations, as though the fundamental thesis of a single unilineal
+development of cultural traits the world over, of a development that
+follows everywhere the same lines, had been definitely proven. If it
+is claimed that culture has run such a course, the assertion must be
+proven on the basis of detailed studies of the historical changes in single
+cultures and by the demonstration of analogies in their development.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span></p>
+<p>It is safe to say that the critical study of recent years has definitely
+disproved the existence of far-reaching homologies which would
+permit us to arrange all the manifold cultural lines in an ascending
+scale in which to each can be assigned its proper place.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand dynamic conditions exist, based on environment,
+physiological, psychological, and social factors, that may bring
+forth similar cultural processes in different parts of the world, so
+that it is probable that some of the historical happenings may be
+viewed under more general dynamic viewpoints.</p>
+
+<p>But historical data are not available and when prehistoric research
+does not reveal sequences of cultural changes, the only available
+method of study is the geographical one, the study of distribution.
+This has been emphasized in the last third of the past century by
+Friedrich Ratzel. It has probably been most rigidly developed in
+the United States. I illustrated this method in 1891 by a study of
+the distribution of folk-tales in North America<a id="FNanchor_2_2" href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and it has become
+more and more the method of analytical study of cultural forms.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_2_2" href="#FNanchor_2_2" class="label">[2]</a>
+Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. IV, pp. 13-20; also Science, Vol. XII
+(1888), pp. 194-196.</p></div></div>
+
+<p>Its very fruitfulness, however, has led to extremes in its application
+that should be guarded against. I pointed out, in print in 1911
+and often before and since that time in speaking, that there is a
+certain homology between universal distribution of cultural facts and
+their antiquity. The fundamental principle involved in this assumption
+was fully discussed by Georg Gerland in 1875,<a id="FNanchor_3_3" href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> although we
+are hardly ready to accept his conclusions. The data of prehistoric
+archaeology prove that some of these universal achievements go
+back to paleolithic times. Stone implements, fire and ornaments
+are found in that period. Pottery and agriculture, which are less
+universally distributed, appear later. Metals, the use of which is
+still more limited in space, are found still later.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_3_3" href="#FNanchor_3_3" class="label">[3]</a>
+ <span lang="de">Anthropologische Beiträge</span>, Halle a/S, pp. 401 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Recent attempts have been made to raise to a general principle
+this point of view which, with due caution, may be applied here
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span>and there. Herbert Spinden in his reconstruction of American
+prehistoric chronology, Alfred Kroeber in his analysis of cultural
+forms of the Pacific Coast, and quite recently Clark Wissler have
+built up, founded on this principle a system of historic sequences
+that appear to me as quite untenable. That widely distributed
+cultural traits develop special forms in each particular area is a
+truism that does not require any proof. That these local developments
+may be arranged in a chronological series, that those of the
+most limited distribution are the youngest, is only partially true. It
+is not difficult to find phenomena that center in a certain region
+and dwindle down at the outskirts, but it is not true that these
+invariably arise on an ancient substratum. The converse is often
+true, that an idea emanating from a center is diffused over a wide
+area. Neither may the origin always be looked for in the area of
+the strongest development. In the same way as we find animals
+surviving and flourishing in regions far distant from the locality in
+which they developed, so cultural traits may be transferred and find
+their highest expression in regions far away from their origin. The
+bronze castings of Benin; the wood carvings of New Zealand; the
+bronze work of ancient Scandinavia; the giant stone work of Easter
+Island; the early cultural development of Ireland and its influences
+over Europe are examples of this kind.</p>
+
+<p>Equally unsafe are the methods used by Fritz Graebner and Pater
+W. Schmidt who claim the stability of certain very old and, as I
+fear, fictitious correlations between cultural traits.</p>
+
+<p>It is probably not necessary to point out the utter inadequacy of
+Elliott Smith’s attempt to reduce all ethnological phenomena to a
+single, and anthropologically speaking, late source and to assume a
+permanence of cultural forms that exists nowhere.</p>
+
+<p>It has often been observed that cultural traits are exceedingly
+tenacious and that features of hoary antiquity survive until the
+present day. This has led to the impression that primitive culture
+is almost stable and has remained what it is for many centuries.
+This does not correspond to the facts. Wherever we have detailed
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span>information we see forms of objects and customs in constant flux,
+sometimes stable for a period, then undergoing rapid changes.
+Through this process elements that at one time belonged together
+as cultural units are torn apart. Some survive, others die, and so
+far as objective traits are concerned, the cultural form may become
+a kaleidoscopic picture of miscellaneous traits that, however, are
+remodelled according to the changing spiritual background that
+pervades the culture and that transforms the mosaic into an organic
+whole. The better the integration of the elements the more valuable
+appears to us the culture. I believe that it may be said that
+the coherent survival of cultural features that are not organically
+connected is exceedingly rare, while single detached elements may
+possess marvellous longevity.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>In the present book the problem of growth of individual art styles
+will be touched upon only incidentally. Our object is rather an
+attempt to determine the dynamic conditions under which art styles
+grow up. The specific historical problem requires much fuller
+material than what we now possess. There are very few parts of
+the world in which we can trace, by archaeological or comparative
+geographical study, the growth of art styles. Prehistoric archaeology
+in Europe, Asia, and America shows, however, that, as general
+cultural traits are in a constant state of flux, so also do art styles
+change and the breaks in the artistic life of the people are often
+surprisingly sudden. It remains to be seen whether it is possible
+to derive generally valid laws that control the growth of specific
+art styles, such as Adama van Scheltema has tried to derive for
+North European art.<a id="FNanchor_4_4" href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> With increasing technical skill and perfection
+of tools, changes are bound to occur. Their course is determined
+by the general cultural history of the people. We are not in
+a position to say that the same tendencies, modified by local
+historical happenings, reappear in the course of art development
+everywhere.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_4_4" href="#FNanchor_4_4" class="label">[4]</a>
+<span lang="de">Die altnordische Kunst</span>, Berlin, 1923.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span></p>
+<p>I wish to express my thanks to those who have assisted me in
+gathering the illustrative material for this volume. I am indebted to
+the American Museum of Natural History, especially to Dr. Pliny
+E. Goddard for permission to have drawings made of specimens,
+for liberal help in their selection and also for the use of illustrative
+material from the Museum publications. I am also indebted to the
+Field Museum, Chicago; the United States National Museum,
+Washington; the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania
+at Philadelphia, the Free Public Museum of the City of
+Milwaukee and to the Linden Museum at Stuttgart for illustrations
+of specimens. The drawings were made by Mr. W. Baake, Miss
+M. Franziska Boas and Miss Lillian Sternberg.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap">No people known to us, however hard their lives may be, spend
+all their time, all their energies in the acquisition of food and
+shelter, nor do those who live under more favorable conditions and
+who are free to devote to other pursuits the time not needed for
+securing their sustenance occupy themselves with purely industrial
+work or idle away the days in indolence. Even the poorest tribes
+have produced work that gives to them esthetic pleasure, and those
+whom a bountiful nature or a greater wealth of inventions has granted
+freedom from care, devote much of their energy to the creation of
+works of beauty.</p>
+
+<p>In one way or another esthetic pleasure is felt by all members
+of mankind. No matter how diverse the ideals of beauty may be, the
+general character of the enjoyment of beauty is of the same order
+everywhere; the crude song of the Siberians, the dance of the
+African Negroes, the pantomime of the Californian Indians, the stone
+work of the New Zealanders, the carvings of the Melanesians, the
+sculpture of the Alaskans appeal to them in a manner not different
+from that felt by us when we hear a song, when we see an artistic
+dance, or when we admire ornamental work, painting or sculpture.
+The very existence of song, dance, painting and sculpture among
+all the tribes known to us is proof of the craving to produce things
+that are felt as satisfying through their form, and of the capability
+of man to enjoy them.</p>
+
+<p>All human activities may assume forms that give them esthetic
+values. The mere cry, or the word does not necessarily possess
+the elements of beauty. If it does so it is merely a matter of
+accident. Violent, unrestrained movements induced by excitement;
+the exertions of the chase and the movements required by daily
+occupations are partly reflexes of passion, partly practically determined.
+They have no immediate esthetic appeal. The same is
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span>true of all products of industrial activity. The daubing of paint, the
+whittling of wood or bone, the flaking of stone do not necessarily
+lead to results that compel our admiration on account of their
+beauty.</p>
+
+<p>Nevertheless, all of them may assume esthetic values. Rhythmical
+movements of the body or of objects, forms that appeal to
+the eye, sequences of tones and forms of speech which please the
+ear, produce artistic effects. Muscular, visual and auditory sensations
+are the materials that give us esthetic pleasure and that are
+used in art.</p>
+
+<p>We may also speak of impressions that appeal to the senses of
+smell, taste and touch. A composition of scents, a gastronomical
+repast may be called works of art provided they excite pleasurable
+sensations.</p>
+
+<p>What then gives to the sensation an esthetic value? When the
+technical treatment has attained a certain standard of excellence,
+when the control of the processes involved is such that certain
+typical forms are produced, we call the process an art, and however
+simple the forms may be, they may be judged from the point of
+view of formal perfection; industrial pursuits such as cutting, carving,
+moulding, weaving; as well as singing, dancing and cooking are
+capable of attaining technical excellence and fixed forms. The judgment
+of perfection of technical form is essentially an esthetic judgment.
+It is hardly possible to state objectively just where the line
+between artistic and pre-artistic forms should be drawn, because we
+cannot determine just where the esthetic attitude sets in. It seems
+certain, however, that wherever a definite type of movement, a
+definite sequence of tones or a fixed form has developed it must
+become a standard by which its perfection, that is, its beauty, is
+measured.</p>
+
+<p>Such types exist among mankind the world over, and we must
+assume that if an unstandardized form should prove to possess an
+esthetic appeal for a community it would readily be adopted. Fixity
+of form seems to be most intimately connected with our ideas of beauty.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span></p>
+<p>Since a perfect standard of form can be attained only in a
+highly developed and perfectly controlled technique there must be
+an intimate relation between technique and a feeling for beauty.</p>
+
+<p>It might be said that achievement is irrelevant as long as the
+ideal of beauty for which the would-be artist strives is in existence,
+although on account of imperfect technique he may be unable to
+attain it. Alois Riegl expresses this idea by saying that the will to
+produce an esthetic result is the essence of artistic work. The truth
+of this assertion may be admitted and undoubtedly many individuals
+strive for expression of an esthetic impulse without being able to
+realize it. What they are striving for presupposes the existence of
+an ideal form which the unskilled muscles are unable to express
+adequately. The intuitive feeling for form must be present. So far
+as our knowledge of the works of art of primitive people extends
+the feeling for form is inextricably bound up with technical experience.
+Nature does not seem to present formal ideals,—that is
+fixed types that are imitated,—except when a natural object is used
+in daily life; when it is handled, perhaps modified, by technical
+processes. It would seem that only in this way form impresses
+itself upon the human mind. The very fact that the manufactures
+of man in each and every part of the world have pronounced style
+proves that a feeling for form develops with technical activities.
+There is nothing to show that the mere contemplation of nature or
+of natural objects develops a sense of fixed form. Neither have
+we any proof that a definite stylistic form develops as a product
+purely of the power of the imagination of the workman, unguided
+by his technical experience which brings the form into his consciousness.
+It is conceivable that elementary esthetic forms like symmetry
+and rhythm, are not entirely dependent upon technical activities; but
+these are common to all art styles; they are not specifically characteristic
+of any particular region. Without stability of form of objects,
+manufactured or in common use, there is no style; and stability of
+form depends upon the development of a high technique, or in a
+few cases on the constant use of the same kind of natural products.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span>When stable forms have been attained, imaginative development of
+form in an imperfect technique may set in and in this case the will
+to produce an esthetic result may outrun the ability of the would-be
+artist. The same consideration holds good in regard to the esthetic
+value of muscular movements used in song and dance.</p>
+
+<p>The manufactures of man the world over prove that the ideal
+forms are based essentially on standards developed by expert technicians.
+They may also be imaginative developments of older standardized
+forms. Without a formal basis the will to create something
+that appeals to the sense of beauty can hardly exist.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>Many works of art affect us in another way. The emotions may
+be stimulated not by the form alone, but also by close associations
+that exist between the form and ideas held by the people. In other
+words, when the forms convey a meaning, because they recall past
+experiences or because they act as symbols, a new element is added to
+the enjoyment. The form and its meaning combine to elevate the mind
+above the indifferent emotional state of every day life. Beautiful sculpture
+or painting, a musical composition, dramatic art, a pantomime, may
+so affect us. This is no less true of primitive art than of our own.</p>
+
+<p>Sometimes esthetic pleasure is released by natural forms. The
+song of a bird may be beautiful; we may experience pleasure in
+viewing the form of a landscape or in viewing the movements of
+an animal; we may enjoy a natural taste or smell, or a pleasant
+feeling; grandeur of nature may give us an emotional thrill and the
+actions of animals may have a dramatic effect; all of these have
+esthetic values but they are not art. On the other hand, a melody,
+a carving, a painting, a dance, a pantomime are esthetic productions,
+because they have been created by our own activities.</p>
+
+<p>Form, and creation by our own activities are essential features of
+art. The pleasure or elevation of the mind must be brought about
+by a particular form of sense impression, but this sense impression
+must be made by some kind of human activity or by some product
+of human activity.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span></p>
+<p>It is essential to bear in mind the twofold source of artistic effect,
+the one based on form alone, the other on ideas associated with
+form. Otherwise the theory of art will be one-sided. Since the
+art of man, the world over, among primitive tribes as well as among
+civilized nations, contains both elements, the purely formal and the
+significant, it is not admissible to base all discussions of the manifestations
+of the art impulse upon the assumption that the expression
+of emotional states by significant forms must be the beginning
+of art, or that, like language, art is a form of expression. In modern
+times this opinion is based in part on the often observed fact that
+in primitive art even simple geometrical forms may possess a meaning
+that adds to their emotional value, and that dance, music and
+poetry almost always have definite meaning. However, significance
+of artistic form is neither universal nor can it be shown that it is
+necessarily older than the form.</p>
+
+<p>I do not intend to enter into a discussion of the philosophical
+theories of esthetics, but will confine myself to a few remarks on
+the views of a number of recent authors who have treated art on
+the basis of ethnological material, and only in so far as the question
+is concerned whether primitive art is expressive of definite ideas.</p>
+
+<p>Our views agree fundamentally with those of Fechner<a id="FNanchor_5_5" href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> who recognizes
+the “direct” appeal of the work of art on the one side and
+the associated elements that give a specific tone to the esthetic
+effects on the other.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_5_5" href="#FNanchor_5_5" class="label">[5]</a>
+ G. T. Fechner, <span lang="de">Vorschule der Aesthetik</span>.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Wundt<a id="FNanchor_6_6" href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> restricts the
+discussion of art to those forms in which the
+artistic work expresses some thought or emotion. He says, “For
+the psychological study art stands in a position intermediate between
+language and myth.... Thus the creative artistic work appears
+to us as a peculiar development of the expressive movements of
+the body. Gesture and language pass in a fleeting moment. In art
+they are sometimes given a higher significance; sometimes the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span>fleeting movement is given a permanent form.... All these relations
+are manifested principally in the relatively early, although not
+in the very earliest stages of artistic work in which the momentary
+needs of expression of thought dominate art as well as language.”</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_6_6" href="#FNanchor_6_6" class="label">[6]</a>
+ Wilhelm Wundt,<span lang="de"> Völkerpsychologie</span>, Vol. 3,
+<span lang="de">Die Kunst</span>; third edition, Leipzig,
+1919, p. 5.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Max Verworn<a id="FNanchor_7_7" href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> says: “Art is the faculty to express conscious
+processes by means created by the artist himself in such a manner
+that they may be perceived by our sense organs. In this general
+sense language, song, music and dance are art, just as well as painting,
+sculpture and ornamentation. The graphic and plastic arts in
+the narrow sense of the term result from the ability of making
+conscious processes visible in permanent materials.”</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_7_7" href="#FNanchor_7_7" class="label">[7]</a> <span lang="de">Die Anfänge der Kunst</span>,
+Jena, 1920, p. 8. <span lang="de">“Kunst im allgemeinsten Sinne ist,
+wie das Wort schon sagt, ein ‘Können’.”</span></p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Richard Thurnwald<a id="FNanchor_8_8" href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> accepts the view-point of Wundt when he
+says, “Art, however inadequate its means may be, is a means of expression
+that belongs to mankind. The means employed are distinct
+from those used in gesture, language and writing. Even when the
+artist is intent only upon the repetition of what he has in mind he
+does so with at least the subconscious purpose of communicating
+his ideas, of influencing others.”</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_8_8" href="#FNanchor_8_8" class="label">[8]</a> Richard Thurnwald,
+ <span lang="de">Handbuch der vergleichenden Psychologie, herausgegeben
+von Gustav Kafka</span>, Vol. I, p. 211.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The same onesidedness may be recognized in Yrjö Hirn’s<a id="FNanchor_9_9" href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> opinion,
+who says: “In order to understand the art impulse as a tendency
+to esthetic production we must bring it into connection with some
+function from the nature of which the specifically artistic qualities
+may be derived. Such a function is to be found, we believe, in the
+activities of emotional expression.”</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_9_9" href="#FNanchor_9_9" class="label">[9]</a>
+ Yrjö Hirn, The Origins of Art, London, 1900, p. 29.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>It will be seen that all these authors confine their definition of
+art to those forms which are expressions of emotional states or of
+ideas, while they do not include in art the pleasure conveyed by
+purely formal elements that are not primarily expressive.</p>
+
+<p>Ernst Grosse<a id="FNanchor_10_10" href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> expresses similar views in somewhat different form.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span>He stresses the practical purpose of artistic forms which appears to
+him as primary. However, he assumes that these forms, while
+devoted first of all to practical purposes, are intended at the same
+time to serve an esthetic need that is felt by the people. Thus, he
+says, that primitive ornament is by origin and by its fundamental
+nature not intended as decorative but as a practically significant
+mark or symbol, that is to say as expressive. If I understand him
+correctly this practical significance implies some kind of meaning
+inherent in the form.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_10_10" href="#FNanchor_10_10" class="label">[10]</a>
+Ernst Grosse, <span lang="de">Die Anfänge der Kunst</span>, 1894, p. 292.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Emil Stephan<a id="FNanchor_11_11" href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> concludes from his detailed discussion of Melanesian
+art that technical motives offer no sufficient explanation for the
+origin of artistic forms (pp. <a href="#Page_52">52</a> et seq.). He considers all ornament
+as representative and sees the origin of art in that unconscious
+mental process by which the form appears as distinct from the
+content of the visual impression, and in the desire to give permanence
+to the form (p. 51). For this reason he considers the artistic
+forms also as equivalents of the way in which the form appears to
+the primitive artist.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_11_11" href="#FNanchor_11_11" class="label">[11]</a>
+ Emil Stephan, <span lang="de">Südseekunst</span>, Berlin, 1907.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Alfred C. Haddon<a id="FNanchor_12_12" href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> and W. H. Holmes<a id="FNanchor_13_13" href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>
+    seek the origin of all
+decorative art in realism. They discuss the transfer of technical forms
+to ornament but they see in these also results of the endeavor to
+reproduce realistic form, namely; technical details. Henry Balfour<a id="FNanchor_14_14" href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>
+agrees, on the whole, with this position but he stresses also the
+development of decorative motives from the actual use of technical
+processes.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_12_12" href="#FNanchor_12_12" class="label">[12]</a>
+Alfred C. Haddon, Evolution in Art, London 1895.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_13_13" href="#FNanchor_13_13" class="label">[13]</a>
+W. H. Holmes, Origin and Development of Form in Ceramic Art, Annual Report
+Bureau of Ethnology, Vol. 4, 1886, pp. 443 et seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_14_14" href="#FNanchor_14_14" class="label">[14]</a>
+ Henry Balfour, The Evolution of Decorative Art, London 1893.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Gottfried Semper<a id="FNanchor_15_15" href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> emphasizes the importance of the form as
+determined by the manner of use. He also stresses the influence
+of designs developed in weaving and of their transfer upon other
+forms of technique, particularly upon architectural forms.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_15_15" href="#FNanchor_15_15" class="label">[15]</a>
+Gottfried Semper, <span lang="de">Der Stil in den Technischen und Tektonischen Künsten</span>, 1860.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span></p>
+<p>Alois Riegl<a id="FNanchor_16_16" href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> is also inclined to stress the representative character
+of the most ancient art forms, basing his argument essentially upon
+the realistic paleolithic carvings and paintings. He sees the most
+important step forward in the attempt to show the animals in outline,
+on a two-dimensional surface which necessitates the substitution
+of an ideal line for the three-dimensional form that is given to
+us by every day experience. He assumes that geometric ornament
+developed from the treatment of the line, obtained by the process
+just mentioned, according to formal principles.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_16_16" href="#FNanchor_16_16" class="label">[16]</a>
+ Alois Riegl, <span lang="de">Stilfragen</span>, 2nd edition, Berlin, 1923, pp. 2 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Setting aside the assumed sequence of these two aspects, his view-point
+is distinguished from that of the authors referred to before,
+by the recognition of the principle of form as against that of content.</p>
+
+<p>The principle of form is still more energetically defended by van
+Scheltema, who tries to prove definite developmental processes
+through which the formal treatment of North European art has
+passed, first in the Neolithic period, then in the bronze age and
+finally in the iron age.<a id="FNanchor_17_17" href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote">
+<p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_17_17" href="#FNanchor_17_17" class="label">[17]</a>
+ F. Adama van Scheltema, <span lang="de">Die altnordische Kunst</span>, Berlin, 1923. For a comprehensive
+review of works on primitive art up to 1914, see Martin Heydrich,
+<span lang="de">Afrikanische Ornamentik</span>, <span lang="de">Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie</span>,
+ Supplement to
+Volume XXII, Leyden, 1914; also the bibliography in Eckert von Sydow, <span lang="de">Die Kunst
+der Naturvölker und der Vorzeit</span>, Berlin, 1923; and Herbert Kühn, <span lang="de">Die Kunst der
+Primitiven</span>, München, 1923. An excellent review of the subject has been given by
+Elizabeth Wilson, <span lang="de">Das Ornament</span> (Dissertation, University of Leipzig).</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Alfred Vierkandt<a id="FNanchor_18_18" href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
+ also emphasizes the fundamental importance of
+the formal element in the esthetic effect of all manifestations of art.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_18_18" href="#FNanchor_18_18" class="label">[18]</a>
+ <span lang="de">Prinzipienfragen der ethnologischen Kunstforschung, Zeitschrift für Aesthetik
+und allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft</span>, Vol. XIX, Berlin, 1925, pp. 338 et seq.
+See also <span lang="de">Jahrbuch für historische Volkskunde</span>, Vol. II;
+ <span lang="de">Vom Wesen der Volkskunst</span>,
+Berlin, 1926; Rafael Karsten, Civilization of South American Indians, New York, 1926.</p></div>
+</div><hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="GRAPHIC_AND_PLASTIC_ARTS">GRAPHIC AND PLASTIC ARTS
+<br>
+<span class="fs75">THE FORMAL ELEMENT IN ART</span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap">An examination of the material on which our studies of the artistic
+value of objects of primitive manufacture are founded shows
+that in most cases we are dealing with products of an industry in
+which a high degree of mechanical skill has been attained. Ivory
+carvings of the Eskimo; fur clothing of the Chukchee; wood carving
+of the northwest coast of America, of New Zealand, the Marquesas,
+or central Africa; metal work of Africa; appliqué work and embroidery
+of the Amur River; pottery of the North American Pueblos;
+bronze work of ancient Scandinavia are examples of this kind.</p>
+
+<p>The close relation between technical virtuosity and the fullness of
+artistic development may easily be demonstrated by an examination
+of the art of tribes with one-sided industries. While people like the
+African negroes or the Malay are in possession of many industries,
+such as basketry, carving, weaving, metal work and pottery, we find
+others among whom the range of industrial activities is so narrow
+that almost all the utensils for their manifold needs are made by
+the same process.</p>
+
+<p>The Californian Indians present an excellent example of this
+kind. Their chief industry is basketry. Almost all their household
+goods, receptacles for storage, cooking vessels, mortars for
+preparing food, children’s cradles, receptacles for carrying loads,
+are made of basketry. As compared to this industry others employed
+for the manufacture of weapons and tools are insignificant.
+The building of houses, of canoes, woodcarving, and painting are
+only slightly developed. The only other occupation in which an
+unusual degree of skill has been attained is featherwork. A great
+deal of time is therefore given to the manufacture of baskets and
+an unusual degree of virtuosity is found among the basketmakers.
+The beauty of form, the evenness of texture of the Californian
+baskets are well known and highly prized by collectors. At the same
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span>time the baskets are elaborately decorated with a variety of geometrical
+designs or by the addition of shells and feathers. (Plate <a href="#plate_I">I</a>.)
+Basketmaking is an occupation of women and thus it happens that
+among the Californian Indians only women are creative artists.
+They are virtuosos in their technique and on account of their
+virtuosity productive. The works of art made by the men are, as
+compared to theirs, insignificant.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp40" id="fig_1" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_021.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 1. Front of painted box, Tlingit, Alaska.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>It so happens that conditions among the northern neighbors of the
+Californians are reversed. From Puget Sound northward the household
+goods and implements of the Indians are made of wood, and much of the
+time of the men is spent in woodworking. They are skilled joiners
+and carvers who through constant practice have acquired virtuosity
+in the handling of wood. The exactness of their work rivals that of
+our very best craftsmen. Their boxes, buckets, kettles, cradles, and
+dishes are all made of wood, as those of the Californians are made of
+basketry. In their lives basketry plays a relatively unimportant part.
+The industry in which they have attained greatest proficiency, is, at
+the same time, the one in which their decorative art is most fully
+developed. It finds expression, not only in the beauty of form of the
+woodwork, but also in elaborate decoration. Among these people all
+other aspects of decorative art are weak as compared to their artistic
+expression in woodwork or in art forms derived from woodwork (fig. <a href="#fig_1">1</a>).
+All this work is done by men and hence it follows that the men are the
+creative artists while the women seem to be lacking in inventiveness
+and artistic sense. Here also virtuosity in technique and artistic
+productivity go hand in hand.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="plate_I" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_022.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate I.</span></p>
+
+
+    Maidu Baskets. 1-2. Butterfly design. 3. Raccoon design.
+    4. Rim: mountains; body: flying geese. 5. Moth-miller.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span></p>
+<p>As a third example we might mention the Pueblo Indians of the
+Southern United States. In many villages of this region pottery is
+the dominant industry and in pottery is found the highest expression
+of art. The form of the clay vessel is characterized by great
+regularity and it becomes the substratum for decoration. Since
+pottery is a woman’s art, women are the most productive artists
+among the Pueblos (fig. <a href="#fig_2">2</a>). However, the industrial activities of
+the Pueblos are not quite so one-sided as those of California and
+British Columbia. Therefore the men
+who are experienced in industrial work
+devoted to ceremonial purposes are
+not lacking in the ability of artistic
+expression.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp40" id="fig_2" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_024.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 2. Jar from Zuni.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>I believe these examples demonstrate
+that there is a close connection between
+the development of skill in an industry
+and artistic activity. Ornamental art
+has developed in those industries in
+which the greatest skill is attained.
+Artistic productivity and skill are closely correlated. Productive
+artists are found among those who have mastered a technique,
+among men when the industries are in their hands, among women
+when they are devoted to industrial activities.</p>
+
+<p>It will be admitted that aside from all adventitious form elements,
+the product of an experienced worker in any handicraft has an
+artistic value. A child learning to make a basket or a pot cannot
+attain the regularity of outline that is achieved by the master.</p>
+
+<p>The appreciation of the esthetic value of technical perfection is
+not confined to civilized man. It is manifested in the forms of
+manufactured objects of all primitive people that are not contaminated
+by the pernicious effects of our civilization and its machine-made
+wares. In the household of the natives we do not find slovenly
+work, except when a rapid makeshift has to be made. Patience
+and careful execution characterize most of their products. Direct
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span>questioning of natives and their criticism of their own work shows
+also their appreciation of technical perfection. Virtuosity, complete
+control of technical processes, however, means an automatic regularity
+of movement. The basketmaker who manufactures a coiled
+basket, handles the fibres composing the coil in such a way that
+the greatest evenness of coil diameter results (fig. <a href="#fig_3_4">3</a>). In making
+her stitches the automatic control of the left hand that lays down
+the coil, and of the right that pulls the binding stitches over the
+coil brings it about that the distances between the stitches and the
+strength of the pull are absolutely even so that the surface will be
+smooth and evenly rounded and that the stitches show a perfectly
+regular pattern,—in the same way as an experienced seamstress
+will make her stitches at regular intervals and with even pull, so
+that they lie like beads on a string. The same observation may be
+made in twined basketry (fig. <a href="#fig_3_4">4</a>). In the handiwork of an expert
+the pull of the woof string will be so even that there is no distortion
+of the warp strings and the twisted woof will lie in regularly
+arranged loops. Any lack of automatic control will bring about
+irregularities of surface pattern.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp80" id="fig_3_4" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_025.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd25">Fig. 3. Coiled basketry.</td>
+<td class="tdc ">Fig. 4. Twined basketry.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A pot of well-rounded form results also from complete control of
+a technique. Primitive tribes make their pottery without the aid
+of the potter’s wheel, and in most cases the potter builds up his
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span>vessel by the process of coiling, analogous to the coiling of a
+basket. Long round strips of clay are laid down spirally beginning
+at the bottom. By continued turning and gradual laying on of
+more and more strips in a continued spiral the pot is built up.
+Complete control of the technique will result in a perfectly round
+cross section and in smooth curvatures of the sides. Lack of skill
+will bring about lack of symmetry and
+of smoothness of curvature. Virtuosity
+and regularity of surface and form
+are here also intimately related.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_5" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_026.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 5. Chipped flint implements:
+    <i>a</i>&nbsp;North America; <i>b</i> Egypt.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A similar correlation is found in
+the manufacture of chipped stone
+implements. After the brittle stone
+has been roughly shaped it is given
+its final form either by pressure
+with an implement that squeezes
+off long, thin flakes or by indirect
+chipping. In the former case the
+flaking implement is held in the right
+hand and by sudden pressure with
+the point of the flaker long flakes
+or small bits are removed from
+the surface. When the worker has
+attained complete control of this technique his pressure will be
+even and executed with equal rapidity; the distances between the
+points of attack will be the same and he will move his flaker
+in regular lines. The result is a chipped implement of regular form
+and surface pattern in which the long, conchoidal depressions caused
+by the flaking off of thin chips are of equal size and regularly
+arranged (fig. <a href="#fig_5">5</a>).</p>
+
+<p>When indirect chipping is applied the thin part of the object
+which is to be worked is placed on a hard, sharp edge and by a
+smart blow on the body of the flint a strong vibration is produced
+which results in a break just over the sharp edge. In this way,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span>place and size of the flake are perfectly controlled by the expert
+craftsman.</p>
+
+<p>Quite similar are the conditions in woodwork. The smoothing
+of large surfaces is generally done with the adze. A skilled worker
+handles his adze automatically. The strength of the stroke and
+the depth to which it enters the surface of the wood are always
+the same and the chips removed have always the same size and
+form. The workman will also move the adze in even lines and
+strike the surface at even distances. The result of automatic
+action is here, also, evenness of surface and regularity of surface
+pattern (fig. <a href="#fig_6">6</a>).</p>
+
+<p>These conditions are well-described by Sophus Müller, who says,<a id="FNanchor_19_19" href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>
+“A great part of the work on flint must be designated as luxury,
+and was done with the sole intent of producing a masterpiece of
+handiwork. When making an adze blade all that is needed for
+practical purposes is a good cutting edge. Smoothness of face, back
+and sides is not necessary, particularly since a large portion of these
+were covered by the attachment to the handle. With coarse and
+conchoidal chipping the blade would be equally serviceable. However,
+the maker wanted to produce excellent stone work, to the making
+of which he devoted all the care, taste and skill at his command
+and by this the manufactured objects undoubtedly increased in value.
+These objects might be called therefore, in the strict sense of the
+term, works of artistic industry.”</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_19_19" href="#FNanchor_19_19" class="label">[19]</a>
+ Sophus Müller, <span lang="de">Nordische Altertumskunde</span>, Strassburg 1897, Vol. I, p. 190.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>All these examples show that complete automatic control of a
+technique, and regularity of form and surface pattern are intimately
+correlated.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp30" id="fig_6" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_028_6.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 6. Part of surface of
+    wooden sail, Vancouver
+    Island.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp30" id="fig_7" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_028_7.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 7. Painted board,
+    Tierra del Fuego.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_8" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_028_8.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 8. Bushman designs from ostrich eggs and from
+    horn bracelet.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_9" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_028_9.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 9. Kaffer headrests.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>However, besides these, attempts at decoration occur in which a
+mastery of technique has not been attained. Among a few tribes
+almost all artistic work is of this character. Among the inhabitants
+of Tierra del Fuego are found only meagre examples of painting,
+lacking in skill (fig. <a href="#fig_7">7</a>). The patterns are simply dots and
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span>coarse lines in which the arrangement is the essential artistic element.
+It is intelligible that a feeling for symmetry may exist without the
+ability of perfect execution. The modern Bushmen scratch patterns
+on ostrich eggs which serve as receptacles for water (fig. <a href="#fig_8">8</a>). Here
+we find the intent to give expression to form but with inadequate
+means. It is important to note that the same motive, two circles
+connected by a narrow band, occurs several times in these etchings.
+The circle might be suggested to the workman by the perforation
+of the shell of the ostrich egg through which the water is poured
+out, but the combination can hardly be derived on the basis of
+Bushman industries. Shall we consider the pattern as the result
+of the play of their imagination or as an attempt at representation?
+It seems to me important to note that the neighbors of the Bushmen,
+the negroes of the Zambezi, use the same pattern and that
+rows of triangles and diamonds, such as are used by the Bushmen,
+are found on their implements also (fig. <a href="#fig_9">9</a>). The pattern may
+therefore have come from an outside source.<a id="FNanchor_20_20" href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> Perhaps the decoration
+on ostrich eggs is poor only on account of the difficulties of
+handling the material. At least the zig-zag patterns (fig. <a href="#fig_8">8</a>), found
+on a bracelet, show a much greater technical perfection than those
+found on the ostrich eggs.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_20_20" href="#FNanchor_20_20" class="label">[20]</a>
+ F. von Luschan, <span lang="de">Buschmann-Einritzungen auf Strausseneiern, Zeitschrift für
+Ethnologie</span>, Vol. 55 (1923), pp. 31 et seq.—Hendrik P. M. Muller et John F.
+Snelleman, <span lang="fr">L’Industrie des Caffres dans le sud-est de l’Afrique</span>. (Pl. XIV, Figs.
+2-5). See also P. C. Lepage, <span lang="fr">La décoration primitive; Afrique</span>, Paris,
+<span lang="fr">Librairie des arts décoratifs</span>, Plate 5, where similar designs are shown on pottery vessels.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Here may also be mentioned the painting and carving of the
+Melanesians. We see among them a wealth of forms in carvings
+of excellent technique. In some specimens, particularly from
+western New Guinea, we find complete mastery of the art. In
+the majority of cases, however, there is an imperfect control of
+technique, while there is an astounding multiplicity of forms. The
+lines generally lack regularity and evenness (fig. <a href="#fig_10">10</a> <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>). There is
+no clear proof of a general degeneration of the art and we may
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span>perhaps assume that in this case the development of a keen sense for
+form among all the carvers and painters of the tribe did not go hand
+in hand with a corresponding mastery of technique. It is not unlikely
+that foreign influence has led here to an exuberant form perception.</p>
+
+<p>Setting aside any esthetic consideration, we recognize that in
+cases in which a perfect technique
+has developed, the consciousness
+of the artist of having
+mastered great difficulties, in
+other words the satisfaction of
+the virtuoso is a source of
+genuine pleasure.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_10" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_030.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 10. Paddle and shield, New Ireland.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>I do not propose to enter
+into a discussion of the ultimate
+sources of all esthetic judgments.
+It is sufficient for an
+inductive study of the forms
+of primitive art to recognize
+that regularity of form and
+evenness of surface are essential
+elements of decorative
+effect, and that these are intimately
+associated with the feeling
+of mastery over difficulties;
+with the pleasure felt by the virtuoso on account of his own powers.</p>
+
+<p>I can give at least a few examples which illustrate that the artist
+has not in mind the visual effect of his work, but that he is stimulated
+by the pleasure of making a complex form.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_11_12" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_031.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd50">Fig. 11. Plan of rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 12. Rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The raw hide boxes of the Sauk and Fox Indians are made of a
+large piece of hide which is carefully ornamented according to a
+definite plan (fig. <a href="#fig_11_12">11</a>). The boxes are made by folding the hide.
+There are five sides of approximately equal width (1-5). These
+are the four sides of the box: front (5), bottom (4), back (3), top (2),
+and a flap (1) covering the front. A strip on each side (<i>a</i>-<i>e</i>) is
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span>folded over and the marginal piece (<i>d</i>) belonging to the bottom segment
+is folded in along diagonal lines as we fold in the ends of a
+paper wrapper, so that the marginal strips, <i>e</i> and <i>c</i>, form the sides
+of the box. Another similar fold is made in <i>b</i> when the top is folded
+over the top opening of the box. The folds at the bottom are sewed
+in firmly, while the fold on top remains open. The resulting form
+is shown in fig. <a href="#fig_11_12">12</a>. Those parts of the surface that are entirely
+invisible are indicated by horizontal shading (fig. <a href="#fig_11_12">11</a>). These are
+folded in and sewed in on the inside of the box. Those parts that
+may be seen when the box is opened are indicated by diagonal
+shading; while the white area is that part of the surface that is
+visible when the box is closed and tied up. It will be noticed that
+the fields <i>c</i> and <i>e</i> overlap on the short sides of the finished box.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_13_14" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_032.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd55">Fig. 13. Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 14. Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The decoration of these boxes is carefully laid out on a flat piece
+of rawhide. Corresponding to the five faces of the box most of
+the designs are divided into five equal fields and corresponding to
+the folded margins two marginal fields are set off from the central
+field. This, however, is so narrow that in folding part of the lateral
+design is turned over so that it becomes invisible. When the boxes
+are folded the cohesion of the pattern is completely lost. Not only
+do the folds fail to agree with the divisions, but owing to the method
+of folding and the complete covering of the field <i>d</i> and of part of <i>e</i>,
+the whole pattern is broken up and on the short sides we find
+only fragments adjoining in the most irregular way (fig. <a href="#fig_11_12">12</a>). When
+the box is closed field <i>e</i> adjoins field 1, and the overlapping
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span>section <i>c</i> adjoins it in the middle of the narrow side. On top it adjoins
+field 2 and at the bottom field 4. The whole formal idea of the
+carefully planned pattern is lost in the completed box. We find even
+patterns laid out in four strips instead of five, so that the fundamental
+pattern and the sides do not coincide (fig. <a href="#fig_13_14">14</a>). It will be
+seen, therefore, that the artist spends his ingenuity in decorating the
+rawhide but that in the box the fundamental ideas of his carefully
+planned decoration are lost.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_15" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_033.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 15. Designs on rawhide boxes, Sauk and Fox Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The disregard of the original pattern is such that in some specimens
+(fig. <a href="#fig_15">15</a>) part of the design has been cut off in order to make the
+sides fit together. In our illustration the parts cut off,—the right
+upper corners,—have been reconstructed.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span></p>
+<p>It might be said that similar conditions prevail in modern, patterned
+fabrics that are made into garments. In this case the manufacturer
+tries to attain a pleasing effect for the fabric as a whole. If economy
+of material did not interfere, the tailor would fit the pattern together,
+but we always feel the conflict between the pattern and the requirements
+of the finished garment.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_16" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_034.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 16. Fringe from legging,
+    Thompson Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>As another example I mention
+a legging made by an Indian woman
+from the interior of British
+Columbia. It bears the usual decoration,—a
+long fringe along the
+outer seam. The fringe consists
+of a long piece of curried skin
+cut in narrow strips. These strips
+are decorated in rhythmic order
+(fig. <a href="#fig_16">16</a>), a string decorated by
+one glass bead and two bone
+beads in alternating order is
+followed by a plain string, next
+by one decorated with single
+alternating glass and bone beads,
+then a plain one and finally one like the first. When we indicate
+the plain and decorated strips by letters, we find the arrangement</p>
+
+<p class="center nowrap">
+. . . | A B C B A | A B C B A | . . .
+</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">repeated over and over again.<a id="FNanchor_21_21" href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> The important point to be noted is,
+that when in use, the fringe hangs down without order along the
+outer side of the leg so that the elaborate rhythmic pattern cannot
+be seen. The only way in which the maker can get any satisfaction
+from her work is while making it or when exhibiting it to her friends.
+When it is in use there is no esthetic effect.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_21_21" href="#FNanchor_21_21" class="label">[21]</a> James Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Publications of the
+Jesup North Pacific Expedition, New York 1900, Vol. I, p. 382; see also Gladys
+A. Reichard, The Complexity of Rhythm in Decorative Art, American Anthropologist
+N. S., Vol. 24 (1922), p. 198.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp45" id="fig_17" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_035_17.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 17. Twilled weaving showing
+    alternation of patterns.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span></p>
+<p>Other cases occur in which motives are applied that are practically
+invisible. Thus in mattings from Vancouver Island, the weaver will
+alternate the direction of the strands in squares without any attempt
+to set off the surface in colors (fig. <a href="#fig_17">17</a>).
+When the matting is new these patterns
+may be seen in reflected light, but
+after a very short time they disappear
+almost completely.</p>
+
+<p>Similarly the woven patterns on arm
+rings from the Ucayali are practically
+invisible.<a id="FNanchor_22_22" href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_22_22" href="#FNanchor_22_22" class="label">[22]</a>
+ Max Schmidt, <span lang="de">Besondere Geflechtsart der Indianer im Ucayaligebiete, Archiv
+für Anthropologie</span>, N. S., Vol. VI (1907), p. 270.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_18" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_035_18.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 18. Carving on bow of Bella Bella
+    canoe, British Columbia.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>To sum up: Objectively the excellence
+of workmanship results in regularity
+of form and evenness of surface
+which are characteristic of most uncontaminated
+primitive manufactures,
+so much so that most objects of every day use must be considered
+as works of art. The handles of implements, stone blades, receptacles,
+clothing, permanent houses, canoes are finished off in such a way that
+their forms have artistic value.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_19_20" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_036.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd60">Fig. 19. Rattle, Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 20. Base of flint knife,</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Expert workmanship in the treatment of the surface may lead not only
+to evenness but also to the development of patterns. In adzing the
+form of the object to be smoothed will determine the most advantageous
+direction of the lines in which the adze has to be carried. In a large
+Bella Bella canoe, the body of the canoe is adzed in horizontal lines,
+while prow and stern show vertical lines. The wolf carved on the bow of
+the same canoe shows surface patterns on its body and limbs (fig. <a href="#fig_18">18</a>).
+Decorative <span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span>use of adzed lines, is also found on a rattle (fig. <a href="#fig_19_20">19</a>).
+In this specimen there is no technical need for the alternation in the
+direction of the groves, and the fields on the top of the rattle can
+the explained only as determined by the pleasure felt by the variation
+of the simple activity in novel and more complicated ways.<a id="FNanchor_23_23" href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_23_23" href="#FNanchor_23_23" class="label">[23]</a>
+See also page <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>In chipping of flint zig-zag lines are produced by the meeting of
+two lines on a ridge (fig. <a href="#fig_19_20">20</a>).</p>
+
+<p>Technical experience and the acquisition of virtuosity have probably
+led to the general prevalence of the plane, the straight line and regular
+curves such as the circle and the spiral, for all of these are of
+rare occurrence in nature, so rare indeed, that they had hardly ever
+a chance to impress themselves upon the mind.</p>
+
+<p>Plain surfaces are represented by crystals, by the cleavage of some
+kinds of rock, or by the surface of water during a calm. Straight
+lines by the shoots and stems of plants or by the sharp edges of
+crystals; regular curved lines by the shells of snails, by vines, bubbles
+on water or by smooth pebbles, but there is no obvious motive
+that would induce man to imitate these particular abstract forms,
+except perhaps in those cases in which regularly curved shells are
+worn as ornaments or employed as utensils.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the straight line develops constantly in technical
+work. It is a characteristic form of the stretched thong or cord and
+its importance cannot be ignored by the hunter who hurls a lance or
+flies an arrow. The technical use of the straight shoot may well have
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span>been important in its derivation. Plants like the bamboo or the reed
+may thus have helped man to discover the value of the straight line.</p>
+
+<p>More essential than this seems to be the possession of a perfect
+technique, which involves great accuracy and steadiness of movement.
+These in themselves must lead necessarily to regular lines.
+When the uncertain wobbling of the cutting
+tool is eliminated, smooth curves will result.
+When the potter turns the pot he
+is making and his movements are quite
+regular the pot will be circular. Perfectly
+controlled coiling of basketry or of wire will
+lead to the formation of equidistant spirals.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp30" id="fig_21" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_037.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 21. Face painting, Tierra del Fuego.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A number of other characteristic features
+may be observed in the art of all times
+and all peoples. One of these is symmetry.
+Symmetrical forms are found even
+in the simplest forms of decorative art.
+The tribes of Tierra del Fuego<a id="FNanchor_24_24" href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> decorate
+their faces and bodies with designs, many
+of which are symmetrical. Vertical lines on
+both sides of the body or a series of symmetrically arranged dots
+running from ear to ear across the nose are of this kind (fig. <a href="#fig_21">21</a>).
+They also use symmetrically decorated boards with which they adorn
+their huts (see fig. <a href="#fig_7">7</a>, page 23). The Andaman Islanders like to
+decorate their bodies with symmetrical patterns (Plate <a href="#plate_II">II</a>). Many of the
+designs of the Australians are symmetrical (fig. <a href="#fig_22">22</a>) and in paleolithic
+painting geometrical forms occur that exhibit bilateral symmetry
+(fig. <a href="#fig_23">23</a>). In a few cases the elements arranged symmetrically are so
+complex that the symmetry can have been attained only by careful
+planning. Examples of this kind are necklaces of Indians in British
+Columbia in which we find as many as eighteen beads of different
+colors irregularly arranged, but repeated in equal order right and left.<a id="FNanchor_25_25" href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_24_24" href="#FNanchor_24_24" class="label">[24]</a>
+ W. Koppers, <span lang="de">Unter Feuerland-Indianern</span>, p. 48, Pl. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_25_25" href="#FNanchor_25_25" class="label">[25]</a>
+ See Gladys A. Reichard, American Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. 24 (1922) p. 191.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="plate_II" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_038.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate II.</span></p>
+
+
+    Andaman Islander.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span></p>
+<p>The causes that have led to the widespread use of symmetrical
+forms are difficult to understand. Symmetrical motions of the arms
+and hands are physiologically determined. The right and left are
+apt to move symmetrically
+and the
+motions of the same
+arm or of both arms
+are often performed
+rhythmically and
+symmetrically from
+right to left and from
+left to right. I am
+inclined to consider
+this condition as one
+of the fundamental
+determinants, in importance
+equal to
+the view of the symmetry
+of the human
+body and of that of
+animals; not that the
+designs are made by
+right and left hand,
+rather that the sensation
+of the motions
+of right and left
+lead to the feeling
+of symmetry.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_22" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_040_22.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 22. Australian shields.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_23" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_040_23.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 23. Paleolithic paintings.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In by far the greatest number of cases symmetrical arrangements
+are to the right and left of a vertical axis, much more rarely above
+and below a horizontal one.</p>
+
+<p>The prevalence of horizontal and the rarity of vertical symmetry
+is presumably due to the absence of vertically symmetrical movements,—except
+in those rhythmic movements in which the arms are
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span>alternately raised and lowered,—and in the rarity of natural forms
+that are vertically symmetrical.</p>
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_24" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_044_24.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 24. Patterns from bamboo combs, Malay Peninsula.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In nature we see generally more fundamental differences in vertical
+direction than in horizontal layers. In animals, legs, body and head
+are on different levels. In landscapes, earth, trees, mountains and
+sky follow one another in vertical succession. On the other hand,
+we are liable to find in horizontal sequence sameness or variations
+of analogous form. This may be one of the reasons why there are
+found in ornamental art frequent arrangements in a series of horizontal
+bands that differ fundamentally in pattern, while in each horizontal
+band we find either symmetry, rhythmic repetition, or variations of
+similar forms (figs. <a href="#fig_24">24</a>, <a href="#fig_25">25</a>, <a href="#fig_26">26</a>). Exceptions however, occur, for
+instance in the decorations of Melanesian houses (Plate <a href="#plate_III">III</a>).</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp20" id="fig_25" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_044_25.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 25.
+    Design from
+    bamboo spear,
+    New Guinea.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Other causes may contribute to the development of symmetrical
+patterns. In the making of coiled pottery or coiled basketry symmetry
+results from the process of manufacture. By regular turning of the pot
+or basket a circular form is produced. The process of winding twine
+around a holder may have the same effect. In two-handed implements,
+such as the bow of the bowdrill, symmetrical forms also develop, but implements
+of this type are not by any means numerous and their occurrence
+is no adequate explanation of the general occurrence of symmetry.</p>
+
+<p>We must leave it undecided whether the circumstances here referred
+to are adequate to account for the symmetry of form of
+such implements as lance heads, arrow-heads, baskets and boxes.
+We must be satisfied with the establishment of their general occurrence
+and the knowledge that they have an esthetic value wherever they
+are found. Examples of symmetrical arrangements are very numerous.
+The boxes from British Columbia (fig. <a href="#fig_274">274</a>, p. 263), neckrests of the
+Kaffers (fig. <a href="#fig_9">9</a>, p. 23), Melanesian shields and paddles (fig. <a href="#fig_10">10</a>, p. 25),
+and the painted rawhides of the Sauk and Fox (figs. <a href="#fig_13_14">13</a>-<a href="#fig_15">15</a>, pp. 27, 28)
+may serve as exemples. A special type of symmetrical design is
+found in our heraldic style with its animals rampant on each side of
+a central field. It is interesting to note that the same arrangement
+is very ancient. It occurs on the Lions’ Gate of Mycenae. It has
+also developed independently in prehistoric Peru (fig. <a href="#fig_27">27</a>).</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="plate_III" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_042.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate III.</span></p>
+
+
+    Decorated House, Northern New Guinea.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_26" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_044_26.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 26. Etruscan vase.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_27" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_044_27.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 27. Peruvian designs.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span></p>
+<p>On objects that are frequently seen from different sides are found
+forms that are symmetrical both ways, when seen right and left
+and when seen up and down. Examples of this are the Australian
+shield fig. <a href="#fig_22">22</a> (p. 33), and the parfleches of the North American
+Indians (fig. <a href="#fig_88_89">89</a>, p. 97). On objects of similar character made by the
+same technical processes
+and by the same tribe,
+such as rawhide bags
+(fig. <a href="#fig_28_30">28</a>) double symmetry
+may also occur.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_28_30" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_045.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd50">Fig. 28. Painted rawhide bags, Shuswap, British Columbia.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 30. Carved board Kaiserin Augusta Fluss, New Guinea.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In circular forms the
+diameter is often the
+axis of symmetry. In
+other cases symmetrical
+fields are radially arranged
+and there may be
+a number of repetitions.
+The circumference takes
+the place of the horizontal,
+the radius that
+of the vertical (fig. <a href="#fig_29">29</a>).</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_29" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_046_29.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 29. Designs of the Dayak.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In a number of cases
+we find instead of normal
+symmetry an inversion
+of the two symmetrical
+halves so that what is
+above to the right, is below to the left. Arrangements of this type are,
+however, less numerous than true symmetry. Such forms occur in
+New Guinea. They are due to the decorative development of the two
+branches of a double spiral (fig. <a href="#fig_28_30">30</a>). This form results sometimes from
+circular rhythmic repetitions in which the whole circle is filled by two
+or more units. This is found for instance, in pottery from the southwestern
+Pueblos (fig. <a href="#fig_31">31</a>) and also quite commonly in Central America.<a id="FNanchor_26_26" href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_26_26" href="#FNanchor_26_26" class="label">[26]</a>
+ See, for instance S. K. Lothrop, Pottery of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, New
+York, 1926, Plates 39, 46, fig. 195.</p></div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span></p>
+</div>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_31" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_046_31.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 31. Designs from pottery of the ancient Pueblos.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span></p>
+<p>Other figures resulting from rotation, that is from a decorative pattern
+applied rhythmically in the same direction, as for instance the swastika
+and S shaped figures occupying
+the center of a decorative field,
+present the same type of inverted
+symmetry. The same treatment
+is found in the art of ancient
+Scandinavia (fig. <a href="#fig_32">32</a>).</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_32" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_047_32.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 32. Bronze ornament, Sweden,
+    7th Century A. D.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_33" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_047_33.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 33. Design from Peruvian textile.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A curious development of this
+decorative device is applied in
+the art of ancient Peru. On
+many fabrics we find patterns
+consisting of a diagonal arrangement
+of squares or rectangles.
+In each diagonal the same design
+is repeated, while the next
+diagonal has another type. In
+each diagonal line the design is
+shown in varying positions. If
+the one faces the right, the next
+faces the left. At the same time
+there is an alternation of colors,
+so that even when the form is the
+same, the tints and the color values
+will not be the same. A characteristic
+specimen of this type will
+be described later on (p. 47).</p>
+
+<p>The plan of one of these designs
+is illustrated in fig. <a href="#fig_33">33</a>.<a id="FNanchor_27_27" href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>
+There are eight rectangular fields with two designs (1 and 2); those right
+and left of the middle line and those above and below the horizontal
+middle line are symmetrical in regard to form. In color, 1 corresponds
+to 1<sup>b</sup> and 1<sup>a</sup> to 1<sup>c</sup>; also 2 corresponds in color to 2<sup>b</sup> and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span>2<sup>a</sup> to 2<sup>c</sup>. The colors being in all these cases, on the whole, reversed.
+1, 2, and 1<sup>b</sup>, 2<sup>b</sup> have a yellowish background and a red field surrounding
+the tree shaped design;
+1<sup>a</sup>, 2<sup>a</sup> and 1<sup>c</sup>, 2<sup>c</sup> have a light red
+background and a greenish field
+surrounding the tree shaped figure.
+The whole field, consisting of four
+sections, is followed in the whole
+decorated stripe by another set of
+four sections in form like the preceding
+one. In this the background
+of 1 and 2, 1<sup>b</sup> and 2<sup>b</sup> is blue, of
+1<sup>a</sup>, 2<sup>a</sup> and 1<sup>c</sup>, 2<sup>c</sup> yellowish. The
+field surrounding the tree shaped
+figure is yellowish in 1 and 1<sup>b</sup>,
+greenish in 1<sup>a</sup>, and 1<sup>c</sup>. Taken as
+a whole, the right side is practically
+the same as the left, turned
+upside down. The order of fields
+on the left from the top downward
+and for the right side from below
+upward, is according to the color
+of the background, abbreviating,
+r red, y yellow, b blue:</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+r r y y / y y b b / r r y y / y y<br>
+b b / r r y y / y y b b / r r y y /.
+</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_27_27" href="#FNanchor_27_27" class="label">[27]</a>
+ Walter Lehmann, <span lang="de">Kunstgeschichte des alten Peru</span>, Berlin 1924, Plates 3 and 4.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figright illowp35" id="fig_34" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_048.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 34. Designs from Peruvian textile.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A second example is shown in
+fig. <a href="#fig_34">34</a>. In this specimen the diagonally
+arranged fields marked 1, <i>a</i>,
+2, <i>b</i><a id="FNanchor_28_28" href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> have the same color scheme.</p>
+
+<p>The larger fields in 1 are yellow, the lesser black. The larger fields
+in 2 are pink, the lesser grey. The background in <i>b</i> is grey, the scroll
+purple. The background in <i>a</i> is dark grey, the scroll light purple.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_28_28" href="#FNanchor_28_28" class="label">[28]</a>
+ These remarks refer also to the fields marked as 1′, 1″ etc.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp40" id="fig_35" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_049.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 35. Pot of coiled pottery, Prehistoric Pueblo Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Another fundamental element of decorative form is rhythmic repetition.
+Technical activities in which regularly repeated movements are
+employed lead to rhythmic repetition in the direction in which the
+movement proceeds. The rhythm of time appears here translated
+into space. In flaking, adzing, hammering, in the regular turning
+and pressing required in the making of coiled pottery, in weaving,
+regularity of form and rhythmic repetition
+of the same movement are necessarily
+connected. These rhythmic movements
+always produce the same series of forms.
+Examples of rhythmic surface forms determined
+by perfect control of a technique
+are found in many industries and in all
+parts of the world. Exquisite regularity
+of flaking is found in the Egyptian flint
+knives (see fig. <a href="#fig_5">5</a>, p. 21). It is not so
+frequent in the flaking of American Indians.
+The adzed boards of the Indians of
+the North Pacific Coast bear chipping
+marks of great regularity that give the
+appearance of a pattern (figs. <a href="#fig_6">6</a>, p. 23
+and 18, p. 30). On surfaces that are to be painted these marks
+are often polished off with grit-stone or shark skin, while on unpainted
+parts they are kept, presumably on account of their artistic effect.
+In Oriental metal work the strokes of the hammer are so regular
+that patterns consisting of flat surfaces originate. Other examples
+of the artistic effect of the regularity of movement are found in the
+prehistoric corrugated pottery of the North American South West.
+The coils are indented by pressure of the fingers and a series of
+indentations form a regular pattern on the surface (fig. <a href="#fig_35">35</a>). The
+effect of automatic control is seen nowhere more clearly than in
+basketry, matting and weaving. It has been pointed out before
+(p. 20) that evenness of surface results from regularity of movement.
+The rhythmic repetition of the movement leads also to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>rhythmic repetition of pattern. This is most beautifully illustrated
+by the best examples of California basketry.</p>
+
+<p>The virtuoso who varies the monotony of his movements and
+enjoys his ability to perform a more complex action, produces at
+the same time a more complex rhythm. This happens particularly
+in weaving and related industries such as braiding and wrapping
+with twine. Skipping of
+strands,—that is twilling (see
+fig. <a href="#fig_17">17</a>, p. 30) is the source
+of many rhythmic forms and
+twilling is undertaken by the
+virtuoso who plays with his
+technique and enjoys the
+overcoming of increased difficulties.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_36" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_050.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 36. Necklace of Thompson Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In many cases rhythmic
+complexity is clearly the result
+of careful planning. I have referred before to the rhythmical arrangement
+on fringes of the Thompson Indians of British Columbia, (p. <a href="#Page_29">29</a>).</p>
+
+<p>Another good example (fig. <a href="#fig_36">36</a>) is a double necklace in which
+the rhythmic series is—</p>
+
+<p class="center nowrap">
+black, red, yellow, green, blue, green,
+</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">both in the inner and outer lines while the connecting links have
+the order</p>
+
+<p class="center nowrap">
+black, red, yellow, green, red, blue.<a id="FNanchor_29_29" href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>
+</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_29_29" href="#FNanchor_29_29" class="label">[29]</a>
+In this specimen (see American Anthropologist, N. S., Volume 24, 1922, p. 188),
+the connecting links between the two strings have been misplaced, the inner string
+of beads being shifted three units to the right, i. e. the central connecting link
+is attached to the first yellow bead to the left of the red center; the others being
+shifted correspondingly. They have been corrected here so as to bring out the
+arrangement which was evidently planned.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>Dr. Reichard<a id="FNanchor_30_30" href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> has discussed a number of other examples from
+the same region which have similar characteristics. In one example
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span>the arrangement of the fringe elements is more complex than in the
+one previously described. Designating different colors by numbers
+and dentalia shells by D, we find the order</p>
+
+
+<p class="center mono">
+1 2 3 D 2 1 2 3 2 1 2 D 3 2 1<a id="FNanchor_31_31" href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>
+</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_30_30" href="#FNanchor_30_30" class="label">[30]</a>
+ American Anthropologist l. c., pages 198-199.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_31_31" href="#FNanchor_31_31" class="label">[31]</a> Owing to a probable error the arrangement of the beads, the order of the last
+five beads to the right is</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+<span class="nowrap">D 2 3 2 1</span>
+  <span class="pad1"> instead of</span>
+    <span class="nowrap pad1">2 D 3 2 1</span>.
+</p>
+
+<p>The change of D and 2 makes the arrangement symmetrical. The same result
+might be obtained by changing the first five beads from <span class="nowrap">1 2 3 D 2</span> to <span class="nowrap">1 2 3 2 D</span> and
+leaving the right end undisturbed.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Other examples of complex rhythms from this region have been
+given by Dr. Reichard in the essay previously referred to.</p>
+
+<p>In some instances the rhythms are not so distinct, but nevertheless
+discernible. As an example may serve a neckband consisting of
+a double string in which beads of various colors are interspersed
+among red beads in the following order</p>
+
+<p class="center mono clearx">
+   —r— r——r———r ——— r————r———r——r—
+   /  /  /   /   |   \    \   \  \
+   —r——r——r ——r———rrr———r————r———r——r—
+</p>
+
+<p>In Eastern Siberia similar conditions occur.<a id="FNanchor_32_32" href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_32_32" href="#FNanchor_32_32" class="label">[32]</a>
+See W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition,
+Vol. VI, pp. 688 et seq.; and in the publication previously referred to by Dr. Reichard.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>A fairly simple sequence is shown on an embroidered strip (fig. <a href="#fig_37">37</a> a)
+consisting in regular sequence of squares followed by three narrow
+strips; the middle strip is a little wider than the two lateral strips.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_37" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_052.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 37. Koryak embroideries.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A more complex rhythm is shown in figure 37 b. The long fringe
+which is caught in the seam near the upper border of the embroidery
+is repeated at regular intervals. An embroidered strip near the
+upper part of the design is interrupted and the black bars on the
+central white strip are omitted at these places. A division of the
+upper row of embroidery, between the sets of fringes, into three
+parts of unequal length will be noticed. Just under the breaks in
+this row are two groups of tufts of seal fur, a little wider below
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span>than on top, and these are set off more definitely by the
+arrangement of groups of white lines on the lower two rows.</p>
+
+<p>Still more complex are a number of borders embroidered in colored
+yarn. In these we may distinguish between the rhythm of form and
+of color (fig. <a href="#fig_38">38</a>). The arrangement is one combining symmetry with
+rhythmic complexity. On one of these strips (fig. <a href="#fig_38">38</a> a) some of
+the rectangles with rhombic checkerwork have a white background;
+in these there are two rows of blue or purple diamonds at each
+end and two rows of red diamonds in the centre (design 1). Other
+rectangles have a yellow background with red diamonds at the sides
+and blue ones in the middle (design 2). Besides these there is one
+with red background and black diamonds (design 3). The colors of
+the crosses are irregularly arranged. There are four with predominating
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span>red and white (design 4) and others with predominating yellow
+and blue (design 5). The most symmetrical arrangement of this
+strip requires a yellow rectangle in the middle of the front. One
+end of the stripe, as shown in the illustration, has three short blue
+bars on a red background (design 6). The peculiar cut at this end
+fits into a corresponding cut at the other end and shows that the
+stripe as it is has been taken from a garment. The general impression
+of the design is that the rhythm and symmetry of the crosses
+is subordinated to the symmetry of the rectangles. For this reason
+I have placed the crosses in the following arrangement in the upper
+line, the rectangles in the lower line.</p>
+
+<p class="center mono clearx">
+   Crosses      4   5   5   5   4   5   4   4       5   4   6
+Rectangles     2   1   1   <i>2</i>   1   1   2       1   3   1
+                          Front                        Back
+</p>
+
+<p>The embroidery on figure 38 b consists of four distinct elements;
+a flower with leaves on each side (design 1); one branch with curved
+leaves (design 2); one branch with terminal flowers (design 3). Besides
+these there is one other element which occurs only once on
+the back of the coat. It is marked design 4. The embroidered
+stripe is not sewed symmetrically to the coat but has evidently been
+placed in such a way that the arrangement in the front of the coat
+corresponds to the sequence:—</p>
+
+<p class="center mono">
+2 3 2 1 <i>3</i> 1 2 3 2
+</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">while the back is occupied by three designs (3). The small design (4)
+is found on the back. The whole arrangement of the small designs
+on the back being</p>
+
+<p class="center mono">
+2 2 4 2
+</p>
+
+<p>Another specimen (fig. <a href="#fig_38">38</a> c) consists of a double leaf design on a
+plain background alternating with another design consisting of three
+crosses. This pair of designs occurs in regular succession five times,
+but under the left arm it is interrupted by the two patterns shown
+on the right hand side of the figure.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span></p>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_38" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_054.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 38. Koryak embroideries.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In still another coat (fig. <a href="#fig_38">38</a> d) we find the same series of designs
+in symmetrical arrangement on the front and back. The middle is
+occupied by a cross and the other designs follow as indicated. Under
+the right arm appears an additional design, consisting of a central
+cross and rhomboidal fields with central dots; while under the left
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span>arm a single field is added differing in color from all the others but
+related to them in form.</p>
+
+<p>An interesting feature in this series is the overlapping of form
+and color. This condition appears even more clearly in designs from
+ancient Peru. I observed the occurrence of this rhythmical form a
+number of years ago and called the attention of Mr. Charles Mead
+to the phenomenon.</p>
+
+<p>He described<a id="FNanchor_33_33" href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> a number of designs of this type which show a
+rhythmic arrangement of six units, sometimes the same in form but
+different in color. Sometimes with a double rhythm, one of form
+and one of color.</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_33_33" href="#FNanchor_33_33" class="label">[33]</a>
+ Charles W. Mead, Six-Unit design in Ancient Peruvian Cloth, Boas Anniversary
+Volume, New York 1906, pp. 193 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Plate <a href="#plate_IV">IV</a>, fig. 1 represents a border of vicuna wool, consisting of a series
+of diagonal bars all of the same pattern. The sequence of color is:</p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<ul class="clist">
+<li>1. Bright red (1) with brown (7) dots.</li>
+<li>2. Blue (2) with pink (1*) dots.</li>
+<li>3. Dull yellow (3) with brown (7) dots.</li>
+<li>4. White (4) with pink (1*) &amp; brown (7) dots.</li>
+<li>5. Dark green (5) with red (1) dots.</li>
+<li>6. Red (1) with green (2) dots.</li>
+</ul>
+</div>
+
+<p>The triangular patterns (Plate <a href="#plate_IV">IV</a>, fig. 2) have the following
+sequence:</p>
+
+
+<table class="pattable wd70">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">1.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Background</td>
+<td class="tdl"> white</td>
+<td class="tdc">figures</td>
+<td class="tdc">red</td>
+<td class="tdc">spots</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark blue.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">2.</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark blue</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdc">red</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark yellow.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">3.</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">yellow</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdc">red</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark blue.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">4.</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">brown</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdc">red</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">yellow.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">5.</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">light blue</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdc">red</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark yellow.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">6.</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark yellow</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdc">red</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">light blue.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<p>The quadruple bird head pattern (Plate <a href="#plate_IV">IV</a>, fig. 3) has the following
+colors for the background, bird, and bird’s eye:</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span></p>
+
+<table class="pattable wd70">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">1.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Background</td>
+<td class="tdl">pink</td>
+<td class="tdc">1</td>
+<td class="tdc">bird:</td>
+<td class="tdl">yellow</td>
+<td class="tdc">eye:</td>
+<td class="tdl">pink.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">2.</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">yellow</td>
+<td class="tdc">2</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">red</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">yellow.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">3.</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark yellow</td>
+<td class="tdc">3</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">light yellow</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">yellow.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">4.</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark red</td>
+<td class="tdc">1<sup>a</sup></td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">yellow</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">pink.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">5.</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">yellow</td>
+<td class="tdc">2<sup>a</sup></td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark red</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">yellow.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">6.</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark yellow</td>
+<td class="tdc">3<sup>a</sup></td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">light yellow</td>
+<td class="tdc">—</td>
+<td class="tdl">light yellow.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="plate_IV" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_056.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate IV.</span></p>
+
+Peruvian Textiles.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_39" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_058.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 39. Peruvian embroidery
+    from Ica.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A large cloak from Ica is embroidered with designs representing
+a man with a bow and headdress (fig. <a href="#fig_39">39</a>). The figures are the
+same all over, except that the position and the objects they hold
+alternate right and left. The color scheme, however, varies: there
+are six distinctive types. Considering
+only the colors of coat,
+legs and face we may arrange
+them in the following order:</p>
+
+<table class="pattable wd30">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl"></td>
+<th class="tdl">Coat.</th>
+<th class="tdl">Legs.</th>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">1.</td>
+<td class="tdl">Yellow</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark blue</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">2.</td>
+<td class="tdl">purple</td>
+<td class="tdl">red</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">3.</td>
+<td class="tdl">red dark</td>
+<td class="tdl">blue</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">4.</td>
+<td class="tdl">blue dark</td>
+<td class="tdl">yellow</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">5.</td>
+<td class="tdl">black dark</td>
+<td class="tdl">blue</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">6.</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark blue</td>
+<td class="tdl">black</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+<table class="pattable wd30 p2">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl"></td>
+<th class="tdl">Face, above.</th>
+<th class="tdl">Face, below.</th>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">1.</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark yellow</td>
+<td class="tdl">black</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">2.</td>
+<td class="tdl">yellow</td>
+<td class="tdl">white</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">3.</td>
+<td class="tdl">brown</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark yellow</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">4.</td>
+<td class="tdl">blue</td>
+<td class="tdl">red</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">5.</td>
+<td class="tdl">brown</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark yellow</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">6.</td>
+<td class="tdl">dark yellow</td>
+<td class="tdl">light yellow</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<p>The fifth and sixth type correspond in the rest of their
+color schemes to the third and second types.</p>
+
+<p>The general arrangement of these types is as follows:</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span></p>
+<p class="center mono clearx">
+ 1   2   3   4   1   2   3<i><sup>a</sup></i>  4   1   6   5<i><sup>a</sup></i>  4   1
+ 3   4   1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3   4
+     2   3   4   1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3
+ 4   1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3   4   1
+     3   4   1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3   4
+ 1   2   3   4   1   6<i><sup>b</sup></i>  5   4   1   2   3   4   1   2
+     4   1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3   4   1
+ 2   3   4   1   6   5<i><sup>c</sup></i>  4   1   2<i><sup>b</sup></i>  3<i><sup>c</sup></i>  4   1   2   3
+ 1   2   3   4   1   6   5   4   1   2   3   4   1
+</p>
+
+<p>In the actual arrangement there are apparently three mistakes. In
+the first horizontal line, the two figures marked with the note <i>a</i>
+have been exchanged. In line six and line eight the two figures
+marked with the note <i>b</i> have been transposed and in line eight the
+two figures with the note <i>c</i> have been exchanged. It will be seen
+that when these transpositions have been effected the diagonal lines
+running from the first row down to the left, follow a regular alternation
+of types. Type 6 is clearly related to 2, and type 5 to 3.
+Since in quite a number of woven garments regular diagonal sequences
+may be observed, it seems likely that these were particular
+determinants of the style. There are in all, six different types, but
+if we imagine the lines continued, it would be found that the same
+order will occur after twelve lines. The embroidery does not represent
+a regular six-unit design but is rather a four unit design of
+two distinct types—1 2 3 4 and 1 6 5 4,—in which the former type
+is repeated twice and the latter once.</p>
+
+<p>Similar observations may be made on the fabrics illustrated in
+Reiss and Stübel’s “Necropolis of Ancon”. I have selected a few
+specimens that illustrate the rhythmic repetition of color. Figure 40<a id="FNanchor_34_34" href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>
+represents a band with red background on which are animal figures
+in the following sequence:</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+<i>purple</i>, yellow, <i>green</i>, yellow, <i>white</i>, yellow, <i>green</i>, yellow
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span></p><p class="noindent">in other words a sequence of eight units consisting of one purple
+and one white design interrupted by the symmetrical color sequence
+yellow, green, yellow. The yellow designs are surrounded by a
+heavy black border.</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_34_34" href="#FNanchor_34_34" class="label">[34]</a>
+ Reiss and Stübel, Necropolis of Ancon, p. 67 b, fig. 3.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_40" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_060_40.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 40. Peruvian fabric.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_41" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_060_41.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 41. Peruvian fabric.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In figure 41<a id="FNanchor_35_35" href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> we have another band which consists of diagonal
+patterns framed by red lines except in one place where a black
+frame is found. As on the preceding specimen the black serves to
+separate the red and yellow. The design is the same all through,
+and the order of the elements as follows:</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">
+<span class="pad1">yellow</span>         <span class="pad2">red</span>
+           <span class="pad5">yellow</span>
+ <span class="pad2">brown</span>        <span class="pad3">yellow</span><br>
+     <span class="pad2">black frame</span>    <span class="pad1">black zig-zag</span>
+  <span class="pad1">red frame</span>  <span class="pad1">red zig-zag</span> <span class="pad1"> red frame</span><br>
+<br>
+<span class="pad7">blue-green</span>     <span class="pad2">yellow</span>     <span class="pad2">purple</span><br>
+         <span class="pad9">red zig-zag</span>
+ <span class="pad2">red frame</span>  <span class="pad1">red zig-zag</span>
+</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_35_35" href="#FNanchor_35_35" class="label">[35]</a> Ibid, p. 67, fig. 6.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>In other words the essential sequence is yellow, red, yellow, brown,
+yellow, blue-green, yellow, purple; a series of eight elements.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span></p>
+<figure class="figleft illowp80" id="fig_42" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_061_42.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 42. Peruvian fabric.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In figure 42 we find a border of simple interlocking S shaped designs
+in the order, white, dark blue, light blue, yellow, brown; a series
+of five elements
+which
+are repeated
+regularly.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_43" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_061_43.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 43. Peruvian fabric.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Figure 43
+represents a
+part of a design on a poncho in which, from above downward we
+have a series of six pairs of a fret design in the following arrangement:</p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<ul class="clist">
+<li>green, red</li>
+<li>yellow, blue</li>
+<li>white, purple</li>
+<li>yellow, brown</li>
+<li>light red, black</li>
+</ul>
+</div>
+
+<p class="noindent">the sixth line repeats the
+color sequence of the first.</p>
+
+<p>Figure 44 is a somewhat
+complicated design which is
+not completely shown in the
+section here represented.
+The principle of the pattern
+is illustrated in figure 44<i>b</i>.
+The sequence of color of
+the S shaped head design
+is purple, yellow, green, on
+a red background.</p>
+
+<p>In figure 45 we have a
+decorative band with the
+color sequence yellow, green, yellow, green, light yellow, white,
+yellow, green, yellow; obviously a series of six units. The designs
+on the background of these colors are all in red.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span></p>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_44" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_062_44.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 44. Peruvian fabric.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_45" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_062_45.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 45. Peruvian fabric.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_46" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_062_46.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 46. Peruvian fabric.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span></p><p>In figure 46 a border is shown which has the color arrangement,
+from left to right:</p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<ul class="wd50 clist">
+
+<li>pink—black,</li>
+<li>red—yellow,</li>
+<li>light gray—dark gray,</li>
+<li>black—pink,</li>
+<li>yellow—red,</li>
+<li>dark gray—light gray.</li>
+</ul>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>In this specimen there is a systematic inversion of color values;
+what is light in the first set of three is dark in the second three.
+This tendency is quite marked in a considerable number of cases.
+We have for instance, a series of</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+white, red, yellow;—gray, pink, yellow,
+</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">where the white corresponds to the dark gray and the red to the light pink.</p>
+
+<p>The tendency to this repetition of colors is shown very clearly in
+Mexican codices. For example in the Codex Nuttall, p. 82 (fig. <a href="#fig_47">47</a>),
+we find in the figure in the left hand lower corner a base in which
+stepped triangles are used with the sequence: yellow, red, black,
+yellow, purple, reddish brown. On the same page, the feather fringes
+on the coats of the figures represented are in the same order. Quite
+a number of feather dresses may be found in which the same order
+is preserved, as for instance on page 81 of the same Codex. The
+order in which these colors are given runs sometimes from left
+to right; sometimes from right to left, as for instance in the feather
+dress of the lowest left hand figure, page 81. Sometimes a different
+set of colors is used. On the feather headdress of a figure, page 75,
+we find the order:</p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<ul class="clist">
+
+<li>white, red, yellow, blue, purple, brown,</li>
+<li>white, purple, yellow, blue, red, brown (twice),</li>
+</ul>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="noindent">and the latter order is repeated in figures found on page 67 in the
+left hand lower corner on a base; in reverse order on page 67 on
+a feather coat and also on page 62 in stripes on the figures in the
+lower right hand corner. It seems that in this codex the order of
+colors is quite definitely fixed.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span></p>
+<p>Remarkable rhythmic repetitions are found also on bead work
+from the Zambesi. On quite a number of specimens the following
+order of colors is regularly repeated:</p>
+
+<p><i>Black</i> white red yellow <i>green</i> yellow red white. Or written in
+another way: <i>Green</i> yellow red white <i>black</i> white red yellow.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_47" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_064.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 47. Patterns from Mexican Codex.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>These occur on a belt, a woman’s apron, a necklace, and on two
+mats<a id="FNanchor_36_36" href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>. In a number of places blue is substituted for green, and
+brown for red.</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_36_36" href="#FNanchor_36_36" class="label">[36]</a>
+Muller et
+Snelleman, <span lang="fr">L’industrie des Caffres dans le sud-est de l’Afrique</span>.
+Pl. XIX figs. 3, 5, 7. Pl. XXIV figs. 1, 2.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The rhythmic repetition and symmetry appears most clearly when
+we substitute numbers for colors. I designate</p>
+
+<p class="center">White 1, Red 2, Yellow 3, Brown 3′, Blue 4, Green 4′, Black 5.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span></p>
+<p>According to the description of the belt first mentioned, as given
+by the authors, there is a regular repetition in the following order:</p>
+
+<p class="mono center">
+1 2 3 | <i>4</i> | 3´ 2 1 | <i>5</i> | 1 2 3 | <i>4´</i>| 3 2 1 | <i>5</i> |
+1  2  3 | 4´|
+</p>
+
+<p>The same order is found on the handle of an axe which is decorated
+with colored zig-zag lines<a id="FNanchor_37_37" href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>.</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_37_37" href="#FNanchor_37_37" class="label">[37]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, plate XI, fig. 1.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>On a pouch<a id="FNanchor_38_38" href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> there is a lower field arranged in rows of diamonds,
+followed by a middle field consisting of zig-zag bands, and an upper
+field consisting again of diamonds.</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_38_38" href="#FNanchor_38_38" class="label">[38]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, plate XXIV, fig. 3.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>In this the order is from below upward</p>
+
+<p class="mono center">
+2 1 <i>5</i> 1 2 3 <i>4</i> 3 2 | 4 3 5 1 5 3 5 1 |
+<span class="fs80">diamonds            zig-zags</span>
+2 3 <i>4</i> 3 2
+<span class="fs80">diamonds.</span>
+</p>
+
+<p>Like symmetry, rhythmic repetition runs generally on horizontal
+levels, right and left, although not quite as preponderantly as symmetry.</p>
+
+<p>Piling up of identical or similar forms occurs in nature as often
+as lateral symmetry. Plants with their vertical succession of leaves,
+branches of trees, piles of stones, ranges of mountains rising behind
+one another, may suggest vertical arrangements of similar elements.
+However, much more common are repetitions in horizontal bands;
+of simple arrangements of single strokes in rows; and of complicated
+successions of series of varied figures that recur in regular order
+(fig. <a href="#fig_48">48</a>, Plate <a href="#plate_V">V</a>).</p>
+
+<p>It follows from what has been said before that the forms here
+discussed are not expressive of specific emotional states and in this
+sense significant.</p>
+
+<p>This conclusion may be corroborated by a further examination of
+decorative forms.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="plate_V" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_066.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate V.</span></p>
+
+
+    Kumiss Goblets of the Yakut.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span></p>
+<p>We have already indicated that the artistic value of an object is
+not due to the form alone, but that the method of manufacture
+gives to the surface an artistic quality, either through its smoothness
+or through a patterning that results from the technical processes
+employed. However, the treatment of the surface is not controlled
+solely by technical processes. We may observe that in the art products
+of people the world over other elements occur that are due
+to the attempt to emphasize the form.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_48" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_068.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 48. Pottery vessels: <i>a</i> Finland; <i>b</i> Ica, Peru.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The application of marginal patterns is one of the most common
+methods employed for this purpose. In many cases these are
+technically determined. When, for instance, a woven basket is
+finished off, it is necessary
+to fasten the loose
+strands and this leads
+generally to a change
+of form and surface
+pattern in the rim. The
+strands may be turned
+down, wrapped and
+sewed together, they
+may be braided, or
+woven together and left
+standing as a fringe. In a bark basket the rim must be strengthened
+by a band, to prevent splitting of the bark, and the band and the
+sewing set off the rim from the body. A thin metal disk may have
+to be strengthened by rolling in the outer rim.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_49" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_069.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 49. Birchbark vessels;<span class="nowrap"> <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, Amur River;</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>c</i>, Shuswap;</span>
+   <span class="nowrap"> <i>d</i>, <i>e</i>, Alaska.</span>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The birchbark basketry of western North America and of Siberia
+presents an excellent example of a marginal pattern originating
+through technical necessity and regularity of motor habits. Necessary
+protection of the rim is obtained by sewing on a hoop. The
+grain of the bark runs parallel to the rim and if the stitches were
+all passing through the same grain the whole rim of the basket
+would tear off. It is therefore necessary to make the holding stitches
+of different lengths. This is done in the most effective way by
+beginning with a short stitch which passes through the bark immediately
+under the strengthening hoop, by making the next stitch a
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span>little longer and the following still longer. In this way the distance
+from the first short stitch has become long enough to permit a
+repetition of the new short stitch and by
+continuing in this way a marginal pattern
+of right triangles develops. The same
+result may be attained by alternating a
+few short stitches with a few long ones.
+From this results a different type of
+pattern. The same method is used by the
+Golds of southeastern Siberia (fig. <a href="#fig_49">49</a><a id="FNanchor_39_39" href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>).</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_39_39" href="#FNanchor_39_39" class="label">[39]</a>
+See for a fuller description the remarks by F. Boas in James Teit “The Shuswap”,
+Publications of the Jesup North Pacific expedition,
+ Volume II, page 478-487.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figright illowp40" id="fig_50" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_070.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 50. Pottery vessels; <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>,
+    Chiriqui, Costa Rica; <i>c</i> Ontario.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In woodwork, pottery and in most
+kinds of metal work these technical
+motives are not present. Nevertheless
+marginal patterns are widely distributed,
+although they cannot be explained on
+the basis of technical considerations.
+It would be quite arbitrary to claim
+that all these marginal patterns were
+primarily suggested in those types of
+technique in which a distinctive treatment
+of the margin is a necessity, for
+these are relatively few in number and
+of highly specialized character, while
+rim patterns are well nigh universal.
+It is instructive to observe that in coiled
+pottery the whole body of the vessel
+is generally polished off and that sometimes
+the impressions of the modelling
+fingers are left on the rim. There is
+no technical, compelling reason that
+requires this mode of treatment, but it
+is intelligible as an attempt to emphasize the form. Examples of
+this mode of treatment are very numerous. Rows of small pellets,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span>moulded rims or incised lines along the rim of pots (fig. <a href="#fig_50">50</a>), small
+marginal curves along the rim of bronze disks, lines accompanying
+the rims of flat dishes and spoons such as are used by the Alaskan
+Eskimo, incised lines on the rim of a soapstone pot of the Hudson
+Bay Eskimo, and on their ivory combs (fig. <a href="#fig_51">51</a>), the spur line
+decoration of all the Eskimo tribes (see fig. <a href="#fig_78">78</a>, p. 86), the jutting
+out of the rims of dishes
+from Oceania, or on pots
+from ancient Europe are of
+this kind. As F. Adama van
+Scheltema has justly pointed
+out, we cannot reduce
+this world-wide tendency
+to any other ultimate cause
+than to a feeling for form,
+in other words, to an esthetic
+impulse that prompts man
+to emphasize the form of
+the object that he has made.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_51" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_071.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 51. <i>a</i>, Part of soapstone kettle;
+    <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, Ivory combs, Eskimo.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In a number of cases the
+form is not so much accentuated
+as rather set off,
+closed in and separated from
+the surrounding space by a
+formal limitation, a marginal
+line, thickening of the rim
+or a sharp crest, by which means the individualization of the object is
+attained. Quite often these limiting bands develop into decorative
+fields and serve the double purpose of limitation and of decoration.
+They may attain an individuality of their own.</p>
+
+<p>When the surface itself is decorated, these lines or ornamental
+bands serve the additional purpose of limiting and closing the decorative
+field. Examples of this kind are very numerous. We find
+them in borders of our rugs, in architectural decoration, when the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span>corners and roof lines of a building are formed by ornamental stone
+work, in book binding,—in short in practically all forms of modern
+decorative art, but no less in primitive art. Blankets of the Alaskan
+Indians (see figs. <a href="#fig_269">269</a> et seq., pp. 259 et seq.), bronze work of ancient
+Scandinavia, prehistoric pottery of Europe and of Central America,
+gable boards of New Zealand houses, belts from New Guinea,
+baskets from British Guinea
+(fig. <a href="#fig_81">81</a>, p. 90) and wooden
+cups from the Congo region
+illustrate this tendency
+(fig. <a href="#fig_52">52</a>).</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_52" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_072.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 52. Wood carving, Bambala, Congo.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>There are, however, many
+cases in which the decoration
+is so closely adapted to
+the form of the object that
+the stimulus for developing
+a closing outline is not felt.
+The decoration of the field
+appears as a picture fitted
+into the object. In still
+other cases the smooth,
+undecorated marginal field
+serves as a border setting
+off the central ornamented area. In basketry with radial decoration,
+we find often a lack of border designs and a tendency to let the
+ornament run right up to the rim where it seems cut off.</p>
+
+<p>Another characteristic trait of decorative art must be mentioned.
+Not only is the general form emphasized and limited, but its
+natural divisions are determining elements in the application of decorative
+patterns and bring it about that the decoration is arranged in
+distinct fields. This is very apparent in pottery in which a neck is
+set off from a body or in which the body is divided by a sharp
+angle into an upper and a lower part. Such types are found in
+prehistoric European art as well as in America (fig. <a href="#fig_53_54_55">53</a>).</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span></p>
+<p>On pouches of American Indians (fig. <a href="#fig_53_54_55">54</a>) body and flap are treated as
+separate units. In moccasins, the uppers form a field separate from the
+rim (fig. <a href="#fig_53_54_55">55</a>). In clothing, the patterns on collars, pockets or sleeves
+are often considered as separate units. Wissler has called attention
+to the influence of the structure of garments upon their decoration<a id="FNanchor_40_40" href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>.</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_40_40" href="#FNanchor_40_40" class="label">[40]</a>
+ Clark Wissler, Structural Basis to the Decoration of Costumes among the
+Plains Indians, Anthrop. Papers Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. 17, pp. 93 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_53_54_55" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_073.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd40">Fig. 53. Pottery vessel, Molkenberg type, Megalithic period.</td>
+<td class="tdc wd30">Fig. 54. Pouch, Arapaho.</td>
+<td class="tdc wd30">Fig. 55. Embroidered moccasin, Apache.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The tripartite division of the decorative field of Alaskan woven
+blankets is determined by the position of the blanket. The wider
+middle field is on the back of the wearer, the narrower, lateral
+fields are in front of the body (see figs. <a href="#fig_269">269</a>
+ et seq., pp. 259 et seq.).</p>
+
+<p>In garments made of single pieces of fabric, or in sewed basketry
+(fig. <a href="#fig_56">56</a>) we find the seams sometimes decorated so that the
+seam becomes a decorative element. In other cases seams are
+accompanied by decorative bands. In leggings and shirts of American
+Indians the seams are often emphasized by the attachment of fringes.</p>
+
+<p>In other objects prominent places are elaborated by the addition
+of decorative elements.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_56" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_074_56.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 56. Birchbark vessels; <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, Eastern Indians; <i>d</i>, Koryak.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp50" id="fig_57" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_074_57.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 57. Pottery vessel, Arkansas.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span></p>
+<p>In clay pots, the handles are so treated (fig. <a href="#fig_57">57</a>). On shields the
+central knob becomes an object of decoration. The handles of canes or
+other knob-like terminations are often elaborated as decorative elements.</p>
+
+<p>Sometimes fields without natural breaks, such as wall surfaces, are
+treated as units. Examples of this kind are our modern wall papers, or
+the painted walls of ancient Egyptian buildings. Often the tendency to
+break up the decorative field is so strong, that even where a natural
+division is not given it may be broken up into smaller parts. We may
+notice particularly that the marginal lines which emphasize or limit
+the form, develop exuberantly and thus encroach more and more upon the
+body of the object. In baskets from the interior of British Columbia
+the marginal pattern has grown to such an extent that it occupies the
+whole upper half or even more of the basket and is itself subdivided
+into a number of fields that follow the outline of the margin (fig.
+<a href="#fig_58">58</a>). Similar conditions are found on the margins of blankets of the New
+Zealanders (see Plate <a href="#plate_VIII">VIII</a>, p. 182) and on the bronze work of ancient
+Scandinavia.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_58" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_075.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 58. Imbricated basket, Chilcotin,
+    British Columbia.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Thus we reach the conclusion that a number of purely formal
+elements, some of which are more or less closely connected with
+technical motives, others with physiological conditions of the body
+and still others with the general character of sense experience are
+determinants of ornamental art. From this we conclude that a
+fundamental, esthetic, formal interest is essential; and also that art,
+in its simple forms, is not necessarily expressive of purposive action,
+but is rather based upon our reactions to forms that develop through
+mastery of technique. The same elements play also an important
+role in highly developed art forms. If it is true that these elements
+are in part not purposive, then it must be admitted that our relation
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span>to them is not essentially different from those we have towards
+esthetically valuable phenomena of nature. The formal interest is
+directly due to the impression derived from the form. It is not
+expressive in the sense that it conveys a definite meaning or expresses
+an esthetic emotion.</p>
+
+<p>It might be thought that this condition prevails only in the domain
+of decorative art, and that representative art, dance, music, and
+poetry must always be expressive. This is to a great extent true
+so far as representative art is concerned, for the term itself implies
+that the art product represents a thought or an idea. It is also
+necessarily true in poetry, in so far as its materials are words that
+convey ideas. Nevertheless a formal element may be recognized
+in these also, a form element quite analogous to the one we found
+in decorative art. It determines certain aspects of the characteristic
+style. So far as representative art is ornamental, the formal principles
+of decorative art enter into the composition and influence the
+representative form. In dance, music and poetry, rhythm and
+thematic forms follow stylistic principles that are not necessarily
+expressive but that have objectively an esthetic value. We shall
+discuss these questions more fully at another place<a id="FNanchor_41_41" href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_41_41" href="#FNanchor_41_41" class="label">[41]</a>
+See p. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="REPRESENTATIVE_ART">REPRESENTATIVE ART</h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap">While the formal elements which we have previously discussed
+are fundamentally void of definite meaning, conditions are quite
+different in representative art. The term itself implies that the work
+does not affect us by its form alone, but also, sometimes even
+primarily, by its content. The combination of form and content
+gives to representative art an emotional value entirely apart from
+the purely formal esthetic effect.</p>
+
+<p>If has been customary to begin the discussion of representative
+art with a consideration of the simple attempts of primitive people
+or of children to draw objects that interest them. I believe that
+the art problem is obscured by this procedure. The mere attempt
+to represent something, perhaps to communicate an idea graphically,
+cannot be claimed to be an art; just as little as the spoken word
+or the gesture by means of which an idea is communicated, or an
+object,—perhaps a spear, a shield or a box,—in which an idea of
+usefulness is incorporated, is in itself a work of art. It is likely
+that an artistic concept may sometimes be present in the mind of
+the maker or speaker, but is becomes a work of art only when it is
+technically perfect, or when it shows striving after a formal pattern.
+Gestures that have rhythmical structure, words that have rhythmic and
+tonal beauty are works of art; the implement of perfect form lays claim
+to beauty; and the graphic or sculptural representation has an esthetic,
+an artistic value, when the technique of representation has been
+mastered. When a tyro attempts to create a work of art, we may
+recognize and study the impulse, but the finished product teaches only
+his vain efforts to master a difficult task. When man is confronted
+with a new problem like the building of a house of new, unfamiliar
+material, he is apt to find a solution, but this achievement is not art,
+it is a work adapted to a practical end. It may be that the solution
+is intuitive, that is, that it has not been found by an intellectual process,
+but after having been solved it is subject to a rational explanation.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span></p>
+<p>Just so when man has to represent an object, he is confronted with a
+problem that demands a solution. The first solution is not an artistic
+but a practical achievement. We are dealing with a work of art only
+when the solution is endowed with formal beauty or strives for it.
+The artistic work begins after the technical problem has been mastered.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_59" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_078.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 59 <i>a</i>. Embroidery, Huichol Indians,
+    Mexico.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>When primitive man is given a pencil and paper and asked to
+draw an object in nature, he has to use tools unfamiliar to him, and
+a technique that he has never tried. He must break away from
+his ordinary methods of work
+and solve a new problem. The
+result cannot be a work of art,—except
+perhaps under very
+unusual circumstances. Just like
+the child, the would-be artist is
+confronted with a task for which
+he lacks technical preparation,
+and many of the difficulties that
+beset the child beset him also.
+Hence the apparent similarity
+between children’s drawings and
+those of primitive man. The attempt of both are made in similar
+situations. A most characteristic case of this kind was told to me
+by Mr. Birket-Smith. He asked an Eskimo of Iglulik to draw with
+a pencil on a piece of paper a walrus hunt. The native was unable
+to accomplish this task and after several attempts he took a
+walrus tusk and carved the whole scene in ivory, a technique
+with which he was familiar.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_59_60" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_079.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd40">Fig. 59 <i>b</i>. Embroidery, Huichol Indians, Mexico.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 60. Decorated fishskin garment, Amur River.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The contrast between representation for the sake of representation
+and representation as a work of art appears clearly in many cases.
+I select a few examples. The Indians of the mountains of northwestern
+Mexico wear beautifully embroidered or woven clothing, the
+designs of which are largely based on Spanish motives. Heraldic
+patterns and isolated animal figures combined with geometrical forms
+are the constituent elements (fig. <a href="#fig_59">59</a> <i>a</i>). Besides these embroidered
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span>and woven fabrics, which are of excellent workmanship, we find
+small embroidered rags (fig. <a href="#fig_59">59</a> <i>b</i>), which are attached to arrows and
+serve the purpose of representing a prayer to a deity. A roughly
+outlined figure of a child expresses a prayer for the health of the
+child; that of a deer, a prayer for success in hunting. The arrows
+with the attached rags are stuck into the thatched roof of a temple
+where they are allowed to decay. They are not intended as works
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span>of art but only as representations that serve a temporary purpose;
+hence the disregard of form and of exactness of workmanship.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="plate_VI" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_080.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate VI.</span></p>
+
+
+    Shaman’s Dress, Amur River.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Quite similar observations may be made on the clothing of the
+Amur tribes. The skin clothing worn by the people, particularly on
+festive occasions, is beautifully ornamented in appliqué, or by painting.
+The ornaments are in part geometrical, in part representative. Figures
+of birds and fish abound (fig. <a href="#fig_59_60">60</a>). On the other hand the painted
+dresses of shamans are roughly executed (Plate <a href="#plate_VI">VI</a>). They represent
+mythological concepts and have a value solely on account of their
+meaning. The interest does not center in the form. As compared
+to wearing apparel they are crudely done, for the beauty of execution
+is of minor importance.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_61" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_082.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 61. Upper row, pictographs of Ojibwa Indians; lower row, of Dakota Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A third example is found among the North American Indians of
+the Great Plains. Their representative art, in the strict sense of the
+term, is almost entirely confined to a crude form of picture writing.
+They have not developed a high technique of painting and the forms
+of horses, men, buffaloes and tents are merely reminders of incidents
+in the life of the people. The figures (fig. <a href="#fig_61">61</a>) are in no way ornamental
+and bear no relation to the object on which they are depicted.
+They are made for the purpose of representation only. They are
+not art in the rigid sense of the term. Judging from the character
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span>of the figures and their use we may safely say that the artistic interest
+is entirely absent. We may even apply this observation to
+the picture writing of the ancient Mexicans (fig. <a href="#fig_62">62</a>), which, as compared
+to their sculpture, is of inferior value. The importance of
+communicating ideas outweighs the artistic interest. We shall see
+later on that nevertheless there
+is a definite relation between
+artistic style and the forms of
+inartistic painting (see p. <a href="#Page_164">164</a>).</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_62" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_083.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 62. Mexican painting from Codex
+    Borbonicus.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Incidentally it may be remarked
+here that the difference
+in interest sometimes leads to
+contrasting art styles, provided
+the representative work is also
+executed in a perfectly controlled
+technique. Thus the Northwest
+Americans who have a
+very characteristic style of art
+sometimes make carvings that
+are intended to deceive by their
+realism. In one of their ceremonies
+a person is apparently
+decapitated and after the decapitation
+the head is shown
+held by the hair. This head is
+carved in wood and done with
+great care in a most realistic fashion. It is entirely free of the
+stylistic characteristics of Northwest coast carving and painting
+(see fig. <a href="#fig_156">156</a>, p. 185).</p>
+
+<p>We revert now to a consideration of the simple, crude representative
+drawings. The most important inference that may be drawn
+from the study of such representations, graphic as well as plastic, is
+that the problem of representation is first of all solved by the use
+of symbolic forms. There is no attempt at accurate delineation.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span>Neither primitive man nor the child believes that the design or the
+figure he produces is actually an accurate picture of the object to
+be represented. A round knob on an elongated cylinder may represent
+head and body; two pairs of thin, straight strips of rounded
+cross section, arms and legs; or
+in a drawing a circle over a rectangle
+may suggest head and body;
+straight lines, arms and legs;
+short diverging lines at the ends
+of arms and legs, hand and feet.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_63" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_084.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 63. <i>a</i>, Carved figure, Philippine Islands;
+    <i>b</i>, Marble figure representing
+    harpist, Thera.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The break between symbolic
+representation and realism may
+occur in one of two ways. The
+artist may endeavor to render the
+form of the object to be represented
+in forceful outline and
+subordinate all consideration of
+detail under the concept of the
+mass as a whole. He may even
+discard all details and cover the
+form with more or less fanciful
+decoration without losing the effect
+of realism of the general
+outline and of the distribution
+of surfaces and of masses. On
+the other hand, he may endeavor
+to give a realistic representation
+of details and his work may consist of an assembly of these,
+with little regard to the form as a whole.</p>
+
+<p>An excellent example of the former method is the Filipino wood
+carving, fig. <a href="#fig_63">63</a> <i>a</i>. Head and chest show the concentration of the
+artist upon the delimiting surfaces and an utter disregard of detail.
+The same method is used in the figure of a harpist belonging to the
+ancient art of the Cyclades (fig. <a href="#fig_63">63</a> <i>b</i>).</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span></p>
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_64_65">64</a>, an African mask, the surfaces of forehead, eyes, cheeks
+and nose are the determinants of the form which has been treated
+decoratively with the greatest freedom. There are no ears; the eyes
+are slits with geometrical ornaments; the mouth a circle enclosing
+a cross. In fig. 65, representing a painted carving from New Guinea,
+the outline of the face, emphasized by the hair line, eyes, and mouth, is
+easily recognized, but all the other parts are treated purely decoratively.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_64_65" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_085.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd55">Fig. 64. Wooden mask, Urua, Congo.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 65. Carved board, Papua Gulf, New Guinea.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+
+<p>The opposite method is found, for instance, in Egyptian paintings
+and reliefs in which eyes, nose, hands, and feet are shown with a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span>fair degree of realism, but composed in ways that distort the natural
+form and which are perspectively impossible (fig. <a href="#fig_66">66</a>). A still better
+example is the drawing, fig. <a href="#fig_67">67</a>, an attempt of one of the best Haida
+artists from Northern British Columbia to illustrate the story of an
+eagle carrying away a woman. The face of the woman is evidently
+intended as a three-quarter view. Facial
+painting will be noticed on the left
+cheek; the left ear only is shown as
+seen in profile; the mouth with teeth
+is placed under the nose in mixed full
+profile and front view, and has been
+moved to the right side of the face. In the lower lip is a large
+labret shown <i lang="la">en face</i>, for only in this view was the artist able to
+show the labret with its characteristic oval surface. The nose seems
+to be drawn in profile although the nostrils appear <i lang="la">en face</i>.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp40" id="fig_66" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_086_66.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 66.
+
+    Egyptian painting.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_67" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_086_67.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 67. Haida drawing representing eagle
+    carrying away a woman.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In a graphic representation of objects one of two points of view
+may be taken: it may be considered as essential that all the characteristic
+features be shown, or the object may be drawn as it appears
+at any given moment. In the former case our attention is directed
+primarily towards those permanent traits that are most striking and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span>by which we recognize the object, while others that are not characteristic,
+or at least less characteristic, are considered as irrelevant.
+In the latter case we are interested solely in the visual picture that
+we receive at any given moment, and the salient features of which
+attract our attention.</p>
+
+<p>This method is more realistic than the other only if we claim that
+the essence of realism is the reproduction of a single momentary
+visual image and if the selection of what appears a salient feature
+to us is given a paramount value.</p>
+
+<p>In sculpture or modelling in the round these problems do not
+appear in the same form. Here also attention may be directed
+primarily towards the representation of the essential, and the same
+principles of selection may appear that are found in graphic art, but
+the arrangement of the parts does not offer the same difficulties that
+are always present in graphic representation. As soon as man is
+confronted with the problem of representing a three-dimensional
+object on a two-dimensional surface and showing in a single, permanent
+position an object that changes its visual appearance from
+time to time, he must make a choice between these two methods.
+It is easily intelligible that a profile view of an animal in which only
+one eye is seen and in which one whole side disappears may not
+satisfy as a realistic representation. The animal <em>has two</em> eyes and
+<em>two</em> sides. When it turns I see the other side; it exists and should
+be part of a satisfying picture. In a front view the animal appears
+foreshortened. The tail is invisible and so are the flanks; but the
+animal has tail and flanks and they ought to be there. We are
+confronted with the same problem in our representations of maps of
+the whole world. In a map on Mercator projection, or in our
+planiglobes, we distort the surface of the globe in such a way that
+all parts are visible. We are interested only in showing, in a manner
+as satisfactory as possible, the interrelations between the parts of the
+globe. We combine in one picture aspects that could never be seen
+at one glance. The same is true in orthogonal architectural drawings,
+particularly when two adjoining views taken at right angles to each
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span>other, are brought into contact, or in copies of designs in which the
+scenes or designs depicted on a cylinder, a vase, or a spherical pot
+are developed on a flat surface in order to show at a single glance
+the interrelations of the decorative forms. In drawings of objects
+for scientific study we may also sometime adopt a similar view-point,
+and in order to elucidate important relations, draw as though we
+were able to look around the corner or through the object. Different
+moments are represented in diagrams in which mechanical movements
+are illustrated and in which, in order to explain the operation
+of a device, various positions of moving parts are shown.</p>
+
+<p>In primitive art both solutions have been attempted: the perspective
+as well as that showing the essential parts in combination. Since
+the essential parts are symbols of the object, we may call this method
+the symbolic one. I repeat that in the symbolic method those
+features are represented that are considered as permanent and
+essential, and that there is no attempt on the part of the draftsman
+to confine himself to a reproduction of what he actually sees at a
+given moment.</p>
+
+<p>It is easy to show that these points of view are not by any means
+absent in European art. The combination of different moments in
+one painting appears commonly in earlier art,—for instance when
+in Michel Angelo’s painting Adam and Eve appear on one side of
+the tree of knowledge in Paradise and on the other side of the tree
+as being driven out by the angel. As a matter of fact, every large
+canvass contains a combination of distinct views. When we direct
+our eyes upon a scene we see only a small limited area distinctly,
+the points farther away appear the more blurred and indistinct the
+farther removed they are from the center. Nevertheless most of
+the older paintings of large scenes represent all parts with equal
+distinctness, as they appear to our eyes when they wander about
+and take in all the different parts one by one. Rembrandt forced
+the attention of the spectator upon his main figures by strong lights,
+as upon the swords in the great scene of the conspiracy of Claudius
+Civilis and his Batavians against the Romans, but the distant figures
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span>are distinct in outline, although in dark colors. On the other hand,
+Hodler, in his painting of a duel draws compelling attention to the
+points of the swords which are painted in sharp outline while everything
+else is the more indistinct the farther removed it is from
+the point on which the interest of the artist centers.</p>
+
+<p>Traits considered as permanent characteristics play a rôle even in
+modern art. Until very recent times the complexion of man was
+conceived as essentially permanent. At least the strong changes that
+actually occur in different positions have not been painted until very
+recent times. A person of fair complexion standing between a green
+bush and a red brick wall has certainly a face green on one side
+and red on the other, and if the sun shines on his forehead it may
+be at times intensely yellow. Still we are, or at least were, not
+accustomed to depict these eminently realistic traits. We rather concentrate
+our attention upon what is permanent in the individual complexion
+as seen in ordinary diffuse daylight. We are accustomed to
+see the accidental momentary lights weakened in favor of the permanent
+impression.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_68" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_090.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 68. Egyptian drawings; above: bowl
+    and pitcher; below: sleeping person
+    covered by blanket.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In primitive, symbolic representations these permanent traits appear
+in the same way, sometimes strongly emphasized. It will be readily
+seen that children’s drawings are essentially of the character here
+described. They are not memory images, as Wundt claims, except
+in so far as the symbols are remembered and reminders, but compositions
+of what to the child’s mind appears essential, perhaps also
+as feasible. A person has two eyes which have their most characteristic
+form in front view, a prominent nose which is most striking
+in profile; hands with fingers which are best seen when the palms
+are turned forward; feet the form of which is clear only in profile.
+The body is essential and so is the clothing, hence the so-called
+Röntgen pictures in which covered parts are drawn. These drawings
+are a collection of symbols held together more or less satisfactorily
+by a general outline, although single traits may be misplaced. The
+same traits prevail commonly in primitive drawings. When Karl von
+den Steinen had the South American Indians draw a white man, they
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span>placed the moustache as a characteristic symbol on the forehead,
+for it sufficed to place it as a symbol on the most available space.
+The Egyptian paintings with their mixture of profile and front views
+and transparent objects through which hidden parts may be seen
+(fig. <a href="#fig_68">68</a>) must be viewed in the same manner. They are not by any
+means proof of an inability to see and draw perspectively; they
+merely show that the interest of the people centered in the full representation
+of the symbols.</p>
+
+<p>When exceptionally great weight
+is attached to the symbol, so that
+it entirely outweighs the interest in
+the outline, the general form may
+be dwarfed and forms originate that,
+from our perspective point of view,
+lose all semblance of realism. The
+most characteristic case of this kind
+is found in the art of the Northwest
+coast of America, in which the whole
+animal form is reduced to an assembly
+of disconnected symbols. A
+beaver is adequately represented by
+a large head with two pairs of large
+incisors and a squamous tail (see pp. <a href="#Page_186">186</a> et seq.). However, in this
+case we are no longer dealing with crude representations, but with
+a highly developed art. Its form proves that in its development
+symbolic representation has been of fundamental importance.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_69" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_091_69.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 69. Eskimo etching on walrus tusk, Alaska.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+
+<p>The second form of representation is by means of perspective
+drawing, in which the momentary visual impression regardless of
+the presence or absence of characteristic symbols, is utilized. This
+method is not by any means absent in the drawings of primitive man
+as well as in those of children, but it is not as common as symbolic
+representation. In a way most crude symbolic forms contain a perspective
+element, although it does not extend over the whole figure,
+but only over parts which are more or less skilfully put together,
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span>so that a semblance of the general outline is maintained. This is
+the case in Egyptian paintings, in those of Australians and in North
+American picture writing (see figs. <a href="#fig_61">61</a>, <a href="#fig_62">62</a>). In other cases the art
+of perspective drawing rises to real excellence. The silhouettes of
+the Eskimo may be mentioned as a case in point (fig. <a href="#fig_69">69</a>). Their
+figures are always small, scratched into ivory, antler or bone, and
+filled with hachure or with black pigment. Form and pose are well-done.
+Although there is generally no perspective arrangement of
+groups, each figure is well executed and renders a single visual impression.
+We find perspective of groups in the rock paintings of
+South Africa (fig. <a href="#fig_70">70</a>), not perfect, but indicated by the overcutting
+of figures and by the relative sizes of objects near by and of those
+seen at a distance. Perspective realism of single figures is even
+more fully developed in the paintings of later paleolithic man, found
+in the caves of southern France and of Spain (fig. <a href="#fig_71">71</a>). Less skilful
+efforts at perspective representation are not rare. On mattings from
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span>the Congo region, on basketry hats from Vancouver Island (fig. <a href="#fig_72">72</a>)
+rather clumsy attempts have been made. In those from the former
+region there are animals in profile in the latter whaling scenes: men
+going out in a canoe and hauling in a harpooned whale.</p>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_70" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_091_70.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 70. Bushman rock paintings.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Much more common are carvings in wood, bone or stone, or
+pottery objects that are not symbolic but true to nature. Ivory carvings
+of the Eskimo, Chukchee and Koryak (fig. <a href="#fig_73">73</a>), prehistoric carvings,
+pottery from North America are examples.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_71" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_092.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 71. Paleolithic painting representing bison.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp40" id="fig_72" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_093.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 72. Hat of the Nootka Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>As stated before, a sharp line between the two methods of graphic
+representation cannot be drawn. In most cases symbolic representations
+are at least in part perspective, either
+in so far as the general form is maintained,
+or as parts are shown in perspective form;
+while perspective representations may
+contain symbolic elements. When the
+Pueblo Indian paints the form of a deer
+with a fair degree of perspective accuracy
+(see fig. <a href="#fig_142">142</a>, p. 167), but adds to it a
+line running from the mouth to the heart
+as an essential symbol of life; or when
+the symbols are arranged with a fair
+degree of correspondence to perspective order we have forms in
+which both tendencies may be observed. Indeed, some degree of
+conventional symbolism is found in every drawing or painting, the
+more so, the more sketchy it is; in other words, the more the
+representation is confined to salient traits. This is particularly true
+in all forms of caricature.</p>
+
+<p>If representative art did develop into absolute realism, stereoscopic
+color photography would be the highest type of art, but this is
+obviously not the case. Setting aside the emotional appeal of the
+object itself, an accurate copy of a natural object, such as a glass
+flower, a painted carving, an imitation of natural sounds or a pantomime
+may attain an intense emotional appeal, they may excite our
+admiration on account of the skill of execution; their artistic value
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span>will always depend upon the presence of a formal element that is
+not identical with the form found in nature.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_73" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_094.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 73. Koryak carvings.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Stress must be laid upon the distinctive points of view from which
+the two methods of graphic representation develop, because the
+development of perspective drawing is often represented as growing
+out of the cruder symbolic method. As a matter of fact the two
+have distinct psychological sources which remain active in the early,
+as well as in the late history of art. Vierkandt<a id="FNanchor_42_42" href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> designates the
+various methods of representation as suggestive (andeutend), descriptive
+(beschreibend), and perspective (anschaulich). Of these the
+former two correspond to what I have called here symbolic. They
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span>differ only in the more or less fragmentary character of the symbols.
+The perspective type does not develop from the former two as the
+result of an evolution; it is based on a distinct mental attitude, the
+early presence of which is manifested by the realistic, perspective
+paintings of a number of primitive tribes.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_42_42" href="#FNanchor_42_42" class="label">[42]</a>
+<span lang="de">Das Zeichnen der Naturvölker, Zeitschrift für angewandte Psychologie</span>, Vol. 6,
+(1912), pp. 347 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The theory of a continuous development from symbolic to realistic
+art is one of the numerous attempts to prove a continuous development
+of cultural forms, a steady, unbroken evolution. This view-point
+has had a deep influence upon the whole theory of ethnology.
+Evolution, meaning the continuous change of thought and action, or
+historic continuity, must be accepted unreservedly. It is otherwise,
+when it is conceived as meaning the universally valid continuous
+development of one cultural form out of a preceding type, such as
+the assumed development of economic forms from food gathering
+through herding to agriculture. In past times these three stages were
+assumed to be characteristic of all human development, until it was
+recognized that there is no connection between the invention of
+agriculture and the domestication of animals,—the former developed
+through the occupation of woman who gathered the vegetable food
+supply, the latter through the devotion of men to the chase. The
+men had no occasion to become familiar with the handling of plants,
+and the women had just as little opportunity of dealing with animals.
+The development of agriculture and of herding can, therefore, not
+possibly be derived from the same sources.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp30" id="fig_74" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_096.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 74. Bronze casting, Benin.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>It is no less arbitrary to assume that social forms must have
+developed in regular universally valid sequence, one certain stage
+always being based on the same preceding one in all parts of the
+world. There is no evidence that would compel us to assume that
+matrilineal organizations always preceded patrilineal or bilateral ones.
+On the contrary, it seems much more likely that the life of hunters
+in single family units, or that of larger groups in more fertile areas
+has led to entirely different results. We may expect continuous evolution
+only in those cases in which the social and psychological conditions
+are continuous.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span></p>
+<p>After this brief excurse, let us revert to our subject. Representations
+become works of art only when the technique of their
+manufacture is perfectly controlled, at least by a number of individuals;
+in other words, when they are executed by one of the
+processes, that are industrially in common
+use. Where carving is practiced, we may
+expect artistic form in carvings; where
+painting, pottery, or metal work prevail,
+artistic form is found in the products of
+those industries in which the highest degree
+of technical skill is attained. The Eskimo
+carves in ivory, antler or bone, of which
+he makes his harpoons and many other
+utensils; his best representative work is
+made with the knife and consists of small
+carvings and etchings in which he applies
+the same methods that he employs every
+day. The New Zealander carves in wood,
+makes delicate stonework, and paints; his
+best representative work is made by these
+methods. Metal work and ivory carvings
+from Benin (fig. <a href="#fig_74">74</a>), headmasks from the
+Cameroons (fig. <a href="#fig_75_76">75</a>, p. 82), wood carvings
+from the Northwest coast of America (see
+figs. <a href="#fig_154_155">154</a>-<a href="#fig_156">156</a>, pp. 184, 185), pottery from
+Peru, from the Yoruba country (fig. <a href="#fig_75_76">76</a>, p. 82),
+Central America and Arkansas (fig. <a href="#fig_77">77</a>, p. 85),
+basketry of the Pima, embroideries (see
+fig. <a href="#fig_39">39</a>, p. 47) and woven fabrics of the Peruvians are other examples.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_75_76" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_097.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 75. Headmask, Cross River, Cameroon.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 76. Terra cotta head from Ife, Yoruba country.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Since representations that are intended to have artistic value are
+made in the most highly developed technique it is not surprising
+that the formal style of the technique gains an influence over the
+form of the representation. The angular lines of weaving with
+coarse materials and the steplike forms of diagonals which are
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span>determined by this technique impress themselves often upon representations
+and become part and parcel of a local style. There
+develops an intimate relation between the formal and representative
+elements that brings it about that representation receives a formal
+value entirely apart from its significance. The deeper the influence
+of the formal, decorative element upon the method of representation,
+the more probable it becomes that formal elements attain an
+emotional value. An association between these two forms of art is
+established which leads, on the one hand to the conventionalization
+of representative design, on the other to the imputation of significance
+into formal elements. It is quite arbitrary to assume a one-sided
+development from the representative to the formal or <i>vice
+versa</i>, or even to speak of a gradual transformation of a representative
+form into a conventional one, because the artistic presentation
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span>itself can proceed only on the basis of the technically developed
+forms. At another place we shall discuss this subject more fully
+(see pp. <a href="#Page_118">118</a> et seq.).</p>
+
+<p>In all aspects of life may be observed the controlling influence of
+pattern, that is of some typical form of behaviour. As we think in
+a pattern of objective, material causality, primitive man thinks in a
+pattern in which subjective causality is an important element. As
+our personal relations to blood relatives are determined by the
+pattern of our family, so the corresponding relations in other societies
+are governed by their social patterns. The interpretation of the
+pattern may change, but its form is apt to continue over long periods.</p>
+
+<p>The same stability of pattern may be observed in the art products
+of man. When a definite type has once been established, it exerts
+a compelling influence over new artistic attempts. When its control
+continues over a long period it may happen that representations
+are cast in an iron mould and that the most diverse subjects take
+similar forms. It appears then as though the old pattern had been
+misunderstood and new forms had developed from it. Thus, according
+to Von den Steinen, the figurines on carvings from the Marquesas,
+which originally represented two figures back to back, have determined
+the type of entirely new representations, or, as he prefers
+to put it, they have been misunderstood and developed in new ways.
+I do not doubt that in some cases this process of misinterpretation
+occurs, but it is not the one that interests us at this place. Striking
+examples of the overmastering influence of a pattern may be found
+in many parts of the world. The style of the Northwest coast of
+America is so rigid that all animal figures represented on plain surfaces
+are cast in the same mould (see pp. <a href="#Page_185">185</a> et seq.); the overwhelming
+frequency of the spiral in New Zealand is another example;
+the interwoven animal figures of early medieval Germanic art; the
+angular patterns of the North American Indians (see p. <a href="#Page_176">176</a>); all
+these illustrate the same condition. In an art, the technique of which
+does not admit the use of curved lines and in which decorative
+patterns have developed, there is no room for curved lines, and the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span>curved outlines of objects are broken up into angular forms. The
+patterns, or as we usually say, the style, dominates the formal as
+well as the representative art.</p>
+
+<p>However, the style is not by any means completely determined
+by the general formal tendencies which we have discussed, nor by
+the relations between these elements and the decorative field, but it
+depends upon many other conditions.</p>
+
+<p>One more point must be discussed here. Attention has been
+called to the apparent absence of purely formal elements in the art
+of those tribes that are from an economical and industrial point of
+view most primitive, namely the modern Bushmen of South Africa,
+the Eskimo of Arctic North America, the Australians, and in remote
+times, the paleolithic hunters. The statement is not quite correct,
+as has already been pointed out by Vierkandt, because other tribes
+that live on the same industrial level, do not share these characteristics;
+particularly the Veddah and the Andaman Islanders. Furthermore,
+it is not by any means certain that the South African rock
+sculptures were made by the Bushmen. It seems fairly certain
+that the best ones of those recorded were made in early times and
+that the living Bushmen know little about their origin. In the South
+African paintings and petroglyphs and in the art works of the other
+tribes mentioned before, we find a highly developed realistic art
+which exhibits an astonishing truth of perspective perception, in rest
+as well as in motion. Verworn has based on this observation a
+distinction of what he calls the physioplastic and ideoplastic art; the
+former containing truthful, momentary visual images, the latter representing
+nature remodeled by thought and therefore, in a conventional
+style.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_77" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_100.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 77. Pottery head from Arkansas.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>I do not believe that the assignment of these styles to distinct
+levels of culture is tenable, for physioplastic representations are not
+by any means confined to the tribes of simplest economic structure,
+nor, as indicated just now, are they common to all of them. We
+must avoid in these matters, as well as in all other ethnic questions,
+treating tribes too much as standardized units. Individual variation
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span>in physical appearance as well as in mental life is as important in
+primitive society as in our own. There are artists and craftsmen
+in all forms of society, as there are believers and unbelievers; there
+are creative artists who rise above the level of the skilful artisan
+and tradesmen who are satisfied with a slavish, though accurate
+adhesion to existing patterns.
+Where representative art has
+fallen under the rigid control
+of technique, there is little opportunity
+for the development
+of a naturalistic style; where
+the technique is free, there we
+may also expect free forms.
+This condition is realized in
+two ways, namely, in those
+cases in which representative
+art is not enslaved by a one-sided
+technique, and under
+conditions in which a high
+degree of freedom in the use of
+a variety of technical processes
+has been attained. A study of
+the whole range of art products
+shows that where a technique is practised that gives tree range to
+the development of form, naturalistic forms, that is forms relatively
+free of stylistic mannerisms, although sometimes of bold generalization,
+occur. Carving in wood, bone, ivory or stone, and modelling
+in clay are the principal arts that give this freedom which is not so
+easily found in graphic representation. Therefore we find in many
+cultures that are otherwise under the strict control of conventional
+style, at least occasionally figures in the round that are naturalistic.
+Examples are found in the art of the North Pacific Coast; in bronze
+castings, wood carvings and clay figures of Africa (figs. <a href="#fig_74">74</a>-<a href="#fig_75_76">76</a>);
+in pottery of the ancient inhabitants of Arkansas (fig. <a href="#fig_77">77</a>); and in
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span>stone work from Mexico, as well as in Peruvian pottery. On the
+other hand, our modern realism is based on the emancipation from
+a single rigid style that controls all art production. Such freedom
+is not found to the same extent in primitive art with its more limited
+number of technical processes.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_78" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_101.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 78. Ivory and bone carvings, and tattooing
+    of eastern Eskimo.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Another error seems to me to <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: underly" id="underly">underlie</ins> the theory propounded by Max
+Verworn. It is not only incorrect to assume that representations true
+to nature are confined to tribes on the lowest economic and industrial
+level, it can also be shown that at least those living at the present
+time have ideoplastic art as well as physioplastic art. This is
+particularly true of the Eskimo. While they do produce a remarkable
+number of realistic carvings and etchings, they also have a number of
+conventional, geometric designs which are of regular occurrence. Most
+prominent among these are the alternating spurline and the sequence
+of Y shaped figures (fig. <a href="#fig_78">78</a>). The latter has sometimes a symbolic
+meaning, just as other conventional geometric designs among other
+groups of people. With small circles at the end of the bifurcated Y
+it is interpreted as a flower. Furthermore, the clothing of men and
+women is always decorated with motives that indicate or emphasize the
+parts of the body they cover, as the shoulderblades or the breastbone.
+Particularly among the Alaskan is this conventional art ideoplastic in
+the meaning of Verworn.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span></p>
+<p>We have also shown examples of the geometric, ornamental art
+of the Bushmen (fig. <a href="#fig_8">8</a>, p. 23); however, we do not know whether
+it has a symbolic meaning. Their ornamental art is very meagre
+because they have so little that can become the subject of ornamentation.</p>
+
+<p>It seems more than likely that man of later paleolithic time whose
+implements are quite on the same level as those of modern primitive
+tribes, who adorned his body and who used geometrical ornaments
+on his bone implements, decorated also his clothing and other
+perishable possessions of which no trace remains. If we imagine
+the remains of the modern Indians of the plains, or those of
+Australians exposed for thousands of years to the wet climate of
+Europe, nothing would remain to give us an insight into the complexity
+of their culture and into the existence of their symbolic, that
+is, ideoplastic art.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="SYMBOLISM">SYMBOLISM</h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap">We have seen that in the art of primitive people two elements
+may be distinguished; a purely formal one in which enjoyment
+is based on form alone, and another one in which the form is
+filled with meaning. In the latter case the significance creates an
+enhanced esthetic value, on account of the associative connections
+of the art product or of the artistic act. Since these forms are
+significant they must be representative, not necessarily representative
+of tangible objects, but sometimes of more or less abstract ideas.</p>
+
+<p>In our previous discussion we have also shown that representative art
+may be, and generally is, strongly influenced by technical form, so much
+so, that in many cases the natural prototype is not readily recognized.</p>
+
+<p>It is remarkable that in the art of many tribes the world over,
+ornament that appears to us as purely formal, is associated with
+meanings, that it is interpreted. Karl von den Steinen found that
+the geometrical patterns of the Brazilian Indians represented fish,
+bats, bees, and other animals, although the triangles and diamonds
+of which they consist bear no apparent relation to these animal
+forms. The design on top in figure 79 represents bats, indicated by
+the black triangles. The figure below it represents the uluri, a small
+object of clay used by women in place of a breech clout. The
+third figure represents a fish, the large scales of which are indicated
+by diamonds. The fourth and fifth figures also represent fish, while
+the last one is called young bees.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_79_80" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_104.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 79. Ornaments of the Auetö Brazil.</td>
+<td class="tdc wd40">Fig. 80. Ornaments of the Karayá.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A number of clay dishes that were said to represent animals were
+in part characterized by distinct heads, limbs, and tails, while others
+bore no resemblance to the forms that they were claimed by the
+natives to represent. A general similarity of form, however, exists
+between the purely conventional and the realistic forms, which
+suggested to Von den Steinen the conclusion that the former developed
+from the latter. Later on Ehrenreich corroborated these
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span>observations both in South and North America. A small number
+of designs with names are shown in fig. <a href="#fig_79_80">80</a>. The diamonds in the
+first figure on top, represents wasps nests and may be compared to
+the young bees in fig. <a href="#fig_79_80">79</a>. The zig-zag band in the second figure, which
+is symmetrically arranged and has rhythmically repeated elements of
+unequal lengths, represents bats. In form these are identical with the
+frigate bird of New Ireland (see fig. <a href="#fig_100_101_102">101</a>, p. 107). The third figure
+from the top represents the marking on the skin of the rattlesnake,
+and the remaining figures also are marks on the skin of various snakes.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span></p>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_81" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_105.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 81. Basketry patterns from British Guyana; <span class="nowrap"><i>a</i>, snake pursuing frog;</span>
+   <span class="nowrap"> <i>b</i>, man;</span><span class="nowrap"> <i>c</i>, dog;</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>d-f</i>, wild nutmeg</span>.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>W. E. Roth has recorded the significance of basketry designs of
+the Indians of British Guiana.<a id="FNanchor_43_43" href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> Some of these designs contain
+realistic figures, but many of them are geometrical derivatives of
+zig-zag bands and meandric forms such as occur on coarse twined
+basketry in many parts of the world. Most of these forms are
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span>explained as animals; some
+identified by their form,
+others imitating the pattern
+of the skin or being suggestive
+of parts of the body.
+There are also a number
+of plant representations (figs.
+81, 82). In some of these
+the meaning of the form is
+readily recognized as in the
+snake pursuing a frog (fig.
+<a href="#fig_81">81</a> <i>a</i>) or in the human form
+(fig. <a href="#fig_81">81</a> <i>b</i>). The body of the
+snake is represented by a
+broad meander, its head by
+a triangle. To the right of
+the head is the frog. Less
+evident is the dog shown
+in fig. <a href="#fig_81">81</a> <i>c</i>. The interpretation
+of the designs in figs.
+<a href="#fig_81">81</a> <i>d</i>, <i>e</i> and <i>f</i> and 82 seems
+quite arbitrary. The meanders
+fig. <a href="#fig_81">81</a> <i>d-f</i> represent
+the wild nutmeg. In <i>e</i> the
+vertical connecting bar of
+the double T represents the
+main branches, the horizontal
+one the secondary branches.
+Fig. <a href="#fig_82">82</a> <i>a</i> is called the centipede, <i>b</i> savanna grass, <i>c-f</i> periwinkles,
+<i>g</i> butterflies, and the three designs <i>h-j</i> represent snakes. The square
+in the pattern in the left hand lower corner of <i>j</i> is the head of the snake.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_43_43" href="#FNanchor_43_43" class="label">[43]</a>
+ W. E. Roth “Introductory Study of Arts, Crafts, and Customs of the Guiana
+Indians” 38th Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington 1924,
+pp. 354 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_82" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_106.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 82. Basketry patterns from British Guyana;
+    <span class="nowrap"><i>a</i>, Centiped;</span><span class="nowrap"> <i>b</i>, Savannah grass;</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>c-f</i>, Periwinkles;</span>
+    <span class="nowrap"><i>g</i>, Butterflies;</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>h-j</i>, Snakes.</span>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Ehrenreich was the first to observe the highly developed symbolism
+of the North American Indians and his observation gave the
+impetus to the studies of North American art which were largely
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span>instituted by the American Museum of Natural History in New York.
+His observations were made among the Cheyenne, and on account
+of their importance, they may be quoted here;<a id="FNanchor_44_44" href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> “Representations of
+heavenly phenomena are found in their highest development among
+the agricultural Pueblo tribes, whose whole cult consists essentially in
+magic performances
+intended to secure
+rain. Besides this, geographical
+motives
+are used, such as
+mountains, rivers,
+trails, camping sites,
+which are important
+to the Indians who
+inhabit the endless
+prairies. A typical
+example is found on
+the ornament taken
+from a moccasin (fig.
+<a href="#fig_83">83</a> <i>a</i>) in which a
+dark blue series of
+triangles represent
+mountains, a light
+blue stripe a river,
+a red one a trail.
+A second ornament,
+also taken, from a
+moccasin (Fig. <a href="#fig_83">83</a> <i>b</i>)
+shows a series of tents. Red dots in the triangular tents represent fire.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_44_44" href="#FNanchor_44_44" class="label">[44]</a>
+<span lang="de">Ethnologisches Notizblatt</span>, vol. II, 1, pp. 27 et seq. (1899).</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figleft illowp65" id="fig_83" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_107.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 83. Designs of the Cheyenne Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>“The hoods of cradle boards are generally richly ornamented.
+The design of a specimen purchased by me is of peculiar interest
+on account of the representation of abstract ideas (Fig. <a href="#fig_83">83</a> <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>). As
+usual, the upper surface of the hood is white, which color, in the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span>symbolism of the Indians designates the sky and life. The margin
+is formed by a green line and the whole surface is divided into
+three fields by two convergent blue lines. The large lateral fields
+are strictly symmetrical. They contain three groups of stars represented
+by rectangles. The lowest line,—four red rectangles with
+enclosed green centers,—represent large, bright stars; and the top
+row, red without centers, are the children of the stars. It is uncertain
+whether by this term the smallest stars or falling stars are
+meant.</p>
+
+<p>“The middle field, bounded by blue lines, represents the path
+of life of the child. In this field are found peculiar green figures
+which terminate above and below in T shaped ends. They are
+diamond-shaped and enclose a red and yellow checkerwork. They
+designate the child’s good luck or the success that he will have in
+life. In this case green symbolizes growth and development; yellow,
+maturity and perfection; red, blood, life and good-fortune; all of
+which are related to the deities. The lower rim of the hood is
+interrupted on both sides by small white and blue squares. These
+are said to represent the child’s age. I did not learn what was
+meant by this expression. Probably the change of seasons was
+meant, since the alternation of blue and white signifies the change
+of winter and summer.</p>
+
+<p>“The hood ends in a square flap which bears in its center a
+green diamond terminating in cross bars, but smaller and simpler
+than the corresponding figures of the central field. It represents
+the heart. The blue lines and angles in the corners of the flap
+are continued in the same way on the opposite side. They represent
+the unexpected events of life. Attachments on each side are
+the child’s ears; the short lines of beads embroidered on the back
+of the flap represents the hair of the child.”</p>
+
+<p>Based on these results a somewhat extended study of the symbolism
+of American Indian art was undertaken, in the course of
+which A. L. Kroeber investigated the art of the Arapaho; Roland
+B. Dixon, that of the Californian tribes; Clark Wissler, that of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span>Sioux and Blackfeet, and H. H. St. Clair that of the Shoshone.
+Later on the study was extended over other adjacent areas.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_84_85" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_109.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable wd100">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 84. Moccasin, Arapaho.</td>
+<td class="tdc wd60">Fig. 85. Knife case, Arapaho.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The results obtained by Kroeber indicate a close similarity between
+the symbolism of the Arapaho and that of the Cheyenne. Here
+also abstract ideas appear in considerable number. It will suffice
+here to give a few examples. On a moccasin<a id="FNanchor_45_45" href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> (fig. <a href="#fig_84_85">84</a>) “the longitudinal
+stripe signifies the path to destination. A small stripe at the
+heel of the moccasin (not shown in the figure) signifies the opposite
+idea, the place whence one has come. The variety of color in the
+larger stripe represents a variety of things (which naturally are of
+many different colors) that one desires to possess. The small dark blue
+rectangles are symbols that are called ‘hiiteni’<a id="FNanchor_46_46" href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>. The white
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span>border of this moccasin, on account of its color, represents snow.
+The figures in it represent hills with upright trees. The stripe over
+the instep signifies ‘up hill and down again’ (its middle portion
+being elevated above the ends by the instep of the foot). The dots
+in this stripe represent places left bare by the melting snow.” The
+knife scabbard<a id="FNanchor_47_47" href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> represented in fig. <a href="#fig_84_85">85</a> “has at the top a cross signifying
+a person. The triangles above and below it are mountains. On the
+lower part, on the middle line, are three green squares, symbols of
+life or abundance. Red slanting lines pointing
+towards the squares are thoughts or wishes directed
+towards the desired objects, represented by the
+life symbols.”</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_45_45" href="#FNanchor_45_45" class="label">[45]</a>
+    A. L. Kroeber, The <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: Arapho" id="Arapho">Arapaho</ins>, Bulletin American Museum of Natural History,
+Vol. XVIII, pp. 39, 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_46_46" href="#FNanchor_46_46" class="label">[46]</a> <i>Hiiteni</i> is explained as meaning life, abundance, food, prosperity, temporal
+blessings, desire or hope for food, prayer for abundance, or the things wished for
+(A. L. Kroeber, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 40).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_47_47" href="#FNanchor_47_47" class="label">[47]</a> l. c. p. 88.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figright illowp20" id="fig_86" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_110.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 86. Legging,
+    Sioux Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Observations among the Sioux Indians made
+by Clark Wissler have given similar results.
+The design on a legging (fig. <a href="#fig_86">86</a>) may serve as
+an example. It represents a battle.<a id="FNanchor_48_48" href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> The diamond-shaped
+center is here the body of a man.
+The large triangles are the tents of the village in
+which the battle took place. The pronged figures
+represent wounds and blood; the straight lines
+supporting them, the flight of arrows. The crossed
+lines are said to represent arrows and lances.</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_48_48" href="#FNanchor_48_48" class="label">[48]</a> Clark Wissler, Decorative art of the Sioux Indians, Bulletin American Museum
+of Natural History, Vol. XVIII, p. 253.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The Assiniboine, a closely related branch of the Sioux, did not
+yield much information in regard to the meaning of designs, but the
+few fragments collected by Robert H. Lowie<a id="FNanchor_49_49" href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> show that the principles
+found among other tribes are or were not unknown to them.
+The designs found on a drum illustrate this (fig. <a href="#fig_87">87</a>).</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_49_49" href="#FNanchor_49_49" class="label">[49]</a> Robert H. Lowie, The Assiniboine, Anthropological Papers American Museum
+of Natural History, Vol. IV, p. 26.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp40" id="fig_87" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_111.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 87. Drum of the Assiniboine.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>“The gray central field is itself a drum; the concentric rings
+around it are rainbow symbols, and the four sets of slanting lines
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span>(yellow, black and whitish) represent the sunshine. The green color
+between these lines denotes clouds; the four following rings the
+rainbow, and the external ring has no ascertainable meaning. On
+the other side there is a star in the
+center; the black circle stands for
+night, the blue color at the circumference
+for twilight, and the oblique
+red, yellow and white lines for the
+sunshine.”</p>
+
+<p>Some <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: Arapho2" id="Arapho2">Arapaho</ins> designs are interpreted
+as representing geographical
+features or a village in its geographical
+environment. In the specimen
+shown in (fig. <a href="#fig_88_89">88</a>) “the two large triangles
+at the end represent tents; the
+center diamond two tents; between
+them a white stripe with black dots
+in it represents a buffalo path with
+buffalo tracks in it. The four red
+obtuse triangles along the sides are
+mountains; small yellow triangles enclosed
+by them are tents; the double
+blue lines surrounding the entire
+pattern represent mountain ranges.
+Small rectangles in this border,
+colored red and yellow, represent
+lakes.”</p>
+
+<p>Geographical interpretations are
+quite common among most of the
+Indian tribes of the Great Plains.
+Mountains, caves, trees, streams, lakes, trails, and tents are commonly
+symbolized in the angular forms of their paintings and embroideries.
+As compared to these the association between abstract ideas and
+geometric form is <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: rater" id="rater">rather</ins> rare.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_88_89" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_112.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable wd100">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd55">Fig. 88. Rawhide bag, Arapaho.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 89. Design from parfleche, Shoshone.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A few examples may also illustrate the explanations given by
+Shoshone Indians.<a id="FNanchor_50_50" href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> The interpretations are largely geographic. In
+fig. <a href="#fig_88_89">89</a> the red central rectangle represents the ground, the green
+background trees. On this green ground is a lake, indicated by the
+blue area in the center, the yellow line dividing the central field,
+is an inlet of the lake. The obtuse blue triangle on the sides of the
+central rectangle represents mountains with timber. The triangles
+on the short sides are also mountains. The yellow apex is the sun
+shining on the mountains, the red middle part of the triangle the
+ground, the green area at the base, grass at the foot of the mountains.
+In the corners we find small triangles representing sand and
+over them the yellow sun light.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_50_50" href="#FNanchor_50_50" class="label">[50]</a> These are taken from observations by H. H. St. Clair at Wind River Reservation.
+Lowie did not succeed in obtaining any explanations at the Lemhi Agency, Idaho.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>On a second Shoshone parfleche obtuse triangles in the central
+rectangle and smaller triangles in the longitudinal borderstrips represent
+mountains, a red line in the center stands for a river, and
+right angle triangles are tipis.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span></p>
+<p>Another Shoshone parfleche of similar pattern, was explained as
+follows: a blue line enclosing an inner rectangle is a fort or
+enclosure surrounded by the enemy, represented by red and green
+squares of the border. A yellow and red line passing through
+the center is the pass by which the people escape.</p>
+
+<p>A consistent geographically explained ornament has also been
+described by Stephan (fig. <a href="#fig_90_91">90</a>). The upper zig-zag line (<i>a</i>) represents
+a snake; the rectangular fields under it (<i>b</i>), the sea moved by
+the wind. The dark corners of the rectangle (<i>c</i>) indicate calm on
+deep water. The central field with cross hachure (<i>d</i>), rain on the sea
+or ripples on the water. The lowest bands (<i>e</i>, <i>f</i>) and the top band
+(<i>a</i>) do not belong to the sea picture. (<i>e</i>) is explained as the veins
+of the <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: cocanut" id="cocanut">coconut</ins> leaf, (<i>f</i>) as a kind of grass.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_90_91" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_113.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd55">Fig. 90. Bamboo case, Melanesia.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 91. Zuni bowl, broken and edges ground down.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In the opposite end (<i>a</i>) is not explained, (<i>b</i>) is a snake. The rest of
+the design fits in with the geographical pattern, (<i>c</i>) being rocks beaten
+by breakers.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span></p>
+<p>I am indebted to Miss Ruth L. Bunzel for the following consistent
+interpretation of a Zuni bowl,—part of a deep bowl the upper
+part of which has been broken off. Her informant explained it as
+follows (fig. <a href="#fig_90_91">91</a>): “We call the whole design ‘cloud all alone’. When
+a person does not go to the dances when they dance for rain, after
+her death she goes to the Sacred Lake and when all the spirits of
+the other dead people come back
+to Zuni to make rain, she cannot
+go, but must wait there all
+alone, like a single little cloud
+left in the sky after the storm
+clouds have blown over. She
+just sits and waits all alone,
+always looking and looking in
+all directions, waiting for somebody
+to come. That is why
+we put eyes looking out in all
+directions.”</p>
+
+<p>Consistent symbolic interpretations
+have also been given
+for ceremonial objects of the
+Huichol Indians.<a id="FNanchor_51_51" href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_51_51" href="#FNanchor_51_51" class="label">[51]</a> Carl Lumholtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs American Museum
+of Natural History, Vol. III, page 125, fig. 133.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_92" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_114.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 92. Ceremonial object, Huichol
+    Indians, Mexico.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp30" id="fig_93" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_116_93.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 93. Woven ceremonial
+    object, Huichol Indians,
+    Mexico.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>On a “front shield”, a sacred object (fig. <a href="#fig_92">92</a>) fertility symbols
+are represented by geometrical figures: “The cross in the center
+represents four clouds on the horizon, the colored segments completing
+the inner circle represent red and blue birds (swifts) soaring
+above the clouds. In the second circle are shown crosses representing
+red, yellow and blue corn. In the outer zone is a zig-zag
+line in red and blue representing Mother East-water, a Deity. Nine
+triangles between head and tail of the serpent, crowded together,
+represent mescal (a narcotic cactus) which is considered related to
+corn and is held as a prayer for rain and for health.”</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span></p>
+<p>Another example is a sacrificial back shield (fig. <a href="#fig_93">93</a>),<a id="FNanchor_52_52" href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> in which
+the symbol (<i>a</i>) represents a serpent, (<i>b</i>) white clouds, (<i>c</i>) black
+clouds, (<i>d</i>) rain, (yellow and white stripes); (<i>e</i>) three flowers, (<i>f</i>) a
+squash vine, these two representing vegetation, springing up after
+rain; and (<i>g</i>) the earth with its hills.</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_52_52" href="#FNanchor_52_52" class="label">[52]</a> Page 146, fig. <a href="#fig_173">173</a>.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp30" id="fig_94" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_116_94.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 94. Design from a
+    pouch, Huichol Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Similar representations are found in embroideries in woven garments,
+thus a zig-zag line on a pouch<a id="FNanchor_53_53" href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> (fig. <a href="#fig_94">94</a>) represents lightning,
+the crosses the Pleiades.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_53_53" href="#FNanchor_53_53" class="label">[53]</a> Carl Lumholtz, Decorative Art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs American
+Museum of Natural History, Vol. III, p. 325, fig. 257.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_95" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_116_95.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 95. Tattooing designs, Marquesans.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Turning to Polynesia, von den Steinen<a id="FNanchor_54_54" href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> has given us a full
+description of tattooing of the Marquesans, from which it appears
+that in the minds of the natives the designs have definite significance.
+I mention a series of black triangles on rectangular bases, called
+the Fanaua, women who died in child birth (fig. <a href="#fig_95">95</a> <i>a</i>); the cumulus
+clouds of the northwind (fig. <a href="#fig_95">95</a> <i>b</i>). In fig. <a href="#fig_95">95</a> <i>c</i> the upper row was
+called by one informant, “the fellow with the step of the rooster”,
+the lower one “the hero Pohu and his house”. Another informant
+from another village, designated the figures with raised arms as
+legendary miscarriages consisting of a chest, the low semicircular
+and rectangular figures as others consisting of ribs only. Of the
+two analogous figures, <a href="#fig_95">95</a> <i>d</i> and <i>e</i>, the former is called a crab, the
+latter a turtle, while <a href="#fig_95">95</a> <i>f</i> is called the bath of the hero Kena.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_54_54" href="#FNanchor_54_54" class="label">[54]</a>
+ Karl von den Steinen,<span lang="de"> Die Marquesaner und ihre Kunst</span>, Berlin 1925; also W. C.
+Handy, Tattooing in the Marquesas, Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Bulletin 7,
+Honolulu 1922.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>We find in our civilization cases in which form or color composition
+possess symbolic significance entirely apart of their form values. The
+most obvious case is that of the national flags. They are not only
+ornamental, but possess a strong emotional appeal. They call forth the
+feeling of national allegiance and their values cannot be understood
+on a purely formal basis, but are founded upon the association of the
+form with definite fields of our emotional life. The same is true of
+certain symbols. In Germany, at the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span>present time, the swastika as the
+symbol of antisemitism, and the David’s star as the Jewish symbol have
+very definite political significance and are apt to excite the most
+violent passions when used for decorative purposes,—not on account of
+their form, but because of the emotional reaction to the ideas they
+represent. Military insignia, emblems of secret societies, students’
+emblems and other regalia exert the same influence through their
+associations. Owing to the strong emotional value of these patterns and
+the specific character of the associations, the use of the ornament may
+be restricted to special classes of objects, or reserved for privileged
+classes or individuals. Thus, among ourselves, the cross, or the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span>flag,
+cannot appropriately be used at all places and at all times, and
+insignia of rank are confined to those who have the right to wear them.
+Just so, totemic devices may be used only by the privileged, not by
+those who belong to another totem. Strong emotional values are commonly
+associated with all forms that are used in important rituals. The
+simple ornaments of cedarbark dyed red which are used by the
+Indians of British Columbia have such an appeal, because the ornamental
+attachments symbolize the gifts that the wearer has received from his
+supernatural protector.</p>
+
+<p>It is readily recognized that these conditions can prevail only
+when the interpretation of the ornament, and with it its emotional
+significance are firmly established in the minds of the people; if all
+react without fail, without hesitation to the same pattern. This is
+not by any means the case everywhere. On the contrary, many
+cases are known in which there is considerable wavering in regard
+to the meaning of the symbol. One person may interpret it one
+way, another, another way. For instance, in the designs of the
+Californian Indians, the same form will be called by different people,
+or even by the same person at different times, now a lizard’s foot,
+then a mountain covered with trees, then again an owl’s claw. It is
+conceivable that an individual may feel a strong emotional value
+of a design, but in a case of variable associations the symbol has
+no binding emotional value for the whole tribe. It will be the
+less relevant the more variable the individual and tribal associations.
+I believe this is also the reason why among ourselves an expressionistic
+art is impossible, or why at least it cannot appeal to
+the people as a whole. It is possible for an artist to train a group
+of followers and admirers in the symbolism that he cultivates, but
+it is exceedingly unlikely that such symbolism should develop in
+such a way that it would be felt automatically by all of us. In
+music a few associations of this type exist. We feel, for instance,
+the difference of mood in the major and minor keys; the former
+mood joyful and energetic; the latter gentle, moody or even sad.
+It is well to remember that these emotional tones are not by any
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span>means everywhere connected with these two forms, but that in the
+music of other people that have something comparable to our major
+or minor, the relations may be quite different. We also feel a certain
+energy connected with the major key of E flat, but undoubtedly
+this is due to very specific associations that are not valid in
+other cultural areas.</p>
+
+<p>Expressionistic art requires a
+very firm and uniform cultural
+background, such as is possessed
+by many peoples of simple social
+structure, but that cannot exist
+in our complex society with its
+manifold, intercrossing interests
+and its great variety of situations
+that create different emotional
+centers for each of its
+numerous strata.</p>
+
+<p>It is, therefore, important to
+know whether there exist firm
+associations between form and
+significance, and whether these
+associations are accompanied by strong emotional reactions.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_96" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_118.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 96. Patterns representing the star,
+    Arapaho.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The former question may be investigated in two ways: By studying
+the variety of forms which are used to represent the same
+objects, and conversely by illustrating the variety of explanations
+given to the same form. <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: Arapho" id="Arapho3">Arapaho</ins> designs collected by Kroeber offer
+a favourable field for this study. The range of forms interpreted
+as the star (fig. <a href="#fig_96">96</a>) is based on the tendency in the art of the
+Plains Indians to use triangular and quadrangular figures and narrow
+lines, and on the scarcity of polygons. We find, therefore, as
+representations of stars, crosses, groups of squares, diamonds and a
+cross with triangular wings. In the last quite exceptional figure of
+this series the star is represented by a hexagon. In some cases
+the association between the form and its meaning becomes more
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span>intelligible through the general setting in which the design element
+is found, as for instance, through the color contrast between design
+and background.<a id="FNanchor_55_55" href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_55_55" href="#FNanchor_55_55" class="label">[55]</a> See A. L. Kroeber “The Arapaho”,
+Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 17.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The variety of forms which are used to represent a person may
+serve as another example (fig. <a href="#fig_97">97</a>). Some of these are similar to
+the forms used to represent the star.</p>
+
+<p>Still another example is the representation of the butterfly (fig. <a href="#fig_98">98</a>).
+In this series one of the designs representing the star will be found.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_97" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_119_97.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 97. Patterns representing
+    persons, Arapaho.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_98" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_119_98.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 98. Patterns representing
+    butterfly, Arapaho.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_99" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_119_99.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 99. Examples of chevrons from Neu-Mecklenburg;
+    <i>a</i>, Carved bamboo; <i>b</i>, Embroidered
+    mat. The chevron to the left on
+    the bamboo represents a palm leaf, an armring
+    or a worm; the same design on the mat, tracks
+    of a crustacean.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Conversely a diamond is explained as a person, a turtle, the
+navel, a mountain, a lake, a star, an eye. The setting of the design
+does not by any means explain sufficiently why these varying interpretations
+should be used.</p>
+
+<p>A rectangle represents a camp circle, brush hut, a mountain, the
+earth, a buffalo or life; a triangle with an enclosed rectangular or
+pentagonal figure (see fig. <a href="#fig_117">117</a>, p. 120) is explained as a mountain
+with trees, a cave in the mountain, a brush hut or a tent.</p>
+
+<p>The second form in fig. <a href="#fig_98">98</a> is explained as a butterfly or the
+morning-star.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span></p>
+<p>In bead embroidery we find frequently a central design in the
+form of a diamond, from the acute angles of which, extend straight
+lines. To the ends of these triangular designs or other small forms
+are attached. In fig. <a href="#fig_152">152</a> (p. 178) some of these designs are shown. The
+first one is taken from a pouch (<i>j</i>); the central diamond represents a
+person, the triangular designs at the ends of the lines, buffalo hoofs.
+A similar design (<i>k</i>) from a moccasin represents the navel and
+arrows; the background is snow. In a third example (<i>q</i>) the central
+diamond represents a turtle, the lines its claws and the small
+patterns at the ends of these lines, eggs.</p>
+
+<p>Another example of the variation of explanation of the same
+design is found in designs from New Ireland<a id="FNanchor_56_56" href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> (fig. <a href="#fig_99">99</a>). The chevron
+represents the leaf of a palm, an armring, a worm, the foot of a
+bird, tracks of a crustacean, or fish bones.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_56_56" href="#FNanchor_56_56" class="label">[56]</a> Stephan, <span lang="de">Neu-Mecklenburg</span>, p. 114, fig. <a href="#fig_120">120</a>.
+ The same figure is found in the
+same author’s <span lang="de">“Südseekunst”</span>, p. 15, fig. <a href="#fig_19_20">19</a>, with somewhat different explanations,
+presumably due to an oversight.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The great variety of these interpretations of the same figure and
+of the many forms by means of which the same ideas find expression,
+show clearly that the terms by which designs are described
+must not be conceived simply as names, but that rather a certain
+association exists between the general artistic pattern and a number
+of ideas which are selected according to tribal usage, and also in
+accordance with the momentary interest of the person who gives
+the explanation.</p>
+
+<p>Often the range of ideas associated with forms follows a fairly
+definite pattern in each tribe. We may compare this condition with
+attitudes which we assume in regard to forms that may have
+varying types of symbolic connotation. To a Canadian, a British
+flag surmounted by maple leaves would be closely associated with
+patriotic feeling, and in this connection the maple leaf has a definite
+significance; in other combinations it may appear with quite a
+different meaning. A red maple leaf may be symbolic of the fall
+of the year.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span></p>
+<p>During the World War the bloody hand was used on posters
+to excite the populace to hatred, because it was symbolic of the
+imaginary cruelty of the German soldier and this association was
+assiduously cultivated by word and letter. In another setting a bloody
+hand may be a symbol of suffering or of sacrifice, as the red hand
+impressed on church walls or sanctuaries.</p>
+
+<p>A white rose may be a symbol of death or innocence. A crescent
+may bring up a thought of Turkey, a beautiful summer night, or
+it may be conceived purely as form.</p>
+
+<p>Not only is the significance of designs variable, the explanations
+of forms found on the same object seem often quite incoherent.
+The cases are not very numerous in which we find a clearly defined,
+consistent symbolism extending over the whole pattern.</p>
+
+<p>Judging from information given by Stephan in regard to paintings
+and carvings from Melanesia,<a id="FNanchor_57_57" href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> the explanations, varied and incoherent
+as they may be, are given without hesitation and although the same
+pattern elements are not given every time the same interpretation,
+the whole grouping, expressed at any given time, seems to be clear
+in the mind of the person who gives the explanation.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_57_57" href="#FNanchor_57_57" class="label">[57]</a>
+Emil Stephan, <span lang="de">Südseekunst</span>, p. 86.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>In by far the majority of cases the interpretation appears to us as entirely
+incoherent. The terms by which the same forms are designated by different
+individuals and at different times are so varied that it is difficult
+to assume that we are merely dealing with names of design elements.</p>
+
+<p>As a typical example of lack of relation between the symbols
+composing the ornament may be mentioned an
+ <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: Arapho" id="Arapho4">Arapaho</ins> knife scabbard<a id="FNanchor_58_58" href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>
+(fig. <a href="#fig_100_101_102">100</a>). “The green lines forming a square at the top
+represent rivers. The figure within is an eagle. The two larger
+dark portions of this figure are also cattle-tracks. The two rows of
+triangles on the body of the scabbard represent arrow-points. The
+squares in the middle are boxes, and the lines between them are
+the conventional morning-star cross. The small squares on the
+pendant attached to the point of the scabbard are cattle-tracks.”</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_58_58" href="#FNanchor_58_58" class="label">[58]</a>
+Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. 18, p. 87.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span></p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_100_101_102" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_122.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable wd100">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 100. Embroidered knife sheath, Arapaho.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 101. Painted board, Neu-Mecklenburg.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 102. Decorated paddle, Neu-Mecklenburg.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>As another example I select a decorated object from New Ireland
+described by Stephan. In fig. <a href="#fig_100_101_102">101</a> (<i>a</i>) represents a frigate bird,
+(<i>b</i>) fish bones, (<i>c</i>) buttons for strings of shell money,
+(<i>d</i>) men’s arms, and (<i>e</i>) a fish head. On a paddle
+(fig. <a href="#fig_100_101_102">102</a>) the spirals represent the opercula of a snail;
+the connected triangles, the wings of the frigate bird. On
+other specimens the spirals represent young fern fronds.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_103" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_123.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 103. Blanket of mountain-goat wool, Tlingit. Alaska.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In the art of the North Pacific coast a definite totemic meaning
+is given to conventional figures. There is no general agreement as to
+their significance, but to many forms is assigned a meaning according
+to the totemic affiliation of the owner for whom it thus attains a
+value based on its meaning. Explanations of a blanket design (fig.
+<a href="#fig_103">103</a>) obtained by G. T. Emmons and John R. Swanton, may serve
+as an example. According to Emmons the design represents a whale
+diving, in the lateral fields are ravens sitting. The head with nostrils
+and mouth is shown below. The central face represents the body,
+the inverted eyes along the upper border, the tail. According to
+Swanton the design represents a wolf with young. The head is
+shown below. The hind legs and hip joints are represented by the
+two large inverted eyes and the adjoining ornament along the upper
+border. The two dark segments just above the eyes are explained
+as the feet. The face in the middle of the design represents, as
+usual, the body of the animal. The small eye designs, with adjoining
+ear and wing feathers, in the middle on each side of the body, are
+interpreted as forelegs and feet. The designs in the lateral panels
+are explained as young wolves sitting.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span></p>
+<p>It seems likely that wherever varied interpretations of the same
+form, or of closely allied forms occur within the same social unit,
+conditions of this kind prevail.</p>
+
+<p>We have no information whatever that would enable us to decide
+whether the ideas expressed are entirely incoherent. It is conceivable
+that there may be associations that are unknown to us and
+that create a greater unity than appears on the surface. I am under
+the impression that connected with the interpretation there exists a
+certain emotional tone that may be weak, but that is, nevertheless,
+not negligible in the esthetic effect of the whole object.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_104" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_124.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 104. Basketry patterns of the Pomo Indians, California.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>It would seem that in a considerable number of cases ornamental
+patterns have definite names that are always applied, no matter
+in what combination the design may occur. Many Californian
+basketry patterns are of this kind. Barrett<a id="FNanchor_59_59" href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> gives the names of
+decorative patterns used by the Pomo Indians, from which I select
+a few as an illustration (fig. <a href="#fig_104">104</a>). The northern and eastern Pomo
+call fig. <a href="#fig_104">104</a> <i>a</i>, <i>b</i> butterflies; the central Pomo call them arrow-heads;
+the designation for <i>c</i> is sharp arrow-heads. The northern
+Pomo call <i>d</i>, pointed broad band, deer back, or darts for a game;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span>the central Pomo call them crow-foot or crow-track; the eastern
+Pomo, zig-zag or marks of the east. The design <i>e</i> is called quail plumes;
+<i>f</i> and <i>h</i>, by the northern Pomo, “sharp points and in the
+middle striped water snake”; the central Pomo call them “similar
+to slender arrow-heads”, and the single triangles, turtle-neck. The
+eastern Pomo call the designs butterfly and “in the middle (gaya)
+striped water snake”. The design <i>g</i> is called by the northern Pomo,
+empty spaces and quail tip patterns; by the eastern Pomo, butterfly
+and quail plumes; <i>i</i> by the central Pomo quail plumes arrowhead.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_59_59" href="#FNanchor_59_59" class="label">[59]</a>
+ S. A. Barrett, Pomo Indian Basketry, Univ. of California Publications in Am.
+Arch. and Ethn. Vol. VII, No. 3.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_105" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_125.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 105. Drawn work, Mexico.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>This usage corresponds to our terms when we speak, for instance,
+of the “egg and dart” design. Among the Shetland Islanders patterns
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span>on knit stockings are called “flowers”, flowers serving as a synonym
+for pattern. The drawn work of Mexico bears also names.<a id="FNanchor_60_60" href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> Here
+we find names as for instance, “Little Jesus”, “Beehive” (<i>a</i>) (fig. <a href="#fig_105">105</a>),
+“Partridge’s Eye” (<i>b</i>), “Tomato Seed and Peel” (<i>c</i>), liana (<i>d</i>),
+“Spider Net” (<i>e</i>). The same is true of the embroidery of Paraguay.<a id="FNanchor_61_61" href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_60_60" href="#FNanchor_60_60" class="label">[60]</a> Journal American Folk-Lore Vol. 33, 1920, pp. 73 et seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_61_61" href="#FNanchor_61_61" class="label">[61]</a> E. Roquette-Pinto, On the Ñanduti of Paraguay. Proceedings of the Congress
+of Americanists, Gotenburg, 1925, pp. 103 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Named designs among more primitive people are particularly
+common in Africa, where, according to all investigators, the complex
+designs are conceived as compounds of single elements which bear names.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_106" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_126.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 106. Designs of the Ruanda.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Czekanowski<a id="FNanchor_62_62" href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> says in discussing the ornaments found in Ruanda
+(fig. <a href="#fig_106">106</a>): “On account
+of the simplicity of the
+Ruanda ornament its
+elements are easily
+determined. We shall
+enumerate them here
+according to their names:
+quiver (<i>a</i>); shield
+(<i>b</i>); millet (<i>c</i>); knife (<i>d</i>);
+arrowhead (<i>e</i>); kindly
+person (<i>f</i>); ferrule of
+a spear (<i>g</i>); wings of a
+swallow (<i>h</i>); large tail (<i>i</i>, <i>j</i>); arrows (<i>k</i>). The three last patterns may be
+considered as compound forms. The pentagon occupies an exceptional
+position. All these elements consist of straight lines. Curves occur as
+segments, crescents, spirals and circles. Wide-lined circles are called
+arm rings (<i>m</i>); narrow ones, bracelets (<i>n</i>).” The general ornamentation
+consists of horizontal rows of black triangles or diamonds on a plain
+background or a white triangle on a black background. The arrowhead
+design (<i>e</i>) appears in long rows, the point of one head touching the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span>notch of the other. Zig-zag bands in diagonal or vertical rows of
+the pattern <i>i</i> and <i>j</i> occur also. The characteristic point seems to
+be that only the elements of the whole pattern bear names.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_62_62" href="#FNanchor_62_62" class="label">[62]</a> Jan Czekanowski, <span lang="de">Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Deutschen Zentral-Afrika
+Expedition</span>, 1907-1908, Vol. VI, Part 1. pp. 329 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_107" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_127.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 107. Designs of the Pangwe.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>I infer from Tessmann’s<a id="FNanchor_63_63" href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> description that among the Pangwe of
+West Africa also the single pattern elements bear names while the
+multifarious combinations lack explanations such as we find in
+America or in Melanesia. In fig. <a href="#fig_107">107</a> patterns in woodcarving are
+represented which are
+named as follows: (<i>a</i>)
+file; (<i>b</i>) string of cowrie
+shells; (<i>c</i>, <i>d</i>) triangular
+leaf used for feathering
+arrows for the cross bow
+(triangle with wide base);
+point of iron money,
+spear point (triangle with
+narrow base); (<i>e</i>) tail of
+armadillo; (<i>f</i>) kerf; (<i>g</i>)
+rainbow; (<i>h</i>) fish bone;
+(<i>i</i>) triangular spear; (<i>k</i>)
+spider net.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_63_63" href="#FNanchor_63_63" class="label">[63]</a> Günter Tessmann, <span lang="de">Die Pangwe</span>, Berlin 1913, Vol. 1, p. 243 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_108" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_128.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 108. Designs of the Bushongo.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Of the Bushongo Torday<a id="FNanchor_64_64" href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> says that the nomenclature is not certain
+(p. 216). “The Bushongo do not consider the design as a whole, but
+they divide it into various elementary patterns. They take one of
+these elements as characteristic of the whole figure and call the
+whole design by this term. The motives obtained by interrupting woven
+patterns<a id="FNanchor_65_65" href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> at regular intervals are built up of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span>small details which
+are found variously combined in other motives. Therefore, owing to the
+analytical mind of the natives, the curious phenomenon results that the
+same name may be given to two designs, apparently quite dissimilar,
+at least so far as the general impression is concerned, and that the
+natives of opposite sex will give to the same design different names
+because either considers a particular element as the principal part.”
+The closely related patterns fig. <a href="#fig_108">108</a> <i>b</i> and <i>d</i> are derived
+from interwoven strands (fig. <a href="#fig_108">108</a> <i>a</i>). The form <i>b</i> is
+called imbolo (interwoven?); <i>c</i> is called the xylophone and
+<i>d</i> the foot of Matarma. The Bangayo call the same pattern in
+carving (<i>e</i>, <i>f</i>) back and head of the python. The patterns
+108 <i>g</i>, <i>h</i> are called the knee and <i>i</i> the knot.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_64_64" href="#FNanchor_64_64" class="label">[64]</a>
+    E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, Notes ethnographiques sur les peuples communément
+appelés Bakuba, etc. Les Bushongo, <span lang="fr">Documents ethnographiques concernant
+les populations du Congo Belge</span>, Vol. II, number 1, Brussels, 1910, pp. 217, 219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_65_65" href="#FNanchor_65_65" class="label">[65]</a> i. e. the element consisting of a single warp strand showing between two
+woof strands and the adjoining similar elements, formed in simple up and down
+weaving.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_109" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_129.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 109. Feet of pottery dishes, Chiriqui, Costa Rica.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_110" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_130_110.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 110. Polynesian ornaments.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_111" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_130.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 111. Crocodile arrows, New Guinea.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp40" id="fig_112" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_131.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 112. Designs representing frigate
+    bird and crocodile.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The significance of primitive
+ornament has also been studied
+in another way. In a number
+of cases it has been shown that
+series can be arranged in which we may place at one end a realistic
+representation of an object. By degrees we may pass to more and
+more conventional forms that show each a distinct similarity to
+the preceding one, but end in a purely conventional, geometric
+design in which the initial stage can hardly, if at all, be recognized.
+I believe the first to discover this phenomenon was Frederic
+Ward Putnam, who described the development, as he called it, of
+the hollow, slit feet of Chiriquian (Costa Rican) pottery from a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span>fish form to a purely conventional design (fig. <a href="#fig_109">109</a>). He was followed
+by others who made studies of similar transitions in other
+parts of the world. William H. Holmes described the so-called
+alligator vases of Chiriqui, showing the relations between the alligator
+design and curious irregular painted forms (see fig. <a href="#fig_129">129</a>, p. 137).
+Hjalmar Stolpe, and about the same time, Charles H. Read
+(fig. <a href="#fig_110">110</a>) discussed the relations of human figures and geometrical
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span>designs in Polynesian ornaments; Haddon studied the so-called
+crocodile arrows (fig. <a href="#fig_111">111</a>) and the frigate bird (fig. <a href="#fig_112">112</a>) designs of
+New Guinea in their gradual transition from fairly realistic forms in
+which the crocodile and the bird are easily recognized, to geometrical
+types in which the prototype is entirely obscured. Similar relations are
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span>found in the facial urns of prehistoric times, (fig. <a href="#fig_113">113</a>) in some of
+which we find a perfectly plain and distinct face, while in others
+there are only a few knobs that, on account of their position, recall
+the face. George Grant MacCurdy
+takes us back to Chiriqui where
+he collected from museum collections
+series of types beginning with
+the form of the armadillo and
+ending with small decorative points
+(fig. <a href="#fig_114">114</a>). Von den Steinen forms
+out similar phenomena in the
+tattooings of the Marquesans.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp30" id="fig_113" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_132_113.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 113. Facial urns.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In a few cases the striking
+similarity of the patterns which
+contradicts the diversity of names
+suggests an historical relation between
+the forms. This is the case,
+for instance, with the Bushongo
+antelope and beetle patterns (fig.
+<a href="#fig_115">115</a>). The resemblance between
+the realistic antelope head (<i>a</i>) and
+beetle design (<i>d</i>) is evident. It is,
+however, not necessary to assume
+a transition from the antelope to
+the beetle design, but the question
+has to be answered in how far the
+stylistic form may have moulded
+the two representations in the same
+form or, on the other hand, why an
+ornamental form may have outlines that, on the one hand, express
+an antelope’s head and, on the other hand, the body of a beetle.<a id="FNanchor_66_66" href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_66_66" href="#FNanchor_66_66" class="label">[66]</a>
+E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, <span lang="fr">Notes ethnographiques sur les peuples communément
+appelés Bakuba, etc. Les Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques concernant
+les populations du Congo Belge</span>, Vol. II, number 1, Brussels, 1910, p. 212.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_114" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_132_114.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 114. Armadillo designs, Chiriqui.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_115" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_132_115.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 115. Designs of the Bushongo representing
+    the head of the antelope and the beetle.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span></p>
+<p>Here arises the important problem whether we are to assume
+that all these forms are developments from realism to conventionalism,
+as has often been assumed, or whether the converse process
+may not also have occurred, namely that a geometrical design
+existed and that a gradual development towards a realistic form
+took place, that a meaning was read into the geometric pattern and
+that in this way the significant forms originated. Unfortunately
+historical evidence is hardly ever available and we are compelled
+to rely upon indirect evidence. We cannot follow the excellent
+example set by Riegl in his detailed study of the history of the
+introduction of curved lines in Mediterranean art.</p>
+
+<p>However, we can apply the geographical method, the only one
+that has made it possible to unravel part of the historical development
+of people that do not possess written records, and for cultures
+the development of which cannot be traced by archaeological
+evidence. It is possible to establish with a high degree of probability
+the relationship of cultural forms and their gradual spread by
+means of a study of the distribution of ethnic phenomena and their
+variations in the sections of the area in which they are found. This
+method is strictly analogous to the one applied by biologists in their
+studies of the gradual distribution of plants and animals.</p>
+
+<p>In our case we must try to trace the distribution of designs together
+with the interpretations given to them by different tribes.
+If we should find consistent interpretations of the same form over
+large areas, perhaps even more realistic forms in a central district,
+more conventional ones in outlying parts of the country, but in all
+of them the same interpretation, we should have to consider this as
+plausible evidence of an origin of the conventional types from a
+realistic representation. If, on the other hand, it should be found
+that in the whole area realistic forms and conventional forms were
+irregularly distributed and that furthermore the meanings of identical
+or similar forms did not agree, then the origin of conventional
+forms from realistic ones would seem to be quite unlikely. Then we
+should have to assume one of two possibilities; either the form must have
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span>spread gradually over the whole area and must have been given a
+meaning independently by each people,—in other words the
+meaning must have been read into the pattern,—or it may have
+been that a dominating style has forced a diversity of realistic representations
+into the same geometric patterns.</p>
+
+<p>In the latter case we should have to consider the processes by
+which realistic forms should gradually change into unrecognizable
+conventional ones; in the former the processes by which from a
+conventional form a representative one
+develops.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp30" id="fig_116" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_134.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 116. Design representing
+    the buffalo, Arapaho.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>That both ways are possible is easily
+shown. When the Plains Indians represent
+a buffalo in a stiff angular form, like a hide
+spread out provided with legs, head and
+tail (fig. <a href="#fig_116">116</a>); and if also a rectangle without
+these attachments is called a buffalo, it
+may be as well the buffalo hide that has
+been abbreviated, so to speak, as that the
+hide has been read into the rectangle. The
+process of reading in is not at all unfamiliar
+to us. We see realistic forms in the shapes of mountains and clouds
+and in marks on rocks, and we enjoy the play of fancy that endows
+natural forms with new meanings. There is no reason to doubt that
+the same tendency prevails among primitive peoples. Koch-Grünberg’s<a id="FNanchor_67_67" href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>
+observations among the natives of South America prove this point.
+He tells us that the Indians, when camping at a portage and waiting
+for the rivers to become navigable, take up accidental marks on the
+rocks and by pecking develop them into forms suggested by the
+natural outlines, or that they take up the lines left by a preceding
+party who amused themselves in the same way and whose play was
+interrupted when they were able to resume their journey. We have
+also ample evidence to show that curiously formed rocks are not
+only compared with animate beings, but that they are actually
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span>considered as men or beasts transformed into stone. Thus the
+Pueblo Indians tell in their migration legend that a person or an
+animal became tired on account of the fatigue of the long travel,
+sat down and was transformed into stone. The forms of a hawk,
+man, bear, and of a woman carrying
+a basket are still pointed
+out. On Vancouver Island are
+shown the tracks of the culture
+hero, where he stepped on a
+rock. In the interior of British
+Columbia a large boulder is
+said to be Coyote’s basket.<a id="FNanchor_68_68" href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_67_67" href="#FNanchor_67_67" class="label">[67]</a>
+Th. Koch-Grünberg, <span lang="de">Südamerikanische Felszeichnungen</span>. Berlin, 1907.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_68_68" href="#FNanchor_68_68" class="label">[68]</a> James A. Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Publications of
+the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, Pl. 19.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_117" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_135.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 117. Designs of North American Indians;
+    the first nine Arapaho, the next six Eastern
+    Algonquin; the last line; first Hopi; then
+    archaeological specimens, Pueblo region.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>I shall illustrate this point
+by the discussion of a design
+found widely spread among the
+Indians of North America.
+Their decorative art is characterized
+by the use of straight
+lines, triangles and rectangles
+that appear in manifold combinations.
+One of the most
+typical forms is that of an
+isosceles triangle with enclosed
+rectangle, sometimes provided
+with spurs at the base (fig. <a href="#fig_117">117</a>).
+This design is found in an
+extended area. It occurs most
+frequently on the great plains
+but also on part of the western
+plateaus and among the Pueblo Indians (fig. <a href="#fig_118">118</a>). To the west it is
+found among the tribes of the woodlands and certain peculiar patterns
+of New England and the interior of Labrador are strongly reminiscent
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span>of it. The stylistic similarity, or better, identity of the pattern on
+the plains is so great that it cannot possibly have developed from
+several independent sources. It is part and parcel of the general art
+style of the area that has developed either in one spot, or what
+seems more probable, by the conflux of artistic activities of a number
+of tribes. Thirty or forty years ago, under the strong influence
+of the evolutionary theory, the psychologising ethnologist might
+have interpreted this similarity as due to the sameness of the reaction
+of the human mind to the
+same or similar environmental
+causes,—as Daniel G. Brinton
+explained the similarity of Algonquin
+and Iroquois mythologies.
+However, the development of our
+science since that time has so
+firmly established the fact that
+even the most primitive cultures
+must be considered as having had
+a historical development no less
+complex than that of civilization,
+that the theory of independent
+origin of almost identical phenomena in contiguous areas can no
+longer be maintained and has been given up by all serious students.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_118" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_136.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 118. Triangular design, prehistoric
+    Pueblo.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>When we study the significance of the pattern we find the
+greatest possible divergence of meaning. As pointed out before,
+different individuals in one tribe, do not all assign to it the same
+meaning, but more or less decided tendencies to certain interpretations
+are found in each tribe. The design is sometimes drawn
+steeply and the sides of the triangle extend slightly beyond the
+apex. Thus the form of a tent with tent poles, doorway and pegs
+for pinning down the tent cover is expressed. At other times the
+triangle is more obtuse and represents a hill. It may be placed on
+a white background which signifies snow or sand; blue lines extending
+downward from the base indicate springs of water and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span>small triangles may be placed in the inner triangle. Thus it becomes
+the mythical mountain in which, at the beginning of time,
+the buffaloes were kept and which is located on a snowcovered
+plain. On the slopes of the mountain grow trees. Again, quite
+different, is the interpretation given by the Pueblo Indians. In
+their arid country the greatest need is rain without which their
+crops wither and starvation stares at the people. The communal
+life centers around the idea of fertility to be attained by an abundance
+of rain. Accordingly they interpret the symbol as a cloud
+from which the rain falls. Since their art is far less angular in
+style than that of the Plains Indians, they often substitute a semicircle
+for the triangle and attain a greater realistic resemblance to clouds
+by superimposing three of these semicircles, from which flow down
+the rain lines. When we turn to the western plateaus, we find
+among the Shoshone the regular design of the obtuse triangle applied
+and explained on the basis of geographical features; it suggests to
+them mountain-passes and a fort protected by palisades. Further to the
+north we do not find the enclosed rectangle, but the triangle and
+the spurs at the base persist. These are explained as paws of a
+bear, the triangle being the sole of the foot, the spurs the claws.
+In the eastern woodlands new developments occur. The triangle
+now is exceedingly narrow, so that there is no room for the enclosed
+rectangle which is reduced to a triangle. The sides of the
+triangle are produced beyond the apex, even more so than among
+the Sioux Indians, and a considerable number of almost straight
+vertical lines are added to the sides. The form bears now a certain
+resemblance to a fish tail and is so interpreted. Still more
+curious are the developments in New England. The triangle and
+the enclosed rectangle are still unmistakably present, although curved
+lines, characteristic of eastern American art, are added on. The interpretation
+has changed again. The pattern is a symbol of the
+town or of the tribe and its chief.</p>
+
+<p>Among none of these tribes do we find any indication of the
+existence of more realistic forms from which the conventional triangle
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span>might have been derived. The realistic forms of the western
+tribes are almost exclusively crudely pictographic and no transition
+from the pictograph to ornamental, geometric patterns can be traced.
+The realistic forms of the eastern tribes are found particularly in
+mattings and weaving. These also show no relation to the triangular
+forms that we are discussing. The theory that the pattern has
+developed under the stress of a compelling style that cast a variety
+of realistic forms into the same mould does not find support in the
+facts, because transitional forms are lacking. We conclude, therefore,
+that the sameness of form and the difference of meaning are not
+due to a geometrisation of realistic forms but to a reading in of
+significance into old conventional patterns. This view is corroborated
+by the prevailing uncertainty in regard to many of the meanings.
+The Blackfeet, according to Clark Wissler,<a id="FNanchor_69_69" href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> have practically no feeling
+whatever for the significance of these designs. The Arapaho
+behave somewhat differently on different occasions. Ceremonial
+paraphernalia may have fairly definite meaning, while clothing, bags
+and other objects are given interpretations that are quite subjective
+and which show therefore great individual differences.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_69_69" href="#FNanchor_69_69" class="label">[69]</a>
+ Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 18, p. 276.</p></div>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>The importance of the social position, or perhaps better, of the
+social interests of the owner of an object, in determining the meaning
+of ornaments has been demonstrated most clearly among the
+Sioux Indians. In former times their ornamentation was made in
+porcupine quill embroidery, but at present beads have taken place
+of the quills. Men and women use to a considerable extent the
+same ornamental designs, but with distinctive meaning. A diamond-shaped
+pattern with attached double triangular appendages, when
+found on a cradle, or a woman’s legging, is interpreted as a turtle,
+the turtle being a symbol closely associated with birth and maturity
+of the woman. When found on a man’s legging it represents a
+slain enemy.<a id="FNanchor_70_70" href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_70_70" href="#FNanchor_70_70" class="label">[70]</a>
+Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat.
+Hist., Vol. 18, pp. 253, 273.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span></p>
+<p>I will mention one more case in which the actual process of
+reading in has been observed. At one time, when I visited British
+Columbia, I purchased a woven bag from an elderly woman. It
+was decorated with a series of diamonds and small embroidered
+cross-like figures. Upon inquiry I learned that the bag had
+been purchased from a neighboring tribe and that the new owner
+did not know anything about the original significance of the pattern,—if
+such a significance existed which is doubtful, because the tribe in
+question is not given to interpretations. It appeared to the new
+owner that the diamonds looked like a series of lakes connected by
+a river. The different colors of the diamonds appeared to her to
+suggest the colors of the lakes;—a green border, the vegetation
+of the shore, a yellow area inside the shallow water, and a blue
+center the deep water. The interpretation did not seem to her
+sufficiently clear, and in order to emphasize it she added, in
+embroidery, figures of birds flying towards the lakes. Thus she gave
+greater realism to her conception and made it more intelligible to
+her friends (Plate <a href="#plate_VII">VII</a>).</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="plate_VII" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_140.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate VII.</span></p>
+
+
+    Woven Pouch, British Columbia.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The needle cases of the Alaskan Eskimo offer an excellent example
+of an elaboration of geometrical into realistic forms. It must be
+remembered that all the Eskimo tribes, east and west, are very fond
+of carving and that they produce many small animal figures that
+serve no practical purpose but which are made for the pleasure of
+artistic creation, and that many of their small implements are given
+animal forms. The mind of the worker in ivory is imbued with the
+idea of animal representation. The Alaskan needle cases have a
+stereotyped form to which the bulk of the specimens conform (fig. <a href="#fig_119">119</a>).
+The type consists of a tube slightly bulging in the middle, with flanges
+at the upper end, with lateral knobs under the flanges on opposite
+sides. On the body of the tubing, between the flanges, is a long
+narrow concave face, set off from the flanges and the body of the
+tube by parallel lines with small forks at the lower ends. Lines
+border the sides and ends of the flanges and the upper end of the
+concave face, and an alternate-spur band is found at the lower end
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span>of the tube. This type is presumably related to the ancient type of
+needle case from Hudson Bay, which is characterized by a tubular
+form, flanges at the upper end and a pair of large wings in the
+middle part of the tube. These, I believe are the prototypes of the
+small knobs at the sides of the Alaskan type. These are sometimes
+so small that they can hardly be seen, although they may be felt
+when the fingers glide lightly over the surface of the tube. However
+this may be, the majority of Alaskan specimens are of the type
+here described. The
+variations in geometrical
+form are very slight.<a id="FNanchor_71_71" href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_71_71" href="#FNanchor_71_71" class="label">[71]</a>
+See Franz Boas, Decorative Designs on Alaskan Needlecases, Proceedings of
+the United States National Museum, Volume XXXIV, (1908), pages 321-344,
+Washington, D. C.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_119" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_142.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 119. Alaskan needle cases.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In a number of cases
+part of the needle case
+or the whole object is
+elaborated in representative
+forms. In a few
+specimens the knobs
+have been given the
+form of seal heads. A
+slight enlargement and
+the addition of eyes and
+mouth are sufficient to bring about this effect (fig. <a href="#fig_119">119</a> <i>c</i>). In other cases
+the flanges have been developed into walrus heads (fig. <a href="#fig_119">119</a> <i>d</i>) or into
+other animal forms that fit the form of the flange (fig. <a href="#fig_119">119</a> <i>e</i>). By adding
+a point for the eye and by cutting out the inner part of the flange
+the outer form is essentially preserved and the form of the bulky
+walrus head with its large tusks is successfully attained; or the walrus
+motive may be repeated so that the original form of the needle case
+is considerably obscured. By adding a seal’s head at the lower end
+the lower part of the object receives more or less the form of a seal.</p>
+
+<p>It is important to note that in all specimens of this type the double
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[126]</span>spur ornament persists, although it interferes with the seal’s head
+that is often added at the lower end. It seems very unlikely that
+the many animal forms attached to the needlecases were the primary
+forms from which the geometrical form developed. On the contrary,
+the wide distribution and the great frequency of the geometrical
+forms, their agreement with Eskimo
+geometrical style and the occurrence
+of this geometric style on
+specimens that do not imitate
+animal forms are entirely in favor
+of the assumption that the earlier
+form is geometrical, whatever the
+origin of the flanges and knobs
+may have been. Presumably the
+habit of carving animal forms has
+induced the artist to produce the
+variants described here.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_120" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_143.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 120. Reels of Alaskan Eskimo.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Equally interesting are the reels
+used by the Alaskan Eskimo.
+Their prototype is a piece of
+caribou antler cut as shown in
+fig. <a href="#fig_120">120</a>. This, however has been
+developed into animal forms.
+One specimen has a geometrical decoration on the body, while
+three of the ends are elaborated as animal heads. In another one
+the two prongs on one side are given the form of seal heads
+which are connected by a long line with the flippers which are
+shown on the opposite side. Still another specimen has been
+treated like a much distorted form of a wolf. The head is at the
+prong of one end, the forelegs at the other prong of the same end;
+the two hind legs are carved on the two prongs at the opposite end.</p>
+
+<p>Similar observations may be made on arrow shaft straighteners
+and snow knives of the Alaskan Eskimo.<a id="FNanchor_72_72" href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_72_72" href="#FNanchor_72_72" class="label">[72]</a>
+E. W. Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, Annual Report Bureau of
+American Ethnology, Volume XVIII, pl. 40, 48, 94.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[127]</span></p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_121" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_144.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 121. Eye shades and vessel, Ammassalik.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The examples which I have given demonstrate beyond cavil that the
+process of reading in exists and accounts for the significance of many
+geometrical forms; that it is not necessary to assume in each and
+every case that geometrical ornament is derived from realistic representations.
+Hjalmar Stolpe to whose researches on primitive art we
+owe so much had an exaggerated opinion of the importance of realistic
+designs, for he believed that every geometric form must have
+been derived from a representation. Stephan expresses the same
+opinion. I may perhaps illustrate Stolpe’s point of view by one
+example. Among the Eskimo of East Greenland is found an eye-shade
+decoration consisting of notched pieces of ivory placed side
+by side. Stolpe explained this form as a derivation from carvings
+representing seals, abbreviated due to the rhythmic repetition of the
+seal design (fig. <a href="#fig_121">121</a>). However, we know that the Eskimo when
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[128]</span>making small blocks of ivory, such as are used for the manufacture
+of toggles or other similar objects, cut the walrus tusk just in this
+manner, so that through a technical process they have become familiar
+with the ornamental form. Therefore it is not indispensable to
+assume a realistic origin for the design.</p>
+
+<p>It is interesting to compare the process with which we are dealing
+with other ethnic phenomena of similar import. The essential conclusion
+drawn from our observations is that the same form may be
+given different meanings, that the form is constant, the interpretation
+variable, not only tribally but also individually. It can be shown
+that this tendency is not by any means confined to art, but that it
+is present also in mythology and in ceremonialism, that in these
+also the outer form remains, while the accompanying interpretations
+are widely different. In the case of mythology we may observe that
+in the same way as patterns have a wide distribution, so also motives
+of myths, or even whole plots are found over extended areas. For
+example, the well known tale of the magic flight, which is one of
+the most widely distributed fairy tales, occurs in a number of North
+American localities. Among the Eskimo it is given as accounting
+for the origin of fog; in British Columbia it is made to account for
+the origin of certain cannibalistic ceremonials. Another example is
+the so-called star husband story, a tale of two girls who were taken
+up to the sky by the stars. The story is widely spread and is told
+as the explanation of a great variety of phenomena. The child of
+one of the women becomes the culture hero and destroys the monsters
+infesting the world. Customs, ceremonials, and prerogatives of
+clans are explained by this tale, in accordance with the chief interests
+of the tribes concerned. The nature myths collected from all parts
+of the world by Dähnhardt<a id="FNanchor_73_73" href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> are full of examples of this kind: the
+most diverse features are explained by the same tales. This shows
+that it is quite untenable to assume that the tales developed through
+the immediate effect of viewing natural phenomena, that much rather
+the tales preexisted and the explanatory part was tacked on at a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[129]</span>later time, precisely as the art forms preexisted and their meaning
+was tacked on according to the peculiar mental disposition of the
+individual or the tribe.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_73_73" href="#FNanchor_73_73" class="label">[73]</a>
+ Oskar Dähnhardt, <span lang="de">Natursagen</span>, Vol. 4. Leipzig 1912.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The same observation has been made in regard to ceremonials.
+The so-called sun dance is performed by almost all the tribes of
+the great plains. The general run of the ceremonial is essentially
+the same everywhere, although different tribes have added on special
+characteristic details. The meaning, on the other hand, presents far
+greater variations. In one case the performance is made in fulfilment
+of a vow made when supernatural aid is invoked in time of distress;
+in another case it is undertaken to purchase the right of ownership
+in a sacred bundle, and then again it is a tribal, seasonal ceremonial.<a id="FNanchor_74_74" href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_74_74" href="#FNanchor_74_74" class="label">[74]</a>
+ Leslie Spier, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural
+History, Vol. XVI, (1921), pp. 457 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>These three examples illustrate that the psychological explanation of
+a custom and its historical development are not by any means the
+same; on the contrary, owing to secondary interpretations that in
+course of time set in and the general character of which depends upon
+the cultural interest of the people, the psychological explanation is
+much more likely to be quite independent of the actual historical
+happenings. The mere fact that a tribe explains forms according to
+a certain pattern does not prove, that they have developed from
+actual representations of the objects they now represent.</p>
+
+<p>It might perhaps be admitted that in the special case of the North
+American triangle which we have discussed the argument is convincing
+because no transitional forms exist, that, however, when an
+almost continuous series of forms is found, beginning with the most
+realistic and ending with a purely geometrical one, the conclusion
+cannot be avoided that the development has been in the direction
+from realism to conventionalism. I have already indicated that as
+long as there is no historic proof, the sequence might as well be
+reversed. In all the cases that have been described and that are
+based on direct inquiry among primitive people regarding the meaning
+of designs, realistic and conventional forms have been found to occur
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[130]</span>at the same time. It would therefore be necessary to give a reason
+why some excellent artists should use the one style, others, equally
+good ones the other; or why even the same artist should combine
+the two styles.</p>
+
+<p>It is generally claimed that slovenly execution brings about deterioration
+of pattern and through this, causes misunderstandings. I
+do not consider this explanation as tenable under the conditions of
+life prevailing among primitive people, because there is no slovenly
+execution among natives who make utensils for their own use. The
+pottery and paintings of the South American Indians, observed by
+Von den Steinen, the crocodile arrows of New Guinea, the frigate
+bird carvings, are all carefully made. We find often that people
+will use inferior wares for exchange with neighboring tribes, while
+they keep the good material for themselves. The natives of Vancouver
+Island for instance, adulterate with elderberries berry cakes that are
+made for trade, while those made for home consumption are made
+of the more valuable berries, such as blueberries or salmonberries
+without the addition of other material of inferior value. This tendency,
+particularly when combined with the desire to manufacture
+quickly large masses of material, leads to poor work. The question
+then arises, what happens in cases of this kind. Does slovenly work
+lead to misunderstandings and to conventionalism? Balfour has
+tried to make the process clear. He let an individual copy a design
+and used the first reproduction as original for a second copy. By
+continuing in this way he received the most astonishing transformations.
+Such results may occur when work executed in a highly
+developed technique is imitated by people of lesser accomplishments.
+The standard example is that of the degeneration of Greek coins
+when copied by Keltic imitators<a id="FNanchor_75_75" href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> which led to a complete disruption
+of the original design. However, this example is not to the point,
+because we are ordinarily not dealing with copies of designs borrowed
+from people of higher technical development, but with those belonging
+to a single tribe.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_75_75" href="#FNanchor_75_75" class="label">[75]</a>
+ See Max Ebert, <span lang="de">Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte</span>, Vol. 6, pp. 301 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[131]</span></p>
+<p>I have had occasion to observe the effect of factory production
+and of slovenly execution in some Mexican material. In western
+Mexico dishes are made of tree calabashes which are covered with
+an orange laquer. By the lost-color process these are overlaid with
+designs in green laquer. The industry is probably of Spanish origin.
+Old specimens made of wood are of excellent workmanship. These
+are decorated mostly with animal forms, deer, fish, and so on. At
+present the work is of much poorer execution and the ware is sold
+in market places, as in Oaxaca (fig. <a href="#fig_122">122</a>). On some specimens the
+fish designs of ancient type are still used, but we find also, even
+more frequently, leaf patterns and we may here apparently observe
+just that kind of misunderstanding described by Balfour. The gill
+region becomes the base of the leaf. The head of the fish corresponds
+to the base of the leaf; the fins to the marginal indentations,
+and the ribs of the fish to the veins of the leaf. Since both the
+fish and the leaf occur in modern types it may be doubted whether
+we are dealing with an actual transformation, with a real misunderstanding.
+It might be as well that the psychological process involved
+has been rather the substitution of new subject matter for the old,
+in which process the new subject was rigidly controlled by the old,
+stereotyped form. We shall see that conditions of this kind are
+often very potent.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_122" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_148.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 122. Designs from vessels made of tree calabashes,
+    <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: Oxaca" id="Oxaca">Oaxaca</ins>.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[132]</span></p>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_123_124" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_149.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd40">Fig. 123. Fragments of pottery vessels, Texcoco.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 124. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Another good example is the pottery made for sale by the ancient
+inhabitants of the Valley of Mexico. Pottery was made here in great
+masses and, as described by Sahagun,<a id="FNanchor_76_76" href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> sold in the market places.
+The vessels show plainly the effect of factory production and of the
+resultant slurring. The Aztec pottery is fundamentally of uniform
+type. In Culhuacan, a small village at the foot of the Sierra de la
+Estrella, a coarse kind of this ware was made. Great masses
+of potsherds are found in the swampy soil which was used in
+early times as garden beds. The pottery is thick, dark orange,
+painted black. It is a pronounced local form, darker than the light
+ware of Texcoco (fig. <a href="#fig_123_124">123</a>); the painted lines are broad and coarse,
+while those of Texcoco are very delicate. The patterns are fixed,
+but the rapidity of manufacture has developed a definite style, analogous
+to the styles of handwriting. Each painter had his own method
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[133]</span>of handling the brush, with the result that his individuality may
+easily be recognized.<a id="FNanchor_77_77" href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> I select a few examples here in order to show
+the effect of slurring upon design. It is essential to note that on
+the same specimen the lines are always drawn in the same way;
+that is, that the hand of the painter followed very definite motor habits.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_76_76" href="#FNanchor_76_76" class="label">[76]</a> Bernardino de Sahagun, Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España, ed.
+C. M. de Bustamente, México, 1830, Vol. 3, p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_77_77" href="#FNanchor_77_77" class="label">[77]</a> See, Franz Boas y Manuel Gamio, Album de
+colecciones arqueológicas, México 1912.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>One of the simplest designs is instructive in regard to the effect
+of slurring and the development of individual style.
+One of the decorative elements consists of a series
+of S shaped, interlocking figures (fig. <a href="#fig_123_124">124</a>). It will
+be noticed that, in fig. <a href="#fig_123_124">124</a> <i>b</i> the lines which seem
+to have developed from the S shaped forms, are
+degenerating into simple curves, while in <i>c</i> the lines
+are drawn more carefully. Fig. <a href="#fig_123_124">124</a> <i>d</i> represents the
+decoration from the outer side of a vessel and here
+the S shaped curves have been carefully connected
+and are developing into a new pattern.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp30" id="fig_125" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_150.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 125. Designs
+    from pottery vessels,
+    Culhuacan.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Another simple pattern which illustrates the effect
+of rapid production consists of a regular repetition
+of a curve and two vertical strokes. It seems likely
+that the form is derived from a circle followed by
+vertical strokes such as are also found in the finely
+painted pottery of Texcoco (Fig. <a href="#fig_125">125</a> <i>a</i>). The corresponding
+Culhuacan specimens are shown in
+fig. <a href="#fig_125">125</a> <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>. While in a few cases the curve is
+a more or less carefully drawn circle (<i>b</i>, <i>c</i>), it has
+generally the shape of a spiral. One of the most striking characteristics
+of the development of this pattern is the tendency to change
+the direction of the vertical strokes to an inclined position (fig. <a href="#fig_126">126</a>).
+According to the tendency of the painter the strokes incline either
+strongly from right above to left below (<i>a</i>, <i>b</i> inside, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i> outside),
+while in <i>e</i> and <i>f</i> the strokes run from the left to the right. In
+the rapid creation of these forms the vertical lines are transformed
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[134]</span>into hooks. They are so characteristic that it seems perfectly feasible
+to recognize the same hand in these specimens.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp70" id="fig_126" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_152_126.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 126.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>There is still another way the design is treated. In fig. <a href="#fig_127">127</a> <i>a</i>
+the spiral lies in the direction opposite to the one usually given to
+it and a single dividing vertical line is placed between the two
+spirals; the end of the first spiral taking the place of the second
+vertical line. Here again the method of treatment is consistent. In a
+few cases the spiral line instead of terminating abruptly is continued
+under the vertical strokes (<i>b</i>). In still another case, a separate single
+or double horizontal line is placed under the spiral (<i>c</i>).</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp60" id="fig_127" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_152_127.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 127.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_128" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_152_128.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 128. Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A frequent design of which many specimens have been collected
+consists of a spiral with attached curves. Presumably it is derived
+from a circle and straight lines (fig. <a href="#fig_128">128</a> <i>a</i>). In rapid execution, the
+center of the circle is connected with the circumference so that the
+whole line is transformed into a spiral. Sometimes the spirals develop
+into a simple hook (<i>b</i>), and the lowest point of the circumference
+of the circle is continued into the adjoining horizontal line. In by
+far the majority of specimens the distinction between the circle and
+the adjoining line may be recognized by a sudden turn, or at least
+an indention in the lowest horizontal line (<i>c</i>). The form developing
+from the original pattern depends entirely upon the peculiar turn
+of the brush used by the artist. In many cases (<i>b</i>, <i>c</i>) the spiral,
+continuing into the lowest horizontal line and turning back into the
+central horizontal line, is made in one stroke and the upper horizontal
+line is added on by a separate movement, adjoining the middle
+and forming a hook. In other cases (<i>d</i>, <i>e</i>), the spiral and lowest
+horizontal are drawn in the same way. The horizontal lines, however,
+are made separately by drawing a right angle, probably from the top
+downward and adding a central line. In these cases, the horizontal
+ends at the far side in a sharp angle. In fig. <a href="#fig_128">128</a> <i>f</i>, the two horizontal
+lines are separated from the curve; in <i>g</i>, they are made very
+long and apparently the middle one is made in one stroke with the
+spiral. The method of producing <i>h</i> is the same as that applied in
+<i>b</i> and <i>c</i> but the upper horizontal line is very much reduced in size.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[135]</span>The same method is applied in <i>i</i> with the difference that the lower
+horizontal is turned up and ends rather abruptly, and that the upper
+and middle horizontals are made in the form of a single horseshoe
+curve. In <i>j</i> and <i>k</i> quite a different method is applied, the spiral
+remains as before but the horizontal lines are made separately in
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[136]</span>the form of a 3. In <i>l</i> and <i>m</i> the whole curve is made in one continuous
+line which has led to the doubling of the middle horizontal
+in the form of a loop. In <i>n</i> the three horizontals are treated quite
+differently; the long S shaped figure starting above on the left being
+substituted for the lines attached to the lowest horizontal. A similar
+principle, but beginning on the opposite side, is applied in <i>o</i>, in which
+specimen the three horizontals have taken the form of a spiral
+ending below in an almost vertical spur. In <i>p</i> we recognize a form
+in which the S shaped curve is made separately; in the middle an
+additional horizontal line is added and furthermore, the lowest part
+of the S shaped curve is connected with the lower horizontal. The
+form <i>q</i> is reversed and by attaching the S shaped curve to the center
+of the spiral, a divergent form is developed.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_129" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_154.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 129. Alligator designs from Chiriqui pottery.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>I believe that many of the highly irregular forms that occur in
+painted pottery must be explained in the same way. Another instance
+of this kind is represented by the so-called alligator ware of the
+Chiriqui (fig. <a href="#fig_129">129</a>) on which W. H. Holmes based his arguments of
+gradual degeneration of realistic forms into conventional forms.
+Although the pot itself is well made, the painting is almost always
+slovenly; evidently the result of mass production. The most characteristic
+trait of decoration of this ware is line and dot work. All
+the designs are characterized by the use of black and red lines interspersed
+with dots. The geometrical designs, as well as the animal
+forms are crudely executed. Professor Holmes has called attention
+to the fact that the dots are used to indicate the scales of the alligators,
+but this fact does not prove that all the dots are derived from
+alligator scales. Forms like those shown in fig. <a href="#fig_129">129</a> to the right above
+may well be understood as attempts in general decoration in black
+and red lines and dots, badly executed. This seems more probable
+since the dotted triangle has a much wider distribution than the
+alligator motives. A representation of the alligator might then be
+explained as executed in accordance with the technique applied to
+geometrical motives. Owing to slovenly execution the animal form
+may degenerate according to the motor habits of the individual artist.
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span>However, this would not prove that the alligator, as such, is older
+than the line and dot decoration. It must be borne in mind also,
+that the upturned snout of the alligator, of which much is made as
+a means of identification, is a character of much wider distribution
+than the alligator motive itself. Representations of monkeys have it
+and we find it also in representations from the interior of Costa
+Rica and from some parts of South America. All this is also true
+of the curious nuchal appendage which occurs in Costa Rica as well
+as in South America.</p>
+
+<p>Equally instructive is the application of small nodes and fillets
+to pottery which has been explained by Dr. G. G. MacCurdy as
+resulting from degeneration of armadillo figures.<a id="FNanchor_78_78" href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> The essential
+characteristic of all this ware is the use of small nodes and fillets applied
+to the surface of the vessel or to some of its parts, like feet, neck,
+shoulder or handle. These attachments are decorated by a series of
+short parallel impressions. An oval node with single medial line or
+lines is often used to indicate an eye; a similar nodule with several
+parallel lines indicates the foot; a series of parallel, short fillets with
+short parallel crosslines, are applied to forms that represent animals,
+but they are also found on the bodies of vases. Dr. C. V. Hartman<a id="FNanchor_79_79" href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> and
+S. K. Lothrop<a id="FNanchor_80_80" href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> describe the same technical motives from other parts
+of Costa Rica. In technical character these are so much like the
+Chiriqui specimens that we can hardly doubt that they are derived
+from the same device. This method of decoration is widely spread.
+Its use extends over Central America and the West Indies. It is
+most characteristic of archaic ware, particularly figurines of this early
+period are always modelled by means of attaching nodules and fillets.
+During this period the eye is regularly represented by a nodule
+with one or several incisions. This technique is also found in
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[139]</span>Ecuador<a id="FNanchor_81_81" href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> up to more recent times. In the Toltec period the
+adornment of vessels by attached nodule decoration reached its
+highest development. In North America it is not common.
+Incised fillets occur in remains from the middle Mississippi region
+but even here they are not one of the pronounced features.
+In contrast with its frequency in the highly developed pottery
+of early Central America its rarity may be noted in Africa, where
+highly developed forms are by no means absent, and where lids with
+animal figures might seem to suggest readily the application of the
+device.<a id="FNanchor_82_82" href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> This is true also of the prehistoric pottery of Europe. The
+nodule appears in the pottery of Michelsberg, in Jaispitz (Moravia)
+and in a few other late localities. Only in the slip (barbotine) decorations
+of the terra sigillata do we find anything resembling the
+American appliqué ornamentation, but since the material is applied
+in a semifluid state, it does not attain the same freedom of treatment.
+Nodes that do occur in European prehistoric pottery were apparently
+made rather in imitation of punched bronze decorations and belong
+to a late period. Attached animal figures, made in clay, like those
+found at Gemeinlebarn, also seem to be imitations of metal work
+and have never reached that development which is so characteristic
+of Central American ceramic art.</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_78_78" href="#FNanchor_78_78" class="label">[78]</a> George Grant MacCurdy, A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Memoirs Connecticut
+Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol. 3 (1911), pp. 48 et seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_79_79" href="#FNanchor_79_79" class="label">[79]</a> C. V. Hartman, Archaeological Researchers in Costa Rica, Stockholm, 1901.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_80_80" href="#FNanchor_80_80" class="label">[80]</a> Samuel Kirkland Lothrop. Pottery of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, New York,
+Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1926.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_81_81" href="#FNanchor_81_81" class="label">[81]</a> Marshall H. Saville, The Antiquities of Manabi, Ecuador, New York, 1910.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_82_82" href="#FNanchor_82_82" class="label">[82]</a> See a relief ornament on a red ware vessel from Banana, Belgian Congo,
+<span lang="fr">Annales du Musée du Congo</span>; Notes analytiques sur les collections ethnographiques,
+Vol. 2, Brussels, 1907, <span lang="fr">Les industries indigènes</span>, Pl. III, fig. 34.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The characteristic slit rattle feet of Chiriqui pottery prove even
+more conclusively than the application of fillets and nodes, that the
+art forms of this province must be considered as a special development
+of forms characteristic of a much wider area. This type of foot is
+widely spread beyond the territory in which the fish forms prevailed.<a id="FNanchor_83_83" href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_83_83" href="#FNanchor_83_83" class="label">[83]</a> See Franz Boas y Manuel Gamio, <span lang="es">Album de colecciones arqueológicas</span>, México,
+1912, Plates 36, 42, 51.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>We are thus led to the conclusion that the use of the nodes and
+fillets for building up armadillo motives, are historically related to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[140]</span>the method of decorating vessels by means of the attachment of
+separate pieces. The armadillo motive can then be only a specialized
+application of building up animal motives from the elements in question.
+The elements themselves must not be considered primarily as
+symbols of the armadillo, nor can all the animals built up of these
+elements be interpreted as armadillos.</p>
+
+<p>The essential point of this consideration lies in the wide distribution
+of technical and formal motives over large areas, although
+differing in details in various localities. These technical and formal
+motives are the materials with which the artist operates and they
+determine the particular form which a geometrical motive or a life
+motive takes. If the notched fillet and node are the material with
+which the hand and the mind of the artist operate, they will occur
+in all his representations.</p>
+
+<p>The investigators who have tried to prove that conventionalized
+forms originate through a process of degeneration from representations,
+have generally overlooked the strong influence of motor habits
+and of formal arrangements upon the resultant style. In those cases
+in which there is a tendency to organize decorative motives in rectangular
+panels, in circular areas, or in fields defined in other ways,
+the result must be quite different from others in which the artist
+habitually arranges his material in large fields or in continuous bands.
+The habit of decorating pottery by moulding and by adding on relief
+forms, must lead to results different from those which are obtained
+by painting or engraving. The use of lines and the habit of using
+dots or circles will also effect the resultant style. I think there can
+be very little doubt that if an artist is in the habit of using dot
+designs combined with lines and if, later on, he tries to represent
+an animal, this particular method will be applied in the representation.
+The origin of the motor habits must probably be looked for
+in technical processes, that of arrangement in the same processes
+and in the forms of familiar utensils.</p>
+
+<p>Our examination of the factory-made material shows that the
+process of slurring, or slovenly execution leads first of all to the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[141]</span>development of individual characteristics that can best be compared
+with handwriting. Pronounced mannerisms permit us to recognize
+the hand of the artisan. It is only when an unusually careful and
+ingenious person operates with this traditional material that new forms
+develop, analogous to those described by Balfour. It will readily be
+seen that these conditions are not often realized in primitive society.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_130" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_158.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 130. Chinese embroidery representing bats.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>I believe another cause is more potent in bringing about a modification
+of design. Ornamental patterns must be adjusted to the
+decorative field to which they are applied. It is not often that the
+artist is satisfied with representing part of his subject and cutting it
+off where the decorative field ends. He will much rather distort
+and adjust the parts in such a way that they all fit in the field that
+he has at his disposal. When a bird is represented with outspread
+wings, which would occupy approximately a square field, and the
+space to be decorated is long and narrow, the artist may twist
+body and tail about, and draw out the wings and thus squeeze
+the design into the available space. Henry Balfour<a id="FNanchor_84_84" href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> gives as an
+instance the adjustment of Chinese figures of bats to an ornamental
+band (fig. <a href="#fig_130">130</a>).</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_84_84" href="#FNanchor_84_84" class="label">[84]</a> The Evolution of Art, 1893, p. 50.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The northwest coast Indians, who always take the greatest liberties
+with the outer forms of animals, do not hesitate to distort them in
+a way that allows the artist to adjust the animal to the decorative
+field. Their method will be discussed in greater detail at another
+place (see pp. <a href="#Page_183">183</a> et seq.).</p>
+
+<p>On shell discs from the mounds of Tennessee the rattlesnake is so
+represented (fig. <a href="#fig_131">131</a>). The head of the rattlesnake with upturned upper
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[142]</span>jaw is readily recognized in fig. <a href="#fig_131">131</a> <i>a</i>. Behind the mouth, the eye
+represented by a number of circles, will be seen. The body continues
+along the lower rim towards the right and terminates on the left, in
+a rattle. The analogy between fig. <i>b</i> and <i>a</i> is easily recognized;
+the essential difference consists in the fact that the body in <i>b</i> is
+undecorated; the rattle lies just
+over and behind the eye.
+Figure <i>c</i> still preserves the
+same form, but added to the
+decorations found in the preceding
+specimens, is the long
+loop with small circles surrounding
+the eye. The position
+in <i>d</i> is slightly changed; the
+eye will be easily recognized
+and just to the right of it, more
+upright than in the preceding
+specimens, is the mouth with
+a fang. The body is in the
+same position as before, following
+the rim of the disk and
+ending in a rattle. In <i>e</i> the
+mouth is very much shortened
+and the eye is reduced to a
+single small circle, while the
+body and tail retain their
+characteristic features.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp55" id="fig_131" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_159.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 131. Shell with representation
+    of rattle snake.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The formal elements which were discussed in the beginning of this
+book exert a far-reaching influence upon decorative forms. The
+exigencies of symmetry within a decorative field require adjustments
+which may modify the representative form considerably. A peculiar
+effect of inverted symmetry may be seen in those Borneo shields in
+which the whole shield represents the face of a demon; one half to the
+left of the vertical middle line right side up, the other half upside down.<a id="FNanchor_85_85" href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_85_85" href="#FNanchor_85_85" class="label">[85]</a> A. R. Hein, <span lang="de">Die bildende Künste bei den Dayaks of Borneo</span>, figs. 48, 49, 51.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[143]</span></p>
+<p>Much more potent than the necessities of formal adjustment is the
+symbolic tendency which is liable to lead to abbreviations in which
+the representation is reduced to the slightest indications. In our former
+discussions we have seen that symbolic representations are very
+common and that it happens in many cases that the symbol itself is
+represented in a more or less perspective way. Wherever the art
+of the people wavers between the symbolic and representative modes
+of delineation, opportunity arises for the occurrence of realistic and
+abbreviated forms, side by side. To this class belong the face urns,
+the prehistoric representations of human figures in stone, and even
+our busts and portraits may be considered as continuing this practice,
+for they are fragmentary in so far as they show only that
+part of the body in which we find the character of the individual
+most clearly expressed; in part, because the rest of the body is always
+covered by inexpressive clothing which hides whatever individuality
+may exist. The principal character of forms of this type will be the
+tendency to suggest an object by the indication of a few of the most
+characteristic traits. It would probably be erroneous to speak in
+these cases of a gradual breaking up of the realistic form and the
+development from it of a conventional form, for this is not what
+actually happens. The two types occur side by side.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[144]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="STYLE">STYLE</h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap">We have to take up now the problem of individual art styles.
+The general formal elements of which we spoke before, namely
+symmetry, rhythm, and emphasis or delimitation of form, do not
+describe adequately a specific style, for they underlie all forms of
+ornamental art. Representative art is more apt to develop differential
+features, for in each area symbolic, perspective and wavering representations
+have peculiar, pronounced characteristics. The principles
+of symbolic selection and the method of composition help to individualize
+representative art forms; but, besides these, many formal
+elements are integral parts of every art style and these give it its
+most specific character. The New Zealander, the Melanesian, the
+African, the Northwest American, the Eskimo,—all are in the habit
+of carving human figures in the round. They are all representative,
+and still the provenience of each is easily determined on account of
+very definite formal characteristics.</p>
+
+<p>We shall direct our attention to an elucidation of the principles
+by which art styles may be described. We shall also ask ourselves,
+in how far the historical and psychological conditions under which
+art styles grow up and flourish may be understood.</p>
+
+<p>It will be well to begin with a simple problem. We have seen
+that we may consider as works of art undecorated implements made
+by a perfectly controlled technique,—in other words made by a
+virtuoso. Such are polished stone axes, chipped arrow or lance
+heads, iron spear heads, spoons, boxes; in short, any object of daily
+use, provided only the form which we may recognize as conceived
+in crude specimens, is worked out in a perfect technique. Objects
+of this kind, used for the same purposes, have not by any means
+the same form everywhere. The specimens accumulated in ethnological
+museums prove that, until very recent times, before contamination
+by European wares, each locality, and also each cultural period
+had developed fixed types that were rigidly adhered to.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[145]</span></p>
+<p>This observation is illustrated by the utensils of prehistoric times
+as well as by those collected among the primitive tribes of our times.
+The throwing sticks of the Eskimo may serve as an example. They
+are used to give greater impetus to the hand-thrown weapon. The
+principle of their use is the same among all the Eskimo tribes, but
+they present highly specialized local forms, so distinct in appearance
+that each type may with certainty be assigned to the region from
+which it comes (fig. <a href="#fig_132">132</a>).</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_132" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_162.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 132. Throwing sticks of the Eskimo;<span class="nowrap"> <i>a</i>, Greenland;</span>
+ <span class="nowrap"><i>b</i>, Ungava Bay;</span>
+<span class="nowrap"> <i>c</i>, Cumberland Sound;</span>
+<span class="nowrap"> <i>d</i>, Point Barrow;</span>
+ <span class="nowrap"><i>e</i>, Alaska (exact location doubtful);</span>
+<span class="nowrap"> <i>f</i>, Cape Nome.</span>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>For the purpose of our inquiry it is important to understand the
+reasons that bring about this fixity of type. In a tool like the
+throwing stick it is obviously related to the manner of its use. The
+clumsy board of Baffinland must feel unwieldy to the hand of a
+native who has learned to handle the narrow, pegged stick from
+Bering Sea. The adaptation of the hand to the handle does not
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[146]</span>permit the use of forms that require unusual muscular movements
+which would lessen the accuracy and ease of use. Therefore the
+variations of form are confined within the limits established by the
+fixed motor habits of the people. Even if a variation of form should
+appeal to the eye, it will not be adopted if it should require a new
+adjustment of the hands. The more fundamental the motor habits
+that determine the form of the implement, the less likely will be
+a deviation from the customary type.</p>
+
+<p>The motor habits which find expression in the forms of utensils
+are in part highly specialized,—like those required for the effective
+use of the throwing sticks just referred to,—but others are much more
+general in character, and it would seem as though large divisions of
+mankind were characterised by habits of this kind which influence
+the forms of their implements and household goods. The restriction
+to the islands of the Pacific Ocean of the process of producing fire
+by ploughing; the areas of different types of arrow release described
+by Edward S. Morse; the extended use of throwing clubs in Africa
+and their relative insignificance in many parts of America are other
+examples of this kind.</p>
+
+<p>A curious instance of the stability of motor habits is found among
+the Eskimo; notwithstanding their great inventiveness the ancient
+Eskimo does not seem to have used the saw for cutting large bones.
+The cutting was always done by drilling holes close together along
+the line on which the bone was to be divided. When enough holes
+had been drilled the parts were separated by a blow of a hammer
+or by means of a wedge; it seems that saws of flaked stone were
+entirely unknown to these people.</p>
+
+<p>Another instance may be cited; the Indians of the North Pacific
+Coast, from southern Alaska to central Vancouver Island, do not
+practice the art of stone chipping and flaking. All their stone work
+was made either in tough stones that are handled by sawing, battering,
+pecking and polishing, or in soft stones that can be cut with a knife
+and rubbed down with polishing materials. The beautiful chipped
+blades, characteristic of their Eskimo neighbors in the north and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[147]</span>their Indian neighbors on the interior plateaus and of the southern
+coast tribes, are missing here entirely.</p>
+
+<p>Similar observations may be made in regard to the handling of
+the knife. The North American woodcarver of modern times uses
+principally the crooked knife, the blade of which forms part of a
+spiral surface. Archaeological specimens of this type are rare<a id="FNanchor_86_86" href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> so
+that it is not certain whether this method of cutting was extensively
+used in olden times. At present it is undoubtedly distributed
+over the whole continent.<a id="FNanchor_87_87" href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> The knife is used like a spoke-shave,
+being drawn towards the body. In Africa, on the other hand,
+carving is done with a rasp and a straight<a id="FNanchor_88_88" href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> double-bladed knife. I
+find the use of a crooked, sickle shaped knife mentioned only once,
+as being applied to the shaving down of an arrow shaft and,
+presumably, to similar purposes. Schweinfurth<a id="FNanchor_89_89" href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> mentions that the
+Mangbattu are the only people in the regions he visited,—including
+even Egyptians—, who are familiar with the use of the single-edged
+carving knife, while all the others use the double-edged knife. Of
+the Ila speaking people it is also said that they use a spear blade
+for carving<a id="FNanchor_90_90" href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_86_86" href="#FNanchor_86_86" class="label">[86]</a> Harlan I. Smith, Archaeology of the Thompson River Region, Publ. Jesup
+North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, fig. 352 <i>d</i>, p. 418; James Teit, The Thompson
+Indians, <i>ibid.</i> figs. 125, 126. p. 184; perhaps also the beaver tooth knife, <i>ibid.</i>
+fig. 49, p. 144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_87_87" href="#FNanchor_87_87" class="label">[87]</a> Otis T. Mason, Report U. S. National Museum, 1897, pt. 1, pp. 725 et seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_88_88" href="#FNanchor_88_88" class="label">[88]</a> M. Weiss,<span lang="de"> Die Völkerstämme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas</span>, p. 421 et seq.;
+also G. Tessmann, Die Pangwe, p. 222; Jan <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: Czekanowsky" id="Czekanowsky">Czekanowski</ins> (Ruanda) l. c. (see p. 111)
+p. 155.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_89_89" href="#FNanchor_89_89" class="label">[89]</a> G. Schweinfurth, <span lang="de">Im Herzen von Afrika</span>, 3d ed. p. 349.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_90_90" href="#FNanchor_90_90" class="label">[90]</a> E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern Rhodesia,
+Vol. I, p. 199.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Another example illustrating our point is presented by the hammers
+used by the Indians of the northwest coast of North America. The
+coast tribes of Washington use a hand hammer made of a single
+bowlder with a lateral striking head, the tribes of Vancouver Island,
+a hand hammer also made of a single bowlder, with a cylindrical
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[148]</span>shaft and a flat striking head at the lower end<a id="FNanchor_91_91" href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>; those of northern
+British Columbia a heavy hammerstone lashed to a large wooden handle.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_91_91" href="#FNanchor_91_91" class="label">[91]</a> Franz Boas, The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, Publications of the Jesup
+North Pacific Expedition, Vol. 5, pp. 314 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>In another way habits of movement or position find expression
+in household furniture and dress. Tribes among which squatting
+on the ground is habitual do not use stools or chairs. Those in
+the habit of lying on their sides do not use neck rests which are
+found among people with elaborate hair dress that lie on their backs.</p>
+
+<p>The clothing of women is adapted to the manner in which they
+carry their children. The hood of the Eskimo woman of Baffinland
+accommodates the child that is carried on the back. The wide boot
+of the women of Southampton Island and of the ancient styles of
+Hudson Strait served to protect the child that was carried on the hip.</p>
+
+<p>It is hardly likely that the habits of the people originated from
+forms of the household goods they used. It is much more probable
+that the inventions were determined by older habits. In later
+times the relation may have been reversed, in so far as each generation
+stabilizes its habits in accordance with the objects to which it
+is accustomed.</p>
+
+<p>A similar permanence of form of utensils which are adjusted to
+definite motor habits exists in modern times, as is illustrated by the
+rigidity of form of many tradesmen’s tools or the permanence of
+the keyboard of the piano.</p>
+
+<p>The same conservatism, although based on the training of another
+sense organ, is found in the stability of the forms of the letters of
+our alphabet. In writing, both the firmly established motor habits
+and the fixity of the associations between visual image and form,
+help to stabilize old forms and to make difficult innovations.</p>
+
+<p>The stability of language is another phenomenon of the same kind.
+The fundamental phonetic characteristics of a language are based on
+motor habits; the use of vocabulary and of grammatical forms partly
+on auditory associations. In all these cases; in the use of tools, forms
+and language the mind becomes so thoroughly adjusted to the use
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[149]</span>of definite motor habits, and to certain types of association between
+sense impressions and definite activities, that a resistance to change
+appears as the most natural mental attitude; if for no other reason,
+because it requires the effort of unlearning and relearning. It must
+be understood that this does not imply an absolute stability, which
+does not exist, but merely the individual resistance to sudden changes.</p>
+
+<p>In another way this resistance is expressed through an emotional
+attachment to customary forms. In the domain of tools it is perhaps
+not so much the pleasure of play that induces man to bestow
+much labor upon the manufacture of his utensils, as rather the love
+of the special tool that he is using, a love that implies pleasure in
+the customary movements as well as in the form of the implement.
+This mental attitude is one of the most important sources of the conservatism
+in the form of objects of use, and of the tendency to give
+to them the greatest possible technical excellence. The intensity of
+the emotional relation between a person and his tool is naturally
+greatest when maker and user are the same person; it must decay
+with the ease with which substitutes are obtained. Here is one of
+the causes of the rapid decay in the beauty of form of native utensils
+as soon as European tools and manufactures are introduced.</p>
+
+<p>While the lack of variation in the forms of utensils, and their
+regional characterisation are often expressions of definite motor
+habits, or of other sensory reactions that are firmly associated with
+useful activities which have become culturally fixed, there are other
+cases in which conservative retention of form may not be thus
+explained. This is true particularly when the use of an object does
+not depend to any considerable extent upon its form. Whether a
+basket is round or oblong, angular or without corners does not
+influence the mode of its use, unless it serves as a carrying basket.
+Still, in many cases the familiarity established through long use of
+the objects may readily lead to an emotional attachment that finds
+expression in permanence of form, and in the refusal to accept new,
+unfamiliar shapes for every day use, an emotional resistance to change
+that may be variously expressed,—as a feeling of impropriety of certain
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[150]</span>forms; of a particular social or religious value, or of superstitious fear
+of change. Permanence of form is also favored by the participation
+of many individuals in the manufacture of objects. In most cases
+every person supplies his own needs. The number of original minds
+is certainly no larger in primitive society than in our own, although
+I do not believe that it is any smaller. The bulk of the makers of
+objects of every day use are, therefore, imitators, not originators, and
+the mass of uniform material that is in use and constantly seen
+will restrict the free play of imagination of the original minds. The
+desire for deliberate attempts to create something novel, that characterises
+the industries of our times, is not present, just as little as
+it is present among our peasants, so far as they are uncontaminated
+by city influences. I do not mean to imply that primitive forms
+are absolutely stable. Nothing could be farther from the truth; but
+the conscious striving for change that characterizes our fashions, is
+rare. We are also conservative in forms, a modification of which
+would require fundamental changes of habits.</p>
+
+<p>The stability of the inner arrangements of houses, notwithstanding
+all variations in detail; the adherence to types of windows used in
+different countries; the forms of churches, our localized food habits
+are all examples of a considerable degree of conservatism. This
+prevails also at least in part, in the fundamental patterns of male
+and female attire.</p>
+
+<p>Conservatism of form makes itself felt in many cases in which an
+object is made of new material. The relinquishment of the old material
+may be due to lack of an adequate supply of the old material, or it
+may be an innovation due to an inner creative impulse. It constitutes
+a break with the past. The old forms, however, are often retained.
+Such substitutions are the more liable to occur the more plastic the
+new material. Pottery, to a lesser extent wood, and also stone are
+the principal materials in which forms can be imitated in the round.
+Particularly pottery lends itself readily to the manufacture of a great
+variety of forms. When the necessary skill in tempering the clay,
+in modeling and firing has been attained, the opportunity is presented
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[151]</span>for copying a great variety of forms. Thus we find shell dishes and
+spoons, gourd vessels and basket forms imitated in pottery. We
+still continue doing so. We have in our China ware innumerable
+instances of copies of even the finest fabrics. In Africa we find clay
+lamps which are evidently derived from the forms of bronze lamps
+of antiquity in which the complicated feet are imitations of wire
+work, and many pottery vessels seem to be copies of baskets. For
+instance, the handled ceremonial clay dishes of the Pueblo Indians
+look more like baskets than like pottery forms.</p>
+
+<p>On account of the great frequency of imitative forms in pottery
+the theory has been advanced, that all pottery forms must have
+originated from prototypes that were first made in some other
+technique. Professor Schuchardt<a id="FNanchor_92_92" href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> assumes that the first neolithic
+forms which are pointed at the base, must be copies of bottles made
+of hide. Cushing and Holmes<a id="FNanchor_93_93" href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> have advocated the theory that
+pottery and pottery designs developed from basketry, that pots were
+first of all modeled over a basket and that the basket with its clay
+cover was then fired. The basket was thus burnt and the clay
+vessel remained in the form of the basket. In corroboration of
+this theory it has been pointed out that actually clay covered baskets
+have been found, on the surface of which the ornamental pattern
+that is usually found on the basket is painted on the clay. These
+attempts do not seem to me convincing. The oldest pottery that
+we know is very crude and does not recall any other technical
+form. The Eskimo made clay lamps of unbaked clay that seems
+to be merely squeezed into shape. It seems much more likely that
+the firing of clay was discovered when foods were cooked on clayey
+soil or in pits in clayey ground, than that baskets should be made
+watertight by an application of clay and that the basket, the making
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[152]</span>of which is a laborious process, should then have been intentionally
+destroyed. However, I do not wish to introduce a new unproven theory
+in place of others. For our purpose it is sufficient to recognize
+the frequent copies of natural and technical forms in pottery.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_92_92" href="#FNanchor_92_92" class="label">[92]</a> Carl Schuchardt, <span lang="de">Alteuropa</span>, Berlin 1919, p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_93_93" href="#FNanchor_93_93" class="label">[93]</a> W. H. Holmes, Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in Ceramic
+Art, Frank Hamilton Cushing, A Study of Pueblo Pottery; Fourth Annual Report
+Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1886. There is, however, evidence that pots
+were moulded on baskets, then removed and fired.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The same happens, although not quite so extensively in wood
+carving and even in stone work, particularly in soft stones that may
+be worked with a knife. Wooden copies of objects made of buffalo
+horn occur in Africa. Many of the beautifully carved wooden
+goblets from the Congo region look to me like pottery vessels, held
+in place by stone supports. Carvings in wood imitate forms made
+by joining pieces together. In some regions we find stone vessels
+of the same form that is usually used for wooden ones. Best known
+among imitative stone forms are the prehistoric European stone axes
+which are copies of the forms of bronze weapons that were in use
+in more southern regions, or the stone settees of ancient South
+America, copies of wooden seats.</p>
+
+<p>We have spoken so far only of the general forms of the objects,
+not of decoration or ornament. We have seen in our discussion
+of the purely formal elements that the technique will sometimes
+bring about patterns on the surfaces of the manufactured objects.
+We mentioned the patterns produced by flaking of stone, by adzing
+and by weaving with coarse material. The importance of these
+surface patterns for the development or ornament can hardly be
+overstated. When a large board is adzed, the workman must shift
+his position in order to cover the whole board. According to the
+way he moves, different patterns of adjoining surfaces may develop.
+Much more important are the patterns that naturally develop when
+a weaver plays with his technique, that is when he or she is no
+longer satisfied with the simple weaving up and down, but begins
+to skip strands and thus introduces more complex rhythms of movement.
+The solidity of the fabric requires alternations of skipping
+and thus the twilling leads immediately to diagonal surface patterns.
+The more complex the rhythmic movements, the more complex
+will also be the patterns. The attempt has been made to trace the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[153]</span>origin of all important decorative patterns to this source. I presume
+this is an exaggeration, because other conditions may as well lead
+to the discovery of designs. I say advisedly discovery, not invention,
+for I believe, with those investigators who would derive all patterns
+from weaving, that intentional invention is less important than the
+discovery of possibilities which come to be observed as an effect
+of the play, particularly the rhythmic play with technical processes.</p>
+
+<p>I presume that the occurrence of a number of simple ornamental
+elements may be explained as technically determined. We have
+seen before that the straight line and the regular curve such as circle
+and spiral presuppose an accurate technique, that they are too rare
+in nature to be considered as representative in character. The
+straight line may be the result of cutting, folding or splitting some
+kinds of wood, of the use of reeds or similar materials, of stretching
+fibres and of many other processes. Circles may originate by the
+regular turning of coiled basketry and of coiled pottery: spirals by
+the laying of coarse coils. Weaving in coarse material leads to
+rectangular figures, to checker patterns, steplike diagonals and to
+many other complicated forms. Tying with cord produces straight
+lines intersecting at various angles and also parallel, circular and
+spiral forms. We may confidently claim independent origin in
+separate areas for the triangular design in basketry (fig. <a href="#fig_104">104</a> <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>,
+p. 109); for simple radial forms in coiled basketry placques; for
+the swastika cross, the meander and for many other simple forms,
+like the spirals of prehistoric Bohemia; of eastern Siberia; of
+Melanesia and of ancient New Mexico; in the sameness of design
+elements from Africa and America; in the occurrence of the
+circle and central dot in prehistoric Europe and among the
+Eskimo. The principle of symmetry, of balance, of rhythmic repetition
+and of emphasis laid upon prominent points or lines apply to
+all kinds of technique and many lead to parallel developments.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen that in some cases, simple elements which develop
+independently, possess stylistic peculiarities that differentiate one locality
+from another. But even if the forms are identical, the arrangement
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[154]</span>in the decorative field is liable to give a specific form to the art of
+each locality.</p>
+
+<p>The negroes of the Congo present an excellent example of the
+transfer of design from one technique to another. Their woven
+patterns consist largely of intersecting bands, imitating the interweaving
+of broad bands. These motives appear in most of the decorative
+work of these tribes. Their embroidered pile cloth (fig. <a href="#fig_133">133</a>) imitates
+the interwoven patterns; they reappear on their wood carvings,
+particularly on their goblets (see fig. <a href="#fig_52">52</a>, p. 59), and on carvings on
+buffalo horns.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_133" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_171.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 133. Pile cloth, Congo.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Interwoven bands that look like imitations of coarse weaving are also
+very common in American art. They are found in many parts of South
+America and among the Pueblo Indians. Some of the wood carving
+of Tonga is evidently influenced in style by the artistic methods of
+tying, which are highly developed in the islands of the Pacific Ocean.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[155]</span></p>
+<p>Granting all this, it still remains obscure why there should be
+that degree of individualization of style that is actually observed
+even where similar technical processes prevail. The Indians of
+Guiana and the Indonesians use the same methods of weaving in
+rather broad, stiff materials. The technical conditions controlling
+their basketry work are practically the same. Nevertheless the
+styles of art they use are quite distinctive.</p>
+
+<p>We conclude from this that besides the influence of the technique
+there must be some other causes that determine the individual style
+of each area. I doubt very much that it will ever be possible to
+give a satisfactory explanation of the origin of these styles, just as
+little as we can discover all the psychological and historical conditions
+that determine the development of language, social structure, mythology
+or religion. All these are so exceedingly complex in their
+growth that even at best we can do no more than hope to unravel
+some of the threads that are woven into the present fabric and
+determine some of the lines of behavior that may help us to realize
+what is happening in the minds of the people.</p>
+
+<p>We have to turn our attention first of all to the artist himself.
+Heretofore we have considered only the work of art without any
+reference to the maker. Only in the case of slovenly work have
+we referred to the artisan. It has appeared that his behavior as
+revealed in his work helped us to understand the fate of the designs.
+We may hope, therefore, that in the broader question also knowledge
+of the attitude and actions of the artist will contribute to a
+clearer understanding of the history of art styles. Unfortunately,
+observations on this subject are very rare and unsatisfactory, for it
+requires an intimate knowledge of the people to understand the
+innermost thoughts and feelings of the artist. Even with thorough
+knowledge the problem is exceedingly difficult, for the mental
+processes of artistic production do not take place in the full light of
+consciousness. The highest type of artistic production is there, and
+its creator does not know whence it comes. It would be an error
+to assume that this attitude is absent among tribes whose artistic
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[156]</span>productions seem to us so much bound by a hard and fast style
+that there is little room for the expression of individual feeling and
+for the freedom of the creative genius. I recall the instance of
+an Indian from Vancouver Island who was suffering of a lingering
+malady that confined him to his bed. He had been a good painter
+but his productions did not differ stylistically in any way from those
+of his tribe. During his long illness he would sit on his bed,
+holding his brush between his lips, silent and apparently oblivious
+of his surroundings. He could hardly be induced to speak, but
+when he spoke he dilated upon his visions of designs that he could
+no longer execute. Undoubtedly his was the mind and the attitude
+of a true, inspired artist.</p>
+
+<p>The general character of the artistic productions of man, the world
+over, shows that the style has the power of limiting the inventiveness
+of the productive artist; for, if we grant that potential genius like the
+one just described is born in all cultures, then the uniformity of art
+forms in a given tribe can be understood only by these limitations.</p>
+
+<p>The restriction of inventiveness is not due, as might perhaps
+be supposed, to the habit of copying old designs and to a sluggishness
+of the imagination of the artisan who finds it easier to copy
+than to invent. On the contrary, primitive artists hardly ever copy.
+Only in very exceptional cases are found working designs such as
+we employ in embroidery, dressmaking, woodcarving and architecture.
+The work is laid out in the mind of the maker before he begins
+and is a direct realization of the mental image. In the process of
+carrying out such a plan technical difficulties may arise that compel
+him to alter his intentions. Such instances can easily be discovered
+in the finished product and are highly instructive, because they throw
+a strong light upon the mental processes of the workman. We may
+see particularly in richly decorated basketry how such difficulties arise
+and what influence they exert upon the development of the design.</p>
+
+<p>Even in the making of mass products, like the pottery which we
+described before, (pp. <a href="#Page_132">132</a> et seq.) copying is evidently not practised.
+The patterns are so simple and require only a small number of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[157]</span>standardized movements which are combined in a variety of ways.
+The method of work corresponds strictly to our method of writing
+in which also a number of standardized movements occur in a
+multitude of combinations.</p>
+
+<p>Although the artisan works without copying, his imagination never
+rises beyond the level of the copyist, for he merely uses familiar
+motives composed in customary ways. It does not require much
+practice to learn how to carry out such simple work without patterns.
+The method of procedure is the same as that followed in European
+folk art. The embroidered or woven patterns, the wood carvings
+of European peasants are not copies of patterns but the results of
+individual composition. Pattern books appear only at a time when the
+folk art is decadent. Therefore, notwithstanding the rigidity of style it
+would be difficult to find two objects that have identical ornamentation.</p>
+
+<p>When designs are very complex, and rigid symmetry or accurate
+rhythmic repetitions are required, we find sometimes the use of
+stencils. It does also happen, that one person plans a design and
+another executes it. In these cases actual copying may occur; both
+of these instances are rare in primitive culture and do not modify
+the general picture as here outlined.</p>
+
+<p>It is interesting to hear the opinions of individuals who create
+new designs. We have already seen that the novelty consists
+generally in the combination of old pattern elements in new ways.
+Nevertheless, the authors of these designs are convinced that they
+have created something new. I have information on the attitude of
+these artists only from the North American Indians. They call
+designs of this kind “dream designs”, and claim that the new
+pattern actually appeared to them in a dream. This explanation of
+the origin of the new form is remarkably uniform over the whole
+continent. It has been recorded on the Great Plains, on the north
+western Plateaus and among the Pueblo Indians. There is little
+doubt but that this is merely another term for invention. It
+expresses a strong power of visualization which manifests itself when
+the person is alone and at rest, when he can give free play to the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[158]</span>imagination. Perhaps the artists have greater eidetic power than most
+adults among ourselves. The few individuals who create new forms
+in this manner have probably a good control over the technique and
+wide command over a multitude of current forms. In the one case
+which has been investigated with some care by James Teit the woman
+who created new basketry patterns was also one of the best technicians
+and had full command over the greatest variety of forms.</p>
+
+<p>When the patterns made by individual artists are compared, it is
+seen that the number of designs made by different individuals differs
+very considerably. Some have command of the full range of forms,
+while others are satisfied with a small number which they repeat
+over and over again.</p>
+
+<p>The controlling power of a strong, traditional style is surprising.
+The Northwest coast people have characteristic methods of representing
+heads, eyes, eyebrows and joints; fig. <a href="#fig_67">67</a> (p. 71) shows the
+attempt of an excellent Haida artist who tried to illustrate the tale
+of an eagle who carried away a woman.</p>
+
+<p>The general form of the eagle is quite realistic, but the artist
+could not avoid placing the characteristic eye design in the wing
+joint of the eagle, and to render the head in the conventional style
+in which the eagle is shown. The woman whom the eagle carries
+has the typical eyebrow and cheek patterns. The style has penetrated
+the picture which was planned as a realistic representation.</p>
+
+<p>Similar observations may be made in regard to the Wasgo, the
+fabulous sea-monster with a wolf’s body and large ears. In fig.
+<a href="#fig_134">134</a> it is shown carrying a whale between its ears, another one in
+its tail, and a person in the mouth. It has the characteristic high
+nose of the wolf, the ears turned back (here shown as transparent).
+The large shoulder and hip joints and the hands and feet in form
+of eyes are features of Northwest coast art. The whale with its
+round eyes, blow-hole, and characteristic tail conforms also to the
+local art style. Still the artist attempted to give a realistic painting.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_134" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_176_134.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 134. Haida painting representing a sea-monster in the form of a wolf,
+    carrying two whales.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_135" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_176_135.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 135. Haida drawing representing the story of a young man
+    who caught a sea-monster.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Quite analagous is another painting by the same Haida artist,
+Charles Edensaw (fig. <a href="#fig_135">135</a>) who tried to illustrate for me a Haida
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159"></a><a id="Page_160"></a>[160]</span>story of a man who caught the sea-monster Wasgo by placing a split
+cedar tree under water. It was held open by means of a spreading-stick.
+A child was placed in it as bait and when the monster
+appeared to devour the child, the youth knocked out the spreading-stick;
+the tree closed and caught the monster. In this sketch the
+tree is shown by the black, sharp angle, set on the inside with
+teeth that killed the monster. The spreading-stick,
+which holds the split tree apart
+is indicated by the black crossbar. The
+Wasgo in the form of a wolf with large
+dorsal fin is shown biting the head of the
+child, while the youth sits on the tree.
+The story continues telling that the youth
+dons the Wasgo skin and goes every night
+to hunt sea game which he deposits on
+the beach of the village. His mother-in-law
+claims shamanistic power and pretends
+to have obtained the game. When
+the youth makes known that he has
+killed it, his mother-in-law falls down
+being shamed by the young man. She is
+shown on the left in shamanistic dress
+with shell rattles, shamanistic apron, neck
+ring of bone ornaments and the shamanistic crown. Her position
+indicates that she is falling. It will be noticed that here also every
+figure shows characteristic traits of the northwest coast ornamental style.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp45" id="fig_136" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_177.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 136. Haida drawing representing
+    part of the raven
+    story.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_136">136</a> part of the raven story is represented. The human
+figure in the left hand upper corner presumably represents the
+owner of the halibut hook. Under it is shown the raven flying and
+carrying on his back the owner of the halibut hook. According
+to this story he throws him into the sea, takes the halibut hook
+and begins to fish. This incident is shown on the right hand side
+of the sketch. The meaning of the seal in the upper right hand
+corner is not clear.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[161]</span></p>
+<p>We have seen that in representative art the particular type of
+perspective or symbolic form or the combination of the two determines
+in part the local style. We have to turn now to a consideration
+of the purely formal elements that characterize style. We may
+distinguish here between the forms of ornamentation and their
+composition. A general survey
+of the field of primitive art
+convinces us at once of the
+great variety of elementary
+forms and of their sharp localization.
+As an instance of the
+importance of fundamental
+forms I choose the occurrence
+of the spiral. It is characteristic
+of the art of New Zealand,
+of Melanesia, and of the Amur
+tribes,—to select only a few
+typical examples. And still, how
+great are the differences, how
+sharply specialized the spiral
+of each of these districts!</p>
+
+<p>Practically all the spirals in
+primitive art are equidistant. It
+can easily be shown that spirals
+develop in many different ways.
+As has been pointed out by Semper, the coiling of wire or the making of
+coiled basketry or pottery must lead to the discovery of the ornamental
+spiral. Wrapping with twine may have a similar result. In other cases
+the spiral develops without technical motives from natural forms. This
+is exemplified, for instance, by the spirals used for expressing the
+nostrils of the beaver, bear and dragon-fly in northwest coast art (see
+figs. <a href="#fig_157_158_159">157</a> p. 186, <a href="#fig_175">175</a> p. 193). It is, however, doubtful whether the spiral
+has ever become in this manner a dominant motive of local art.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_137" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_178.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 137. Types of New Zealand spirals.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The New Zealand carved spiral (fig. <a href="#fig_137">137</a>) is generally double;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[162]</span>one arm running in, the other out, and the two clasping each other
+in the center. The spirals are so placed that their general contours
+harmonize with the decorative field, although their outer turns often
+cut into its borders. The appearance of the spiral is strongly influenced
+by the application of a common pattern of carving, which
+consists of a long lineal field with crosshatching limited by two or
+more equidistant lines. The two arms of the spiral are connected
+at regular intervals by small bars having crossline decoration. In other
+cases the spirals themselves are decorated with crosslines, while the
+surrounding lines are smooth. Sometimes the spirals are given a
+notched outline. Single spirals consisting of a number of equidistant
+lines, occur in tattooing and in wood carving representing tattooed
+faces. Spirals are often connected and form S shaped figures and
+when placed serially in a narrow field, they are accompanied by a
+series of equidistant lines,—fragments of the outer turns that would
+have shown if the spiral had been able to develop freely.</p>
+
+<p>The spiral of eastern New Guinea is in some ways similar to the
+one of New Zealand. The double spiral appears commonly in both
+areas, also the notches or scallops on the spiral and the filling in
+of the gore with curved lines accompanying the outer turns of the
+spiral (fig. <a href="#fig_138_139">138</a>). The lack of connecting bars, of the crossline decoration
+and the fundamentally different design arrangement, as well
+as the treatment in black and white differentiate the New Guinea
+spiral from that of New Zealand. The curves are fitted much more
+rigorously in the decorative field. The great freedom of the New
+Zealand forms, the delicate accuracy of all the constituent elements,
+and the multiplicity of forms connected with the spiral, are absent.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_138_139" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_180.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 138. Types of spirals from eastern New Guinea.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 139. Spirals from the Amur River.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The third area, the Amur region, in which the spiral is used
+extensively, represents fundamentally different forms, (fig. <a href="#fig_138_139">139</a>).
+While the spirals of New Zealand and those of New Guinea are
+equally wide through the whole distance of their course, those of
+the Amur region show peculiar lateral developments. The spirals
+of this area are generally single, and broad; or double, but the
+spirals do not clasp each other. The outlines of the spiral bands
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[163]</span>are varied by strictures. Where the general course of these spirals
+leaves fields that would remain undecorated, they are filled in by
+broad tendrils, leaf like projections or by independent circular ornaments
+that help to keep the background broken up in bands that
+retain throughout approximately the same width. Often the variations
+in the lines of spirals form animal figures, particularly birds
+and fishes; sometimes of fairly realistic form.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp65" id="fig_140" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_181.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 140. Pictographs representing human beings:
+    <span class="nowrap"><i>a</i>, Potawatomi;</span><span class="nowrap"> <i>b</i>,
+ <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: Wahpaton" id="Wahpaton">Wahpeton</ins> Sioux;</span>
+<span class="nowrap"><i>c</i>, Blackfoot;</span>
+    <span class="nowrap"><i>d</i>, Dakota;</span><span class="nowrap"> <i>e</i>, Alaskan Eskimo;
+ </span><span class="nowrap"><i>f</i>, Pencil sketches</span> by
+    Eskimo from the west coast of Hudson Bay.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fixity of form occurs even in crude representative drawings made
+without such technical skill as is developed in industrial occupations.
+This is strikingly illustrated by certain forms used by the Algonquin
+tribes of the woodlands around the western Great Lakes and also
+by the neighboring Siouan tribes. In their pictographs the human
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[164]</span>figures appear regularly with broad shoulders, tapering down in
+straight lines to the waist. Sometimes the figure is cut off at this
+place; sometimes it expands
+downward from
+the waist. Fig. <a href="#fig_140">140</a> <i>a</i> represents
+a Potawatomi
+drawing; fig. <a href="#fig_140">140</a> <i>b</i> a
+Wahpeton Sioux drawing
+of the same type.
+In the winter counts
+of the Sioux published
+by Mallory, the human
+figure is represented
+in quite a different
+style, (fig. <a href="#fig_140">140</a> <i>d</i>). This
+type occurs both in the
+La Flamme and Lone-Dog
+winter counts. We
+may compare these
+forms with the typical
+symbol used by the
+Blackfeet to represent
+a slain enemy, which,
+according to Wissler,
+has always the form
+given in <i>c</i>. On the
+reproductions of pictographs
+the same form
+appears, often with only
+one leg. Quite distinct
+from these Plains
+Indians types are the forms used by the Alaskan Eskimos in their
+etchings on bone, antler, and ivory (<i>e</i>). The forms are always small
+silhouettes in lively motion and the realism of form and movement
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[165]</span>of the Eskimo etchings forms a strong contrast when compared to the
+conventional style of the Plains and Woodlands Indians. Even the
+pictographic representations of men in motion, which do occur in
+other types of Plains Indian drawings, differ entirely in style from
+those of the Eskimo. The style of the eastern Eskimos representation
+of the human form differs considerably from that of the Alaskan
+Eskimo. They do not use silhouettes but draw their forms true to
+life with particular attention to the details of the clothing (fig. <a href="#fig_140">140</a> <i>f</i>).</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_141" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_182.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 141. Pictographs; <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, from the Cueva de los Caballos; <i>d</i>, Bushman.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Quite distinct from these forms are the representations of the
+human form made by the Bushman and by paleolithic man. They are
+always silhouettes of large size with strong exaggerations of characteristic
+forms and movements of the body, (fig. <a href="#fig_141">141</a>). Obermaier has
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[166]</span>described these in detail.<a id="FNanchor_94_94" href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> Some of the figures in lively motion are
+represented with thread-like legs and body, while in other cases the
+calves of the legs are shown in exaggerated sizes. The Bushman
+paintings are somewhat similar in type to those of the paleolithic
+period. We find the same exaggeration of the length of the limbs
+and particularly in the representation of females, exaggeration of all
+the characteristic features of the body.</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_94_94" href="#FNanchor_94_94" class="label">[94]</a> H. Obermaier, P. Wernert,<span lang="es"> Las Pinturas Rupestres del Barranco de Valletorta.
+(Castellon) Comisión de investigaciones paleontológicas y prehistóricas, Mem.
+No. 23. Museo Nacional de ciencias naturales</span>, Madrid 1919.</p></div>
+</div>
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>In almost every art definite stylistic forms may be recognized. I
+will add a few additional examples based on certain classes of objects
+which illustrate this.</p>
+
+<p>Miss Ruth Bunzel has given to me a full description of the decoration
+of the water jar of the Zuni. “It is characterized by great stability
+in decorative style. The form of the jar itself shows very slight variations.
+The outer surface is slipped with white clay which serves
+as a background for painted decorations in black and red. The
+most characteristic feature of the decorative scheme is the boxing
+off of the field into clearly defined areas outlined by heavy black
+lines. The ways in which the field is thus divided and the designs
+permissible in each section are all definitely prescribed by prevailing
+standards of taste.</p>
+
+<p>“Essential on every jar is the division of the field into two zones
+known as neck and body. Neck designs are always used in pairs,
+four or six alternating units being used on each jar. At the present
+time the choice of designs for the neck is limited to two sets of
+designs, the way in which they are combined being absolutely fixed.
+Alternating diamond and triangular patterns, both highly elaborated,
+are used together, and, on the other hand a scroll and conventionalized
+prayer-stick are used together on other jars.</p>
+
+<p>“For the body there is a greater choice of design, but the choice
+is between certain well known patterns, and the ways in which each
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[167]</span>may be used are definitely fixed. The most characteristic and, at
+the present time, the most popular type is the deer-sunflower pattern
+(fig. <a href="#fig_142">142</a>). Two large medallions representing sunflowers are
+painted on opposite sides of the jar. Three such medallions are
+sometimes used, but two is the preferred number. The space between
+the medallions is divided horizontally by a narrow band. The
+band may be filled with small conventionalized birds or with an
+interlocking scroll figure.
+In each of the spaces
+formed by this band are
+painted two deer, each
+surrounded by graceful
+scroll work, called in
+Zuni terminology ‘the
+deer’s house’. In all,
+eight deer are used, two
+in each of the four fields.
+The deer are always
+painted in exactly the
+same way, in profile
+with the head to the
+right, and with certain
+of the internal organs indicated. There is no variation even in the
+ornamental scrolls surrounding the representation. In small jars it is
+permitted to substitute for the deer on the lower and smaller part
+of the jar one of several well defined crook or scroll patterns, but any
+other departures from the established scheme are severely criticised.
+The first of the two rim designs referred to above is always used
+with the deer pattern. The whole composition in precisely the
+combination described appears over and over again in water jars now
+in use at Zuni as well as in older specimens now in our museums,
+and the fixity of the type is clearly recognized by native artists.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_142" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_184.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 142. Zuni pot.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>“This is only one of a number of equally fixed types of decoration
+at present in favor at Zuni. There is, for instance, one very
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[168]</span>elaborate terraced figure repeated in literally hundreds of specimens
+of water jars, and always without the slightest variation either in the
+figure itself or in its application to the jar. It is always used in threes
+and with the second of
+the two rim designs. There
+are other types also, any
+one of which is known to
+and can be described by
+any well informed Zuni
+potter. Although the invention
+of new designs
+is considered eminently
+desirable among them,
+the actual number of Zuni
+pots that do not belong to
+one or the other of these
+recognized types is exceedingly
+small.”</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_143" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_185.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 143. Haussa embroideries.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>As another example I
+choose the style of embroidery
+on Haussa shirts
+(fig. <a href="#fig_143">143</a>). Felix von
+Luschan has called attention
+to the rigidity of the
+general pattern.<a id="FNanchor_95_95" href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> A narrow
+elongated field in the left
+hand upper corner of the
+design surrounded on the left by a thin white line, on the right
+by a white field with long pointed triangles, limits the hole through
+which the head passes. The white disk to the left of it rests, therefore
+on the right side of the chest, the upper disk on the right
+shoulder blade. The line dividing the design into an upper and lower
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[169]</span>part, beginning just at the lower end of the slit through which the head
+passes, sets off the embroidery on the body of the shirt from that on the
+large pocket below. The upper rim of the pocket is always decorated
+with a central design, consisting of a square field with checkered
+figures, to the left of which are two triangles, to the right, three. In
+many specimens there is, on the right border of the field, a looped
+band. The design on the lower part of the pocket and the one on
+the body of the shirt are, in the main, symmetrical. The three-barbed
+arrow pattern of the lower border reappears on top followed inside
+by the same type of rosette. The two designs differ, however, in
+so far as the three-pointed pattern with the connected loop band
+is repeated to the right of the slit for the head, turned at right
+angles to the corresponding portion on the pocket border. This
+pattern disturbs the symmetry of the upper and lower designs and
+produces a distortion of the upper one which, however, does not
+influence the pattern elements. On the pocket below and to the left,
+is a rectangular band with a leaf design forming an inner border.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_95_95" href="#FNanchor_95_95" class="label">[95]</a> Felix von Luschan, Beiträge zur Völkerkunde, p. 50. Patterns of the same
+kind have been figured by Leo Frobenius in <span lang="de">“Das sterbende Afrika,”</span> Pls. 58-60.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Great fixity of design appears also in the rawhide boxes of the
+Sauk and Fox Indians, to which I referred before (p. 25 et seq.). The
+characteristic feature is the division of the rectangular hide that is
+to form the box, into three fields lengthwise, five fields crosswise.
+The five fields are determined by the way in which the box is
+folded; four sides forming front, bottom, back and top, and the fifth
+a flap covering the front. The lengthwise division is not so determined,
+for the width of the box differs considerably from that of
+the central field. The design elements are based on common patterns
+of the Indians of the northern part of North America: rectangles
+divided by central longitudinal lines and obtuse triangles on
+each side of it. It should be noticed that the design unit is not
+the diamond but the rectangle with two obtuse triangles that have
+the apex near the central dividing line. This appears clearly in the
+specimen shown in fig. <a href="#fig_144">144</a> <i>b</i> in which every design begins at the
+margin with a triangle pointing inward towards the opposite triangle
+and also in the other figures in which, in accordance with the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[170]</span>art style of the eastern woodlands, a segment is substituted for the
+acute triangle. A second element in these designs is the acute
+triangle with lines, or a single line, extending from the apex;
+a form which is also common to all the woodland and plains Indians.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_144" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_187.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 144. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_145" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_188.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 145. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+
+<p>Two styles of these paintings may be distinguished; one in which
+the five crosswise fields are so treated that the patterns on the three
+central rectangular fields (2, 3, 4) are at right angles to those in
+the two extreme fields (1, 5). In the central fields the long sides
+of the rectangles run parallel to the narrow side of the hide and in
+the outer ones, the rectangles are turned so that the long sides are
+parallel to the long side of the hide. The central lengthwise field
+extends only over the three middle fields and is very narrow
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[171]</span>(figs. <a href="#fig_13_14">14</a>,
+ <a href="#fig_144">144</a>, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>). The only ornament
+ on fig. <a href="#fig_144">144</a> <i>b</i> is the rectangle
+with two obtuse triangles facing at the apex. To the four rectangles
+on 2, 3, 4 correspond four corresponding ones in the fields 1 and 5.
+In fig. <a href="#fig_144">144</a> <i>a</i> there is an alternation of two designs in these fields. There
+are two triangles with protruding lines with complex frames, and
+rectangles with the obtuse triangles transformed into segments. The
+central dividing line in these rectangles is missing. It will be noticed
+that here also the number of rectangles in the three inner fields (2,
+3, 4) corresponds to the number in the outer fields (1 and 5), but
+their order is reversed. Left and right triangles in the outer fields
+(1 and 5) are also in reverse positions. The narrow central field is
+occupied by a single acute triangle. In fig. <a href="#fig_145">145</a> <i>b</i> we have a similar
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[172]</span>arrangement, but in place of the rectangle with obtuse triangles, we
+find a new arrangement of acute triangles. Fig. <a href="#fig_13_14">14</a> (p. 27) differs from
+those just described in that the central field is divided into two
+divisions instead of four. The obtuse triangles in the four corners
+are treated somewhat differently and the figure between them in the
+middle of the short side is treated as though the essential design
+were the diamond, not the obtuse triangle. The heart shaped design
+and the star like figures give the impression of a new development
+of older patterns.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_146" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_189.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 146. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In figures <a href="#fig_13_14">13</a>, <a href="#fig_15">15</a>,
+ <a href="#fig_145">145</a> <i>a</i> and <a href="#fig_146">146</a> the rectangles are all placed in
+the same direction; the long side parallel to the short side of the
+hide. Fig. <a href="#fig_145">145</a> <i>a</i> consists throughout of curved segments corresponding
+to the obtuse triangles. At the apices of these segments the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[173]</span>rectangles are divided by central lines. The fields separating the
+rectangles bear each an acute triangle with prolonged apex. In the
+narrow central field we find also the acute triangle with extending
+lines. Fig. <a href="#fig_15">15</a> consists of the acute triangle with the usual frame
+but with scolloped edges
+instead of the angular
+figures of fig. <a href="#fig_145">145</a> <i>b</i>. The
+central field is treated in
+the same way as in fig.
+<a href="#fig_145">145</a> <i>a</i>. Fig. <a href="#fig_13_14">13</a> corresponds
+nearly to fig. <a href="#fig_145">145</a> <i>a</i>,
+except that the rectangular
+fields are not divided by
+a central line, but have a
+central figure somewhat
+hour-glass shaped enclosing
+an acute triangle at
+each end. The crosses
+in the middle field are
+also derived from the
+acute triangles. The three
+central fields of the long
+side of fig. <a href="#fig_146">146</a> <i>b</i> correspond
+to fig. <a href="#fig_144">144</a> <i>a</i>. Since
+the rectangles in the
+marginal field on the short side are not turned, the acute triangle
+design did not fit and we find, therefore, instead the cross design.
+The lack of symmetry between the extreme upper and lower fields
+is quite unusual. In fig. <a href="#fig_146">146</a> <i>a</i> we find, as in fig. <a href="#fig_13_14">14</a>, only four fields.
+The designs are similar in character to those of fig. <a href="#fig_146">146</a> <i>b</i>, except
+that the acute triangle design is developed in a peculiar manner.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp65" id="fig_147" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_190.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 147. Painted rawhide, Ioway.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The Ojibwa and Ioway use another method of building up their
+boxes. The short sides are made of separate flaps and there is no
+flap covering the front. The bottom is not decorated and the hide
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[174]</span>is folded over simply in box form and sewed together (fig. <a href="#fig_147">147</a>).
+The method used by the Otoe and sometimes by the Ioway, is still
+different. There is a short flap covering part of the front; the sides
+are folded in, somewhat in the same manner as done by the Fox
+and there is also a complete lack of coherence between the design as
+laid out on the hide and as it appears in the completed box (fig. <a href="#fig_148">148</a>).</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_148" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_191.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 148. Painted rawhides; <i>a</i>, Ioway; <i>b</i>, Otoe.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Still another example of fixity of type is presented in the woven
+bags of the Ojibwa and Potawatomi (figs. <a href="#fig_149_150">149,
+ 150</a>). The two opposite
+sides have always distinct patterns. The purely geometrical
+patterns are always laid out symmetrically. There is a broad central
+figure bordered by a number of narrow stripes. These are followed,
+above and below by a wide stripe of a pattern different from the
+central one. Sometimes the colors above and below are inverted.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[175]</span>The dividing line runs all around the bag, but the patterns in the
+broad bands change. On the one side there are often representative
+figures above, and in this case there is no correspondence between
+the upper and lower designs. Similar bags are used by other
+neighboring tribes. The Potawatomi use the same decorative arrangements,
+except that the central band often remains undecorated.<a id="FNanchor_96_96" href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_96_96" href="#FNanchor_96_96" class="label">[96]</a> See Alanson Skinner, The Mascontens or Prairie Potawatomi Indians, Bull.
+Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, Vol. 6, No. 2, Plate 21.</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_149_150" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_192.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd33">Fig. 149. Design from pouch, Ojibwa.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 150. Design from two sides of pouch, Potawatomi.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp50" id="fig_151a" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_193.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 151 <i>a</i>. Type of parfleche and
+    pouch painting, Arapaho.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_151bc" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_194.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 151 <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>. Types of parfleche and pouch painting, Shoshone.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>For a clear understanding of the character of a local style a comparison
+with related forms in contiguous areas is indispensable. Historical
+conditions like those that may be traced in the development
+of art forms in prehistoric and historic times in Europe and in Asia
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[176]</span>have been
+determinants in forming the art of primitive people also.
+There is probably not a single region in existence in which the art
+style may be understood entirely as an inner growth and an expression
+of cultural life of a single tribe. Wherever a sufficient amount
+of material is available, we can trace the influence of neighboring
+tribes upon one another, often extending over vast distances.
+Dissemination
+of cultural traits that has made the social structures, the
+ceremonials and the tales of tribes what they are today, has also
+been a most important element in
+shaping the forms of their art. The
+local distribution of technical processes,
+of form elements, and of systems of
+arrangement contribute to the character
+of each art style. In another place
+we have discussed the distribution of
+pottery decorated by means of applied
+pellets and fillets (see p. <a href="#Page_138">138</a>), and it
+appeared that the technical process
+covers a wide continuous area and that
+it is applied in different ways by each
+cultural group. We have also seen that
+the characteristic triangular design with
+enclosed rectangle, often with spur lines along the base, is widely disseminated
+over the North American continent. We found that this form
+is common to the Pueblos, the Indians of the northwestern plateaus
+and of the plains, and that the fundamental pattern may be recognized
+in New England and Labrador. Patterns composed of lines,
+triangles and rectangles are characteristic of the art of the North
+American Indian. Notwithstanding their simplicity, these forms are
+practically confined to North America. Their strong individuality
+proves that their present distribution must be due to mutual
+influence among various North American cultures. We cannot
+determine where the pattern originated but it is quite certain that
+its present distribution is due to cultural contact; its occurrence is
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[177]</span>probably related to the
+ use of stiff rawhide for receptacles, to the
+method of painting used by the Indians, and to the old method of
+decorating with porcupine quill weaving and embroidery. I have called
+attention to the difference in arrangement of these patterns among
+a number of tribes and A. L. Kroeber, R. H. Lowie, and Leslie
+Spier<a id="FNanchor_97_97" href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>
+ have discussed these questions in greater detail (fig. <a href="#fig_151a">151</a>).
+The parallel stripe arrangement is characteristic of the Arapaho; a
+central field surrounded by a square, of the northern Shoshone.
+Owing to the close contact in which these two tribes live at the
+present time, which favors intertribal trade, the distribution is not
+quite so clear as it has probably been in earlier times.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_97_97" href="#FNanchor_97_97" class="label">[97]</a> Leslie Spier, An Analysis of Plains Indian Parfleche Decoration, University of
+Washington Publications in Anthropology, Vol. I, pp. 89 et seq. where the earlier
+literature has been quoted.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_152" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_195.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 152. Arapaho designs.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_153" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_196.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 153. Sioux designs.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Certain differences may also be observed in the arrangement of
+bead embroidery the forms of which are very uniform over an
+extended area of the western prairies. A characteristic form of this
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[178]</span>design consists of a central diamond or rectangle, from the corners
+of which emanate lines that terminate in triangles facing the central
+field either with the apex or with the base; sometimes a crossbar
+with prongs is found at the end of these lines. Among the
+Arapaho (fig. <a href="#fig_152">152</a>) these patterns appear singly on a plain background;
+among the Sioux (fig. <a href="#fig_153">153</a>) the central square is seldom
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[179]</span>used. While among the Arapaho the lines are usually attached to
+only two opposite ends, the Sioux almost always attach them to the
+four corners of the central diamond. Furthermore, the Sioux like
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[180]</span>to vary the background by inserting stars or crosses and the design
+seems to occur more frequently symmetrically doubled than among
+the Arapaho.</p>
+
+<p>Another good example of differentiation in arrangement and
+identity of pattern elements is presented by the basketry of the
+Indians of British Columbia. Among the Thompson Indians the
+design elements are distributed evenly over the whole side of the
+basket; among the Lillooet they are confined to the upper part of
+the side while the lower part remains undecorated; among the Chicotin
+there are three bands of decoration along the upper part of
+the basket (see p. <a href="#Page_297">297</a>).</p>
+
+<p>As another case of the wide distribution of a design element,
+evidently due to diffusion, we may mention the so-called quail tip
+ornament of California which consists of a right angle with a thin
+upright stem and a short heavy horizontal arm. This pattern is
+found commonly throughout California and extends northward as
+far as the Sahaptin tribes of Columbia River. It is particularly
+important to note that technically the basket of the Sahaptin tribes
+belongs to the coiled and imbricated type used by the Thompson
+Indians farther to the north; while in the southern regions a
+multiplicity of methods of basket weaving are used. In all of these
+the same quail tip occurs (see p. <a href="#Page_109">109</a>).</p>
+
+<p>We have spoken so far of local styles as though in every case
+only a single style occurred in a tribal unit. This might seem
+plausible on account of the comparative uniformity of tribal life.
+Still there are many cases in which fundamentally different styles
+may be observed in the same community. I have referred several
+times to the realistic carving and drawing of the Eskimos, which is
+often combined with very characteristic but subordinate geometrical
+patterns, particularly with the double line with alternating spurs, a
+series of “Y” shaped figures, arranged on a continuous line; and
+circles and dots (see fig. <a href="#fig_78">78</a>, p. 86). In certain cases realistic forms
+are used for the purpose of ornamentation. On some modern
+specimens from the west coast of Hudson Bay, the representations
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[181]</span>of human beings or animals are found (see fig. <a href="#fig_51">51</a> <i>b</i>, p. 58). In
+Greenland wooden vessels are ornamented by attached ivory carvings
+representing seals, which are nailed on to the surface (fig. <a href="#fig_121">121</a>, p. 127).
+Pieces of skin in which needles are kept, are ornamented with
+appliqué figures.<a id="FNanchor_98_98" href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> On the east coast of Greenland similar decorative
+motives are in use.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_98_98" href="#FNanchor_98_98" class="label">[98]</a> Kaj Birket-Smith, Ethnography of the Egedesminde District, Meddelelser om
+Grønland, Vol. 66, (1924), pp. 522, 550.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The style of ornamenting cloth is quite different. There is no
+realism and the formal patterns which are used are broad bands, accompanying
+the borders of the garments and long lines of fringes. The
+basis of this ornamentation is a feeling for color contrast and a
+tendency to emphasize outlines. The representative tendency is
+entirely absent. In a single specimen in which it appears as a
+representation of a human hand, it looks strangely out of place.<a id="FNanchor_99_99" href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>
+This decorative type is fully developed in Greenland where checker
+work is applied to garments, buckets, and also to wooden goggles.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_99_99" href="#FNanchor_99_99" class="label">[99]</a> Franz Boas, The Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson Bay, Bulletin American
+Museum of Natural History, Vol. 15, (1907), Plate 9.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>I presume the principal cause for the difference of these styles is
+found in the difference of the technical processes, but perhaps even
+more in the circumstance that the realistic work is made by the
+men, the clothing and sewed leather work by the women.</p>
+
+<p>Two fundamentally distinct styles occur also among the Indians
+of the North Pacific coast. I have referred a number of times to
+their symbolic representations of animals with the curious disregard
+of natural relations between the parts of the body. This style of
+art is confined primarily to woodwork and to other industries allied
+to woodwork. It occurs also in appliqué and in embroidery in porcupine
+quill,—probably copied from painted designs,—so that it is
+practiced by both men and women. It is, however, entirely absent
+in modern basketry made for home use, and in matting. The decorative
+patterns in these types of technique are always geometrical
+and bear no relation to the art of carving. Only in the woven
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[182]</span>blankets of the Tlingit which are copied by the women from pattern
+boards made by the men do we find the typical symbolic style.</p>
+
+<p>I might also refer to the contrast between the pictographic representations
+of the Indians of the Plains and their ornamental art, if
+it were not for the fact that their pictography never rises to the
+dignity of an art.</p>
+
+<p>The cases might be considerably increased in which a difference
+of style is found in different types of technique, or in different parts
+of the population. Birchbark baskets of the interior of British
+Columbia have their own style of border decoration and their sides
+are often covered with pictographic designs. Coiled baskets from
+the same district have geometrical surface patterns. Central American
+painted pottery differs in style from other types in which painting
+is not used, but in which plastic ornamentation is applied. New
+Zealand borders of woven mattings have geometric style and lack
+patterns that might be considered derived from the elaborate spiral
+decoration that characterizes Maori carving (Plate <a href="#plate_VIII">VIII</a>).</p>
+
+<p>Such differences in style are, however, not by any means the
+rule. As has been stated before, we find much more commonly
+(p. 154) that the most highly developed art is liable to impose its
+style upon other industries and that mat weaving and basketry have
+been particularly influential in developing new forms and powerful
+in imposing them upon other fields.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="plate_VIII" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_200.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate VIII.</span></p>
+
+
+    Woven Blanket, New Zealand.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[183]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="ART_OF_THE_NORTH_PACIFIC_COAST_OF_NORTH">ART OF THE NORTH PACIFIC COAST OF NORTH
+AMERICA<a id="FNanchor_100_100" href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>
+</h2></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_100_100" href="#FNanchor_100_100" class="label">[100]</a> The present chapter is a revised edition of my essay, “The Decorative Art of
+the Indians of the North Pacific Coast of America” (Bulletin American Museum of
+Natural History, Vol. IX, pp. 123-176, 1897).</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="drop-cap">The general principles discussed in the preceding chapters, may
+now be elucidated by a discussion of the style of the decorative
+art of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast of North America.</p>
+
+<p>Two styles may be distinguished: the man’s style expressed in the art
+of wood carving and painting and their derivatives; and the woman’s
+style which finds expression in weaving, basketry, and embroidery.</p>
+
+<p>The two styles are fundamentally distinct. The former is symbolic,
+the latter formal. The symbolic art has a certain degree of
+realism and is full of meaning. The formal art has, at most, pattern
+names and no especially marked significance.</p>
+
+<p>We shall discuss the symbolic art first. Its essential characteristics
+are an almost absolute disregard of the principles of perspective,
+emphasis of significant symbols and an arrangement dictated by the
+form of the decorative field.</p>
+
+<p>While the Eskimo of Arctic America, the Chukchee and Koryak
+of Siberia, the Negroes and many other people use carvings in the
+round which serve no practical ends, but are made for the sake of
+representing a figure,—man, animal, or supernatural being,—almost
+all the work of the Indian artist of the region that we are considering
+serves at the same time a useful end. When making simple totemic
+figures, the artist is free to shape his subjects without adapting them
+to the forms of utensils, but owing to their large size, he is limited
+by the cylindrical form of the trunk of the tree from which they
+are carved. The native artist is almost always restrained by the
+shape of the object to which the decoration is applied.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_154_155" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_203.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd55">Fig. 154. Tlingit helmet.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 155. Mask representing dying warrior, Tlingit.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+
+<p>The technical perfection of carvings and paintings, the exactness
+and daring of composition and lines prove that realistic representations
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[184]</span>are not beyond the powers of the artist. This may also be
+demonstrated by a few exquisite examples of realistic carvings. The
+helmet shown in fig. <a href="#fig_154_155">154</a> is decorated with the head of an old man
+affected with partial paralysis. Undoubtedly this specimen must be
+considered a portrait head. Nose, eyes, mouth and the general
+expression, are highly characteristic. In a mask (fig. <a href="#fig_154_155">155</a>) representing
+a dying warrior, the artist has shown faithfully the wide
+lower jaw, the pentagonal face, and the strong nose of the Indian.
+The relaxing muscles of mouth and tongue, the drooping eyelids,
+and the motionless eyeballs, mark the agonies of death. Plate <a href="#plate_IX">IX</a>
+represents a recent carving, a human figure of rare excellence. Posture
+and drapery are free of all the formal characteristics of North West
+coast style. Only the treatment of the eye and the facial painting
+betray its ethnic origin. Here belongs also the realistic head previously
+referred to, made by the Kwakiutl Indians of Vancouver Island (fig. <a href="#fig_156">156</a>),
+which is used in a ceremony and intended to deceive the spectators
+who are made to believe that it is the head of a decapitated dancer.<a id="FNanchor_101_100" href="#Footnote_101_100" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_101_100" href="#FNanchor_101_100" class="label">[101]</a> The selection of North West Coast art given by Herbert Kühn (<span lang="de">Die Kunst der
+Primitiven</span>, pp. 100, 104, Plates 48, 50, 51 are characteristic only of realistic representations.
+Only Plates 47, 49 and part of 52 are stylistically typical).</p></div>
+</div>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp60" id="plate_IX" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_204.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate IX.</span></p>
+
+
+    Carved Figure, British Columbia.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[185]</span></p>
+<p>When the artist desires realistic truth he is quite able to attain it. This
+is not often the case; generally the object of artistic work is decorative
+and the representation follows the principles developed in decorative art.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_156" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_206.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 156. Carved head used in
+    ceremonial, Kwakiutl Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>When the form of the decorative field permits, the outline of the
+animal form is retained. The size of the head is generally stressed
+as against that of the body and
+of the limbs. Eyes and eyebrows,
+mouth and nose are given great
+prominence. In almost all cases
+the eyebrows have a standardized
+form, analogous to that in which the
+Indian likes to trim his own eyebrows,—with
+a sharp edge on the
+rim of the orbits, and a sharp angle
+in the upper border, the brows being
+widest at a point a little outward
+from the center, tapering to the
+outer and inner angles and ending
+quite abruptly at both ends. The
+eye is also standardized. In many
+cases it consists of two outer curves
+which indicate the borders of the
+upper and lower eyelids. A large
+inner circle represents the eyeball.
+The lip lines are always distinct and border a mouth which is given
+an extraordinary width. Generally the lips are opened wide enough
+to show the teeth or the tongue. Cheeks and forehead are much
+restricted in size. The trunk is not elaborated. The ears of animals
+rise over the forehead (fig. <a href="#fig_157_158_159">157</a>). These are almost always applied in
+reproductions of mammals and birds, while they are generally missing in
+those of the whale, killer-whale, shark and often also of the sculpin.
+The human ear is represented in its characteristic form, on a level
+with the eye (figs. <a href="#fig_207_208">207</a> and <a href="#fig_209_210">209</a>, pp. 217, 218). Whales and fish often
+have round eyes, but exceptions occur (figs. <a href="#fig_233">233</a>,
+ <a href="#fig_234">234</a>, <a href="#fig_235_236">235</a>, pp. 229-231).</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[186]</span></p>
+<p>For clear presentation of the principles of this art it seems advantageous
+to treat the symbolism and the adjustment of the animal form
+to the decorative field before taking up the purely formal elements.</p>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_157_158_159">157</a> <i>a</i> is a figure from the model of a totem pole, which represents
+the beaver. Its face is treated somewhat like a human
+face, particularly the region around eyes and nose. The position of
+the ears, however, indicates an animal head. The two large incisors
+serve to identify the rodent par excellence,—the beaver. The tail
+is turned up in front of the body. It is ornamented by cross-hatchings
+which represent the scales on the beaver’s tail. In its
+forepaws it holds a stick. The nose is short and forms a sharp
+angle with the forehead. The nostrils are large and indicated by
+spirals. The large incisors, the tail with cross-hatchings, the stick,
+and the form of the nose are symbols of the beaver and the first
+two of these are sufficient characteristics of the animal.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_157_158_159" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_207.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">Fig. 157. Carvings representing the beaver from models of Haida totem poles carved in slate.</td>
+<td class="tdct wd40">Fig. 158. Carving from handle of spoon representing beaver, Tlingit.</td>
+<td class="tdct wd25">Fig. 159. Headdress representing beaver; a dragon-fly is shown on the chest of the beaver, Haida.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[187]</span></p>
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_157_158_159">157</a> <i>b</i> is another representation of a beaver from the model
+of a totem pole. It resembles the former one in all details, except
+that the stick is missing. The beaver is merely holding its three-toed
+forepaws raised to the chin. In other carvings the beaver is
+shown with four or five toes, but the symbols described here
+never vary.</p>
+
+<p>On the handle of a spoon (fig. <a href="#fig_157_158_159">158</a>), the head and forepaws of
+the beaver are shown; and in its mouth are indicated an upper pair
+of incisors, all the other teeth being omitted. The scaly tail is shown
+on the back of the spoon. The nose differs from the one previously
+described only in the absence of the spiral development of the nostril.
+Its form and size agree with the preceding specimens.</p>
+
+<p>In the centre of the front of a dancing headdress (fig. <a href="#fig_157_158_159">159</a>), a
+beaver is represented in squatting position. The symbols mentioned
+before will be recognized here. The face is human, but the ears,
+which rise over the forehead, indicate that an animal is meant. Two
+large pairs of incisors occupy the center of the open mouth. The
+tail, with cross-hatchings, is turned up in front of the body, and
+appears between the two hind legs. The forepaws are raised to the
+height of the mouth, but they do not hold a stick.<a id="FNanchor_102_101" href="#Footnote_102_101" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> The nose is
+short, with large round nostrils and turns abruptly into the forehead.
+On the chest of the beaver another head is represented over which
+a number of small rings stretch upward. This animal represents the
+dragon-fly, which is symbolized by a large head and a slender segmented
+body.<a id="FNanchor_103_102" href="#Footnote_103_102" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> Its feet extend from the corners of its mouth towards
+the haunches of the beaver. Its face resembles a human face; but
+the two ears, which rise over the eyebrows, indicate that an animal
+is meant. In many representations of the dragon-fly there are
+two pairs of wings attached to the head. Combinations of two
+animals similar to the present one are found frequently, as in
+figs. <a href="#fig_164_167">165</a>, <a href="#fig_168_170">170</a> and <a href="#fig_235_236">235</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_102_101" href="#FNanchor_102_101" class="label">[102]</a>
+ For additional representations of the beaver see figs. <a href="#fig_215_216">216</a>, <a href="#fig_225">225</a>,
+<a href="#fig_228_229">228, 229</a>, <a href="#fig_230">230</a>,
+<a href="#fig_255">255</a>, <a href="#fig_283">283</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_103_102" href="#FNanchor_103_102" class="label">[103]</a> See p. <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</p></div>
+</div><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[188]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp65" id="fig_160" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_209_160.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 160. Painting for a house-front placed over the
+    door, representing the beaver, Kwakiutl Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In a painting from a Kwakiutl house-front (fig. <a href="#fig_160">160</a>), which was
+made for me by an Indian from Fort Rupert, the large head with
+the incisors will be recognized. The scaly tail appears under the
+mouth. The broken lines (1) around the eyes, indicate the hair of
+the beaver. The design on each cheek (3) the bones of the face,
+the high point of the nose (2) its sudden turn. The nostrils are
+large and round as in the specimens described before. Under the
+corners of the mouth are the feet. The meaning of the two ornaments
+over the head is doubtful.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figright illowp45" id="fig_161_162" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_209_161-2.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 161. Halibut hook with
+    design representing a sculpin
+    swallowing a fish, Tlingit.
+<br>
+    Fig. 162. Part of a totem pole
+    with design representing a
+    sculpin, Tsimshian.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A carved halibut hook (fig. <a href="#fig_161_162">161</a>) is decorated with the design of
+the sculpin. The symbols of the fish are fins and tail, those of the
+sculpin, two spines rising over its mouth, and a joined dorsal fin.
+The sculpin is represented swallowing a fish, the tail of which protrudes
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[189]</span>from its mouth. The two spines appear immediately over
+the lips, their points being between the two eyes which are represented
+by two circles with small projections. The two pectoral fins
+are indicated over the eyes. The joined dorsal fin extends from the
+eyes upward toward the narrowest part of the body. The tail of
+the animal extends toward the place where point and shank of
+the hook are bound together by means of a strip of spruce root.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_163" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_210.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 163. Woolen legging with appliqué
+    designs representing sculpin, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The same animal is represented
+in a slightly different way
+on the lower portion of a totem
+pole (fig. <a href="#fig_161_162">162</a>). The lowest
+figure is probably the sun, or
+perhaps a starfish. Its arms
+extend upward, and are held
+in the mouth by a sculpin,
+standing head downward, back
+forward, and tail extending upward.
+Two crescent-shaped
+ornaments above the corners
+of the mouth represent the gills
+of the fish. Above these are
+the pectoral fins. On the level of the pectoral fins towards the middle
+appear the symbols of the sculpin, two spines, the lower portions of
+which are decorated with small human faces. The round eyes are
+placed just under the spines. The dorsal fin commences at the height
+of the eyes, and merges into the tail which is clasped by a human
+figure cut in two by the fish tail. This carving is also characterized
+by two symbols,— —the two spines and the joined dorsal fin.</p>
+
+<p>On a legging made of blue cloth (fig. <a href="#fig_163">163</a>) the sculpin is shown
+in red cloth appliqué. Its teeth, eyes, and dorsal fin are represented
+by buttons of abalone shell. Two small triangles cut out to the right
+and left of the mouth represent the gills. Immediately over the eyes,
+and extending toward the middle of the back, are the two spines,
+indicated by two slender triangular pieces of red cloth cut out in
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[190]</span>their middle parts. The pectoral fins are indicated by two broader
+pieces of red cloth extending from the eyes outward and upward
+toward the margin of the body of the fish, the dorsal fin by the long
+slits along the back of the animal. The species is characterized by
+the two spines which appear over the eyes.<a id="FNanchor_104_103" href="#Footnote_104_103" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_104_103" href="#FNanchor_104_103" class="label">[104]</a> For additional
+ representations of the sculpin see figs. <a href="#fig_206">206</a>, <a href="#fig_219">219</a>, <a href="#fig_223_224">224</a>, <a href="#fig_261_262">262</a>.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>In facial paintings the sculpin is generally indicated by the two
+spines which are painted just over the lips (fig. <a href="#fig_164_167">164</a>).</p>
+
+<p>Figs. <a href="#fig_164_167">165</a>-<a href="#fig_168_170">168</a> represent the hawk which is symbolized by an
+enormous hooked beak, curved backward so that its slender point
+touches the chin. In many cases the face of the bird is that of a
+human being, the nose being given the shape of the symbol of the
+hawk. It is extended in the form of a beak, and drawn back into
+the mouth, or merged into the face below the lower lip.</p>
+
+<p>On the headdress, fig. <a href="#fig_164_167">165</a>, the upper, larger face is that of the
+hawk. The face in human; but the ears, which rise over the forehead,
+indicate that an animal is meant. The body is small, and is
+hidden behind the face of a sea-monster with bear’s head and flippers.
+The wings of the hawk are grasped by the arms of the sea-monster
+whose flippers may be seen over the arms.</p>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_164_167">166</a> is the handle of a spoon on which is represented the
+head of a hawk, symbolized by its beak. The top of the spoon
+represents a man who is holding a small animal with a segmented
+body, which may represent the dragon-fly, although the head seems
+rather smaller than usual.<a id="FNanchor_105_104" href="#Footnote_105_104" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_105_104" href="#FNanchor_105_104" class="label">[105]</a> See also figs. <a href="#fig_207_208">207</a>, <a href="#fig_242_243">243</a>, <a href="#fig_257">257</a>.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>In figs. <a href="#fig_164_167">167</a> and <a href="#fig_168_170">168</a> the same symbols of the hawk will be recognized.
+It is worth remarking that in most of these specimens
+the mouth is entirely separated from the beak and has the form
+of the toothed mouth of a mammal. A characteristic form of the
+hawk’s beak is shown in the facial painting fig. <a href="#fig_168_170">169</a>.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[191]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_164_167" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_212a.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 164. Facial painting representing the sculpin, Haida.<br>
+       Fig. 165. Headdress representing a hawk, Tsimshian.<br>
+      Fig. 166. Handle of a spoon made of mountain-goat horn; lowest figure representing
+    a hawk; upper figure representing a man holding a dragon-fly, probably Tsimshian.
+  <br>   Fig. 167. Rattle with design of a hawk, Tlingit.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_168_170" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_212b.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 168. Dish made of horn of big-horn-sheep, Tlingit.<br>
+      Fig. 169. Facial painting representing hawk, Haida.<br>
+Fig. 170. Headdress representing an eagle bearing a frog on its chest, Tsimshian.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[192]</span></p>
+<figure class="figleft illowp25" id="fig_171" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_213.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 171. Housepost
+    representing eagle
+    above, cormorant
+    below, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_168_170">170</a>, the front of a headdress representing the eagle, is quite
+similar to the forms of preceding series; but it differs from them in
+that the beak of the bird is not turned back so as to touch the face,
+but ends in a sharp point extending downward, and that there is no
+mammal mouth indicated. The wings of the eagle are shown extending
+from the border of its body inward. The
+shoulder joint is indicated by the head of a human
+figure which is ornamentally carved on the wings.
+The feet are seen at the sides of the lower border
+of the carving, under the wings. On the body of
+the eagle is a rather realistic carving of a toad.
+An eagle is also shown on top of the Haida house
+post (fig. <a href="#fig_171">171</a>). The wings are turned in in front
+of the body and the curves of the lower figures
+fit into the curved side.<a id="FNanchor_106_105" href="#Footnote_106_105" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_106_105" href="#FNanchor_106_105" class="label">[106]</a> See also fig. <a href="#fig_215_216">215</a>.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp40" id="fig_172" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_214_172.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 172. Painting on paddle representing hawk, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In figs. <a href="#fig_172">172</a> and <a href="#fig_173">173</a> I give two representations
+of the hawk (or fish hawk) made by the Kwakiutl.
+The treatment is different from that of the Haida,
+but the sharply curved beak is found here also.
+On the paddle (fig. <a href="#fig_172">172</a>), (1) represents the eyebrow
+and ear, (2) the cheek, (3) the wing, (4) the
+beak. Fig. <a href="#fig_173">173</a> is taken from a painting on a settee.
+On the back is shown a man with ears (4) over
+the head, like those of the Haida animals. (1) is
+the navel, (2) the wrinkles running down from the
+nose to the corners of the mouth, (3) is painting
+on the cheeks. The head of the hawk is placed
+on each side of the human figure. On the lower
+border of the settee is the lower jaw (5), over the
+eyes the feathers on the head (6), the eye next
+to the head on the side wing of the settee, is
+the shoulder joint. The bone of the wing is
+shown in (7), the long wing feather in (8), the
+feathers of the body in (9).</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[193]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_173" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_214_173.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 173. Painting on back and one end of a settee representing
+    man and hawk, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp35" id="fig_174" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_214_174.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 174. Handle of spoon of mountain-goat horn representing
+    dragon-fly.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_175" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_214_175.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 175. Berry spoon with engraving representing
+    dragon-fly.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The dragon-fly is represented with a large head, a long segmented
+body and two pairs of wings. The representation on the headdress,
+fig. <a href="#fig_157_158_159">159</a>, has been referred to before. The
+head is human but provided with animal ears.
+It has also been mentioned that the animal
+with segmented body in fig. <a href="#fig_164_167">166</a> may be a
+dragon-fly, although it is lacking the wings.
+According to Edensaw, the spoon handle
+(fig. <a href="#fig_174">174</a>) also represents the dragon-fly. It has
+a strongly curved beak; wings are placed
+under the lower jaw and the segmented body forms the tip of the
+handle. A particularly good representation of a dragon-fly is found
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[194]</span>on the Haida berry spoon<a id="FNanchor_107_106" href="#Footnote_107_106" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> (fig. <a href="#fig_175">175</a>). Attention should be called
+to the spiral proboscis on this specimen.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_107_106" href="#FNanchor_107_106" class="label">[107]</a> These flat, wooden spoons are used for eating soapberries which are beaten to a foam.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_176" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_216_176.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 176. <i>a</i>-<i>e</i> Carvings from handles of spoons of mountain-goat horn
+    representing killer-whale, Tlingit.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The most important characteristic of the killer-whale as represented
+by the Haida is the long dorsal fin,—often with white circle or white
+stripe in the middle, and a face or eye indicating a joint at the base.
+The head is elongated, the mouth long and square in front. The
+nostril is large, high, and at the same time elongated. The distance
+from the mouth to the eyebrow is long and on totem poles and spoon
+handles the head is always so placed that the long snout points
+downward. When seen in profile the front of the face is square on
+account of the forward extension of the nose over the front part of
+the mouth. The eye is generally round but sometimes surrounded
+by elongated lid lines with sharp inner and outer corners. Sometimes
+the blow-hole is shown by a circular spot over the forehead.
+In fig. <a href="#fig_176">176</a> are shown a few representations of the killer-whale as
+found on handles of spoons made of mountain-goat horn. In (<i>a</i>)
+and (<i>b</i>) the dorsal fin rises immediately over the head of the animal.
+The inverted face in (<i>b</i>) probably represents the blow-hole. In (<i>a</i>)
+and (<i>c</i>) the fins are folded forward; in the latter specimen the tail
+is turned up in front on the body. On the rattle (fig. <a href="#fig_177_178">177</a>) the
+characteristic large head with steep face appears. The mouth is set
+with large teeth; the eye is round. In front of the dorsal fin is a
+blow-hole. The Haida float (fig. <a href="#fig_177_178">178</a>) is abnormal in so far as it
+has a very small dorsal fin (see also fig. <a href="#fig_182">182</a> <i>d</i>).</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_177_178" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_216_177-178.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd40">Fig. 177. Rattle representing killer-whale, Haida.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 178. Wooden float representing killer-whale, Haida.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_179" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_217_179.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 179. Masks and dishes representing the killer-whale, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_180_181" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_217_180-181.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd40">Fig. 180. Helmet representing the killer-whale, Tlingit.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 181. Carvings from the handles of spoons of mountain-goat horn representing the bear.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A number of Kwakiutl masks and dishes representing the killer-whale
+are shown in fig. <a href="#fig_179">179</a>. Although there are some differences
+in the treatment of the animal, the main features are common to
+both tribes. All these specimens, except <i>h</i>, have the dorsal fin;
+the last named specimen shows the head only. The long, high nose
+is found in all except in <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, <i>e</i>. The high, steep face is common to
+all of them. Fig. <i>e</i>, a large house dish,<a id="FNanchor_108_107" href="#Footnote_108_107" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> is said to represent the
+They are emblems of the family of the houseowner.]
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195"></a><a id="Page_196"></a><a id="Page_197"></a>[197]</span>whale. It will be noticed that <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i> have round eyes while
+in <i>a</i> and <i>h</i> the regular oblong eye is used. In <i>e</i> and <i>g</i> the
+fundamental form of the eye is also round. Fig. <a href="#fig_180_181">180</a> is a
+Tlingit helmet which is characterized as the killer-whale by
+the large mouth set with teeth, the sudden turn of the nose
+towards the forehead, the fin made of hide which rises over
+the crown of the head, and the fin which is painted on the
+left cheek. Ordinarily the killer-whale has no ears. In facial
+painting red under and on the lower
+jaw up to a line running from the
+angle of the jaw to a point a little
+below the lips, represents the throat
+of the killer-whale.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_108_107" href="#FNanchor_108_107" class="label">[108]</a> These dishes are used in great feasts. Some of them are of enormous size.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>The bear is symbolized by a large
+mouth set with many teeth, often in
+the act of swallowing some animal.
+Very often the tongue protrudes.
+The nostrils are high and round,
+sometimes represented by spirals
+(see also figs. <a href="#fig_157_158_159">157</a>, <a href="#fig_175">175</a>). On totem
+poles and carved spoon handles
+they are similar to those of the
+killer-whale but do not extend quite
+so far backward. There is a sharp
+turn in the profile from the nose to
+the forehead. The paws are large
+(fig. <a href="#fig_180_181">181</a>).</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_182" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_218.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 182. Berry spoons representing
+    bear; <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, Tsimshian; <i>c</i>, Tlingit;
+    <i>d</i>, representing killer-whale.
+
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_182">182</a> three berry spoons are
+shown which, according to Charles
+Edensaw, represent the bear. Fig.
+<a href="#fig_182">182</a> <i>a</i> is quite clear. At the end of
+the spoon is shown the head with an enormous ear (1), the size of
+which is determined by the form of the spoon. Two teeth are
+indicated by red curves (2). Under the mouth is a broad black
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[198]</span>curve, the foreleg (3), and to the right of it (4) the fore-paw. The
+lowest part represents the hindlegs. Fig. <a href="#fig_182">182</a> <i>b</i> is not so clear.
+The face in the middle is the hip joint, under it, to the right, the
+thigh, to the left the paw with long claws. Edensaw considered the
+design over the hip joint as the tail, the end as the head, but I
+doubt the correctness of this interpretation. The end of the spoon
+looks more like the head of a sea-monster and the design over the
+hip joint like the fin. Fig. <a href="#fig_182">182</a> <i>c</i> was also called a bear by the same
+informant, while 182 <i>d</i> was called a killer-whale. I place these side
+by side, because the formal agreement of the lower part is striking.
+The right half of the base of 182 <i>c</i> has the characteristic form of the
+dorsal fin of the killer-whale and corresponds to an analagous design
+in fig. <a href="#fig_182">182</a> <i>d</i>. In both cases the inverted eye above the “fin” would
+be the joint. The rest of the design consists of eye and flipper
+elements that are not readily recognized. In 182 <i>d</i> the flat curves in the
+middle may be the body; in front to the left the fin, and over it eye and
+mouth. In 182 <i>c</i> the elements are still less clear. According to
+Edensaw there is no head, only a tail at the upper end of the spoon.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_183" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_220_183.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+Fig. 183. Carving representing a sea-monster, Tlingit.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p>There are quite a number of representations of the sea-monster,
+the form of which is partly that of a bear and partly that of a
+killer-whale. In a number of cases the monster has a bear’s head
+(fig. <a href="#fig_183">183</a>) and body, but fins are attached to the elbows. In other
+cases the head is that of a killer-whale and the body that of a bear.
+In this form it appears on many horn spoon handles (fig. <a href="#fig_184">184</a>). In
+still other cases the characteristics of bear and killer-whale are intermingled
+in other ways.</p>
+
+<p>The frog is characterized by a wide toothless mouth, a flat nose,
+and lack of a tail.</p>
+<figure class="figleft illowp30" id="fig_184" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_220_184.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>Fig. 184. Carvings from handles of spoons made of
+mountain-goat horn representing a sea-monster.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p>The following series (figs. <a href="#fig_185_186">185</a>-<a href="#fig_187_188">188</a>) are representations of the
+dogfish or shark. When the whole body of this animal is represented,
+it is characterized by a heterocerc tail, a large mouth, the corners of
+which are drawn downward, a series of curved lines on each cheek which
+represent the gills, and a high tapering forehead imitating the inferior
+position of the mouth. It is often decorated with two circles (the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[199]</span>nostrils), and a series of curved lines (wrinkles) similar to the gill
+lines on the cheeks.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_185_186" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_220_185_186.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 185. Part of totem pole carved in slate representing shark
+<ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: sourmounted" id="sourmounted">surmounted</ins>
+by an eagle, Haida.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 186. Handle of a dagger representing the head of a shark, Tlingit.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_185_186">185</a> represents a shark devouring a halibut, from the upper
+part of a totem pole. The head has the characteristic symbols, to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[200]</span>which are added here the numerous sharp teeth that are found
+often, but not regularly, as symbols of the shark. The greater part
+of the body has been omitted, since the animal is sufficiently identified
+by the symbols found on the head; but under the chin will
+be noticed the two pectoral fins which identify it as a fish.</p>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_185_186">186</a> is the handle of a copper dagger on which the mouth
+with depressed corners, the curved lines on the cheeks, and the
+ornament rising over the forehead, characterize the shark.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_187_188" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_221.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd50">Fig. 187. Wooden pipe representing a shark, Tlingit.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 188. Tattooing representing a shark, Haida.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A small pipe (fig. <a href="#fig_187_188">187</a>) has the form of a shark. The square end
+at the right hand side is the face of the animal (fig. <a href="#fig_187_188">187</a>). Eyes
+and mouth are inlaid with abalone shell. On account of the narrowness
+of the face, the three curved lines generally found on the cheeks
+are placed under the mouth. The forehead has the characteristic
+high form described before. The opposite end of the pipe shows
+the tail turned upward. On the sides are carved the pectoral fins,
+which extend over the body of the pipe.</p>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_187_188">188</a> is a copy of a tattooing on the back of a Haida woman.
+Here we have only the outline of the head of a shark, again characterized
+by the peculiar, high forehead, the depressed corners of
+the mouth, and curved lines on each cheek.</p>
+
+<p>The shark<a id="FNanchor_109_108" href="#Footnote_109_108" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> (or dogfish) is found frequently on Haida carvings
+and paintings. It is rare among the southern tribes.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_109_108" href="#FNanchor_109_108" class="label">[109]</a>
+ See also figs. <a href="#fig_212_213">213</a>, <a href="#fig_214">214</a>, <a href="#fig_217">217</a>, <a href="#fig_232">232</a>, <a href="#fig_233">233</a>, <a href="#fig_261_262">261</a>.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[201]</span></p>
+<p>The ts’um’os, the personified snag, is represented in a form similar
+to the bear. According to Edensaw the form of the head
+is analogous to that of the bear but the corners of the mouth are
+drawn down like those of the dog-fish (fig. <a href="#fig_189_190">189</a>). This is contradicted
+by the representation of a third snag monster, in which
+the mouth is square like that of the bear. The region behind the
+mouth has, however, the characteristic curvature demanded by Edensaw.
+The fins of this being correspond to the concept of the sea-monster.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_189_190" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_222.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd50">Fig. 189. Handles of spoons representing sea-monster, Haida. </td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 190. Handles of spoons made of mountain-goat representing snail, Tlingit.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_189_190">190</a> are represented two spoon handles, representing, according
+to Edensaw, the snail. The characteristic feature seems to
+be the long snout with its sudden, angular turn. The conventional
+concept of the animal form with eye and nose is strikingly brought
+out in this instance.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[202]</span></p>
+<p>Let us briefly recapitulate what we have thus far tried to show.
+Animals are characterized by their symbols, and the following
+series of symbols has been described in the preceding remarks:</p>
+
+<p>1. Of the <i>beaver</i>: large incisors; large, round nose; scaly tail; and
+a stick held in the fore paws.</p>
+
+<p>2. Of the <i>sculpin</i>: two spines rising over the mouth, and a continuous
+dorsal fin.</p>
+
+<p>3. Of the <i>hawk</i>: large, curved beak the point of which is turned
+backward so that it touches the face.</p>
+
+<p>4. Of the <i>eagle</i>: large, curved beak, the point of which is turned
+downward.</p>
+
+<p>5. Of the <i>killer-whale</i>: large, long head; elongated large nostrils;
+round eye; large mouth set with teeth; blow-hole; and large dorsal fin.</p>
+
+<p>6. Of the <i>shark</i> or <i>dogfish</i>: an elongated rounded cone rising
+over the forehead; mouth with depressed corners; a series of curved
+lines on the cheeks representing gills; two circles and curved lines
+on the ornament rising over the forehead representing nostrils and
+wrinkles; round eyes; numerous sharp teeth; and heterocerc tail.</p>
+
+<p>7. Of the <i>bear</i>: large paws; and large mouth set with teeth; protruding
+tongue; large, round nose; and sudden turn from snout to forehead.</p>
+
+<p>8. Of the <i>sea-monster</i>: bear’s head; bear’s paws with flippers attached;
+and gills and body of the killer-whale, with several dorsal
+fins; or other mixtures of bear and killer-whale type.</p>
+
+<p>9. Of the <i>dragon-fly</i>: large head; segmented, slender body; and wings.</p>
+
+<p>10. Of the <i>frog</i>: wide, toothless mouth; flat nose; and lack of tail.</p>
+
+<p>11. Of the personified <i>snag</i>: like a bear with mouth depressed at
+the corners like that of the dogfish.</p>
+
+<p>12. Of the <i>snail</i>: long snout with sudden downward turn.<a id="FNanchor_110_109" href="#Footnote_110_109" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_110_109" href="#FNanchor_110_109" class="label">[110]</a> See also characterization of wolf, p. 207.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>I have had occasion to examine the Kwakiutl in greater detail in
+regard to the symbols used in designating certain animals. One
+artist gave me a series of eye patterns together with the adjoining
+parts of the face and explained in what way each is characteristic
+of the animal in question. These are shown in figs. <a href="#fig_191">191</a> and <a href="#fig_192">192</a>.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[203]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_191" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_224.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 191. Types of eyes of various animals, Kwakiutl; <span class="nowrap"><i>a</i>, sea bear;</span>
+<span class="nowrap"><i>b</i>, grizzly bear;</span>
+    <span class="nowrap"><i>c</i>, beaver;</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>d</i>, wolf;</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>e</i>, eagle;</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>f</i> raven;</span><span class="nowrap"> <i>g</i>, killer-whale.</span>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The grizzly bear of the sea (<i>a</i>) has a large eye, the form of which
+is not definitely determined, a very large, round nostril, large teeth
+and a large ear. The grizzly bear (<i>b</i>) has a round eye with white
+rim, smaller than that of the grizzly bear of the sea. The nose is
+not round, but high, the teeth large but smaller than those of the
+grizzly bear of the sea. The ear is small and pointed. The beaver (<i>c</i>)
+has, besides the large incisors, a high, round nose and a very small
+ear. The wolf (<i>d</i>) has a slanting, long eye; the ear is laid down
+backward; he has many teeth. The eye of the eagle (<i>e</i>) has a white
+crescent behind the eyeball, the nostril is slanting and placed high
+up on the beak. The eye of the raven (<i>f</i>) is white in the center.
+The killer-whale (<i>g</i>) has a very large eyebrow, a long eye and face, long
+nose and a long mouth with many teeth. The whale (fig. <a href="#fig_192">192</a> <i>a</i>)
+has a round eye and nose. The sea lion (<i>b</i>) has a round nose,
+large teeth, the eye near to the nose and a small ear. The frog (<i>c</i>)
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[204]</span>has an elongated eye, flat mouth and flat nose. The fabulous double-headed
+serpent (<i>d</i>) has a small eye like that of the wolf, a spiral
+nose and a spiral plume. The eyes of a man, of the woodman, and
+of the seaspirit who gives wealth, are shown in <i>e</i>, <i>f</i>, and <i>g</i>.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_192" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_225.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 192. Types of eyes of various <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: brings" id="brings">beings</ins>, Kwakiutl,
+<span class="nowrap"> <i>a</i>, whale;</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>b</i>, sea lion;</span><span class="nowrap"> <i>c</i>, frog;</span>
+    <span class="nowrap"><i>d</i>, double-headed serpent;</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>e</i>, man;</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>f</i> merman;</span><span class="nowrap"> <i>g</i>, spirit of the sea.</span>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_193" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_226_193.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 193. Styles of tails, Kwakiutl; above bird;
+    below sea mammals.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The Kwakiutl also claim as the standard for the bird’s tail, a
+joint with a single eye, although sometimes there may be two eyeballs
+enclosed in one eye. The rounded feathers (fig. <a href="#fig_193">193</a>) are also
+characteristics of the bird’s tail. The tail of the whale, killer-whale,
+and porpoise, on the other hand, has two joints and the flukes
+have double curvatures on the inner side.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_194" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_226_194.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 194. Styles of wing designs and of fin
+    designs, Kwakiutl; above, fin; below, wing.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+
+<p>The Kwakiutl also claim a definite distinction between the designs
+representing wing feathers and those representing fins, (fig. <a href="#fig_194">194</a>).
+The wing feathers should be pointed; the fin, on the other hand,
+has no point and is cut off square.</p>
+
+<p>In figs. <a href="#fig_195">195</a> and <a href="#fig_196">196</a> are represented the characteristic elements
+of the halibut and of the wolf. These elements are supposed to be
+used by the Kwakiutl in the representation of these animals, selected
+according to the requirements of the decorative field. In the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[205]</span>figures here reproduced
+they are given without
+any reference to the decorative
+field. Fig. <a href="#fig_195">195</a>
+represents the halibut;
+(1) the mouth and over
+it the nose, (2) the eyes,
+(3) the bone of the top
+of the head and (4) the
+side of the head. In (5)
+are shown the gills; (6)
+and (8) represent the
+intestinal tract, and (7) is
+the part of the intestinal
+tract just under the neck;
+(9) is the collar bone,
+(10) the lateral fin, the
+bones of which are shown
+in (11). (12) is the clotted
+blood that is found
+in the dead halibut under
+the vertebral column; (13)
+represents the joint of the
+tail, (14) part of the bone
+in the tail, and (15) the
+tip of the tail.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_195" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_227_195.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 195. Elements used in representing the halibut, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_196" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_227_196.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 196. Elements used in representing the wolf, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_196">196</a> represents, in
+the same way, the wolf.
+The head with the elevated
+nose is easily recognized.
+(1) represents the throat.
+(2) The humerus connected
+with the forearm
+is shown in the lower
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206"></a><a id="Page_207"></a>[207]</span>left hand side of the pattern; (3) represents the collarbone, the four
+circles (4) the backbone, (5) the back with hair. The three thin
+slanting lines (6) are the ribs, (7) the sternum and the hooks over
+it the intestinal tract, (9) is the hind leg, corresponding to (2),
+(10) the toes, (11) the foot, (12) connects the backbone with the tail.
+The thin lines (13) represent the hair of the tail, (14) is supposed to
+be a second joint in the tail, (15) the hairy tail, and (16) the ears.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_197" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_228.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 197. Painting from bow of a canoe,
+    representing the wolf.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_197">197</a> represents the wolf, a painting from the bow of a canoe.
+Here again the elevated
+nose of the wolf will be
+recognized. The hachure (1)
+represents the pelvis, (2) and
+(3) the intestinal tract, (4)
+the humerus, (5) the cheek,
+(6) the facial bones, and
+(7) the ear.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_198" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_229.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 198. Masks and dishes representing the wolf, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>An examination of carved
+and painted specimens shows
+clearly that this description
+of symbols is theoretical
+rather than rigidly normative,
+for in many cases considerable freedom in their use
+may be observed. An example of this kind is presented by the
+wolf masks used by the Kwakiutl in the dance “Brought-Down-From-Above”<a id="FNanchor_111_110" href="#Footnote_111_110" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>
+(fig. <a href="#fig_198">198</a>). Most of these have the slanting eye
+and pointed ears. In one specimen, however, the ear is pointed
+forward. The snout slants backward, the nose is high. The identity
+of treatment of the specimen shown in figs. <i>d</i> and <i>f</i> is interesting.
+The former was collected by Captain Adrian Jacobsen,
+1884, and the latter by Captain Cook more than a hundred years
+earlier. The double mask, fig. <i>a</i>, resembles them in general shape,
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208"></a><a id="Page_209"></a>[209]</span>but the eye is treated quite differently and the
+ear, while narrow, is not pointed and the backward
+slant of the snout is not sufficiently
+pronounced. The double-headed wolf dish (<i>e</i>),
+has small reclining ears and long eyes. The
+ears of figs. <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, <i>e</i>, are small and recline,
+but the eye of <i>c</i> and <i>d</i> is rounded.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_111_110" href="#FNanchor_111_110" class="label">[111]</a> See Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians, Annual
+Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, p. 477, illustrations
+p. 493, Plate 37.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The forms of animals used by the northern
+tribes vary considerably also. It is not safe
+to base our arguments on models or on objects
+made for the trade. I shall use, therefore,
+exclusively, older specimens which have been
+in use.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp25" id="fig_199" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_230.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 199. House post,
+    Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+
+<p>Swanton<a id="FNanchor_112_111" href="#Footnote_112_111" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> gives two interpretations of the
+Haida house post fig. <a href="#fig_199">199</a>. He had two informants;
+both explained the top figure as an
+eagle but they differed as to the meaning of
+the rest. The one claimed that the lower part
+of the pole represented the story of a woman
+being carried away by a killer-whale. The
+woman’s face shows just below the eagle’s
+beak, and the whale’s blow-hole is represented
+by a small face above the face of the killer-whale.
+The second informant, however, explained
+the large face at the bottom as that
+of a grizzly bear, presumably meaning thereby,
+the sea grizzly bear; and the small figure
+over it as the “sea ghost” which usually
+rides upon its back. The woman’s face he left
+unexplained. From an objective point of view,
+the face at the base of the pole appears as a
+grizzly bear’s face. Attached to it on each side
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210"></a><a id="Page_211"></a><a id="Page_212"></a>[212]</span>are the ears and above these, the flippers. Just under the talons of the
+eagle is found the inverted tail of a fish or aquatic mammal, which
+presumably belongs to the figure at the bottom, although it seems
+rather small. It seems doubtful whether the upper face, to which
+belong the two hands just under it and the legs, in squatting position
+below the tail, is that of a woman because there ought to be
+a large labret in the lower lip. Furthermore, the face has animal
+ears so that it does not seem likely that the intention of the artist
+was to represent a woman.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_112_111" href="#FNanchor_112_111" class="label">[112]</a> John R. Swanton, The Haida, Publications of the
+Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. V, p. 128.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>It is true that in some other cases in which this same story is
+represented,<a id="FNanchor_113_112" href="#Footnote_113_112" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> the person sitting on the back of the killer-whale has
+no labret, while in other cases it is shown. Obviously in this case
+the symbolism is not clear enough to enable an Indian who does
+not know the artist or who does not know the meaning of the
+carving, to interpret it correctly.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_113_112" href="#FNanchor_113_112" class="label">[113]</a> See Swanton, The Haida, pl. 15, fig. 1, where the woman is shown without
+labret while in the specimen pl. 14, fig. 5, she wears a large labret.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_200" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_231.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 200. Designs from a set of gambling sticks.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_201" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_232.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 201. Designs from a set of gambling sticks.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The uncertainty of interpretation becomes the greater the more
+fragmentary the figure. A set of gambling sticks which in 1897 I
+submitted to the best carver and painter (Charles Edensaw) among
+the Haida, could not be satisfactorily interpreted by him (figs. <a href="#fig_200">200</a>,
+<a href="#fig_201">201</a>). For example: Number 35 he recognized as a series of three
+dorsal fins without being able to tell to what animal they belonged.
+Number 36 he explained as a shoulder on the right, and a tail on
+the left, but he was unable to identify the particular animal. Number
+37 he explained, hesitatingly, as a mosquito. For the following
+group he felt quite unable to give any satisfactory explanation.</p>
+
+<p>The uncertainty of explanation appears particularly clearly in the
+interpretation of Chilkat blankets. I give here a few examples according
+to Lieutenant George T. Emmons.<a id="FNanchor_114_113" href="#Footnote_114_113" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_114_113" href="#FNanchor_114_113" class="label">[114]</a> George T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, Memoirs of the American Museum
+of Natural History, Vol. 3. Part 4, N. Y. 1907, pp. 352, 369, 372, 377, and 387.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_202" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_234_202.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 202. Chilkat blanket.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The blanket shown in fig. <a href="#fig_202">202</a> represents a bear with young.
+The large central figure represents the male bear; the two inverted
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[213]</span>eyes in the middle of the lower border, with the adjoining
+elongated designs with round tips, the hind quarters of the bear
+and the legs; the three heads in the middle of the upper margin,
+the female and the young bears. The central head in the middle
+of the upper margin was
+also explained as the
+forehead of the bear.
+The lateral panels represent
+each a young
+bear. The design along
+the lower border of the
+lateral panel is the freshwater
+stream on which
+the bear lives. According
+to John R. Swanton
+the blanket represents
+the sea grizzly bear. The
+explanation of the principal
+parts is the same
+as that given by Lieutenant
+Emmons, except
+that the three heads in
+the middle along the
+upper border were explained,
+the middle one
+as the top of the head, the lateral ones as ears. The wing designs
+which extend sideways from the border, cutting into the middle
+parts of the lateral panels, were explained as part of the forelegs,
+representing, probably, the fins which are believed to be attached
+to the arms of the sea grizzly bear. The two inverted eyes in the
+lower border, with the ornaments attached to the right and left of
+the eyes, were said to represent the hind legs.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_203" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_234_203.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 203. Chilkat blanket.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The blanket shown in figure <a href="#fig_203">203</a> represents, according to Emmons,
+a female wolf and young. The body of the wolf is given the form
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[214]</span>of a hawk; the two eyes and the wing designs between them, near
+the lower border of the blanket, being the face of the hawk. The
+double feather design over these eyes represents the hawk’s ears.
+The face in the center of the lower border of the blanket represents
+the body, the wing feather designs extending downward under
+the corners of the jaws of the wolf, the wings of the hawk. In the
+lateral panels the young wolf is shown sitting up. These designs
+represent probably at the same time, the sides and back of the
+wolf’s body. According
+to Swanton the blanket
+represents a young raven.
+The body of the raven is
+occupied by two profiles
+of ravens, represented
+by the two large eyes
+near the lower border
+of the blanket. The face
+in the centre of the lower
+border is the raven’s
+tail. The lateral wing designs extending downward from under the
+corners of the jaws of the large head, are the wings of the raven.
+The lateral panels represent two young ravens in profile.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_204" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_235.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 204. Chilkat blanket.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The blanket shown in fig. <a href="#fig_204">204</a> shows, according to Emmons,
+on top, a brown bear sitting up. On the body of the bear is a
+raven’s head. The hind-quarters are treated like a whale’s head.
+The eyes being at the same time the hip joints, the mouth the feet
+of the bear. He was given another explanation: the principal
+figure being explained as a whale, the head of which is below. The
+body, which is turned up, is treated as a raven’s head, and the tail
+as a bear’s head. The side panels are the sides and the back of
+these animals, but represent at the same time, an eagle in profile
+on top, and a raven in profile below. According to Swanton the
+design represents a halibut. The head is below. The whole large
+middle face represents the body; and the large face nearer the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">[215]</span>upper border, the tail. The wing designs in the lateral panels,
+next to the lowest head, are the small pectoral fins and the rest of
+the lateral fields, the continuous border fin.</p>
+
+<p>The blanket in Fig. <a href="#fig_103">103</a> (p. 108) represents, according to Emmons,
+a diving whale and the lateral fields a raven sitting. The head,
+with nostrils and mouth, is shown below. The central face represents
+the body. The eyes near the upper border are the flukes of the
+tail. The face designs at the sides of the body represent the fins.
+In the lateral panels is
+shown a raven sitting.
+According to Swanton the
+same blanket represents
+a wolf with young. The
+head is shown below.
+The hind legs and hip joints
+are represented by
+two large eyes and the
+adjoining ornaments along
+the upper border, the two
+dark segments just over the eye, being the feet. The face in the
+middle of the design represents, as usual, the body of the animal.
+The small eye design, with adjoining ear and wing feather designs,
+in the middle on each side of the body, are interpreted as foreleg
+and foot. The lateral panels are explained as representing each a
+young wolf sitting.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_205" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_236.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 205. Chilkat blanket.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>There are also considerable discrepancies in the explanation of
+the blanket shown in fig. <a href="#fig_205">205</a>. According to Emmons it represents
+a killer-whale. In each lower corner is one half of the head with
+teeth; right in front of the teeth, the nostril; between the two halves
+of the head, in the lower border of the blanket, the tail. The
+inverted face in the middle of the upper border, represents the body.
+The large square designs containing the goggle design, on each side,
+are interpreted as water blown out from the blow-hole. One half
+of the dorsal fin is indicated by a small round wing feather design
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[216]</span>in each upper corner, the human face in profile under it, representing
+one half of the blow-hole. According to Swanton a spirit
+of the sea is represented. One half of the head is shown in each
+lower corner, the eye design in front of the tongue
+being interpreted as chin. The two faces in the middle
+of the lower border are explained as the young ones
+of this sea spirit; the flicker-feather designs over
+them, as the inner part of the body of the old animal;
+the inverted large face in the middle of the upper
+border, as its hat; the large square designs on each
+side of this face, containing the goggle designs, as
+the dorsal fin; the two human faces in profile near
+the upper corners, the young ones whose bodies are
+shown by the round feather design over the face.
+Still another explanation of the same pattern was
+given to me. In each lower corner is shown one
+half of the head of a killer-whale. Its food is represented
+by the eye design in front of the mouth.
+The tail is below in the middle; the two halves of
+the dorsal fin are just over the tail; the inverted face
+in the middle of the upper border is the chest; the
+adjoining square designs and the attached round feather
+design are the flippers. Accordingly the profile faces
+near the upper, outer corners should be the blow-holes.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp25" id="fig_206" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_237.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 206. Model
+    of totem pole with
+    three figures representing,
+    from
+    below upward;
+    sculpin, dog-fish,
+    and sea-monster;
+    Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>These examples show clearly that there is ample
+room for the fancy of the interpreter. The symbols
+lend themselves to various explanations, which are
+presumably selected in accordance with totemic affiliations
+of the owner. Not all of them seem quite
+consistent with the best northwest coast usage; for
+instance, Swanton’s explanation of the last named
+blanket seems doubtful on account of the inverted position of
+the hat and the explanation of a single wing design as a body.</p>
+
+<p>So far I have considered the symbols only in connection with
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">[217]</span>their use in representing various animals. It now becomes necessary
+to inquire in what manner they are used to identify the
+animals. We have seen that in a number of the preceding cases
+entire animals were represented, and that they were identified by
+means of these symbols. However, the artist is allowed wide latitude
+in the selection of the form of the animal. Whatever its form
+may be, as long as the recognized symbols are present, its identity
+is established. We have
+mentioned before that
+the symbols are often
+applied to human faces,
+while the body of the
+figure has the characteristics
+of the animal.</p>
+
+<p>We find this principle
+applied on the totem
+pole, fig. <a href="#fig_206">206</a>. Each of the
+three animals represented
+has a human face, to
+which are added characteristic
+symbols. In the
+top figure the ears indicate an animal; the arms, to which flippers are
+attached, the sea-monster (see fig. <a href="#fig_183">183</a>). The next figure below represents
+the shark. Originally a large lip with a labret was attached
+to it. This would indicate that a female shark is represented. Its
+symbols are the peculiar high snout which rises over its forehead, and
+the fins, which are placed under the chin. The body of the lowest
+figure which is shown under the face represents a fish; and the
+two large spines which rise over the eyebrows specify the sculpin.</p>
+
+<p>In many cases the bodies of the animals are not represented and
+the essential symbols are applied to a purely human face. This
+style is found on masks and in facial paintings.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_207_208" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_238.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 207. Mask representing the hawk, Tlingit.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 208. Mask with painting symbolizing the flicker, Tlingit.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_207_208">207</a> has a human face with human ears. Only the nose
+indicates that the mask is not intended to represent a human being.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[218]</span>It is strongly curved, and drawn back into the mouth, thus symbolizing
+the hawk.</p>
+
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_207_208">208</a> we see the face of a woman with a moderately large
+labret. The ears, as explained before, are those of an animal. The
+nose, which has been lost, had undoubtedly the form of a bird’s
+beak. Thus the face was characterized as that of a bird. It was
+specified partly by the
+form of the beak, but
+principally by the ornaments
+painted in red and
+black on the cheeks and
+forehead. These represent
+the feathers of the
+red-winged flicker.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_209_210" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_239.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 209. Mask with eyebrows symbolizing the squid, Tlingit.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 210. Mask with painting symbolizing the killer-whale, Tlingit.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A small mask representing
+a human face
+(fig. <a href="#fig_209_210">209</a>) has, in place
+of the eyebrows, two
+rows of circles, the sucking-cups
+of the squid.
+By means of this symbol
+the face is recognized as that of the squid.</p>
+
+
+<p>In the same manner the mask fig. <a href="#fig_209_210">210</a> is identified as the killer-whale
+by the two black ornaments painted on the left cheek and extending
+down to the chin. They represent the dorsal fin of the killer-whale.</p>
+
+<p>These symbols are also used as facial paintings and body paintings
+by dancers, who are thus recognized as personifying the animal
+in question, or as belonging to the social group with which the
+animals are associated (see figs. <a href="#fig_264">264</a>, <a href="#fig_265">265</a>, pp. 250, 251). Sometimes
+these symbols are attached to the garments. To this class belongs
+the ornament (fig. <a href="#fig_212_213">212</a>), which represents the dorsal fin of a killer-whale
+and which is worn attached to the back part of the blanket.</p>
+
+<p>Having thus become acquainted with a few of the symbols of
+animals, we will next investigate in what manner the native artist
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">[219]</span>adapts the animal form to the object he intends to decorate. First
+of all, we will direct our attention to a series of specimens which
+show that he endeavors, whenever possible, to represent the whole
+animal on the object that
+he desires to decorate.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp70" id="fig_211" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_240_211.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 211. Wood carving representing the killer-whale,
+    Tlingit.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_211">211</a> is a club used
+for killing seals and halibut
+before they are landed in
+the canoe. The carving
+represents the killer-whale. The dorsal fin, the principal symbol of
+the killer-whale, cannot be omitted. If placed in an upright position
+on the club, the implement would assume an awkward shape. Therefore
+the artist bent it down along the side of the body, so that it
+covers the flipper. The tail of the whale would have interfered with
+the handle, and has been turned forward
+and lies flat over the back.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_212_213" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_240_212_213.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 212. Wood carving representing dorsal fin of the killer-whale, Tlingit.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 213. Model of a totem pole representing a shark, Haida.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The distortion of the body has been
+carried still further in the handle of a
+spoon (fig. <a href="#fig_176">176</a> <i>a</i>, p. 195) which represents
+the same animal. The large
+head of the whale, to which the flippers
+are attached is near the bowl of the
+spoon. The body has been twisted backward
+so that it is completely doubled up.
+Therefore, the surface pattern of the tail
+is carved on the back of the spoon, and
+the two projections just below the mouth
+are the two tips of the whale’s tail. The
+dorsal fin extends upward from the head
+of the whale, between the legs of the
+man who forms the tip of the handle.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp15" id="fig_214" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_241.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 214.
+
+    Speaker’s staff
+    representing a
+    shark, Tlingit.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_212_213">213</a> is a small totem pole representing the shark. The tip
+of its tail forms the top of the pole, while the face is placed at
+its lower end. Since most of the symbols of the shark are found
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[220]</span>on its face, it was necessary to bring the face into such a position
+as to be seen in front view, but the artist also desired to show the
+back of the fish. For this reason the head has been
+twisted around entirely, so that it appears in front view
+over the back of the fish. The flippers are made visible
+by having been pushed backward far beyond the place
+to which they properly belong.</p>
+
+<p>The speaker’s staff (fig. <a href="#fig_214">214</a>), which also represents
+the shark, has been distorted in the same manner; but
+here the head has been turned round entirely, so that it
+faces the back of the fish. The pectoral fins are shown
+below the chin.</p>
+
+<p>On the berry spoon (fig. <a href="#fig_215_216">215</a>) is an eagle whose head
+which is turned back completely. The small wing occupies
+the field under the head. The upper margin with
+geometrical decoration represents the body under which
+the hip joint, leg and feet are shown.</p>
+
+<p>The changes of position and of the relative sizes of
+parts of the body, which result from such adaptations
+to the form of the object to be decorated, are still more
+far-reaching in the following specimens.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_215_216" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_242_215_216.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 215. Berry Spoon with design representing the eagle.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 216. Halibut hook representing a beaver, Tlingit.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>On a halibut hook (fig. <a href="#fig_215_216">216</a>) carved with a design of
+the beaver, the two incisors, the symbols of the beaver,
+have been moved to the same side of the mouth. In
+reality only one of the incisors is visible in profile, but
+being important symbols, both are shown.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp30" id="fig_217" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_242_217.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 217. Part of totem pole representing a shark, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_217">217</a> is a shark represented on the top of a totem
+pole. The head of the animal is shown in the form of
+a human face with the characteristic symbols. Under the
+chin are two flippers. The body must be considered
+turned upward; but it has been shortened so much that
+only the tail remains, which rises immediately above the face.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp40" id="fig_218" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_242_218.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 218. Dancing-hat representing a killer-whale, Tsimshian.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>On a wooden dancing-hat (fig. <a href="#fig_218">218</a>) the symbols of the killer-whale
+are attached to its head. Since the whole body has been
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">[221]</span>omitted, the dorsal fin, the essential symbol, has been moved from
+the back to the head, and the flippers are attached to the head
+behind the eyebrows.</p>
+
+<p>In all these cases the artist has taken great liberties with the form
+of the animal body, and has treated it so that the symbols become
+clearly visible. On the whole, he endeavors to represent the whole
+animal. When this is not possible, all its essential parts are shown.
+The insignificant parts are often omitted.</p>
+
+<p>Far-reaching distortions result from the adjustment of the animal body
+to the decorative field and from the necessity of preserving its symbols.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp30" id="fig_219" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_242_219.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 219. Wooden hat with carving representing the sculpin.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_219">219</a> is the top view of a wooden hat on which is carved the
+figure of a sculpin. The animal is shown in top view, as though
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">[222]</span>it were lying with its lower side on the hat. The dancing-hats of
+these Indians have the forms of truncated cones. To the top are
+attached a series of rings, mostly made of basketry, which indicate
+the social rank of the owner, each ring symbolizing a step in the
+social ladder. The top of the hat, therefore, does not belong to the
+decorative field, which is confined to the surface of the cone. The
+artist found it necessary, therefore, to open the back of the sculpin
+far enough to make room for the gap in the decorative field. He
+has done so by representing the animal as seen from the top, but
+split and distended in the
+middle, so that the top of
+the hat is located in the
+opening thus secured.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_220" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_243.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 220. Grease dish representing seal.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_220">220</a> represents a dish
+in the shape of a seal.
+The whole dish is carved
+in the form of the animal;
+but the bottom, which corresponds
+to the belly, is flattened, and the back is hollowed out
+so as to form the bowl of the dish. In order to gain a wider rim
+the whole back has been distended so that the animal becomes
+inordinately wide as compared to its length. The flippers are carved
+in their proper positions at the sides of the dish. The hind flippers
+are turned back, and join the tail closely. A similar method of
+representation is used in decorating small boxes. The whole box
+is considered as representing an animal. The front of the body is
+painted or carved on the box front; its sides, on the sides of the
+box; the hind side of the body, on the back of the box (see figs.
+282 et seq., p. 270). The bottom of the box is the animal’s stomach;
+the top, or the open upper side, its back. These boxes are bent of a
+single piece of wood and are represented here unbent.</p>
+
+<p>In the decoration of silver bracelets a similar principle is followed,
+but the problem differs somewhat from that offered in the decoration
+of square boxes. While in the latter case the four edges make
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[223]</span>a natural division between the four views of the animal,—front and
+right profile, back and left profile,—there is no such sharp line of
+division in the round bracelet, and there would be great difficulty
+in joining the four aspects artistically, <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: twowhile" id="twowhile">two whole</ins> profiles offer no such
+difficulty. This is the method of representation adopted by the
+native artists (figs. <a href="#fig_221">221</a>; <a href="#fig_255">255</a>-<a href="#fig_257">257</a> p. 245). The animal is imagined cut
+in two from head to tail, so that the two halves cohere only at the
+tip of the nose and at the tip of the tail. The hand is put through
+this hole, and the animal now surrounds the wrist. In this position
+it is represented on the
+bracelet. The method
+adopted is therefore
+identical with the one
+applied in the hat (fig.
+<a href="#fig_219">219</a>), except that the
+central opening is much
+larger, and that the animal has been represented on a cylindrical
+surface, not on a conical one.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp70" id="fig_221" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_244.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 221. Design on a bracelet representing a bear,
+    Nass River Indians.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>An examination of the head of the bear shown on the bracelet
+(fig. <a href="#fig_221">221</a>), makes it clear that this idea has been carried out rigidly.
+It will be noticed that there is a deep depression between the eyes,
+extending down to the nose. This shows that the head itself must
+not be considered a front view, but as consisting of two profiles
+which adjoin at mouth and nose, while they are not in contact with
+each other on a level with the eyes and forehead. The peculiar
+ornament rising over the nose of the bear, decorated with three
+rings, represents a hat with three rings which designate the rank
+of the bearer.</p>
+
+<p>We have thus recognized that the representations of animals on
+dishes and bracelets (and we may include the design on the hat,
+fig. <a href="#fig_219">219</a>) must not be considered as perspective views, but as
+representing complete animals more or less distorted and split.</p>
+
+<p>The transition from the bracelet to the painting or carving of
+animals on a flat surface is not a difficult one. The same principle
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[224]</span>is adhered to; and either the animals are represented as split in
+two so that the profiles are joined in the middle, or a front view
+of the head is shown with two adjoining profiles of the body. In
+the cases considered heretofore the animal was cut through and
+through from the mouth to the tip of the tail. These points were
+allowed to cohere, and the animal was stretched over a ring, a cone,
+or the sides of a prism. If we imagine the
+bracelet opened, and flattened in the manner
+in which it is shown in fig. <a href="#fig_221">221</a>, we
+have a section of the animal from mouth
+to tail, cohering only at the mouth, and
+the two halves spread over a flat surface.
+This is the natural development of the
+method here described when applied to the
+decoration of flat surfaces.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp30" id="fig_222" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_245.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 222. Painting representing
+    bear, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>It is clear that on flat surfaces this method
+allows of modifications by changing the
+method of cutting. When the body of a long
+animal, such as that of a fish or of a standing quadruped, is cut in
+this manner, a design results which forms a long narrow strip.
+This mode of cutting is therefore mostly applied in the decoration
+of long bands. When the field that is to be decorated is more
+nearly square, this form is not favorable. In such cases a square
+design is obtained by cutting quadrupeds sitting on their haunches
+in the same manner as before, and unfolding the animal so that
+the two halves remain in contact at the nose and mouth, while the
+median line at the back is to the extreme right and to the
+extreme left.</p>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_222">222</a> (a Haida painting) shows a design which has been
+obtained in this manner. It represents a bear. The enormous
+breadth of mouth observed in these cases is brought about
+by the junction of the two profiles of which the head consists.</p>
+
+
+<p>This cutting of the head is brought out most clearly in the painting
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[225]</span>fig. <a href="#fig_223_224">223</a>, which also represents the bear. It is the painting on
+the front of a Tsimshian house, the circular hole in the middle of
+the design being the door of the house. The animal is cut from
+back to front, so that only the front part of the head coheres. The
+two halves of the lower jaw do not touch each other. The back
+is represented by the black outline on which the hair is indicated
+by fine lines. The Tsimshian call such a design “bears meeting”,
+as though two bears had been represented.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_223_224" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_246.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 223. Painting from a house-front representing a bear, Tsimshian.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 224. Wooden hat painted with the design of a sculpin, Haida.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In a number of cases the designs painted on hats must also be
+explained as formed by the junction of two profiles. This is the
+case in the painted wooden hat (fig. <a href="#fig_223_224">224</a>), on which the design of
+a sculpin is shown. It will be noticed that only the mouth of the
+animal coheres, while the eyes are widely separated. The spines
+rise immediately over the mouth. The flippers are attached to the
+corners of the face, while the dorsal fin is split into halves, each
+half being joined to an eye.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[226]</span></p>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_225" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_247_225.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 225. Hat made of spruce roots painted with design of a beaver, Haida or Tsimshian.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The beaver (fig. <a href="#fig_225">225</a>) has been treated in the same manner. The
+head is split down to the mouth, over which rises the hat with
+four rings. The split has been carried back to the tail, which,
+however, is left intact, and turned up towards the centre of the
+hat. The importance of the symbols becomes very clear in this
+specimen. If the two large black teeth which are seen under the
+four rings, and the tail with the cross-hatchings, were omitted, the
+figure would represent the frog.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_226_227" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_247_226-227.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 226. Tattooing representing a duck, Haida.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 227. Tattooing representing a raven, Haida.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In other designs the cut is made in the opposite direction from
+the one described heretofore. It passes from the chest to the back,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[227]</span>and the animal is unfolded so that the two halves cohere along the
+middle line of the back. This has been done in the Haida tattooings
+figs. <a href="#fig_226_227">226</a> and <a href="#fig_226_227">227</a>, the former representing the duck, the
+latter the raven. In both the tail is left intact. The duck has been
+split along the back so that the two halves of the body do not
+cohere except in their lowest portions, while the two halves of the
+raven are left in contact up to the head.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_228_229" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_248.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd55">Fig. 228. Dancing-apron woven of mountain-goat wool, design representing a beaver, Tsimshian.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 229. Painted legging with design representing a beaver sitting on a man’s head, Haida.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_228_229">228</a> is a dancing-apron woven from mountain-goat wool, and
+fastened to a large piece of leather, the fringes of which are set with
+puffin beaks. The woven design represents the beaver. Its symbols, the
+two pairs of incisors and the scaly tail, are clearly represented. While
+in most carvings and paintings the tail is turned upward in front of the
+body, it is hanging down here between the two feet. The meaning of
+the ornaments in the upper part of the apron to the right and to the
+left of the head is not quite clear to me, but, if they are significant at all,
+I believe they must be considered as the back of the body split and
+folded along the upper margin of the blanket. If this explanation is
+correct, we have to consider the animal cut into three pieces, one cut
+running along the sides of the body, the other one along the back.</p>
+
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_228_229">229</a> shows the design on a leather legging, a beaver squatting
+on a human head. In this specimen we observe that the proportions
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[228]</span>of the body have been much distorted owing to the greater width
+of the legging at its upper part. The head has been much enlarged
+in order to fill the wider portion of the decorative field.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp30" id="fig_230" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_249_230.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 230. Gambling-leather
+    with engraved
+    design representing a
+    beaver, Tlingit.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+
+<p>The gambling-leather (fig. <a href="#fig_230">230</a>) is treated in a similar manner.
+It represents the beaver, and must probably be explained as the
+animal cut in two. The
+symbols,—the large
+incisors and a scaly
+tail,—appear here as
+in all other representations
+of the beaver, but
+the lower extremities
+have been omitted. It
+might seem that this
+design could be explained
+as well as a
+front view of the animal,
+but the deep depression
+between the
+two eyes is not in favor
+of this assumption. The
+head consists undoubtedly
+of two profiles, which join at the nose and mouth; but the
+cut has not been continued to the tail, which remains intact.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp30" id="fig_231" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_249_231.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 231. Embroidered legging
+    representing a sea-monster
+    with a bear’s head
+    and body of the killer, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_231">231</a> is one of a pair of leggings embroidered with quills on
+a piece of leather. The design, which represents the sea-monster
+described in fig. <a href="#fig_183">183</a>, must also be explained as a representation of
+the animal split along its lower side, and flattened. In the lower
+portion of the legging the two profiles are seen, which are joined
+on a level with the eyes, while the two mouths are separated. The
+nostrils are shown in the small triangle below the line connecting
+the two eyes. Owing to the shape of the legging, the arms are not
+attached to the body, but to the upper part of the head. They
+appear at the right and left borders of the legging, and are turned
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[229]</span>inward along the lower jaws, the three-toed paws touching the lower
+border. The fins, which are supposed to grow out of the upper
+part of the arms, adjoin the elbows, and are turned upward.
+Another pair of fins,
+which do not appear in
+most representations of
+this monster, are attached
+to the upper
+part of the back, and
+form the two flaps to
+the right and left of
+the upper margin. On
+the back we see a
+series of circles, which
+probably represent the
+dorsal fin. The tail occupies
+the centre of the
+upper margin. The
+smaller ornaments in
+the outside corners of
+the head, adjoining the
+mouth, probably represent
+the gills.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_232" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_250_232.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 232. Painting representing a dog-fish, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_233" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_250_233.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 233. Slate dish design representing a shark, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In the following figures
+we find a new
+cut applied. Figs. <a href="#fig_232">232</a>
+and <a href="#fig_233">233</a> represent the
+shark. I explained, when discussing the symbols of the shark, that in the
+front view of the animal the symbols are shown to best advantage. For
+this reason side views of the face of the shark are avoided, and in
+representing the whole animal a cut is made from the back to the lower
+side, and the two sides are unfolded, leaving the head in front view.</p>
+
+<p>The painting (fig. <a href="#fig_232">232</a>) has been made in this manner, the two
+halves of the body being entirely separated from each other, and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">[230]</span>folded to the right and to the left. The heterocerc tail is cut in
+halves, and is shown at each end turned downward. The pectoral fins
+are unduly enlarged, in order to fill the vacant space under the head.</p>
+
+<p>The shark which is shown in fig. <a href="#fig_233">233</a> is treated in a slightly
+different manner. Again the head is left intact. The cut is made
+from back to chest, but the two halves of the animal are not separated.
+They cohere at the chest, and are unfolded in this manner,
+so that the pectoral fins
+and dorsal fins appear
+to the right and left
+of the body. The
+heterocerc tail is not
+clearly indicated in this
+specimen.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_234" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_251.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 234. Painting on edge of a blanket representing
+    a killer-whale, Tlingit.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The method of section
+applied in fig. <a href="#fig_234">234</a>
+is still different. The
+figure represents a
+painting on the border
+of a large skin blanket.
+The animal here represented is the killer-whale. The upper painting
+clearly represents the profile of the animal. The lower painting
+represents the other profile, so that both the right and the left
+halves are visible. Since there was no room for showing the dorsal
+fin on the lower painting, it is indicated by a curved line on one
+of the series of wider fringes at the lower border. It is remarkable
+that the tails in the two halves of the animal are not drawn symmetrically;
+but it is possible that this is due to a mistake on the part of
+the painter, because the design is repeated on the opposite border of
+the blanket in the same manner, but with symmetrical tails. The
+two halves of the body differ in details, but their main features are
+identical. The flipper is shown on a very large scale. It is attached
+immediately behind the head, and extends to a point near the tail. Its
+principal part is occupied by a face, in front of which an eye is shown.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[231]</span></p>
+<p>Animals are represented by means of sections not only on flat
+surfaces, but also in round carvings in which one side cannot be
+shown. This is the case on all totem poles, for the rear side of
+the pole is not carved. Whenever all the
+symbols of the animal can be shown on
+the front of the totem pole, the animals
+are apparently represented in their natural
+position. But representations of animals,
+the symbols of which would be placed
+on the rear side of the totem pole, make
+it clear that the artist actually splits the
+animals along the rear of the totem pole,
+and extends this cut in such a way that
+the animal is spread along the curved
+front of the pole. This will become clear
+by a consideration of the following figures.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp30" id="fig_235_236" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_252.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable wd100">
+<tr class="fs80">
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 235.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 236.</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="2">
+    Fig. 235. Model of totem pole
+    representing
+    a sea-monster, Haida.<br>
+
+    Fig. 236. Model of totem pole
+    representing a sculpin, Haida.
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_235_236">235</a> represents a sea-monster with
+a whale’s body and bear’s paws. It differs
+from the monster discussed before in that
+it has a whale’s head, and no fins attached
+to the fore paws. It has, however,
+one large dorsal fin. The blow-hole
+of the whale is shown over its
+eyebrows. The tail is turned up in front
+of the body, and the paws are raised in
+front of the chest. The dorsal fin will
+be recognized in the narrow strip, ornamented
+with a small ring, which slants
+downward from the elbow towards the tail. An ornament of this
+sort is shown on both sides of the carving. We see, therefore, that
+the dorsal fin has been split, and is turned down along each side
+of the body. This shows that the right and left margins of the
+carved portion of the totem pole must be considered as the medial
+line of the back, which has been split and pulled apart.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[232]</span></p>
+<p>The sculpin on the totem pole (fig. <a href="#fig_235_236">236</a>) is treated in the same
+manner, but in this case the cut is made along the lower side of
+the animal. The head is turned upward, so that the front view of
+the face is seen when looking down upon the back of the fish. The
+spines rise over nose and eyebrows. The pectoral
+fins are shown over the eyebrows on the edge
+of the carved portion of the pole, while the hind
+portion of the lower part of the body occupies
+the upper part of the margin of the pole.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp25" id="fig_237" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_253.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 237. Model of totem
+    pole representing a
+    sea-monster devouring
+    a fish, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The exceedingly intricate central figure on the
+pole shown in fig. <a href="#fig_237">237</a> must be explained in the
+same manner as fig. <a href="#fig_235_236">235</a>. We see here the sea-monster
+described before in fig. <a href="#fig_183">183</a>. It has a
+bear’s head. In each ear is placed a small human
+figure the hands of which grasp the eyelid of the
+monster, which they are lifting. The tail (<i>c</i>) is turned
+upward in front of the body, immediately over a
+beaver’s head which is the next lower figure on
+the column. The dorsal fin (<i>a</i>) has been split, and
+one-half of it is seen under the mouth of the bear,
+indicated by a projection which is decorated with
+a double circle. The fore paws of the animal (<i>d</i>)
+are raised in front of its chest, and appear under
+the mouth. The fins which are attached to them (<i>b</i>)
+are shown to the right and to the left of the
+tail. The animal is swallowing another being, but
+it is not clear what animal is meant. A fish tail
+and a hand are seen protruding from the mouth.
+The space between the fore paws and the tail of
+the sea-monster is occupied by an inverted bird,
+which will be seen clearly when the figure is reversed. Its head is
+shown with beak resting between the feet. The two wings (<i>e</i>) are extended,
+and reach from the fins of the fore arm of the monster to its
+dorsal fin. The particular point brought out by this figure is the same as
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">[233]</span>that which I tried to explain in considering fig. <a href="#fig_235_236">235</a>; namely, that the
+two edges of the carved pole must be considered as the extended
+medial line of the back of the animal that is represented on the pole.</p>
+
+<p>These carvings make it clear that in paintings on hats, such as
+shown in figs. <a href="#fig_219">219</a>, <a href="#fig_223_224">224</a>
+ and <a href="#fig_225">225</a>, and in flat figures, such as fig.
+<a href="#fig_163">163</a>, we must consider the outer rim of the figure as the distended
+sides of a cut made along the lower side of the body. All of these
+distortions and sections of animals may be explained by the necessity
+the artist felt of showing in his work all the symbols of the animal.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_238_239" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_254.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 238. Slate carving representing the sea-monster, Wasgo, Haida.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 239. Tattooing representing the fabulous sea-monster, Ts’um’a´ks, Haida.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In most cases the symbols appear clearly in profiles of animals.
+For this reason the artist, when representing profiles, has not endeavored
+to show both sides of the body. I will give here a series of
+figures illustrating this point.</p>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_238_239">238</a> represents the top of a box on which is carved the
+sea-monster Wasgo. It has a wolf’s head and body, and a large
+dorsal fin. It is able to hunt in the sea as well as on land. The artist
+has shown a profile of the animal with one foreleg and one hindleg,
+the tail curled up over the back. The dorsal fin, which in most representations
+of this animal stands out vertically from the body, has
+been laid down along the back in order to fit it into the decorative field.</p>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_238_239">239</a> is a tattooing representing the sea-monster Ts’um’a´ks,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[234]</span>which is sometimes described as having a raven’s body with a whale’s
+body attached to its head, and a fin attached to the raven’s back. It
+is shown in profile with one leg, the dorsal fin, and the tails of raven
+and whale, twisted around so as to be seen from the side. In other
+cases it is described as having a bear’s head with the mouth of a shark.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_240_241" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_255_240-241.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 240. Slate dish with design representing a killer-whale, Haida.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 241. Drum painted with design of an eagle, Tsimshian.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_240_241">240</a>, which represents the design on a circular slate dish,
+we see a good case of the adaptation of a profile to the decorative
+field. The design represents a killer-whale with two dorsal fins.
+The animal is bent around the rim of the dish so that the head
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[235]</span>touches the tail. The two dorsal fins are laid flat along the back,
+while the large flipper occupies the centre of the dish.</p>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_240_241">241</a>, which is the painting on the head of a drum, is a combination
+of front and side views. The head is turned sideways, while
+the body, the outstretched wings, and the feet are shown in front
+view. This method is found rarely in the art of the North Pacific
+coast, and, so far as I am aware, almost exclusively in representations
+of the eagle (see, however, fig. <a href="#fig_238_239">239</a>). The painting on the outer
+ring of the drum-head is difficult to explain. It will be noticed
+that the tail of the eagle occupies the lower centre of the ring. On
+top we see the front view of a human figure, the arms of which,
+of diminutive size, are placed near the lower corners of the face,
+while the hands are of very large size. The two sitting figures below
+the two hands probably represent the back of the man who is
+shown on top, but their connection with the peculiar fin-like figures
+on the lower portion of the painting is not clear.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_242_243" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_255_242-243.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 242. Tattooing representing the moon, Haida.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 243. Carving on the end of a food tray representing a hawk, Tlingit.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_242_243">242</a> is a tattooing representing the moon. In its lower portion
+the crescent will be seen. In the dark portion of the moon a semi-human
+figure is shown in profile, with one leg. One arm is extended
+downward, and one backward, as though he were lifting a heavy weight.</p>
+
+<p>There are very few designs which can possibly be interpreted as
+full-face views of animals. I explained before that the face of the
+shark is always shown in this manner, because its symbols appear
+best in this position. The only other animal which is painted or
+carved on flat surfaces in full front view is the hawk or thunder-bird,
+whose symbol is the long beak which descends to the chin.
+A number of carvings representing the thunder-bird were given in
+figs. <a href="#fig_164_167">165</a>-<a href="#fig_168_170">168</a> (p. 191).</p>
+
+<p>We find full-face representations of the thunder-bird frequently
+used on dishes, on which the beak is indicated by a long wedge
+which separates the mouth into two halves. It is, however, not
+certain whether the artists consider this face always as a full front
+view, because we often find (fig. <a href="#fig_242_243">243</a>) a depression between the two
+eyes, corresponding to the depression which I described before
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">[236]</span>when referring to the joining of the profiles of animals. It may be
+that the long central wedge must be considered as the two halves
+of the long descending beak, which join in the middle. It might be
+expected, however, that in this case the beak would, at least sometimes,
+be carried on outward to the right and to the left below the
+chin, corresponding to one-half of the beak seen in fig. <a href="#fig_164_167">166</a> (p. 191).
+I have not observed a single specimen in which this is the case, and
+therefore I am inclined to consider
+the carvings of thunder-birds on
+dishes as full front views.</p>
+
+<p>This ornament may have originated
+in the following manner: Many
+grease and food dishes have the
+form of canoes. The canoe symbolizes
+that a canoe-load of food is
+presented to the guests; and that
+this view is probably correct is
+indicated by the fact that the host
+in his speeches sometimes refers
+to the canoe filled with food which
+he gives to his guests. The canoe form is often modified, and a
+whole series of types may be established forming the transition
+between canoe dishes and ordinary trays. Dishes of this sort
+always bear a conventionalized face at each short end, while the
+middle part is not decorated. This is analogous to the style of the
+decoration of the canoe. On the whole the decoration of the canoe
+is totemic. It may, however, be that the peculiar manner in which
+the beak of the hawk is represented has given rise to the prevalence
+of this decoration. The upper jaw of the hawk is always
+shown so that its point reaches the lower jaw and turns back into
+the mouth. When painted or carved in front view the beak is indicated
+by a narrow wedge-shaped strip in the middle of the face,
+the point of which touches the lower margin of the chin. The
+sharp bow and stern of a canoe with a profile of a face on each
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[237]</span>side, when represented on a level or slightly rounded surface, would
+assume the same shape. Therefore it may be that originally the
+middle line was not the beak of the hawk, but the foreshortened
+bow or stern of the canoe. This decoration is so
+uniform that the explanation given here seems to
+me probable.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_244" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_257.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 244. Painting from a house-front
+    representing thunder-bird, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_244">244</a> we see a painting representing a full
+front view of the thunder-bird. Its principal symbol
+is the long beak, which in front view appears
+like a long line descending from the nose over the
+mouth. In this case it is doubtful whether the
+body may be considered as being split along the
+back. Since the face is certainly represented in
+front view, it seems more likely that the animal
+is represented with spread wings, similar to the
+eagle in fig. <a href="#fig_240_241">241</a>.</p>
+
+<p>I have described a number of dissections applied
+in representing various animals. Heretofore
+we have had cases only in which the dissections
+were rather simple. In many cases in which the
+adaptation of the animal form to the decorative
+field is more difficult, the sections and distortions
+are much more far-reaching than those described
+before.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp25" id="fig_245" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_258.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 245. Model of totem
+    pole with design representing
+    a killer-whale,
+    Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The cut that has been applied in the totem
+pole (fig. <a href="#fig_245">245</a>) is much more intricate than the
+preceding ones. The upper figure represents a
+bird which is shown in the form of a human being,
+to the arms of which wings are attached. Under this
+figure we find a representation of the killer-whale.
+The hind part of its body is more easily recognized
+than the head. A small human figure is
+seen riding on the dorsal fin. The tail (<i>a</i>), which appears at the lower
+margin of the figure, is turned backward over the back of the animal.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[238]</span>We must therefore imagine that the head has been turned downward
+behind the human figure (<i>b</i>) riding on the dorsal fin (<i>c</i>). It would, therefore,
+lie on the back of
+the totem pole, which
+is not carved. Consequently,
+according to
+what was stated before,
+the artist has split and
+distended it so that the
+middle line appears at
+each edge of the carved
+portion of the pole.
+Thus the right half of
+the head (<i>d</i>) has been
+brought into view on
+the right side of the
+totem pole, and the left
+half on the left. This
+is the explanation of
+the whale’s head with
+its teeth, which is seen
+in our figure next to
+the tail, the lower jaw
+being omitted. The flipper
+(<i>e</i>) which adjoins
+the head, is laid over
+the back of the whale,
+immediately under the
+feet of the human being
+riding on the dorsal fin
+of the whale. The figure
+must therefore be explained in such a way that the animal is twisted
+twice, the tail being turned up over the back, and the head being
+first turned down under the stomach, then split and extended outward.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">[239]</span></p>
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_246" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_259_246.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 246. Painting for a box front, design
+    representing a frog, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_246">246</a> is a copy of a painting on the front of a box, made
+on paper with colored crayons by a Haida Indian named Wiha.
+It represents a frog. By far the greater portion of the box front
+is occupied by the head of the animal, which, according to what
+was said before, must be considered as consisting of two adjoining
+profiles. The symbol of the frog’s head is its toothless mouth.
+The two black portions extending downward from the lower corners
+of the face are two halves
+of the body. To these are
+joined the fore paws, which
+occupy the space below
+the mouth; the upper arm
+and fore arm being turned
+inward, the fore feet being
+turned outward under the
+arm. The hind legs occupy
+the lateral field on
+both sides of the head.
+They are not connected
+in any way with the body
+of the animal.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_247" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_259_247.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 247. Painting for a house-front, design
+    representing a killer-whale, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_247">247</a> we find a novel representation of the killer-whale,
+which was given to me as illustrating the painting on a house of
+the Kwakiutl Indians. The sections that have been used here are
+quite complicated. First of all, the animal has been split along its
+whole back towards the front. The two profiles of the head have
+been joined, as described before. The painting on each side of the
+mouth represent gills, thus indicating that a water-animal is meant.
+The dorsal fin, which according to the methods described heretofore
+would appear on both sides of the body, has been cut off from the
+back before the animal was split, and appears now placed over the
+junction of the two profiles of the head. The flippers are laid along
+the two sides of the body with which they cohere only at one
+point each. The two halves of the tail have been twisted outward
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">[240]</span>so that the lower part of the figure forms a straight line. This is
+done in order to fit it over the square door of the house.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_248" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_260.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 248. Painting for a house-front with design
+    representing a killer-whale, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_248">248</a> the same animal has been treated in still a different
+manner. The figure illustrates also the painting from a house-front
+of the Kwakiutl Indians. The central parts of the painting are the
+two profiles of the head of the killer-whale. The notch in the lower
+jaw indicates that it also has been cut, and joined in its central part.
+The cut on the upper part of the face has been carried down to
+the upper lip. The body has disappeared entirely. The cut of the
+head has, however, been carried along backward the whole length
+of the body as far as the root of the tail, which latter has been cut
+off, and appears over the junction of the two profiles of the head.
+The dorsal fin has been split, and the two halves are joined to the
+upper part of the head, from which they extend upward and outward.
+Immediately below them the two halves of the blow-hole are
+indicated by two small faces, the upper parts of which bear a semicircle
+each. The flippers are attached to the lower corners of the
+face. The painting on the face next to the mouth represents gills.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_249" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_261.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 249. Painting on a paddle representing porpoise and seal, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_249">249</a> is a complicated painting on a Kwakiutl paddle. It represents
+a porpoise and a seal combined; the porpoise turning to
+the right, the seal to the left, and both having a common body. At
+the right is seen the head of the porpoise and the short lines behind
+it, upward, represent the animal spouting. (1) is the neck,
+(2) the flipper, (3) a joint in the flipper, (4) and (5), (9) and (13)
+jointly representing the body of the porpoise, (5) is the stomach,
+(8) the dorsal fin of the porpoise, (9) is the backbone both of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">[241]</span>porpoise and of the seal, (12) is the tail of the porpoise. The head
+of the seal is shown in (11), (10) represents the ears, although another
+pair of ears, like those of all animals, appear over the head.
+It has been stated before that (9) is the backbone of both seal and
+porpoise, (5) is the stomach of the seal, (13) its flippers, and (4) its tail.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_250" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_262.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 250. Painting for a house-front representing a raven, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_250">250</a> represents the painting from a house-front showing a
+raven in profile. This painting appears on the right and left of
+the doorway; the beaks facing the door. (1) is the raised tuft on
+the head of the raven, (2) feathers, (3) the facial bones, (4) the
+skin over the beak, (5) is supposed to be a joint in the tongue,
+(6) the skin over the lower jaw, (7) the supposed joint at the base
+of the tongue, (8) represents the shoulder joint, (9) feathers, and
+(10) the long wing feathers. It will be noticed that the inner feathers
+(9) are rounded, while the wing feather has a sharp point, according
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">[242]</span>to the standard requirements referred to on p. 205. (11) represents
+the tail with a single face as a joint, according to standard requirements.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_251" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_263.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 251. Painting for a house-front representing
+    a thunder-bird, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_251">251</a> is a design from a house-front, over the door, representing
+a thunder-bird. The design must be considered as consisting,
+more or less clearly, of two profiles. (1) represents the hooked
+nose, (2) the skull, (3) the ears, (4) the feathers over the heavy
+eyebrows. The tail rises over the head. It has the characteristic
+single joint. Rounded feathers are shown on the wings, right and
+left; the extreme long wing feather is sharply pointed. The feet, to
+the right and left of the face, are enormously enlarged. The circular
+eye design represents the joint to which three toes are attached.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp55" id="fig_252" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_264.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 252. Painting for a house-front
+    representing a whale, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_252">252</a> represents another painting which is placed over the door
+of a Kwakiutl house-front. It represents a whale. In this specimen
+are found a number of deviations from the supposed standard.
+Below is the tail (1), with the flukes (2). While the double curvature
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">[243]</span>on the inner side of the flukes is preserved, there is only one
+joint design instead of the normal two. The design (3) on each
+side represents the fins. According to the standard these ought to
+be round, but they are actually sharply pointed like wing feathers.
+This may be due to the prevailing tendency of showing the middle
+feathers as round, and letting
+the extreme lateral ones run
+into a long point which closes
+off the design more effectively
+<ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: then" id="then">than</ins> a round form would. Over
+the tail will be noticed the long
+mouth and the nose with its
+sudden turn. The line (4)
+indicates the strong curve
+which sets off the nose from
+the forehead. This is analogous
+to the treatment of the nose
+among the Haida. (5) represents
+the shoulder joint. The scallops
+under the eyes are the
+cheekbones. Over the eyes are
+the ears (6), over the forehead
+rises the dorsal fin with a
+single joint. Normally the eyes
+of the whale are round and the person who explained the design
+called particular attention to the fact that in this painting they had
+not the standard form.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_253" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_265_253.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 253. Painting for a house-front representing
+    a raven, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_253">253</a> is another house-painting of the Kwakiutl, representing
+the raven. The same principle as in fig. <a href="#fig_251">251</a> has been adhered
+to by the artist. The central portion of the figure is occupied
+by the head of the raven split from its lower side upward so that
+the two halves cohere along the upper edge of the beak. The two
+halves of the head have been folded outward, so that the two
+halves of the tongues (2) and the two lower jaws (1) appear on each
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">[244]</span>side of the central line. The two halves of the lower side of the
+body are shown extending in a curved line (3) from the corners of the
+mouth towards the tail, which latter has not been cut. The wings
+have been considerably reduced in size, and pulled upward so that
+they appear over each upper corner of the head. The legs (5) occupy
+the right and left lower
+parts of the painting, the
+feet (4) being disconnected
+from the thin legs.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_254" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_265_254.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 254. Painting from the edge of a blanket representing
+    a sea-monster, Northern British Columbia.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_254">254</a>, which is a
+painting on the margin
+of a blanket, the sea-monster
+described in Fig.
+<a href="#fig_183">183</a> (p. 199) is represented.
+The animal is shown here
+as split in two along its
+back; but all its parts,
+except the head, the paws,
+and the tail, are much
+reduced in size. The
+two enormous eyes, and
+between them the nose,
+will be readily recognized.
+The teeth are indicated by
+a series of slanting lines
+under each eye, but the
+lower jaws of both halves
+have been omitted. The whole body is represented by the thin line
+extending from the lower outer corner of the eyes upward, then along
+the upper margin of the painting, and downward again. The three
+dorsal fins are shown over this line,—one-half of each on each
+side of the back. The arms are indicated by two curves under the
+line indicating the back. The fin of the arm is shown under the
+fore arm. While all these are of small size, the paw which adjoins
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">[245]</span>the fore arm is shown on a large scale, the claws turned towards
+the face. The line representing the body runs towards both ends
+of the painting along the lower margin until it is merged into the
+tail, one-half of which is shown on each side. In this specimen the
+proportions of the body are much more distorted than in any previous
+case.</p>
+
+<p>The following series of figures are designs found on a number of
+silver bracelets. The animals represented on these are also shown very
+fragmentarily.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_255" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_266_255.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 255. Design on a silver bracelet representing
+    a beaver, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_255">255</a> we see the
+beaver cut in two along
+its back. The face does
+not need any further explanation.
+The fore legs
+adjoin it on each side,
+the toes being turned inward;
+but the whole rest
+of the body has been
+omitted, except the two
+halves of the tail, which
+the artist was compelled to show, because they are symbols of the animal.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_256" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_266_256.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 256. Design on a silver bracelet representing
+    a sea-monster, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_256">256</a> we recognize the sea-monster, with a bear’s head and
+a whale’s body. Here also by far the greater portion of the etching
+represents the head and fore arms of the monster. The fins, that are
+attached to the upper arms near the elbow, are shown on a rather small
+scale. The whole rest of the body is of small size, the two halves of
+the body, with the adjoining half of the tail, occupying only the outer
+upper margin of the bracelet. I am not quite clear whether the artist
+intended to represent the two halves of the dorsal fin by the curved
+ornament adjoining the hat which rises over the nose of the monster.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">[246]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_257" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_266_257.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 257. Design on a silver bracelet representing
+    a hawk, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The hawk which is shown in fig. <a href="#fig_257">257</a> has been cut in a different
+manner, namely, from the beak backward, the two halves being
+then turned outward. The centre of the design is occupied by the
+two halves of the head, and the two talons which adjoin it. The wings
+are cut off from the body, and occupy the outer corners of the design.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_258" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_267.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 258. Slate dish with design representing
+    a sea-monster, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The designs on the following series of carvings are no less conventionalized.
+Fig. <a href="#fig_258">258</a> is a sea-monster adjusted to a circular slate
+dish. The carving is perfectly
+symmetrical. The drawing appears
+asymmetrical because it
+has been taken from an eccentric
+point of view. Here also the
+centre is occupied by the head
+of the animal. The tail is seen
+under the lowest part of the
+mouth, turned upward in front
+of the body. The arms are
+shortened considerably. They
+are attached to the lower corners
+of the mouth, the paws touching
+the chin. The fins are joined
+to the upper part of the arms,
+and are turned upward so that
+they lie close to the sides of the face and about on a level with
+the ears. Attention is called again to the spiral nostrils.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_259" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_268_259.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 259. Front of a slate box with design
+    representing a sea-monster, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_259">259</a>, which represents the front of a small box carved in
+slate, the same sea-monster is shown. Again we see the animal cut
+in two, the section separating the eyes and the ears, the mouth,
+however, being left intact. Here the whole body has been omitted,
+with the exception of the paws to which the fins are attached. The
+paws will be recognized turned inward under the mouth, while the
+fins extend upward along the outer margins of the slab. The dorsal
+fin has been bisected, and one-half is shown in each upper corner.
+The ornament in the centre of the upper margin probably represents
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">[247]</span>the tail turned upward over the back so that it almost touches the head.
+This arrangement must be considered in connection with the formal
+treatment of boxfronts which will be discussed later (pp. <a href="#Page_263">263</a> et seq.).</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_260" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_268_260.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 260. Slate slab with design representing
+    a sea-monster, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Fig. <a href="#fig_260">260</a> represents the carving on a slate slab. We have here
+a different representation
+of the sea-monster,
+which is also, as we
+might say, much abbreviated.
+The head
+occupies by far the
+larger portion of the
+carving. The body
+which is seen underneath
+the head, in the
+centre of the slab, is
+indicated by a comparatively
+small square
+with rounded edges,
+decorated with two fins.
+The rest of the decoration
+on the lower edge
+of the slab must be
+interpreted as the arms
+of the monster, the
+large face on each
+corner representing an
+elbow. The whole arm,
+extending from the elbow to the hand, is omitted. The latter is
+indicated by an oval the centre of which is occupied by an eye.
+From it rise the three fingers or claws. The important symbols
+of the monster, the fins, which are attached to the fore arm, are
+shown adjoining the elbow, and rise along the sides of the slab,
+outside of the eyes. The two ornaments occupying the upper
+corners of the slab are undoubtedly the tail. This arrangement is
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">[248]</span>also determined by the general principles governing the decoration
+of boxes (see p. <a href="#Page_263">263</a>).</p>
+
+<p>The shark which is shown in fig. <a href="#fig_261_262">261</a> is found on one end of a
+small food tray. I do not need to repeat the description of the
+shark’s face, on which the characteristic symbols will be recognized.
+I have introduced this figure here in order to show that the whole
+body of the animal has been omitted with the sole exception of its
+pectoral fins, which are carved on the rim of the tray on both sides
+of the forehead. Their position is somewhat analogous to the one
+found on the totem pole fig. <a href="#fig_212_213">213</a> (p. 219).</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_261_262" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_269.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc wd40">Fig. 261. Design from the end of a food tray representing a shark, Tlingit.</td>
+<td class="tdc">Fig. 262. Slate dish with design representing a sculpin, Haida.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In figs. <a href="#fig_261_262">262</a> and <a href="#fig_263">263</a> we find the representations of the sculpin
+distorted and dissected in the same manner as the sea-monster of
+the preceding figures.</p>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_261_262">262</a> the sculpin has been adapted to a circular slate dish.
+The centre of the design is occupied by a rosette, which has
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">[249]</span>undoubtedly been copied from European patterns. In the drawing the
+outlines of the various parts of the body have been strengthened in
+order to make their relations somewhat clearer. It will be noticed
+that the head is split in two, cohering only at the nose and the
+upper jaw. The two spines rise immediately from the nose. The
+two halves of the body extend from the corners of the face upward
+along the rim of the dish. There they grow thinner, indicating
+the thin portion of the fish body near the tail. The tail has not
+been split, and is turned
+upward and backward so
+that it touches the central
+rosette. A comparison between
+this design and the
+design at the centre of the
+upper margin in fig. <a href="#fig_259">259</a>
+will show a great similarity
+between the two, thus making
+it probable, that, as stated
+before, the latter design is
+intended to represent the
+tail of the monster. The
+pectoral fins of the sculpin are shown in a rather abnormal position.
+They are turned forward from the body so that they adjoin the
+lower jaw. They will be recognized between the jaws and the
+rim of the dish. The dorsal fin is indicated by the long pointed
+ornaments extending from the eye towards the tail.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_263" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_270.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 263. Front of a slate box with design
+    representing a fish, Haida.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In the design fig. <a href="#fig_263">263</a> a fish has been dissected in a somewhat
+different manner. The head occupies the upper margin of the
+slab. It has a remarkably triangular shape. The body has been
+bisected from head to tail, and turned and twisted in such a manner
+that each half extends in a curve downward from the corners of
+the face to the middle of the lower margin of the slab. The pectoral
+fins have been left in contact with the corners of the mouth,
+and are placed in the same position as in the preceding figure,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">[250]</span>namely, adjoining the lower jaw. They meet just below the chin of
+the animal. I believe the ornaments which are stretched along
+the right and left margins of the slab represent the dorsal fins.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_264" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_271.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 264. Body painting representing
+    the bear, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>I have described at a
+previous place (p. 215) the
+extraordinary distortion and
+dissection of the killer-whale
+in its adaptation to a blanket,
+and I have given the description
+at that place.</p>
+
+<p>Quite a unique distortion
+is found in body paintings
+used by the Kwakiutl Indians
+in a boy’s dance. Fig. <a href="#fig_264">264</a>
+is a copy of a body painting
+representing the bear. On
+the chest, the head of the
+bear is shown turned downward.
+The white spots over
+the collarbones are the eyes
+of the bear; the angular
+line with semicircles, the
+mouth and teeth. On the
+upper arms are shown the
+forelegs, the claws just
+under the elbow. The hind
+legs are shown on the front
+of the thighs. On the back of the person is shown the nape of
+the bear placed on the upper part of the back; under it, extending
+downward, is the back, the lines representing hair. The hip joints
+are shown by dark designs on the buttocks. The spiral design on
+the left leg was said to represent the tail.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_265" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_272.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 265. Body painting representing
+    the frog, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Still more remarkable is the frog painting shown in fig. <a href="#fig_265">265</a>. On
+the small of the back is shown the top of the head of the frog;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">[251]</span>the two eyes with eyebrows above, the mouth below. Corresponding
+to this place we find in the front of the body the mouth set
+with teeth (which really do not belong to the frog). The back of
+the frog is shown on the
+upper part of the back; the
+hind legs on the back of
+the arms. The opposite side
+of the hind legs is shown
+on the front of the arms.
+It seems probable that in
+the design which was copied
+for me by an Indian, the
+painting on the front of the
+left arm was accidentally
+omitted. The shoulder joint
+is shown on the front of the
+thighs; the forelegs in corresponding
+position on the
+back of the thighs; the ankle
+joints on the knees; and
+the foot on the calf of the
+legs. In other words, the
+frog is shown in such a way
+as though the body of the
+person were the frog. No explanation
+was given for the
+black design on the left leg.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>We will turn now to the purely formal side of the treatment of
+the decorative field. There is a tendency to cover the entire surface
+with design elements. Vacant places are avoided. When the
+surface of the object represented has no features that lend themselves
+to decorative development, the artist resorts to devices that
+enable him to fill the surface with patterns. On totem poles the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">[252]</span>bodies of the animals represented occupy considerable space. The
+monotony of the surface is broken by placing the forelegs and hindlegs
+across the front of the body, by turning up the tail in front,
+and by adding small animal figures.</p>
+
+<p>Far more important is the application of a great variety of decorative
+elements, all of which consist of curved lines. The Indians
+have a decided disinclination to apply equidistant curves. In all
+work of the better class the lines are so arranged that more or less
+crescent shaped surfaces result, or that narrow, curved areas, wide
+in the middle, narrower at the ends, are formed.</p>
+
+<p>The most striking decorative form which is used almost everywhere,
+consists of a round or oval field, the “eye design”. This
+pattern is commonly so placed that it corresponds to the location
+of a joint. In the present stage of the art, the oval is used particularly
+as shoulder, hip, wrist, and ankle joint, and as a joint at
+the base of the tail and of the dorsal fin of the whale. It is considered
+as a cross section of the ball and socket joint; the outer circle the
+socket, the inner the ball. Often the oval is developed in the form
+of a face: either as a full face or a profile.</p>
+
+<p>The general disposition of this design demonstrates that the explanation
+is not by any means always tenable. Thus in the blanket,
+fig. <a href="#fig_205">205</a> (p. 215), the eye pattern in the two lower corners has no connection
+with a joint. In this position, in the mouth of an animal, it
+is sometimes described as food. The two profile faces higher up on
+the side of the same blanket, are obviously fillers. They might be
+replaced by “eye designs”. Another instance of similar kind is
+found on the upper part of the face of the dish fig. <a href="#fig_168_170">168</a> (p. 191).
+The circular designs shown here might perhaps be interpreted as
+tail joints, but they are probably decorative elements. The design
+appears clearly as a filler in fig. <a href="#fig_283">283</a> <i>f</i> (p. 272) at the inner upper
+corner on the long side of the box, and on the ears of the beaver,
+fig. <a href="#fig_228_229">229</a>, (p. 227). On Chilkat blankets it appears always in fixed
+positions (see p. <a href="#Page_258">258</a>) and in large boxes it is the constant corner
+design (see p. <a href="#Page_263">263</a>). Its use and interpretation as a joint is presumably
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">[253]</span>related to the frequent ornamental combination
+shown, for instance, in the feet on fig. <a href="#fig_160">160</a>
+(p. 188) and in the tails fig. <a href="#fig_193">193</a> (p. 205). The
+oval represents the joint and the elevated part
+the limb. These are at the same time formal
+elements that appear regularly on the lateral
+border designs on carved boxes (fig. <a href="#fig_274">274</a>, p. 263).
+The eye design appears in a variety of forms
+ranging from a large double eye to a circular
+pattern with black center.</p>
+
+<p>Lieutenant Emmons has collected the various
+design elements as they appear on the blankets
+and has given the names by which they are
+designated by the Tlingit (fig. <a href="#fig_266">266</a>). These
+names do not fit the explanations given for
+the whole pattern. The “double eye” (<i>h</i>) and
+the “eye” (<i>f</i>) are not always eyes but occur
+also as joints, (fig. <a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>b</i>). The profile eye is
+called the “head of the salmon trout” (<i>c</i>).
+It is used quite generally as the eye of any
+animal. The “black eye” (<i>g</i>), the “nostril” (<i>l</i>)
+and the design called “one in another” (<i>o</i>) are
+practically identical. They are also used as
+joints. The frequent use of the circular design
+of light or dark color, set off against a dark
+or light background indicates that the tribes of
+the north west coast do not tolerate areas of
+the same color, the monotony of which is
+relieved by the insertion of circular designs of
+contrasting colors. These may be seen on many
+blanket and box designs (fig. <a href="#fig_274">274</a> et seq.).</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp40" id="fig_266" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_274.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 266. Design elements
+    from Tlingit blankets.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The forms called “side holes” (<i>p</i>) and “holes”,
+“ends of gambling sticks”
+or “rain drops” (<i>q</i>) have
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">[254]</span>white circles relieving a black background. It is quite evident that
+these designs also, as parts of the whole design, have not the
+significance implied in the names, nor do the names explain the
+reason for their use. The frequent occurrence of the white circles,
+both isolated and in lines, (see figs. <a href="#fig_269">269</a> et seq., pp. 259 et seq.)
+proves that they must be considered primarily as a formal element
+designed to break large surfaces.</p>
+
+<p>It seems to me most likely that the black or white circular design
+has been the basis from which the eye design has developed. In
+the style of the north west coast art shoulders, hips, hands, and
+feet form large dark monotonous surfaces. These are broken by a
+large white circle or oval, which is again varied by a black center.
+This tendency would also account for the goggle design (fig. <a href="#fig_266">266</a> <i>i</i>).
+The same desire to relieve the monotony of the cheek surface leads
+to the insertion of an oval design on the cheek (<i>k</i>).</p>
+
+<p>In carved designs these forms are not contrasted by color,
+but the form alone varies the monotony of the large undecorated
+surface.</p>
+
+<p>Another characteristic pattern, the narrow crescent, has presumably
+also originated from the desire to break the monotony of
+continuous areas. It appears particularly when it is desired to set
+off two merging patterns against each other. Here also design
+names obtained by Emmons, “woman’s hair ornament” (<i>r</i>) and
+“slit” (<i>s</i>) have nothing to do with its function and significance as
+part of the whole pattern.</p>
+
+<p>The most characteristic filler, next to the eye, is a double curve,
+which is used to fill angular and round fields that rise over a
+strongly or gently curved line. Many fillers of this type have a dark
+colored band at the upper end, generally rounded in paintings or
+carvings, square in blankets (see fig. <a href="#fig_202">202</a>, lower lateral design on
+central panel; the tail patterns, fig. <a href="#fig_193">193</a>). In the blankets the angular
+form is perhaps due to the technique in weaving, although the
+frequent eye designs prove that round forms are not impossible.
+On blankets the heavy upper line is often drawn out into a tip
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">[255]</span>(fig. <a href="#fig_270">270</a> <i>a</i>, over the “goggle” design on the side of the central panel).
+Examples of these forms have been collected by Lieutenant Emmons
+who states that the Tlingit call them “the wing feather of red-winged
+flicker” (fig. <a href="#fig_266">266</a> <i>t</i>). The use of the pointed form of this design
+for a bird feather agrees with the theoretical claim of the Kwakiutl (see
+p. 205), but obviously the explanation does not always fit the meaning
+of the pattern as a whole, as is shown by the killer-whale design
+fig. <a href="#fig_205">205</a> (p. 215) or the whale design fig. <a href="#fig_270">270</a> (p. 260).</p>
+
+<p>The design is used commonly to represent quite diverse objects.
+Thus, the double flicker-feather (fig. <a href="#fig_266">266</a> <i>t</i>), occurs in fig. <a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>a</i> as
+the beak of a bird, occupying the middle of the mouth design between
+the two large eyes. It occurs also between the ears along
+the upper border of the design as the single flicker-feather. Here
+as well as over the beak of the bird, in the lateral fields, it is
+used only for filling in parts of the design which otherwise would
+remain undecorated. In fig. <a href="#fig_202">202</a> (p. 213) the same design occurs
+between the eyes, just over the nostril, and here also it obviously
+has nothing to do with the red-winged flicker. Many other cases
+of this application of the wing feather design, simply for the purpose
+of filling in spaces, may be observed in practically all the blankets.
+A comparison of fig. <a href="#fig_202">202</a> with the box designs fig. <a href="#fig_274">274</a> shows that
+the wing feather design may serve to express the forearm and the
+upper arm. In fig. <a href="#fig_274">274</a>, we have the two hands placed in a position,
+similar to the paws in figs. <a href="#fig_202">202</a> and <a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>b</i>. On the box fig. <a href="#fig_274">274</a> <i>a</i>
+the parts are connected with the body by a narrow red strip, which
+is divided by characteristic curves into two parts. A comparison of
+this design with figs. <a href="#fig_222">222</a> and <a href="#fig_223_224">223</a> shows very clearly that they
+are meant to represent the upper arm. In the blanket design fig.
+<a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>b</i>, the two sections connecting the paw with the body may be
+recognized distinctly as upper arm and forearm. In the blanket
+designs fig. <a href="#fig_202">202</a>, the space that is available for the upper arm is
+much condensed; but it is quite obvious that the two wing feather
+designs which lie on the outer sides of the paws must be interpreted
+here also as the forearm and upper arm. Judging by this
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">[256]</span>analogy, I think there can be very little doubt that the two wing feathers
+placed by the sides of the body in fig. <a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>a</i> may be considered
+in the same way as the two parts of the arm of the animal
+represented. Since the animal here shown is a bird, these feather
+designs are in this way made to represent the bones of the wing.</p>
+
+<p>Similar considerations have determined the distribution of ornaments
+in the design fig. <a href="#fig_270">270</a> <i>b</i>. Here the two feet will be recognized
+at the lower edge of the design. Adjoining it, above the “eye”,
+are two long white flicker-feather designs, which obviously represent
+the legs. Each of the two inverted double eyes under the jaws
+must be interpreted as a shoulder joint to which is attached the
+lower part of the arm in the form of a flicker-feather design.</p>
+
+<p>The forms here discussed are interpreted as various kinds of
+animals,—birds, quadrupeds, sea-monsters,—but never as the red-winged
+flicker, nor can the parts be interpreted as ornaments made
+of flicker-feathers. It is obvious that we are dealing here with a
+fixed form, which has a conventional name, and which is used for
+a variety of purposes.</p>
+
+<p>It will be noticed that this design occurs in three principal forms.
+In one of these it is cut off square at the upper end. Most of
+those shown in fig. <a href="#fig_266">266</a> are of this type. Another characteristic
+form of this design has the pointed wing feather, (as the second
+one in the series fig. <a href="#fig_266">266</a> <i>t</i>). A third form, which is not given in
+the series of named designs, seems to be quite common. It has a
+rounded tip, and may be observed, for instance, in the beak part in
+front of the upper eye in the lateral panels of figs. <a href="#fig_203">203</a> and <a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>a</i>;
+also in the central field in fig. <a href="#fig_273">273</a> <i>b</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The wing design is applied wherever a somewhat oval or rectangular
+field which is situated laterally has to be filled in, particularly
+when the field adjoins another design which is surrounded
+by heavy black lines, and which forms part of an animal body.
+For this reason the design appears very commonly in front of, over,
+or under the eye design. It is used to fill in the ears; it appears
+at the sides of the body, as in figs. <a href="#fig_203">203</a> and <a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>a</i>; and it is used
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">[257]</span>to fill in small fields which adjoin black lines, as for instance, in the
+lowest section of the lateral panels in fig. <a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>a</i>.</p>
+
+<p>On blankets the light circle on a darker background with black
+tip and small white segment at the base, is almost ever-present.
+The white segment at the base is limited very often by a pointed
+double curve,—like a brace,—which divides the adjoining colored
+field more or less distinctly into two halves. These may be observed,
+for instance, in one of the ear designs in figs. <a href="#fig_202">202</a> and <a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>b</i>,
+and also in the design over the nose in fig. <a href="#fig_202">202</a>.</p>
+
+<p>This pattern is also used as a filler for long narrow spaces. According
+to Emmons this is called the “mouth design” (fig. <a href="#fig_266">266</a> <i>j</i>)
+or the “eyebrow” (<i>e</i>), but it is often used on fields that cannot be
+interpreted as “mouth” or “eyebrow”, as for instance, in the lateral
+parts of the lower border of fig. <a href="#fig_202">202</a> and in the lower corner of
+the box, fig. <a href="#fig_274">274</a> <i>b</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Judging from the general application of this design, it is quite
+obvious that it is not primarily a feather design, but that it is a
+decorative element used throughout in certain definite positions for
+the purpose of filling in.</p>
+
+<p>Flat black curves are used quite often for indicating the teeth.
+These may be observed in fig. <a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>a</i>, on the body of fig. <a href="#fig_270">270</a> <i>a</i>, in
+the lowest face in fig. <a href="#fig_204">204</a>, in the lower faces of fig. <a href="#fig_271">271</a>.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>We have discussed before the adjustment of animal form to the
+decorative field. The adjustment is not by any means free, but
+definite, stylistic forms may be recognized. These appear with great
+clarity on the Chilkat blankets.</p>
+
+<p>The measurements of the blankets show that the central height is
+very nearly one half of the width. The width of the narrow border,
+consisting of a black and yellow stripe, is about one twelfth of the
+total width. The angle of the lower border is quite variable, the
+vertical distance from a line connecting the lower corners of the
+blanket to its greatest depth is generally a little less than one sixth
+of the width. The fundamental trait of the blanket pattern is the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">[258]</span>division of the field into three panels. The central one about double
+the width of the lateral ones, or more. In most blankets the line
+of division of these fields is quite clear and is indicated by black
+and white lines. The designs on the lateral fields are symmetrical
+and quite distinct from the central field.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_267" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_279_267.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 267. Schematic design showing the arrangement of the central field
+    of the Chilkat blanket.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_268" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_279_268.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+     Fig. 268. General plans of Tlingit blankets.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The blankets may be divided into two large groups. Their fundamental
+patterns are indicated schematically in fig. <a href="#fig_267">267</a>. The one
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">[259]</span>design is clearly a representation of an animal with a large head
+which occupies the whole upper part of the field down to an almost
+straight cross line (fields 1, 2, 5, fig. <a href="#fig_268">268</a>). Under it are the body
+(field 3) and in the lower border the tail and hips (field 4) of the
+animal. It may be noticed that there are always two tail joints, although
+in other cases
+the use of a single tail
+joint for birds and a
+double tail joint for sea
+mammals is fairly consistent.
+Fields 6, 7, and
+8 are used in various
+ways. They are not
+essential parts of the
+animal represented, although
+field 6 may be
+utilized for the purpose
+of showing parts of the
+back, and field 7 may
+be utilized for a representation
+of the fore arms.
+In this style we
+may distinguish, in the
+wide center, a central stripe, consisting of the elements numbered
+6, 2, 3, 4 and two lateral stripes 5, 1, 7, and 8. Generally these
+sections interlock. In a few specimens, the outer limits of field 3 are
+carried down to the lower border so that they form a continuous
+broad line with the outer limits of field 4.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_269" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_280.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 269. Chilkat blankets.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Examples of this type are shown in figs. <a href="#fig_202">202</a> and <a href="#fig_269">269</a>. In these
+the animal figure in the center appears very clearly. It will be
+noticed that the large eyes of the animal have always a cheek design
+attached to them. These appear also in fig. <a href="#fig_203">203</a>, a blanket belonging
+to the same class, the lower part of which is, however, much
+less distinctively body and tail belonging to the large head. The
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">[260]</span>reduction of field 7 and its extension to the lower margin is rare
+in other specimens. In fig. <a href="#fig_202">202</a> field 7 is occupied by the raised
+hands of the animal, while in fig. <a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>a</i> it is occupied by a wing
+design. The rectangular frame surrounding the body in fig. <a href="#fig_269">269</a> <i>b</i>
+is an exceptional feature
+which I have seen only
+in one other modern
+blanket.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_270" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_281.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 270. Chilkat blankets.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A sub-type may be
+distinguished in which
+the lower part is treated
+differently (fig. <a href="#fig_270">270</a> <i>a</i>).
+The two eyes of field 4
+are of the same size as
+those of field 1. In this
+way a more symmetrical
+impression is produced,
+but at the expense of
+the unity of the animal
+form. This treatment
+lends itself to a sharper
+separation of the fields
+5, 1, 7, 8 against the
+fields 6, 2, 3, 4 so that
+the whole central field seems to be divided into three sections (see
+fig. <a href="#fig_204">204</a>). Fig. <a href="#fig_270">270</a> <i>a</i> is decidedly influenced by the second type of
+blanket; the four eyes being approximately of the same size and
+symmetrically arranged around a central face.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_271" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_282_271.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 271. Chilkat blankets.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The fundamental feature of the second type of blankets is a central
+face placed a little higher than in the preceding type, so that it
+forms exactly the center of the whole field. In place of the large
+eyes on top, we find two large inverted eyes, often without the
+adjoining jaw design. In many cases two small circular patterns,
+or small eye designs, occupy the center of the lower border. These
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">[261]</span>may often be identified
+with the nostril of the
+head to which the two
+large lower eyes belong.
+This pattern is much
+more symmetrical than
+the former type, but its
+symbolism is much more
+obscure. I presume that
+the inverted position of
+the eye in the upper
+border is essentially due
+to the attempt to obtain
+greater symmetry. For
+an explanation it is
+necessary that the upper
+eyes must be viewed as
+some part of the body
+that is turned upside
+down. Characteristic
+examples of this type
+are shown in figs. <a href="#fig_103">103</a>
+and <a href="#fig_271">271</a>. In these, the
+fields to the right and
+left of the central face
+are treated, in the former,
+as a profile face; in the
+second they are decorated
+with a feather design filler. A somewhat different treatment
+is given in fig. <a href="#fig_272">272</a> which may be compared with fig. <a href="#fig_270">270</a>. In both a
+large face occupies the center of the whole design, surrounded by
+the four large eyes and the lateral spaces filled with feather designs.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_272" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_282_272.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 272. Chilkat blanket.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_273">273</a> the upper eyes have been moved towards the center
+and the eye design has been expanded into a profile which occupies
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">[262]</span>the whole upper margin of the central field. In fig. <a href="#fig_273">273</a> <i>b</i> the lateral
+fields next to the central face are occupied by the two sides of the dorsal
+fin so that here the form of a whale is brought out fairly clearly.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_273" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_283.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 273. Chilkat blankets.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The general scheme of the narrow lateral panels is also quite
+definite. We find on practically all the blankets an eye design,—part
+of the profile of an
+animal’s head,—in the
+upper, outer corner, another
+eye design near
+the lower border, generally
+approximately in
+the middle of the lateral
+field. The position of
+the lower eye design is
+much more irregular
+than that of the upper
+one. In general we are
+given the impression of
+an animal, the body of
+which extends along the
+extreme outer border
+of the blanket, the head
+occupying the centre of
+the panel, while the feet
+or tail are shown along the lower border. In this way a space is
+left in the middle, next to the central panel, which does not belong
+essentially to the form of the animal.</p>
+
+<p>In both fundamental types the intervening spaces which are not
+filled by the large eye designs, the body, tail, and extremities, are
+filled with a variety of patterns which depend only in part upon the
+selection of the animal to be represented, but are very largely
+determined by esthetic considerations.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_274" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_284.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 274. Front, reverse and side of a painted box.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp60" id="fig_275" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_285_275.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 275. Painted and carved box front.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_276" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_285_276.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 276. Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The broad sides of rectangular boxes bear the same fundamental
+design as the first type of blankets; an animal with an enormous
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">[263]</span>head on the upper border, the body occupying the centre below.
+A fairly consistent difference between the blanket and box types is
+that the lower border of the large face is curved on the boxes;
+straight on the blankets. I believe this difference is due to the
+desire to avoid excessive parallelism. In the blanket the straight
+lower line of the head is set off against the curves of the upper
+part of the head and against the angle in the lower border of the
+blanket, while in the boxes a straight middle line would appear set
+off against the parallel upper and lower edges of the box. The
+lateral panels of the blanket correspond, in a way, to the narrow
+lateral strips in the front of the long boxes (fig. <a href="#fig_274">274</a> <i>a</i>) which are
+characterized by a fairly large eye design in each corner. These
+are connected by a variety of decorative elements. At the lower
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">[264]</span>border of the box front
+there originate, in this
+manner, five fields.
+The middle one being
+occupied by the body
+of the central animal;
+the corners being occupied
+by the eye designs
+which form the
+basis of the lateral
+strips. Between these
+there remain spaces which are often filled with designs representing
+the fore or hind feet of the central animal. On account of the shifting
+of the eyes the five field division does not appear as clearly in
+fig. <a href="#fig_275">275</a>. The reverse side of fig. <a href="#fig_276">276</a> is treated differently; in the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">[265]</span>lower field the body is omitted, the two eyes placed in the middle
+so that a fourfold division of the whole area under the mouth
+originates. A similar treatment is given to a front (fig. <a href="#fig_277">277</a> below),
+in which the eyes are placed in the corners while the middle is
+occupied by the two sides of a tail, which, however, is treated like
+a hawk’s face. The arbitrary character of the details appears very
+clearly in this arrangement.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_277" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_286.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 277. Four sides of a painted box, front on a larger scale, Tlingit.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The narrow sides of the boxes are generally painted with a design
+analogous to the central design of the front with this difference,
+however, that the lateral panels are missing and that the head is
+more compressed. In a number of cases the short sides are treated
+differently, as shown in fig. <a href="#fig_276">276</a>. Very rarely the short sides contain
+a profile figure that does not occupy the whole width of this
+side (fig. <a href="#fig_277">277</a>).</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">[266]</span></p>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_278" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_287.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 278. Front and side of a painted box.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>There are also a number of low boxes which are treated somewhat
+differently. On account of the lowness of the sides the lower
+rim of the head is drawn straight so that a narrow rectangular panel
+originates along the lower border (fig. <a href="#fig_278">278</a>). In this specimen the
+eyes are retained; the central face in the lower field presumably
+represents the body, to which are attached the arms and hands. In
+most specimens of this type, however, the lower section is almost
+entirely suppressed; the large upper face is retained but under it
+we find only a few ornaments that may be interpreted only as fillers
+(fig. <a href="#fig_279">279</a> above).</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_279" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_288.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 279. Front, reverse and side of carved boxes.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>There are also a number of low boxes in which the body is
+entirely suppressed. They contain, essentially, the large head design
+with a few decorative features along the sides, and the eyes in the
+upper corners. (Fig. <a href="#fig_279">279</a> below).</p>
+
+
+<p>The arrangement of the long boxes is such that the center of
+the mouth, or a point a little below it, is the center of the decorative
+field (figs. <a href="#fig_274">274</a>-<a href="#fig_276">276</a>). A line drawn from the center of the
+lower border to the upper corners passes almost always along the
+corner of the mouth and often also through the sharp curve at the
+upper, outer outline of the face. The line drawn from the center
+of the upper border to the lower corner passes, generally, through
+the corner of the mouth. When the central field along the upper
+border is wide, so that it reaches down to the upper curve limiting
+the mouth, the eye is shown in profile (figs. <a href="#fig_274">274</a> <i>b</i>, <a href="#fig_276">276</a> reverse).
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">[267]</span>When the central field consists only of a sharp short angle, there
+is a double eye (figs. <a href="#fig_274">274</a> <i>a</i>, <a href="#fig_275">275</a>, <a href="#fig_276">276</a> front, <a href="#fig_277">277</a>).</p>
+
+<p>The general arrangement of lines on the box is such that the
+upper curves of the face are strongly curved downward. The
+curvature decreases downward; and in some boxes, for instance in
+those shown in figs. <a href="#fig_275">275</a> and <a href="#fig_276">276</a> reverse, there is a tendency to an
+arrangement of lines which are convex, upward.</p>
+
+<p>The eye decorations are always so placed that they are not
+arranged in straight lines. It will be seen that in the best boxes
+they fall into curves that intersect the black lines of the design.
+In fig. <a href="#fig_274">274</a> <i>a</i>, the eyes in the lower corners and those in the mouth
+are placed so as to form a continuous curve; in fig. <a href="#fig_274">274</a> <i>b</i>, the
+arrangement of the eyes in the upper corners, the eyes of the large
+head, and those in the mouth form a fairly regular curve.</p>
+
+<p>In the square boxes on which only one side of the face is shown
+on each side (fig. <a href="#fig_280">280</a>), the body is very much reduced in size. In
+most of these the large head is limited below by a straight line,
+while on the long boxes containing the full face on the front the
+lower line of the face is curved. In only one of these (fig. <a href="#fig_278">278</a>) do
+we find the face limited below by a straight line.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">[268]</span></p>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_280" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_289.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 280. Carved boxes.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_280">280</a> <i>a</i>, the two sides shown on the left are occupied by a
+large head on top, corresponding to the blanket fields 1, 2, and 5.
+The ear (5) is much reduced in size. The sharp beak in the middle
+indicates that the hawk is meant. Under it is seen a small field
+corresponding to field 3 on the blankets and under it a face with
+its two eyes, corresponding to 4. The field 7 is occupied by the
+arms, indicated by the curved line running from the shoulder to the
+wrist of the raised hand. The whole lateral field of the blanket is
+condensed in the narrow strip to the right and left of the face and
+body. The designs on the upper corners are clearly ornamental
+and do not represent any particular part of the head; the eyes in the
+lower corners are considered as feet and toes; the large eyes over
+the lower corners as knee joints. The two sides of the box shown
+on the right hand side correspond in all details to those on the
+left, excepting the mouth, which is treated quite differently; the
+nostrils being shown in the center.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">[269]</span></p>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_281" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_290.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 281. Carved box, Tlingit.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In fig. <a href="#fig_280">280</a> <i>b</i> the lower portion of the decorated side is much
+reduced in size and the marginal fields are simplified. The
+head may represent a hawk; the eyes in the lower fields are
+exceptional in so far as they are not placed in the corners but near
+the body and they may be considered ankle joints and below them
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">[270]</span>the toes. The eye designs in the upper corners take the place of
+the ears. The reduction of the body is even more marked in
+fig. <a href="#fig_281">281</a>; here the eye designs and the adjoining curves on the
+upper margin are clearly fillers; the body has been completely
+dissolved. The eyes in the lower corners with the attached lower
+curve show an attempt to represent a flipper. The common character
+of these three specimens is the horizontal dividing line under the
+mouth and (excepting the one face in fig. <a href="#fig_281">281</a>) the general tendency to
+the symmetrical arrangement of lines in the upper and lower fields.
+The lines in the upper field point from the middle downward, and
+those in the lower, from the middle upward.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_282" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_291.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 282. Carved trays.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>There are a number of peculiar developments of the head and
+body designs which are used on small food trays, the sides of which
+are bent out of a single plank. In one group of these (fig. <a href="#fig_282">282</a>) the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">[271]</span>two narrow sides represent, in front, the head of the animal; on the
+opposite, side the tail. This appears most clearly in figs. <a href="#fig_282">282</a> <i>b</i> and <i>d</i>;
+both representing the beaver. In fig. <a href="#fig_282">282</a> <i>d</i> the beaver’s head and
+tail are perfectly plain. In 282 <i>b</i> there is considerable confusion;
+the beaver’s body below is provided with two human arms and
+over it is indicated the large characteristic head. The tail is shown
+on the opposite short side, together with the hind legs and the two
+disconnected eyes which ordinarily would form the hip joints and
+would be connected with the upper end of the thighs. On all these
+specimens, 282 <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, and <i>c</i>, the other sides show an inverted face.
+This originates evidently in such a way that the eyes represent, at
+one end, the shoulder joints, at the opposite end, the hip joints,
+but instead of developing the sides as fore and hind legs, the
+inverted eyes have lead to the development of a face design which
+has no particular relation to the animal represented. In other words,
+we find here, as well as in many other places that elements which
+are in part derived from representations of parts of animals, have
+assumed a purely decorative function so that an explanation of the
+details is, to a great extend, arbitrary. The geometrical decoration
+on the long side of fig. <a href="#fig_282">282</a> <i>d</i> is also derived from the shoulder
+and hip joints, but instead of parts of a face, slit designs fill in the
+rest of the side.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_283" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_293.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 283. Carved trays.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The trays shown in fig. <a href="#fig_283">283</a> are of the same make as those
+shown before, with the only difference that on the long sides the
+shoulder joints, knee and foot are shown in the ordinary way. The
+hind limbs are here represented on the short side, where the hip
+joints are shown by two large eyes in the upper part of the design.
+It will be observed, however, that in these cases also there is a
+considerable amount of arbitrary use of decorative elements that
+have no particular significance, but which must be considered simply
+as fillers. This appears most clearly in fig. <a href="#fig_283">283</a> <i>e</i>, which represents
+a dish with a design of a human being. Here the arms are represented
+on the long sides, the shoulder joint by an eye which,
+however, is provided with lids. The space under the eye is filled
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272"></a><a id="Page_273"></a><a id="Page_274"></a>[274]</span>in with a mouth which has no function in this position. It is
+evidently introduced in the same way as the profile faces which
+serve as fillers on the blankets. The most distinctive specimen of
+this type is shown in fig. <a href="#fig_283">283</a> <i>f</i>. It represents a beaver, the face
+indicated by disconnected eyes, mouth, and ear; the nose showing
+the form of one of the conventional copper plates used by the
+northwest coast Indians, while the face in the middle of the upper
+border is purely ornamental. The opposite short side shows very
+clearly a tail, hip, legs, and feet and on the long side also the large
+shoulder joint in the form of an eye with ear; the arm and the
+foot are distinctly shown but here also, by the addition of four
+teeth, the shoulder joint is elaborated in the form of a face; the
+eyes in the corners of the long field are purely ornamental.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_284" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_294.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 284. Carved trays.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>To the same group belong also the carved trays cut out of a single piece
+of wood, shown in fig. <a href="#fig_284">284</a>. Here we have only the head design which is
+adjusted to the curvature of the upper border of the decorative field.
+The lines of the face are drawn so as to conform to the decorative field.</p>
+
+<p>It will be observed that the eyes of the large head in the blankets
+are always almost horizontal while those on the boxes and trays
+are strongly inclined. I presume this is due to the tendency to
+avoid massing of parallel lines.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="fig_285" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_295.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 285. Designs on Tlingit armor.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The large head design found on the blankets and boxes occurs
+also on the paintings in the center of the front of slat armour.
+The lateral panels are missing and the design consists simply of the
+head with attached shoulder, arm, and hand (fig. <a href="#fig_285">285</a>).</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">[275]</span></p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_286" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_296.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 286. Painted tray.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A number of square food trays, bent of a single piece of wood,
+are not decorated according to this plan. The face, consisting of two
+symmetrical halves, is replaced by a series of profiles (fig. <a href="#fig_286">286</a>); the
+short and high sides have the large eye in the left hand upper
+corner; the mouth in the lower right hand corner. The design on
+the long sides represents the sides of the body. The large eyes
+stand, presumably, for the shoulder joint and are placed in the
+center of the side; wrist and fingers are in the lower left hand
+corner. The significance of the design in the right hand upper
+corner is not clear. The general distribution of the design elements
+is evidently determined by the central position of the large eyes.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_287" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_297.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 287. Painted boxes.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The boxes shown in fig. <a href="#fig_287">287</a> illustrate that still another pattern
+is used on square boxes. Each of the four sides of the two boxes
+shown in figs. <a href="#fig_287">287</a> <i>a</i> and <i>b</i>, is divided into four rectangles of unequal size.
+The general plan of the two designs is almost the same, although
+there are considerable differences in detail. It is quite evident that in
+287 <i>a</i> the lower part of the first and third sides represents legs
+and feet. A distinct wing design appears in the left hand upper
+rectangle of the fourth side, but otherwise the arrangement of the
+elements is so arbitrary that a safe interpretation is impossible.
+It seems plausible that in this case also the attempt at decoration
+was much more important than the attempt at interpretation.
+An interpretation was given to me for the box shown in fig. <a href="#fig_287">287</a> <i>b</i>.
+Although obtained from Charles Edensaw, one of the best artists
+among the Haida, I consider it entirely fanciful. The first side
+to the left, corresponds to the third side, which is opposite to
+it on the box. The second side corresponds to the fourth side.
+Edensaw explained the design as showing four interpretations of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">[276]</span>raven as culture hero. The upper right hand rectangle of the first
+side he claimed to represent the head of the raven surmounted by
+the ear; the large eye to the left of it, in the left hand upper
+corner, the shoulder and under it the wing and tail. The design in
+the right hand lower corner he interpreted as the foot; the toes are
+clearly visible in the lowest right hand corner of this field. He claims
+that the head turned upside down in the left hand upper rectangle
+of the second side represents the head of the raven and under it the
+hand; the raven being conceived as a human being. The rectangle in
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">[277]</span>the upper right hand corner contains the shoulder; the right hand lower
+corner under it, the tail; and the left hand lower corner, leg and foot.</p>
+
+<p>The box shown in fig. <a href="#fig_287">287</a> <i>c</i> is related to the general design of
+fig. <a href="#fig_287">287</a> <i>b</i>. The somewhat slanting lines between the upper and lower
+fields occur in both cases, but the vertical division of each side,
+which is characteristic of the specimen just described, is lacking in
+the last named specimen.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">[278]</span></p>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_288" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_298.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 288. Horn spoons showing carving on the back; <span class="nowrap"><i>a</i>, representing sea-monster;</span>
+    <span class="nowrap"><i>b</i>, hawk;</span><span class="nowrap"> <i>c</i>, beaver (?);</span>
+ <span class="nowrap"><i>d</i>, raven; <i>e</i>, killer-whale;</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>f</i>, raven;</span>
+ <span class="nowrap"><i>g</i>, dlia (?);</span> <span class="nowrap"><i>h</i>, sun.</span>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A fairly fixed formal arrangement may also be observed on horn
+spoons moulded of a single piece (fig. <a href="#fig_288">288</a>). On the back of the
+spoon is a design, the center of which is a large face. In many
+specimens the space above the eye is filled by two ear designs
+which are doubled and unusually large on account of the space that
+they have to fill. In these specimens the space between the ears
+is taken up by a narrow decorated
+strip. In a few simpler forms parts
+of the bowl of the spoon remain
+undecorated.</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_289" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_299.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 289. Dish of horn of big-horn-sheep
+    representing the bear.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp40" id="fig_290" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_306.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 290. Mask of Kwakiutl
+    Indians used in
+    winter ceremonial; according
+    to some representing
+    fool dancer,
+    according to others The-One-Shining-Down.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A closer examination of the decorated
+objects shows that even
+apart from the decorative use of
+symbolic motives, geometric elements
+are not by any means absent.
+The most striking use of geometrical
+forms is found on wooden trays,
+which bear at the ends the characteristic faces, but which are decorated
+on the sides by groups of short parallel lines (fig. <a href="#fig_284">284</a>, p. 273).
+The line and circle pattern on the dish (fig. <a href="#fig_168_170">168</a>, p. 191) illustrates also
+the use of geometrical forms for decorative purposes. On the berry
+spoon (fig. <a href="#fig_215_216">215</a>, p. 221) the space left vacant by the symbolic design
+is filled in with a net of crossing lines. This specimen shows that the
+cross hatching which occurs in many specimens,—on the beaver tail
+(fig. <a href="#fig_157_158_159">157</a>, p. 186), on berry spoons (fig. <a href="#fig_182">182</a>, p. 197), on spoons
+(fig. <a href="#fig_189_190">189</a>, p. 201) and often in red or black as a filler on boxes
+(fig. <a href="#fig_274">274</a>, p. 263) has a decorative value even when it may be given
+at the same time a symbolic meaning. The dish of big-horn-sheep horn
+(fig. <a href="#fig_289">289</a>) shows a bear’s head at each end. At the same time it
+has a decorative border which seems to imitate the border of a
+basket and which is purely ornamental. It serves to close off the
+rim which without it would seem to end abruptly. A similar device
+is used on a Kwakiutl mask (fig. <a href="#fig_290">290</a>). Although the encircling
+ornament is explained as a ring made of twisted, shredded cedar
+bark, it is obviously essentially ornamental. The circular and spiral
+designs bring out the ornamental character most clearly.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="plate_X" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_300.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate X.</span></p>
+
+
+    Chilkat Blanket.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="plate_XI" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_302.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate XI.</span></p>
+
+
+    Cedarbark Blanket, British Columbia.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp60" id="plate_XII" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_304.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate XII.</span></p>
+
+
+    Blankets of Mountain-goat Wool.
+
+    Bella Coola, British Columbia.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">[279]</span></p>
+
+<p>It seems not unlikely that the symbolic style and the desire to
+cover the whole field with ornaments have developed exuberantly
+only recently. In early times geometric ornaments were probably
+more widely used than is the case now. We shall see presently
+that they are in extensive use in basketry.</p>
+
+<p>A number of ancient blankets show that angular
+geometrical ornaments played an important part
+in earlier weaving. Plate <a href="#plate_X">X</a> represents a blanket
+of mountain-goat wool, in the Ethnological
+Museum at Copenhagen, formerly belonging to
+the old collections in Leningrad. It is decorated
+entirely with geometrical designs arranged in
+horizontal bands. The same zig-zag pattern in
+short panels that occupies alternating bands in this
+blanket appears in a second ancient blanket
+(Pl. <a href="#plate_XI">XI</a>) which contains also curiously conventionalized
+faces and triangular designs. This is a
+cedar bark blanket in the British Museum transferred
+from the United Service Museum about 1868,
+collected at Nootka. It has a border in brown and
+yellow wool (?), consisting of obtuse triangles,
+assimilated to an eye design. A series of photographs
+of blankets in the hands of Dr. Newcombe of Victoria,
+British Columbia, shows that these types were in common use in
+Bella Coola (Pl. <a href="#plate_XII">XII</a>, see also p. 292).</p>
+
+<p>Our consideration of the fixed formal elements found in this art
+prove that the principles of geometric ornamental form may be
+recognized even in this highly developed symbolic art; and that it
+is not possible to assign to each and every element that is derived
+from animal motives a significant function, but that many of them
+are employed regardless of meaning, and used for purely ornamental
+purposes.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">[280]</span></p>
+<p>The symbolic decoration is governed by rigorous formal principles.
+It appears that what we have called for the sake of convenience
+dissection and distortion of animal forms, is, in many cases, a fitting
+of animal motives into fixed ornamental patterns. We infer from a
+study of form and interpretation that there are certain purely
+geometric elements that have been utilized in the symbolic representation.
+Most important among these are the double curve which
+appears always as a filler in an oval field with flat base, and the
+slit which serves to separate distinct curves. The typical eye design
+is presumably related to the circle and dot and may have developed
+from the double tendency of associating geometrical motives with
+animal forms and of the other, of standardizing forms derived from
+animal motives as ornamental elements.</p>
+
+<p>This art style can be fully understood only as an integral part
+of the structure of Northwest coast culture. The fundamental idea
+underlying the thoughts, feelings, and activities of these tribes is the
+value of rank which gives title to the use of privileges, most of
+which find expression in artistic activities or in the use of art forms.
+Rank and social position bestow the privilege to use certain animal
+figures as paintings or carvings on the house-front, on totem poles,
+on masks and on the utensils of every day life. Rank and social
+position give the right to tell certain tales referring to ancestral
+exploits; they determine the songs which may be sung. There are
+other obligations and privileges related to rank and social position,
+but the most outstanding feature is the intimate association between
+social standing and art forms. A similar relation, although not
+quite so intimate, prevails in the relation of religious activities and
+manifestations of art. It is as though the heraldic idea had taken
+hold of the whole life and had permeated it with the feeling that
+social standing must be expressed at every step by heraldry which,
+however, is not confined to space forms alone but extends over
+literary, musical and dramatic expression. Who can tell whether
+the association between social standing and the use of certain animal
+forms,—that is the totemic aspect of social life,—has given the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">[281]</span>prime impetus to the art development or whether the art impetus
+has developed and enriched totemic life? Our observations make
+it seem plausible that the particular symbolic development of art
+would not have occurred, if the totemic ideas had been absent and
+that we are dealing with the gradual intrusion of ever fuller animal
+motives into a well established conventionalized art. On the other
+hand it seems quite certain
+that the exuberance
+of totemic form has been
+stimulated by the value
+given to the art form. We
+may observe among all
+the tribes that high chiefs
+claim highly specialized
+art forms that are built
+up on the general background
+of totemic representation.
+In the south,
+there is clear evidence of
+the late exuberant development
+of the totemic, or
+perhaps better, crest idea,
+owing to the strong endeavor to raise by the possession of art
+forms the standing of the social units to which the individual belongs.
+The multiplicity of forms among the numerous small divisions of
+the Kwakiutl and the sporadic appearance of animal forms among
+the adjoining Salish are ample proof of these relations.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_291" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_308.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 291. Ancient type of Kwakiutl box.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_292" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_309_292.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 292. <i>a</i>, Food tray; <i>b</i>, Bucket, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_293" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_309_293.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 293. Small boxes, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp50" id="fig_294" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_309_294.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 294. Combs, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp50" id="fig_295" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_309_295.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 295. Bone club and sword, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The style has undoubtedly its home in northern British Columbia
+and southern Alaska. The manufactures of the tribes of Vancouver
+Island show a far more extended use of geometrical ornamentation
+than those of the northern tribes. I am under the impression that
+these are survivals of an older style. Trays, boxes, and baskets of
+the Kwakiutl Indians are still decorated with geometrical patterns.
+A rattle used in a ceremony performed after the birth of twins
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282"></a><a id="Page_283"></a>[283]</span>(fig. <a href="#fig_19_20">19</a>, p. 31) bears a pattern consisting of angular fields. Ancient
+boxes found in caves are ornamented with a geometrical style more
+elaborate than that of modern times (fig. <a href="#fig_291">291</a>).</p>
+
+
+<p>The small food trays, the sides of which are bent out of a single
+board, bear on the upper end a border pattern consisting of equidistant
+lines following the rim, while the body of the sides is ornamented
+with vertical lines (fig. <a href="#fig_292">292</a> <i>a</i>). A similar border pattern is
+found on buckets (fig. <a href="#fig_292">292</a> <i>b</i>). In boxes a border design is cut in,
+setting off the central field
+(fig. <a href="#fig_293">293</a>). Combs are decorated
+with geometrical motives most
+of which consist of a central
+rectangular field set off from
+the background by parallel lines
+or developed by a subdivision
+of the field. In one case triangles
+and crossing lines with
+hachure are used (fig. <a href="#fig_294">294</a>). On
+a bone sword the decoration
+consists of circles with center, a
+pattern that is widely distributed
+among the western Eskimo, the plateau tribes of the interior and in
+California (fig. <a href="#fig_295">295</a>). It will be noticed that the head carved at
+the end of this specimen does not conform at all to the style of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">[284]</span>art here discussed but rather agrees with the carving found in the
+region of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound. Another specimen
+(fig. <a href="#fig_295">295</a>), differs still more from the style of the Northwest coast
+art and resembles that of the tribes of the interior.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_296" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_310_296.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 296. Spindle whorls.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_297" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_310_297.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 297. Ladle made of big-horn-sheep horn,
+    Columbia River.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>In the art of the West coast of Vancouver Island, in a few ancient
+specimens of the Kwakiutl and particularly in the whole area of
+the Gulf of Georgia, a triangular motive analogous to the “Kerbschnitt”
+of northern Europe, plays an important role. It is found
+on the ancient Kwakiutl boxes previously referred to (fig. <a href="#fig_291">291</a>), and
+is a common decorative motive on clubs made of bone of whale
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">[285]</span>(fig. <a href="#fig_298">298</a>). A related motive is found on spindle whorls (fig. <a href="#fig_296">296</a>).
+It is also found on representative wood carvings, as on the eagle
+design on a house post from the Fraser River Delta (Plate <a href="#plate_XIII">XIII</a> p. 288).
+In the region still farther south, this ornament becomes more and
+more important, as may be seen on dishes and spoons from the
+Columbia River area. On these the circular design and central dot
+also occur (fig. <a href="#fig_297">297</a>).</p>
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_298" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_311-312.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 298. Clubs made of bone of whale, Nootka.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_299" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_313-314.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 299. Clubs made of bone of whale, Nootka and coast of Salish.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>A number of ancient specimens prove the existence of a fixed
+art style in this region, representative, but differing in character from
+the style of the Northwest coast. This is best illustrated by a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">[286]</span>series of war clubs. The fundamental type is a blade of a lenticular
+cross section surmounted by a head resembling that of an eagle,
+which bears on its head a bird headdress not unlike what is used
+by the Nootka of modern times.<a id="FNanchor_115_114" href="#Footnote_115_114" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> In all the specimens represented
+in figures <a href="#fig_298">298</a> and <a href="#fig_299">299</a> this fundamental form will be recognized,
+although in many cases the outlines are so crude that the elements
+of the composition are recognized with difficulty only. It is possible
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">[287]</span>that in a number of these carvings it was not the intent to represent
+the eagle with bird headdress, but that the form is rather due to
+the compelling influence of a standardized form that determined the
+outlines of the subject of the representation. Common to these
+clubs is also the central ornamental line ending near the point in a
+circular ornament which is often given the form of a human head.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_115_114" href="#FNanchor_115_114" class="label">[115]</a> See Harlan I. Smith, Archaeology of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound,
+Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol II, figs. 165-168.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp35" id="fig_300" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_315.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 300. House posts, Lower
+    Fraser River.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Representations of animals in wood carving differ also in important
+features from those of the northern region. The tendency to
+ornament the whole body, the dislike of a plain background is not
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">[288]</span>found here. If we are right in assuming that the fullest development
+of a rich ornamentation in the north is late, we might say
+that in the south the ornamentation has not yet encroached upon
+the whole background. The eye design,
+double curve, the slit design are foreign
+to this area. Instead of house posts carved
+in the round, we find heavy posts of rectangular
+cross section which bear on the
+front figures carved in the round or in
+high relief. Sometimes the post assumes
+geometrical forms. A characteristic trait
+of the human face in this region is the
+sharp angle setting off the forehead from
+the face. This is most pronounced in
+the carvings of the Puget Sound region
+(fig. <a href="#fig_300">300</a> and Plate <a href="#plate_XIV">XIV</a>).</p>
+
+<p>On Puget Sound animal representations
+are used with great frequency in basketry,
+particularly as ornamental borders. In
+ancient times they were also applied to
+hats (fig. <a href="#fig_301">301</a>, see also fig. <a href="#fig_72">72</a> p. 78).
+This style seems to be entirely missing
+in the north.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="plate_XIII" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_316.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate XIII.</span></p>
+
+
+    House Post near Eburne, Fraser River Delta, British Columbia.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>At the present time the Kwakiutl apply
+the symbolic style in house paintings, house
+posts, and masks. The skill of the artist is
+not inferior to that found among the northern tribes, but the subject
+matter differs somewhat according to the difference in mythological
+concepts. The distortions in painting are, if anything, more daring
+than those of the Haida, but I have not observed to the same
+degree the tendency to interlock various animal forms, as is done
+on spoon handles and totem poles of the northern tribes. On totem
+poles so far as these occur, and on house posts the single figures
+are placed one on top of the other, but they remain separated. The
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">[289]</span>masks are painted as elaborately as those of the northern tribes.
+Double masks and revolving attachments occur. In short, the decorative
+art of those objects that are strictly related to use in totemic
+and similar ceremonies, have the northern type, while objects of
+every day life tend to have
+geometric ornamentation.
+The use of animal forms
+on large dishes (see fig.
+<a href="#fig_198">198</a>, p. 208) is a characteristic
+trait of this region.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp55" id="fig_301" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_318_301.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 301. Basket, Lower Chehalis.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp55" id="fig_302" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_318_302.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 302. Designs on matting, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Historical tradition confirms
+our view that the
+northern art type is of
+recent introduction among
+the Kwakiutl. In ancient
+times the walls of the
+houses were built of horizontal,
+overlapping boards
+that did not admit painting,
+except on separate planks.
+Old Indians claim that,
+until about 1860, the house
+posts were heavy planks
+with relief carving or painting,—like those known to us from Fraser
+River, and that only masks were of the same type as those now in use.</p>
+
+<p>While realistic representations are rare among the northern tribes,
+they are found quite frequently among the Kwakiutl. They are
+principally caricatures that are made and exhibited for the purpose
+of ridiculing a rival. A head used in a ceremonial performance has
+been referred to before (fig. <a href="#fig_156">156</a> p. 185).</p>
+
+<figure class="figleft illowp60" id="fig_303" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_319.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 303. Woven hat of spruce root, Kwakiutl.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>I have stated that in basketry and matting geometrical ornamentation
+is used by all the tribes. It is the style of the woman’s art.
+On decorated mats checker designs are made in black and red on
+the background of natural color of cedar bark (fig. <a href="#fig_302">302</a>). More
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">[290]</span>elaborate are the patterns which occur on spruce root weaving,
+particularly on hats. These are made by twining, and ornamental
+lines are developed by the occasional skipping of two woof strands.
+By this device lines are produced which appear raised over the
+surface of the plain weaving. The most frequent designs which are
+made in this way consist of a series of diamonds and of zig-zag
+lines. Sometimes these
+hats are also painted.
+In these the woven
+pattern disappears almost
+completely under
+the painted design
+(fig. <a href="#fig_303">303</a>).</p>
+
+<p>On the coast of
+Alaska we find the
+highest development of
+the geometric style.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_304" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_320.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 304. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp90" id="fig_305" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_322.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 305. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The patterns used on
+these baskets consist of
+angular forms, except
+on modern placques,
+and bear names.<a id="FNanchor_116_115" href="#Footnote_116_115" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> From
+the way in which these are used we may infer that they have no
+symbolic significance. I give here a selection of these. Fig. <a href="#fig_304">304</a> <i>a</i>,
+<i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, patterns consisting of zig-zag lines, represent in this order: the
+woodworm or the woodworm tracks (<i>a</i>), lightning (<i>b</i>), the butterfly (<i>c</i>).
+The rectangle divided by an oblique line, (<i>d</i>), represents tracks of the
+bear; the dark part of the rectangle may be interpreted as the sole
+of the foot; the light part of the rectangle as the claws. The design (<i>e</i>)
+is called the arrow; (<i>f</i>) the rainbow; (<i>g</i>) fire weed; and (<i>h</i>) the hood
+of the raven. Fig. <a href="#fig_305">305</a> <i>a</i> shows various representations of the isosceles
+triangle, some of which are identical with the forms occurring in
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291"></a><a id="Page_292"></a>[292]</span>California. All of these are called head of the salmon-berry. The
+designs <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, and <i>d</i>, are closely related; (<i>b</i>) is generally used on the
+narrow central band which separates two broad design bands;
+it is called “tying”. Flying geese are represented in (<i>c</i>); tracks of
+geese in (<i>d</i>). The complicated design in (<i>e</i>) is called “raven tail”;
+the relation between this name and the form is not clear; (<i>f</i>) shows
+a number of representations of the wave. Designs (<i>g</i>) and (<i>h</i>) are
+from circular placques; (<i>g</i>) represents the fern frond; (<i>h</i>) the
+porpoise. In the last named case the relation between form and
+name is obscure.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_116_115" href="#FNanchor_116_115" class="label">[116]</a> G. T. Emmons, The Basketry of the Tlingit, Memoirs American Museum of
+Natural History. Vol. 3 (1903) pp. 229 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>I have little doubt that the designs are closely related to the
+blanket patterns previously referred to and to the porcupine quill
+embroidery of the tribes of the interior. The design fig. <a href="#fig_304">304</a> <i>h</i>,
+for instance, is found in identical form on the lowest stripe of
+the Bella Coola blanket on top of Plate <a href="#plate_XII">XII</a>. The arrangement
+of patterns in blocks on these blankets is also similar to the
+arrangement found in this type of basketry. In fact the technique
+is a kind of embroidery in which the decorative material is wrapped
+around the woof strand when the basket is being made. The materials
+used are grasses and fern stems of contrasting color.</p>
+
+<p>The baskets are round, mostly with almost straight walls. The
+diameter is very nearly equal to the height. On the majority of
+baskets which are used for berrying and as general receptacles, the
+patterns are applied in horizontal bands. The rim of the basket is
+generally undecorated. The rim weave which holds the warp together,
+is in most cases quite insignificant and does not give a
+decorative effect. The only specimen of decorative band at the
+upper rim, with which I am familiar, has no color embroidery but
+has only a zig-zag decoration made by the process of twilling described
+before, similar to the pattern fig. <a href="#fig_304">304</a> <i>h</i>. Most baskets are
+decorated by a broad band parallel to the rim, which consists of
+two wide stripes separated by a narrow one. These bands are
+placed at a short distance from the upper rim. (Plate <a href="#plate_XIV">XIV</a>). The
+distance is often about equal to the width of the central band. The
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293"></a><a id="Page_294"></a>[294]</span>designs on the wide upper and lower bands are generally identical.
+The central dividing band is in most cases decorated with small
+elements arranged in zig-zag lines. In a fairly large number of cases,
+only the two outer bands are embroidered, while the central band
+remains undecorated. In a few cases the central band is reduced
+to a single undecorated line of stitches <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: wo" id="wo">so</ins> that the impression is
+conveyed of a single broad band encircling the whole basket. In
+open work spoon baskets the central band is placed near the
+middle of the basket, while the outer bands are moved to the
+bottom and to the upper border. Although some of the designs
+are of such a character that they may be used as continuous
+horizontal bands, there is a marked tendency of dividing up the
+circumference into a number of panels which are separated by
+straight vertical lines.</p>
+
+<p>A considerable number of the baskets decorated with three bands
+have either two or four “droppers”, and in a few cases the design
+of the “dropper” is repeated over the upper design. The number
+of repetitions of the design in the bands is quite irregular, some of
+the large designs are repeated only twice. When there are many
+repetitions of the design in the upper and lower band their distribution
+is generally quite independent, that is, the upper and lower
+design elements are not fitted the one over the other.</p>
+
+<p>Unfortunately there is not enough porcupine embroidery available
+that will allow us to investigate in detail the relations between the
+patterns used in this industry and in basketry. The designs here
+described are akin to the geometrical basketry patterns of other
+parts of the Pacific slope and to designs occurring in bead embroidery.
+They are entirely foreign to the painting and carving
+described in the previous pages.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="plate_XIV" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_324.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate XIV.</span></p>
+
+
+    Tlingit Baskets.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Northwest Coast culture has exerted its influence over the tribes
+both of the north and south. The woodwork of the Columbia
+River region and of northern California has undoubtedly been stimulated
+by its example. Although the style changes materially, the
+technique of handling the wood and the relative abundance of wood
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">[295]</span>carving indicates the interrelation of these cultures. Taken in conjunction
+with other features,—such as the peculiar type of correlation
+of wealth and rank and the extensive use of standards of
+value,—the historical relation seems firmly established. The art
+style of woodwork does not exhibit a close affinity to the North
+West Coast. We have shown that the older art of the Gulf of Georgia
+is quite distinct from that of the North West Coast. The further
+south we go the more meager become the vestiges of the symbolic
+style here treated.</p>
+
+<p>In the north conditions are somewhat different. Even among the
+northern Tlingit tribes some types of masks may be observed that
+are conceptionally different from those found further south. They
+are characterized by the attachment of small animal figures to the
+face,—particularly on the forehead and cheeks. This usage is much
+more frequent among the Eskimo tribes.<a id="FNanchor_117_116" href="#Footnote_117_116" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> Their masks tend to be
+flat and appear like plastic representations of their paintings and
+etchings: realistic forms of human or imaginary beings or of animals.
+They have adopted from the North West Coast the attachment
+of parts of the body to the face, while these parts,—such as
+hands and feet, retain their realistic character. The attachment of
+small animal forms to the face is quite frequent here. Its source
+may perhaps be found in the application of animal heads to carved
+objects, which is one of the principle features of the decorative art
+of the Alaskan Eskimo. It is exemplified in the needle cases shown
+in fig. <a href="#fig_119">119</a>, p. 125. The abundance of masks can hardly be understood
+unless we assume that the coast people of the south exerted
+a powerful influence over the Eskimo. The eastern Eskimo, among
+whom this influence is lacking, have few masks of quite a different type.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_117_116" href="#FNanchor_117_116" class="label">[117]</a> Sie E. W. Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, 18<sup>th</sup> Ann. Rep. Bur. Am.
+Ethn. (1899) Plates 95 et seq.; also the Athapascan masks from Anvik in J. W.
+Chapman, Notes on the Tinneh tribe of Anvik, Congrès International des Americanistes
+XV<sup>e</sup> session, Vol 2, pp. 7 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The relation of the North West Coast art to that of the adjoining
+plateaus of the interior deserves special consideration. The contrast
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">[296]</span>between the two is striking. A few of the tribes that have adopted, partially
+at least, totemic ideas of the coast people, as the Lillooet, have taken over
+with it a moderate amount of carving. A few that have fallen more fully
+under the sway of the North West Coast culture, as the Bella Coola,
+Babine, and a few of the Alaskan tribes near the coast of southern
+Alaska, have also, to a great extent, adopted the art style of the coast.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="fig_306" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_327.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 306. <i>a</i>, Rawhide pouch, Salish or Chinook; <i>b</i>, Design from parfleche,
+    Fort Colville, Washington.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>As soon as we move farther inland we find an art that, in its
+essential characteristics, is subject to the Plains art. The style and
+decoration of the clothing are essentially those of the Plains. Rude
+pictography is used extensively. There is hardly any attempt to fit
+the pictographic representation to the decorative field that serves
+merely as the background on which the representative design is
+conveniently placed. Most of the geometric patterns that do occur
+are closely related to eastern forms. A rawhide pouch from the
+interior of British Columbia (fig. <a href="#fig_28_30">28</a>, p. 36) may serve as an
+example. On parfleches and rawhide pouches from Fort Colville
+and from Columbia River (fig. <a href="#fig_306">306</a>) we find the same designs that
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">[297]</span>
+are characteristic of eastern paintings on rawhide (see figs. <a href="#fig_144">144</a>-<a href="#fig_146">146</a>
+pp. 170-172). Analogous forms are found in bone carvings
+from the Tahltan in Alaska (fig. <a href="#fig_307">307</a>). In the southern parts of the
+plateaus of British Columbia, simple lines and circles with center
+are the most common decorative pattern on bone and on wood.
+Representative sculpture is rare although a few ancient specimens
+have been found.
+The archaeological
+remains prove that
+at an early time the
+same art type prevailed
+in the Delta
+of Fraser River.
+The symbolism of
+the patterns is very
+weak, but seems
+analogous to that
+found in the east.</p>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_307" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_328_307.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 307. Scraper of bone, Tahltan.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figright illowp60" id="fig_308" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_328_308.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      Fig. 308. Detail of imbricated basketry.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>Decorative art is
+most highly developed
+in basketry. The
+basketry of the Coast tribes is made by twining or weaving, but the
+highly decorated basketry of the interior is exclusively of the coiled
+type. Only among the Sahaptin and other tribes to the southeast do
+we find elaborately decorated twined bags. The twined weaving of the
+interior of British Columbia is largely undecorated or bears a few
+lines set off in lighter color. The coiled weaving is decorated by
+imbrication, a method peculiar to that part of the plateaus extending
+from the Columbia River to Chilcotin (fig. <a href="#fig_308">308</a>). In this area a
+number of decorative art styles have developed. These appear
+most clearly on the burden baskets. The southern baskets are
+round and flaring, those of southern British Columbia are angular
+in cross section, those of the north oblong and of irregular form.
+The southern baskets are decorated all over with designs resembling
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">[298]</span>Californian patterns. Those of the Thompson River have design
+areas set off against an undecorated background. The designs are
+made by imbrication and extend over the whole side of the basket,
+evenly on all sides. The Lillooet baskets are more flaring than
+those of the Thompson. The coils are wider and the decorative
+field is arranged in a different manner. The imbrication is confined
+to the upper two-thirds of the basket while the lower part remains
+undecorated, except that there are frequently two hangers on the
+wide sides which may be compared to the hangers on Tlingit baskets,
+described before. I am doubtful whether there is an historical
+connection between the two, notwithstanding their striking similarity.
+The Indians suggest that the hangers may have developed from the
+earlier use of birch bark baskets. These were often wrapped at the
+upper part with buckskin the lower portion of which hung down
+freely in fringes, so that the droppers would represent the fringes.
+Many of the Lillooet designs are large. (Plate <a href="#plate_XV">XV</a>).</p>
+
+<p>The Chilcotin type differs from the preceding by the small size of
+the coil and a distinctive form, the narrow ends being higher than
+the middle of the long sides. The treatment of the decorative field
+is similar to that used by the Tlingit. The ornamentation consists of
+three bands; the upper and the lower ones wide, bearing the same
+kind of decorative design and the central one narrower and either
+undecorated or showing a design of a different character. Arrangements
+of this kind are used so frequently that is seems hardly
+justifiable to consider them as proof of an historical connection between
+Tlingit and Chilcotin basketry. We find similar arrangements
+for instance in the pouches of the Woodland Indians referred to on
+p. 175, figs. <a href="#fig_149_150">149, 150</a>.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="plate_XV" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_330.jpg" alt="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="right">
+    <span class="smcap">Plate XV.</span></p>
+
+
+    Imbricated Baskets from British Columbia and Washington.
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">[299]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="LITERATURE_MUSIC_AND_DANCE">LITERATURE, MUSIC, AND DANCE.</h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap">We shall now turn to a consideration of literature, music and dance.
+It is a noticeable fact that a rich literary art is much more universally
+distributed than well developed decorative art. While among
+tribes like the Bushman and the eastern Eskimo very few manufactured
+objects of artistic value are found, these same tribes produce
+an abundance of literary work. Volumes of Eskimo lore have
+been collected and if it did not require a most intimate knowledge
+of the people and an endless amount of patience to collect songs
+and poems, their number would undoubtedly equal that of tales.
+The collections of Bushman lore are also quite extended. I believe
+the reason for this difference is not far to seek. Decorative art
+requires rest and quiet, a stationary abode. There must be opportunity
+to continue steadily the work which requires the use of tools;
+or at least there must be a chance to lay it aside and to take it
+up again. The life of hunters is not favorable to the prosecution
+of such work. First of all the weapons of the hunter must be kept
+in order. The supply of provisions is generally so scanty or the
+possibility of laying by stores for future use is so limited, that the
+hunter is compelled to spend the greater part of every day in
+pursuit of the game. Little time remains for domestic work.
+Furthermore when camp is shifted which is frequently necessary,
+bulky, half finished work can be carried along with difficulty only.
+It is, therefore, not surprising that the household goods of the
+hunter are few in number and easily transported. The property of
+a Bushman family might be carried in two hands.</p>
+
+<p>Quite different are conditions under which literary work and
+music develop. It might be imagined that the hunter has just as
+little time for poetic work, as for the manufacture of decorated
+articles. This opinion is based on an erroneous conception of the
+work of the hunter. He is not all the time following strenuously
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">[300]</span>the tracks of the game, but often he resorts to trapping, or he sits
+still, waiting for the game to appear. The Eskimo, for instance, sits
+for hours by the breathing-hole of the seal. During such times his
+fancy is free to wander and many of his songs take shape during
+these moments. There are other times of enforced idleness in
+which manual work is impossible but when the people may give
+free range to their fancy. An instance of this stands out clearly in
+my mind: An Eskimo youth was carried away in the fall on the
+drifting ice. After a few days he succeeded in reaching land.
+During these days of danger and privation he composed a song in
+which he mocked his own misfortunes and the hardships he had
+endured, a song which appealed to the fancy of the people and
+which soon became popular in all the villages.<a id="FNanchor_118_117" href="#Footnote_118_117" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_118_117" href="#FNanchor_118_117" class="label">[118]</a> See Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 7, p. 50.</p></div>
+</div>
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“Aya, I am joyful; this is good!</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Aya, there is nothing but ice around me, that is good!</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Aya, I am joyful; this is good!</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">My country is nothing but slush, that is good!</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Aya, I am joyful; this is good!</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Aya, when, indeed, will this end? this is good!</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">I am tired of watching and waking, this is good!”</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>We must remember that the first condition for the development
+of artistic handicraft is leisure. No matter how strong the art
+impulse may be, it cannot find expression so long as man’s time is
+entirely taken up by procuring the barest necessities of life. The
+paleolithic hunter who painted on the walls of the caves must have
+been able to spare sufficient time from the labor of getting his food
+supply to devote himself to the joy of painting the animals of the
+chase. We recognize in a study of the art products of each people
+that the amount they produce is in direct relation to the amount of
+their leisure. Therefore tribes that procure their main food supply
+in one season and store it up for the rest of the year and who
+enjoy, therefore, seasons of leisure, will be found to be most productive
+in works of art as well as in ceremonial affairs and other
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">[301]</span>manifestations of social life that do not contribute to the mere need
+of food and shelter.</p>
+
+<p>These conditions are more easily fulfilled for those arts that do
+not require manual labor than for those based on industrial occupations;
+hence the wider distribution of literary art.</p>
+
+<p>The two fundamental forms of literature, song and tale, are
+found universally and must be considered the primary form of
+literary activity. Poetry without music, that is to say forms of
+literary expression of fixed rhythmic form, are found only in
+civilized communities, except perhaps in chanted formulas. In
+simpler cultural forms the music of language alone does not seem
+to be felt as an artistic expression, while fixed rhythms that are
+sung occur everywhere.</p>
+
+<p>We may even recognize that in all parts of the world songs are
+found in which the words are subordinated to music. As we sing
+tunes without words, either because the words are not known,—or,
+more significantly, on a refrain, on vocables consisting of syllables
+without meaning,—so songs carried along on a meaningless burden
+are found in all parts of the globe. They are not often recorded
+because the collection of material of this kind is quite novel, but
+the data that we have in hand prove that the connection between
+song and burden is universal. The Eskimo have songs carried
+along on the syllables <i>amna aya</i>, <i>iya aya</i>, and other similar ones.
+In some cases there is a certain emotional significance inherent
+in the burden, as on the Northwest coast of America where the
+songs refer to different supernatural beings, each having its own
+characteristic syllables: the cannibal spirit <i>ham ham</i>, the grizzly
+bear <i>hei hei</i> and so on. According to the usual definition of poetry
+we should perhaps exclude these songs, but that is impossible because
+the transition from songs carried along by the burden alone
+and others that contain significant words is quite gradual. In many
+cases a single word is introduced at a definite point of the tune
+and the verses contain each one single word. This may be the
+name of the supernatural being to which the song refers.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">[302]</span></p>
+<p>Thus we have in British Columbia</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Ham ham hamaya, He-who-travels-from-one-end-of-the-world-to-the-other</div>
+<div class="verse indent34">ham ham.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Ham ham hamaya, The-great-cannibal-of-the-north-end-of-the-world,</div>
+<div class="verse indent34">ham ham.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Ham ham hamaya, He-who-carries-corpses-to-be-his-food,</div>
+<div class="verse indent34">ham ham.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>In other songs the significant words are more elaborate. They
+are phrases fitted to the tunes, often by doing violence to the
+ordinary forms of the words. The words are controlled by the
+tunes. I might imitate this in the following way:</p>
+
+<p>Instead of “I saw the great spirit travelling about”. We might have</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">I sawhaw the greaheat sp’rit tra’ling ’bout, ham ham.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>This process is not quite unfamiliar to us in so far as we use the
+apostrophe for syllables that in ordinary speech are not slurred,
+when we expand a long vowel over several tones, when we utilise
+archaic pronunciations for the sake of the meter, or when wrong
+accents are introduced. Disregard for the words is found also in borrowed
+songs which are sung in a language that is not understood
+and in which the words (which are usually mispronounced) have only
+the value of a burden that may be connected with a certain emotion
+determined by the use of the song. All these forms are found everywhere
+and must therefore be considered the foundations of poetry.</p>
+
+<p>Primitive poetry is primarily lyric, in many cases dithyrambic,
+and elements which express definite coherent ideas are, in all probability,
+later developments. Perhaps we may see here an analogy
+to the growth of language. In the animal world cries are primarily
+reactions to emotions and only indirectly designative. It seems
+likely that in human speech the spontaneous emotional cry preceded
+the designative and so much more the predicative expression, not
+by any means in the sense that the exclamation accounts for the
+origin of organized speech, but that it is probably the first form of
+articulation.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">[303]</span></p>
+<p>It must not be assumed that the control of the word by music
+is characteristic of all primitive song. On the contrary, in recitatives
+which are quite common, the words are often controlling and musical
+phrases are added or omitted whenever the words require it.
+Among the Sioux Indians we find often both tendencies; the words
+adapted to the tunes and the tune, on its part, adjusted to the words.<a id="FNanchor_119_118" href="#Footnote_119_118" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_119_118" href="#FNanchor_119_118" class="label">[119]</a> Frances Densmore, Teton Sioux Music, Bull. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 61, Washington,
+1918; see, for instance No. 38, p. 162.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>We might express the results of our considerations in stating
+that song is older than poetry and that poetry has gradually emancipated
+itself from music.</p>
+
+<p>The relation between music, words and dance are of a similar
+character. Primitive literary expression is often, though not by any
+means always, accompanied by some kind of motor activity; or
+certain kinds of motions may release articulations that take the
+form of song or of spoken words. Strong, but controlled emotion
+finds utterance in movements of the body and in articulation, and
+emotional speech releases similar movements. This may be inferred
+from the frequent association of song and dance, of song and games,
+and of that of gestures and lively speech. Dance has always remained
+associated with music, but with the emancipation of poetry music
+has lost its close association with the spoken word.</p>
+
+<p>Primitive artistic prose has two important forms: narrative and
+oratory. The form of modern prose is largely determined by the
+fact that it is read, not spoken, while primitive prose is based on
+the art of oral delivery and is, therefore, more closely related to
+modern oratory than to the printed literary style. The stylistic
+difference between the two forms is considerable.</p>
+
+<p>Unfortunately most primitive prose has been recorded in European
+languages only, and it is impossible to determine the accuracy of the
+rendering. In most of the records there is an obvious attempt to
+adapt it to the European literary style. Even when the material
+is available in the original text we may assume that, at least in the
+majority of cases, it does not reach the standard of excellence of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">[304]</span>the art of native narrative. The difficulty of phonetic rendering of
+foreign languages requires such slowness of dictation that the artistic
+style necessarily suffers. The number of collectors who possess
+complete mastery of the languages of the natives is altogether too
+small. The best approximation to the art of narrative of primitive
+people is probably found in those cases in which educated natives
+write down the texts, or in the records taken down by missionaries
+who in long years of personal, intimate contact with the people have
+acquired complete control of their language, and who are willing to
+give us just what they hear.</p>
+
+<p>As an example of the difference in style between the free rendering
+of a story told in English by an interpreter, and the translation
+of a native text I give part of the Twin-Hero story of Sia, as
+told by M. C. Stevenson, and the same story as dictated to me in
+Laguna. Mrs. Stevenson<a id="FNanchor_120_119" href="#Footnote_120_119" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> tells as follows: Upon visiting the plaza
+the twins found a large gathering and the housetops were crowded
+with those looking at the dance. The boys who approached the
+plaza from a narrow street in the village, stood for a time at the
+entrance. The one remarked, “I guess all the people are looking at
+us and thinking we are very poor boys; see how they pass back
+and forth and do not speak to us;” but after a while he said, “We
+are a little hungry; let us walk around and see where we can find
+something to eat.” They looked in all the houses facing upon the
+plaza and saw feasting within, but no one invited them to enter
+and eat, and though they inspected every house in the village, they
+were invited into but one. At this house the woman said, “Boys,
+come in and eat; I guess you are hungry.” After the repast they
+thanked her, saying, “It was very good.” Then the one said, “You,
+woman, and you, man,” addressing her husband, “you and all your
+family are good. We have eaten at your house; we give you many
+thanks; and now listen to what I have to say. I wish you and all
+your children to go off a distance to another house; to a house
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">[305]</span>which stands alone; the round house off from the village. All of
+you stay there for a while.”</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_120_119" href="#FNanchor_120_119" class="label">[120]</a> Matilda Coxe Stevenson, The Sia, 11th Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology,
+Washington, 1894, pp. 54-55.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The Laguna version is as follows:<a id="FNanchor_121_120" href="#Footnote_121_120" class="fnanchor">[121]</a></p>
+
+<p>Long ago.—Eh.—Long ago in the north in Whitehouse lived
+the people. At that time they had a war dance. At that time, when
+they were dancing, Salt-Woman and her grandsons, the Twin-Heroes,
+were travelling in this direction searching for a town, yes, some
+place where nobody would make dirt, searching for good water
+standing on the ground; for that they were searching. At the time
+they reached Whitehouse the people were having a war dance.
+They arrived at the east end of the town, and they climbed up the
+ladder, entered after having climbed down, but nobody said anything
+to them. Then they climbed up and out again. Again they climbed
+down into a house on the west and again they entered, climbing
+downward. Here also nobody invited them in and nobody gave
+them to eat. Then they climbed up going out and climbed down
+the ladder. Then the grandmother spoke thus, “Grandchildren, are
+you hungry?” said she to them. Then the Twin-Heroes spoke,
+“Yes,” they said to her. Then the grandmother, Salt-Woman, spoke
+thus, “Now let us go for the last time, climb up the house to the
+west.” Thus said Salt-Woman. They went westward and climbed
+up, then they climbed down the ladder and entered. When they
+had entered the Parrot People were about to eat. They said,
+“How is everything?”—“It is well,” said the Parrot People.
+“Sit down,” said the Parrot People. Then they sat down and
+soon they were satisfied. After a while the one who was the
+mother of the Parrot People spoke thus, “Give them to eat,” said
+she. Then they gave them to eat and they dipped out the deer
+meat with a chamber vessel. Then the one who was the mother
+spoke thus, “Take this; eat,” said she. Then Salt-Woman put her
+hand into the soup that had been dipped out and she stirred it
+with her hand and they ate and they were satisfied. Then the one
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">[306]</span>who was the mother of the Parrot People took it away. She spoke
+thus, “I wonder why this soup is so different,” said she. Then
+she tasted it. Then the one who was the mother spoke thus, “Oh
+my, that soup is very sweet,” said the one who was the mother.
+Then Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Behold, go on, dip it out and give
+it to them and eat,” said Salt-Woman. Then she dipped out the
+soup and passed it about. They sat down there together. Then
+Salt-Woman took scabs from her body (which was salt) and she
+put the salt in for them. Then Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Let us
+continue to stir it,” said Salt-Woman. Then they stirred it and ate.
+Now Salt-Woman spoke thus, “I tell you this,” said Salt-Woman,
+“I am Salt-Woman, there is no sickness on my body. Is not this
+my body pure salt?” said Salt-Woman. “Now I also tell you this,”
+said Salt-Woman. “How many children have you and how many
+families of Parrot People live here?” said Salt-Woman. “Now go
+ahead and come in this direction,” said she, “for I am very grateful
+because you gave me to eat,” said Salt-Woman. Now the one who
+was the mother of the Parrot People went to call her relatives.
+She brought the whole number of them. Then she took them
+down and Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Are these your relatives, the
+Parrot People?”—“Yes,” said the one who was the mother.
+“Indeed,” she said, “Go ahead, take this basket and give it to me,”
+said Salt-Woman. Then she gave the basket to Salt-Woman and
+salt came off from her arms and from her feet. Then she picked
+it up and put it into the basket. “Take this,” said Salt-Woman,
+“with this you will season what you eat.” Then again she spoke
+thus, “Enough,” she said, “it is good, thank you. Now we shall
+climb up and go out from here. You stay here,” said Salt-Woman,
+“then, when the Twin-Heroes are ready we shall open the door
+after a while.” Thus spoke Salt-Woman. Then they climbed up
+and went away and climbed down again. After they had climbed
+down outside the children came and looked at them for a while.
+The Twin-Heroes were playing thereabouts with a shuttlecock. Then
+the children spoke thus, “Boy,” said they, “go ahead, bring me
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">[307]</span>this shuttlecock,” said the children. Then the younger one of the
+Twin-Heroes spoke thus, “Go ahead,” said he, “stand there to the
+south under the cotton wood tree.” The children went southward.
+They arrived there. Then the children spoke thus, “Go ahead,”
+they said. “Now look out,” said the elder one of the Twin-Heroes,
+“I throw the shuttlecock southward.” When it arrived at the south
+where they stood, the shuttlecock fell down between them. Then
+all were turned into chaparral jays. All flew upward. Then Salt-Woman
+and her grandchildren went to the south. They arrived in
+the south. Then the elder one of the Twin-Heroes stood up. He
+took up his shuttlecock in his turn. The younger one said, “Now,
+look out, it is my turn. Let me make the shuttlecock fly to the
+north.”—“Go ahead,” said the elder one. The younger one
+made the shuttlecock fly northward. In the north it reached the
+plaza and when the shuttlecock fell down the people were transformed
+into stones. Then Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Enough,” said she, “Now
+go ahead to the house of the Parrot People and open the door.”</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_121_120" href="#FNanchor_121_120" class="label">[121]</a> Franz Boas, Keresan Texts, Publications of the American Ethnological Society,
+Vol. 8, p. 17.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Another example may not be amiss. Dr. Ruth Benedict recorded
+the following as part of the creation myth from a Zuni Indian who
+has a good command of English:</p>
+
+<p>“The Two came to the fourth world. It was dark there; they
+could see nothing. They met a man; he was naked and his body
+was covered with green slime, he had a tail, and a horn on his
+forehead. He took them to his people. The Two said to them,
+“In the upper world there is no one to worship the sun. He has
+sent us down to you to take you out to the world above.” They
+said, “We are willing. In this world we cannot see one another, we
+step upon one another, we urinate upon one another, we spit upon
+one another, we throw refuse upon one another. It is nasty here,
+we do not want to stay. We have been waiting for someone to
+lead us out. But you must go to the priest of the north; we want
+to know what he has to say.”</p>
+
+<p>They took them to the priest of the north. He said to them,
+“What is it that you have come to say?”—“We want you to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_308">[308]</span>come out into the upper world.”—“We are willing to go. In
+this world we cannot see, we step upon one another, we urinate
+upon one another, we throw refuse upon another, we spit upon
+one another. It is nasty here, we do not want to stay. We have
+been waiting for someone to lead us out. But you must go to the
+priest of the west; we want to know what he has to say.” (This
+is repeated for the priests of the six directions.)</p>
+
+<p>Cushing<a id="FNanchor_122_121" href="#Footnote_122_121" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> has rendered the same incident as follows:</p>
+
+<p>“Anon in the nethermost of the four cave-wombs of the world,
+the seed of men and the creatures took form and increased; even
+as within eggs in warm places worms speedily appear, which growing,
+presently burst their shells and become as may happen, birds,
+tadpoles, or serpents, so did men and all creatures grow manifoldly
+and multiply in many kinds. Thus the lowermost womb or cave-world,
+which was Anosin tehuli (the womb of sooty depth or of
+growth-germination, because it was the place of first formation and
+dark as a chimney at night time, foul too, as the internals of the
+belly) thus did it become overfilled with being. Everywhere were
+unfinished creatures, crawling like reptiles one over another in filth
+and black darkness, crowding thickly together and treading each
+other, one spitting on another or doing other indecency, insomuch
+that loud became their murmurings and lamentations, until many
+among them sought to escape, growing wiser and more manlike.”</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_122_121" href="#FNanchor_122_121" class="label">[122]</a> Frank H. Cushing, Zuni Creation Myths, 13th Annual Report of the Bureau of
+American Ethnology, p. 381.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>I think these examples demonstrate that it is not easy to
+discover from published material the stylistic pattern of primitive
+narrative. Sometimes the rendering is bald and dry owing to the
+difficulties of expression that the interpreter cannot overcome; sometimes
+elaborated in a superimposed literary style that does not
+belong to the original.</p>
+
+<p>In free prose narrative particular stress is laid upon the completeness
+of the succession of events. Both Pueblo and Kwakiutl
+informants criticize tales from this point of view. A Pueblo will
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">[309]</span>say, “You cannot say, ‘he entered the house,’ for he must first
+climb up the ladder, then down into the house. He must greet those
+present properly and receive the proper courteous reply.” None of
+these steps may be omitted. This is illustrated by the example
+of the Laguna tale referred to before (see p. <a href="#Page_305">305</a>). The Kwakiutl
+cannot say, “Then he spoke,” but they would say “Then he arose,
+spoke and said.” They do not allow a person to arrive at a place
+without first letting him start and travel. An epic diffusiveness, an
+insistence on details is characteristic of most free primitive narrative.</p>
+
+<p>Besides these free elements, primitive prose contains passages of
+fixed form which are, to a great extent, the source of its attractiveness
+to the hearer. Quite often these passages consist of conversation
+between the actors and in these, deviations from the fixed formula,
+are not permitted. In other cases they are of rhythmic form
+and must be considered poetry, chants or songs rather than prose.</p>
+
+<p>In almost all reliable collections the fixed, formal parts are of considerable
+importance. In a few cases, as among the Wailaki of
+California, the connective text disappears almost completely.</p>
+
+<p>In contrast to the fullness of the free narrative these formal parts
+are apt to be so brief that they are obscure unless the significance
+of the story is known to the hearers. Examples of these are the
+brief tales of the Eskimo. In Cumberland Sound I recorded the
+following example:<a id="FNanchor_123_122" href="#Footnote_123_122" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> a tale of a woman and the Spirit of the
+Singing-House.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>“Where is its owner? Where is its master? Has the singing-house
+an owner? Has the singing-house a master? It has no
+owner.”—“Here he is, there he is.”—“Where are his
+feet? Where are the calves of his legs? Where are his
+knees? Where are his thighs?”—“Here they are, there
+they are.”—“Where is his stomach?”—“Here it is, there
+it is.”—“Where is his chest? Where is his arm? Where
+is his neck? Where is his head?”—“Here it is, there it
+is.” He had no hair.</p>
+</div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_310">[310]</span></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_123_122" href="#FNanchor_123_122" class="label">[123]</a> Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 7, (1894), p. 45.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>This means that the woman felt for the supernatural owner of
+the singing-house. He is supposed to have bandy legs, no hair
+and no occipital bone. To touch his soft head is immediate death.</p>
+
+<p>The same observation may be made in formulas of the
+Chukchee.<a id="FNanchor_124_123" href="#Footnote_124_123" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p>
+
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>“I call Raven. My abdomen I make into a bay. The bay is
+frozen. Icebound rubbish is there. All this rubbish is frozen
+in the ice of the bay. It is the disease of my stomach. Oh, you
+my stomach, you are full of pain. I make you into a frozen
+bay, into an old ice floe, into a bad ice floe.</p>
+
+<p>“Oh, Oh! I call to Raven. You Raven travel around from very
+remote times. I want your assistance. What are you going to
+do with this bay that is frozen? Mischievous people made it
+freeze; you have a strong beak, what are you going to do?”</p>
+</div>
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_124_123" href="#FNanchor_124_123" class="label">[124]</a> W. Bogoras, Publications of Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VIII,
+Chukchee Texts, p. 133.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Sometimes these parts of tales are in an archaic form, or in a
+foreign language, so that they may be quite unintelligible. Their
+impressiveness rests on the form and the general emotional trend
+of the passages in which they occur.</p>
+
+<p>When such passages are discourse they are probably the best
+material for the study of literary style.</p>
+
+<p>From these remarks let us turn to a few general characteristics
+of literary style, first of all to a consideration of rhythm and repetition.</p>
+
+<p>The investigation of primitive narrative as well as of poetry
+proves that repetition, particularly rhythmic repetition, is one of its
+fundamental, esthetic traits.</p>
+
+<p>It is not easy to form a just opinion regarding the rhythmic character
+of formal prose; in part because the rhythmic sense of primitive
+people is much more highly developed than our own. The
+simplification of the rhythm of modern folk song, and of poetry intended
+to appeal to popular taste, has dulled our feeling for rhythmic
+form. I have referred to this question before when discussing
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">[311]</span>the complexity of rhythm in decorative art. It requires careful
+study to understand the structure of primitive rhythm, more so in
+prose than in song, because in this case the help of the melodic
+pattern is lacking.</p>
+
+<p>Rhythmic repetition of contents and form is found commonly in
+primitive narrative. For example, the tales of the Chinook Indians
+are often so constructed that five brothers, one after another, have
+the same adventure. The four elder ones perish while the youngest
+one emerges safe and successful. The tale is repeated verbatim for
+all the brothers, and its length, which to our ear and to our taste
+is intolerable, probably gives pleasure by the repeated form.<a id="FNanchor_125_124" href="#Footnote_125_124" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> Conditions
+are quite similar in European fairy tales relating to the
+fates of three brothers, two of whom perish or fail in their
+tasks, while the youngest one succeeds. Similar repetitions are
+found in the German tale of Redridinghood, in the widely spread
+European story of the rooster who goes to bury his mate, or in
+the story of the three bears. In Oriental tales the incidents of the
+tale are sometimes repeated verbatim being retold by one of the heroes.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_125_124" href="#FNanchor_125_124" class="label">[125]</a> Franz Boas, Chinook Texts, Bull. Bur. of Ethnol. Washington D. C., (1894),
+pp. 9 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>A few additional examples taken from the narratives of foreign
+people will illustrate the general occurrence of the tendency to repetition.
+In the Basuto tale called Kumonngoe a man leads his daughter
+into the wilderness where she is to be devoured by a cannibal.
+On the way he meets three animals and the son of a chief. In
+each case the same conversation ensues. “Where are you leading
+your daughter?”—“Ask herself, she is grown up.” She replies:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“I have given to Hlabakoane, Kumonngoe,<a id="FNanchor_126_125" href="#Footnote_126_125" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></div>
+<div class="verse indent0">To the herd of our cattle Kumonngoe</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">I thought our cattle were going to stay in the kraal, Kumonngoe,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">And so I gave him my father’s Kumonngoe.”</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_126_125" href="#FNanchor_126_125" class="label">[126]</a> The girl had a brother named Hlabakoane, to whom she had given a magical
+food, called Kumonngoe, that belonged to her father and that the girl had been
+forbidden to touch. E. Jacottet, The Treasury of Basuto Lore,
+ Vol. 1, (1908), p. 114.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">[312]</span></p>
+<p>In an Omaha tale<a id="FNanchor_127_126" href="#Footnote_127_126" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> of a Snake-Man it is related that a man flees
+from a serpent. Three helpers in succession give him moccasins
+which, on the following morning return of their own accord
+to their owners, and every time the same conversation is
+repeated. When the serpent goes in pursuit it asks every animal
+for information in exactly the same words. In a tradition of
+the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island the same formula is repeated
+forty times together with the description of the same ceremonial.
+In the tales of the Pueblo Indians the same incident is repeated
+four times as happening to four sisters; the yellow, red, blue, and
+white girls. In a Siberian tale of the Hare we hear that a hunter
+hides under the branches of a fallen willow tree. One hare after
+another appears in order to browse, espies the hunter and runs
+away. In a Papua tale from New Guinea the birds come one after
+another and try to peck open the stomach of a drowned person so
+as to let run out the water that he has swallowed. Still more
+markedly appears this type of repetition in a tale from New Ireland.
+The birds try to throw the casuary off from the branch of a
+tree on which he is perched. In order to accomplish this, one
+after another alights on the same branch next to the casuary but
+nearer the trunk. Thus he is compelled to move out farther and
+farther until finally he drops down.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_127_126" href="#FNanchor_127_126" class="label">[127]</a> James Owen Dorsey, The Thegiha Language, Contributions to North American
+Ethnology, Vol. VI, (1890), Washington D. C., p. 284.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Much more striking are the rhythmic repetitions in songs. Polynesian
+genealogies offer an excellent example. Thus we find in Hawaii
+the following song:<a id="FNanchor_128_127" href="#Footnote_128_127" class="fnanchor">[128]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Lii-ku-honua, the man,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Ola-ku-honua, the woman,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Kumo-honua, the man,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Lalo-honua, the woman,</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>and so on through sixteen pairs.</p>
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_128_127" href="#FNanchor_128_127" class="label">[128]</a> Fornander Collection of Hawaiian Antiquities and Folk-lore. Mem. Bernice
+Pauahi Bishop Museum, Vol. VI, Honolulu, (1919), p. 365.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">[313]</span></p>
+<p>Or in a cradlesong of the Kwakiutl Indians:<a id="FNanchor_129_128" href="#Footnote_129_128" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“When I am a man, then I shall be a hunter, o father! ya ha ha ha.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">When I am a man, then I shall be a harpooneer, o father! ya ha ha ha.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">When I am a man, then I shall be a canoe-builder, o father! ya ha ha ha.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">When I am a man, then I shall be a carpenter, o father! ya ha ha ha.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">When I am a man, then I shall be an artisan, o father! ya ha ha ha.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">That we may not be in want, o father, ya ha ha ha.”</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_129_128" href="#FNanchor_129_128" class="label">[129]</a> Franz Boas, Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, 35th An. Rep. Bur. Am. Ethn.,
+Washington, 1921, p. 1310.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>In the Eskimo song of the raven and the geese, the raven sings:<a id="FNanchor_130_129" href="#Footnote_130_129" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Oh, I am drowning, help me!</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Oh, now the waters reach my great ankles.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Oh, I am drowning, help me!</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Oh, now the waters reach my great knees.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>and so on through all the parts of the body, up to the eyes.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_130_129" href="#FNanchor_130_129" class="label">[130]</a> W. Thalbitzer, The Ammassalik Eskimo, Meddelelser om Grønland, Vol. XL,
+p. 211. Compare before p. 309, for a similar formula from Cumberland Sound.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Quite remarkable is the analogy between this song and the following
+Australian war song:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Spear his forehead</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Spear his chest</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Spear his liver</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Spear his heart, etc.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Rhythmic variations of a similar type develop also in oratory
+when a number of persons are addressed in the same formal way:
+As an example may serve the following address in a Kwakiutl speech:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Now you will witness, Northerners,<a id="FNanchor_131_130" href="#Footnote_131_130" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> the dance of Many-on-Fire,</div>
+<div class="verse indent26">the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Now you will witness, Great Kwakiutl,<a href="#Footnote_131_130" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> the dance of Many-on-Fire,</div>
+<div class="verse indent26">the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Now you will witness, Rich Side,<a href="#Footnote_131_130" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> the dance of Many-on-Fire,</div>
+<div class="verse indent26">the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents,</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_131_130" href="#FNanchor_131_130" class="label">[131]</a>
+ These are names of tribes, Columbia Contributions to Anthropology, III, p. 140.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_314">[314]</span></p>
+<p class="noindent">or:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“I have come Northerners; I have come Great Kwakiutl,</div>
+<div class="verse indent23">I have come Rich Side.”<a id="FNanchor_132_131" href="#Footnote_132_131" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_132_131" href="#FNanchor_132_131" class="label">[132]</a> Ibid., p. 142.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The repetitions discussed so far are rhythmic in form, varied in
+contents. They may be compared to an orderly succession of decorative
+motives that agree in the plan of the unit, but vary in details.
+In poetry rhythmic repetitions of identical formal units are
+frequent. These occur in all songs without words, consisting of
+vocables only. An example of this is a Kwakiutl canoe song in
+which every syllable is sung with one stroke of the paddles:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent2">Aw, ha ya ha ya hä</div>
+<div class="verse indent6">ha ya he ya ä</div>
+<div class="verse indent6">he ya ha ya ä</div>
+<div class="verse indent2">A, ha ya ha ya hä</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">aw, ha ya he ya hä</div>
+<div class="verse indent6">he ya ha ya hei</div>
+<div class="verse indent14">ya hä</div>
+<div class="verse indent6">hä hä wo wo wo.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>They are also found in introductions to many songs in which the
+tune is carried by vocables as an introduction to the words of the
+song:<a id="FNanchor_133_132" href="#Footnote_133_132" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Mai hamama.</div>
+<div class="verse indent2">Haimama hamamai hamamamai.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Hamama hamamayamai</div>
+<div class="verse indent2">Haimama hamamai hamamamai.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_133_132" href="#FNanchor_133_132" class="label">[133]</a> The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians;
+Rep. U. S. National Mus. for 1895, Washington, 1897, p. 703.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Rhythm is not confined to the larger units, but is applied as an
+artistic device in the detailed structure. In exhortative speech some
+tribes develop a rhythmic form by adding a strongly accented syllable
+to each word. The Kwakiutl use the strongly accented ending
+ai for this purpose and I may imitate the impression of their
+speech by saying, Welcome-ai! brothers-ai! at my feast-ai! Here
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_315">[315]</span>the time for each word group ending in <i>ai</i> is approximately equal,
+or the words leading up to the ending <i>ai</i> are at least pronounced
+with great rapidity when they contain a longer phrase.</p>
+
+<p>In the recital of myths rhythmic structure is sometimes attained
+by the addition of meaningless syllables that transform the recital
+into a chant. Thus the Fox Indians will add in the recital of the
+Culture Hero legend, the syllables nootchee, nootchee. A. L. Kroeber
+and Leslie Spier tell us that the myths of Southern California are
+chanted. Edward Sapir has observed the Song recitative in Paiute
+mythology, each animal speaking according to a definite rhythm and
+tune to which the text is adjusted.<a id="FNanchor_134_133" href="#Footnote_134_133" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> I have recorded an Eskimo
+tale from Cumberland Sound in which the travels of the hero
+are recorded in a chant with interspersed melodic phrases.<a id="FNanchor_135_134" href="#Footnote_135_134" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> In
+wails the repetition of the formal cry of moaning at short intervals
+and the rapid, even pronunciation of the recital creates rhythmic
+structure.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_134_133" href="#FNanchor_134_133" class="label">[134]</a> Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology, Journal American Folk-lore, Vol. 23, pp.
+455 et seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_135_134" href="#FNanchor_135_134" class="label">[135]</a> F. Boas, Bull. A. M. N. H. Vol. 15, pp. 335, 340, tune in Sixth Annual Report
+Bureau of Ethnology, p. 655, no. 13.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Much stricter than in prose is the rhythmic structure of song.
+It is often assumed that regularity of musical rhythm, which is found
+in most primitive music, is due to the multiplicity of motor actions
+connected with the music, particularly to the close relation between
+music and dance. It is true that primitive song is often accompanied
+by movements of the body,—a swinging of the whole trunk, movements
+of head, feet, and arms; hand clapping and stamping; but it
+is an error to assume that for these the same synchronism prevails
+to which we are accustomed. With us the stamping and clapping
+of hands coincides with the accent of the song. Some tribes innervate
+so that the innervation for the articulation and for the movement
+of hands or feet coincide. This habit has the effect of letting
+the clapping, drumming, or stamping follow the accent of the song.
+It is also not a rare occurrence that the rhythmic pattern of body
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_316">[316]</span>movements and of song are not homologous, but that they are
+interrelated in different ways or sometimes even seem to be quite
+independent. Negro music as well as that of Northwest America
+offers many examples of this kind.</p>
+
+<p>Although the problem involved in the structure of primitive poetry is
+better understood now than it was a few years ago, and although
+many energetic efforts are being made to obtain adequate collections,
+the material for the study of this subject is still quite insufficient.
+Travellers are rarely trained in the art of recording songs and are
+apt to give us only the simplest forms that offer the least difficulties,
+or to summarize their observations in descriptions that are altogether
+too often misleading. Exact observations show that rhythmic complexity
+is quite common. Regular rhythms consist of from two to
+seven parts, and much longer groupings occur without recognizable
+regularity of rhythmic structure. Their repetition in a series of
+verses proves that they are fixed units.</p>
+
+<p>On account of the physiologically determined emotional quality of
+rhythm it enters into all kinds of activities that are in any way
+related to emotional life. Its exciting effect manifests itself in religious
+songs and dances. Its compelling control may be observed
+in war songs; its soothing effect appears in melodies; its esthetic
+value is seen in song and decorative art. The origin of rhythm
+must not be looked for in religious and social activities but the effect
+of rhythm is akin to the emotional states connected with them and,
+therefore, arouses them and is aroused by them.</p>
+
+<p>I believe the great variety of forms in which rhythmic repetition
+of the same or similar elements is used, in prose and in poetry as
+a rhythm of time, in decorative art as a rhythm of space,—shows
+that Bücher’s theory according to which all rhythm is derived from
+the movements accompanying work cannot be maintained, certainly
+not in its totality. Wundt derives the rhythm of the songs used in
+ceremonies from the dance, that of the working song from the
+movements required in the performance of work,—a theory practically
+identical with that proposed by Bücher, since the movements
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">[317]</span>of the dance are quite homologous to those of work. There is no
+doubt that the feeling for rhythm is strengthened by dance and the
+movements required in the execution of work, not only in the common
+work of groups, of individuals who must try to keep time, but
+also in industrial work, such as basketry or pottery that require in
+their execution regularly repeated movements. The repetitions in
+prose narrative as well as the rhythms of decorative art, so far as
+they are not required by the technique, are proof of the inadequacy
+of the purely technical explanation. The pleasure given by regular
+repetition in embroidery, painting, and the stringing of beads cannot
+be explained as due to technically determined, regular movements,
+and there is no indication that would suggest that this kind of rhythm
+developed later than the one determined by motor habits.</p>
+
+<p>It is a precarious undertaking to discuss the characteristics of
+primitive poetic forms, partly because so little reliable material is
+available, but partly also on account of the impossibility of obtaining
+a fair insight into the meaning and value of literary expression
+without an intimate knowledge of the language and culture in which
+they have come into being. For this reason I shall base the following
+remarks principally upon observations of the Kwakiutl tribe,
+a tribe with whose language and culture I am familiar. It would be
+unjustifiable to generalize and to claim that the traits that I am going
+to discuss are characteristic of all primitive literature. On the contrary,
+as our knowledge of primitive literature expands, individuality
+of style will certainly be found to prevail. Still it seems likely
+that features which are analogous to our own literary devices may
+disclose general tendencies.</p>
+
+<p>Emphasis of salient points is used extensively in Kwakiutl prose
+and song. Stress is most frequently given by repetition. I give a
+few examples culled from speeches: “Indeed, indeed, true are the
+words of the song, of my song, sung for you, tribe.”<a id="FNanchor_136_135" href="#Footnote_136_135" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_318">[318]</span></p>
+<p>“He is a kind chief who is kind, speaking kindly to those who have
+him for a chief.”<a id="FNanchor_137_136" href="#Footnote_137_136" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></p>
+
+
+<p>“Now is finished the song of my chief. Finished is the great
+one.”<a id="FNanchor_138_137" href="#Footnote_138_137" class="fnanchor">[138]</a></p>
+
+
+<p>“Now you will give the name Great-Inviter to Inviter who has
+come out of her room, her who has been made a princess, her who
+is all over a princess on account of this that has been done by this
+chief who has her for a princess.”<a id="FNanchor_139_138" href="#Footnote_139_138" class="fnanchor">[139]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_136_135" href="#FNanchor_136_135" class="label">[136]</a> Contributions to the Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, Columbia University Contributions
+to Anthropology, Vol. 3, p. 194, line 25.</p></div>
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_137_136" href="#FNanchor_137_136" class="label">[137]</a> Ibid., p. 258, line 24.</p></div>
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_138_137" href="#FNanchor_138_137" class="label">[138]</a> Ibid., p. 268, line 25.</p></div>
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_139_138" href="#FNanchor_139_138" class="label">[139]</a> Ibid., p. 308, line 3.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>In songs repetitions are much more frequent than in speech.
+I give a few examples:</p>
+
+<p>“Wa, out of the way! Waw haw hawa, Wa, out of the way! Ah,
+do not in vain ask for mercy, Waw haw hawa! Ah, do not in
+vain ask for mercy and raise your hands.”<a id="FNanchor_140_139" href="#Footnote_140_139" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_140_139" href="#FNanchor_140_139" class="label">[140]</a> Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, Thirty-fifth Annual
+Report Bur. Am. Ethn., p. 1288.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Another example is the following:</p>
+
+<p>“I am the only great tree in the world, I the chief: I am the
+only great tree in the world, I the chief.</p>
+
+<p>I am the great chief who vanquishes, Ha, ha, I am the great
+chief who vanquishes, Ha, ha!”<a id="FNanchor_141_140" href="#Footnote_141_140" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_141_140" href="#FNanchor_141_140" class="label">[141]</a> Ibid., p. 1290.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Emphasis may be obtained by placing the word to be emphasized
+at the end of one phrase and by beginning the next phrase with
+the same word.</p>
+
+<p>There are also many emphatic particles. The closing <i>ai</i> referred
+to before, used in exhortative oratory, belongs to this group. Verbal
+affixes meaning “really”, “indeed”, and the like are used informal
+speech to give proper strength to the whole expression. In a wail
+a woman chants: “Haha, hanane, now really I do this, I remember
+my real past forefathers and really my great grandfathers and now
+really I will go on with my family-myth here, telling of this, of my
+beginning in the beginning of the world, of the chief who come up
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">[319]</span>in this world, haha, hanane; and really this was my ancestor who
+really was going about spouting.”<a id="FNanchor_142_141" href="#Footnote_142_141" class="fnanchor">[142]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_142_141" href="#FNanchor_142_141" class="label">[142]</a> Ibid., p. 836.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>In Africa the telling of a story is enlivened by affirmative exclamations
+of the audience. When the narrator says, “The turtle killed
+the leopard,” the audience will repeat, clapping their hands, “The
+leopard, the leopard.”</p>
+
+<p>Emphasis is also given by an accumulation of synonyms. Alternate
+terms are often used in this manner and in the original they
+often have an added rhythmical value on account of the homology
+of their form. Thus the Kwakiutl sings in a laudatory chant: “I
+greatly fear our chief, oh tribes! I tremble on account of this
+great means of trying to cause fear, of this great means of trying
+to cause terror, of this greatest cause of terror.”<a id="FNanchor_143_142" href="#Footnote_143_142" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_143_142" href="#FNanchor_143_142" class="label">[143]</a> Ibid., p. 1287.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>“I shall break, I shall let disappear the great Copper, the property
+of the great foolish one, the great extravagant one, the great surpassing
+one, the one farthest ahead, the greatest Spirit-of-the-Woods
+among the chiefs.”<a id="FNanchor_144_143" href="#Footnote_144_143" class="fnanchor">[144]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_144_143" href="#FNanchor_144_143" class="label">[144]</a> By “copper” is meant one of the valuable plates of copper that are considered
+the “highest” kind of property. The “Spirit-of-the-Woods” is the symbol of wealth
+and power, Ibid., p. 1288.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The beginning or the end of a rhythmic unit is often marked by
+an interjection like the “haha hanane” of the wail previously quoted,
+or by the repetition of the same word. Both these forms occur
+often in love songs:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Ye ya aye ya! You are hard hearted, you who say that you love me,</div>
+<div class="verse indent4">You are hard hearted, my dear!</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Ye ya aye ya! You are cruel, you who say that you are lovesick</div>
+<div class="verse indent4">for me, my dear!</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Ye ya aye ya! When are you going to talk my love? my dear!<a id="FNanchor_145_144" href="#Footnote_145_144" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_145_144" href="#FNanchor_145_144" class="label">[145]</a> Ibid., p. 1301.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p class="noindent">or in a shaman’s song:<a id="FNanchor_146_145" href="#Footnote_146_145" class="fnanchor">[146]</a></p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_320">[320]</span></p>
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">I have been told to continue to heal him by</div>
+<div class="verse indent4">the Good Supernatural Power,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">I have been told to keep on putting the hemlock ring</div>
+<div class="verse indent4">over him by the Shaman-of-the-Sea,</div>
+<div class="verse indent4">the Good Supernatural Power,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">I have been told to put back into our friend his soul, by</div>
+<div class="verse indent4">the Good Supernatural Power,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">I have been told to give him long life, by the Long-Life-</div>
+<div class="verse indent4">Giver-of-the-Sea, the Chief-of-High-Water,</div>
+<div class="verse indent4">the Good Supernatural Power.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_146_145" href="#FNanchor_146_145" class="label">[146]</a> Ibid., p. 1296.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Symmetry in the rigid sense of the term does not exist in the
+arts built on time sequences. A reversion of time sequence is not
+felt as symmetry in the same way as a reversion of space sequence
+where every point has its equivalent point. In time sequences we
+have a feeling for symmetry only for the order of repetition and
+structural phrases. The following Negro poem will illustrate this:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Ko ko re ko kom on do!</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Girl gone, him no gone,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Ko ko re ko kom on do!<a id="FNanchor_147_146" href="#Footnote_147_146" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_147_146" href="#FNanchor_147_146" class="label">[147]</a> Martha Warren Beckwith, Jamaica Anansi Stories, Memoirs. Amer. Folk-lore
+Soc., Vol. 17 (1924) p. 107.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>It seems, however that in primitive recitative poetry and music
+this form is not as frequent as in modern folk song or in modern
+poetry.</p>
+
+<p>The effect of poetry and oratory depends in part on the use of
+metaphor. It is hardly possible to discuss this in a generalized way,
+because the appreciation of metaphor requires a most intimate knowledge
+of the language in which it occurs. Apparent absence of
+metaphor is undoubtedly more likely due to imperfect records than
+to an actual absence of figures of speech. It is quite striking that it
+is difficult to find metaphorical expressions in American Indian literature,
+although it is undoubtedly a feature of their oratory. The
+whole naming system of most American Indians proves their feeling
+for figurative speech.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">[321]</span></p>
+<p>Here also I may be permitted to confine my remarks to the use of
+metaphor among the Kwakiutl with whose speech forms I am fairly
+familiar. Metaphorical expressions are used particularly when describing
+the greatness of a chief or of a warrior. The chief is compared
+to a mountain; a precipice (from which rolls down wealth overwhelming
+the tribes); a rock which cannot be climbed; the post of heaven
+(who supports the world); the only great tree (that raises its
+crown over the lesser trees of the woods or that rises in lonely
+height on an island); a loaded canoe at anchor; the one who makes
+the whole world smoky (from the fire in the house in which he
+gives feasts); the thick tree; the thick root (of the tribe). It is said
+that through his great acts he burns up the tribes, a term which is
+primarily used for the warrior. The people follow him as the young
+sawbill-ducks follow the mother bird. He makes the people suffer
+with his short-life maker; he shoves away the tribes. His rival
+whom he tries to vanquish is called, he with ruffled feathers; the
+one whom he puts across his back (like a wolf carrying a deer);
+the one with lolling tongue; the one who loses his tail (like the
+salmon); the spider woman; old dog; mouldy face; dry face; broken
+piece of copper.</p>
+
+<p>Greatness of a chief is called the weight of his name; when he
+marries a princess he lifts her weight from the floor; his wealth of
+blankets is a mountain that rises through our heavens; in the feast
+surrounded by his tribe, he stands on his fortress. Wealth that he
+acquires is a salmon that he catches.</p>
+
+<p>When following ancient customs the people walk the road laid
+out for them by their ancestors.</p>
+
+<p>The warrior or a person of ill temper is called “hellebore”.
+The warrior is also called “the double-headed serpent of the world”.</p>
+
+<p>Metaphorical terms are an important element in the speeches accompanying
+public purchases, particularly the purchase of valuable
+“coppers”. Many of these terms are accompanied by symbolic
+actions. The first part of the payment in the purchase of a copper
+is called the pillow or mattress on which the copper is to rest or
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_322">[322]</span>the harpoon line by which it is hauled in. The purchase itself is called
+“shoving” that means pushing the value of the purchase under
+the name of the purchaser who is thus raised in rank. At the end
+of the transaction the seller gives to the purchaser a certain number
+of blankets (which are the standard of value) as a “belt” to hold up
+the blankets (in which the purchase price is reckoned); as boxes in
+which to store these blankets; and finally he gives an amount as a
+dress for his dancer (that is his female relative who dances for him
+on festive occasions).</p>
+
+<p>When a person gives a great feast for his rival he extinguishes
+the fire of his rival’s house; his feast steps up to the fire in the
+middle of the house. If he surpasses his rival in liberality, his feast
+steps across the fire and reaches the rear of the house where the
+chief is seated.</p>
+
+<p>Presents for a bride are a packline to carry her property; a mat
+on which she is to sit; and a mast for her canoe.</p>
+
+<p>I do not mention here the many euphemistic terms for sickness
+and death, except a few that are used in speeches: the dead chief
+has gone to take a rest; he has disappeared from this world; he
+stays away; or he lies down.</p>
+
+<p>Metaphorical figures in songs are not rare. Of the death of a
+renowned man who was drowned, it is said in his mourning song:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“It deprived me of my mind, when the moon went down at the edge of the waters”.<a id="FNanchor_148_147" href="#Footnote_148_147" class="fnanchor">[148]</a></div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_148_147" href="#FNanchor_148_147" class="label">[148]</a> Ethnology of the Kwakintl, 35th Ann. Rep. Bur Am. Ethn. p. 1292.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>And in another mourning song<a id="FNanchor_149_148" href="#Footnote_149_148" class="fnanchor">[149]</a>:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Hana, hana, hana. It broke down, the post of the world.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Hana, hana, hana. It fell down to the ground, the post of the world.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Hana, hana, hana. Our great chief has taken a rest.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Hana, hana, hana. Now our past chief has fallen down.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_149_148" href="#FNanchor_149_148" class="label">[149]</a> Boas, Kwakiutl Ethnology, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology.
+Vol. III, p. 77.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>In a feast-song the chief is compared to the salmon<a id="FNanchor_150_149" href="#Footnote_150_149" class="fnanchor">[150]</a>:
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_323">[323]</span> </p>
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">The great one will not move, the greatest one, the great Spring Salmon.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Go on, great one, hurt the young children, the humble sparrows who are being</div>
+<div class="verse indent12">teased by you, great Spring Salmon.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_150_149" href="#FNanchor_150_149" class="label">[150]</a> Ibid., p. 123.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>In another feast-song the rivals are compared to insects<a id="FNanchor_151_150" href="#Footnote_151_150" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">I am a chief, I am a chief, I am your chief, yours, who you are flying about.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">I am too great to be bitten by those little flies that are flying about.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">I am too great to be desired as food by those little horseflies that are flying about.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">I am too great to be bitten by those little mosquitoes that are flying about.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_151_150" href="#FNanchor_151_150" class="label">[151]</a> Ibid., p. 129.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>In still another song he is compared to a tree<a id="FNanchor_152_151" href="#Footnote_152_151" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">A great cedar dancer is our chief, our tribes.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">It cannot be spanned, our great chief, our tribes.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">My chief here from long ago, from the beginning of the myth time, for you, tribes.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_152_151" href="#FNanchor_152_151" class="label">[152]</a> Ibid., p. 197.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>A number of sayings of the Tsimshian present also good cases of
+the use of metaphor. “A deer though toothless, may accomplish
+something”; “he is just sleeping on a deerskin” (i. e. not expecting
+approaching hardships); “it seems you think that Nass River is always
+calm” (i. e. that you will always be fortunate); “he is just
+enjoying the water lilies for a short time” (as a bear feeding on
+water lilies and about to be killed by the hunter who lies in ambush).<a id="FNanchor_153_152" href="#Footnote_153_152" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_153_152" href="#FNanchor_153_152" class="label">[153]</a> Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 2 (1889), p. 285.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Examples of metaphor may be found here and there in songs
+and speeches. The Osage sing:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Ho! Toward what shall they (the little ones) direct their footsteps, it has been said</div>
+<div class="verse indent11">in the house.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">It is toward a little valley they shall direct their footsteps.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Verily, it is not a little valley that is spoken of,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">It is toward the bend of a river they shall direct their footsteps.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Verily, it is not the bend of a river that is spoken of,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">It is toward a little house that they shall direct their footsteps.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>The valley and the bend of the river represent the path of life
+which is pictured as crossing four valleys or as following the course
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">[324]</span>of the river having four bends.<a id="FNanchor_154_153" href="#Footnote_154_153" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> This concept also finds expression
+in the decorative art of the Indians of the Plains.<a id="FNanchor_155_154" href="#Footnote_155_154" class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_154_153" href="#FNanchor_154_153" class="label">[154]</a> Francis La Flesche, The Osage Tribe, The Rite of Vigil, 39th Ann. Rep. Bur.
+Amer. Ethnology, Washington 1925, p. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_155_154" href="#FNanchor_155_154" class="label">[155]</a> A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin Am. Uns. Nat. Hist. Vol. 18, Plate 16,
+p. 100; Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians, Ibid., p. 242, fig. 77.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Another metaphor is used in the following illustration:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Upon whom shall we slip off our moccasins? they said to one another, it has been said in this house.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Toward the setting sun,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">There is an adolescent youth,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Upon whom we shall always slip off our moccasins, they said to one another, it has been said in this house.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Here the slipping off of moccasins means the crushing and killing of
+the enemy, here personified in the adolescent youth.<a id="FNanchor_156_155" href="#Footnote_156_155" class="fnanchor">[156]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_156_155" href="#FNanchor_156_155" class="label">[156]</a> Francis La Flesche, Ibid., p. 84.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>In the speech containing the migration legend of the Creek, the
+head-chief Chekilli said: “The Cussetaws cannot yet leave their red
+hearts, which are, however, white on one side and red on the
+other”.<a id="FNanchor_157_156" href="#Footnote_157_156" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_157_156" href="#FNanchor_157_156" class="label">[157]</a> Albert S. Gatschet, A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, Philadelphia, 1884;
+p. 251.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>James Mooney records the following formula for success in hunting.
+obtained from the Cherokee.<a id="FNanchor_158_157" href="#Footnote_158_157" class="fnanchor">[158]</a></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="noindent">Give me the wind. Give me the breeze. Yu! O Great Terrestrial
+Hunter, I come to the edge of your spittle where you repose. Let
+your stomach cover itself; let it be covered with leaves. Let it
+cover itself at a single bend, and may you never be satisfied.</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">And you, O Ancient Red, may you hover above my breast while
+I sleep. Now let good (dreams?) develop; let my expressions be
+propitious. Ha! Now let my little trails be directed, as they lie
+down in various directions (?). Let the leaves be covered with the
+clotted blood, and may it never cease to be so. You two shall bury
+it in your stomachs. Yu.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_158_157" href="#FNanchor_158_157" class="label">[158]</a> James Mooney, The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees, Seventh Annual Report
+of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 369.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">[325]</span></p>
+<p>In this formula the gods of the hunt, fire and water are called
+upon. The Great Terrestrial Hunter is the river, its spittle the
+foam; the blood-stained leaves on which the game has been killed
+are to cover the surface of the water. The hunter asks that all the
+game may be assembled at one bend of the river which is supposed
+to long for evermore. In the second part, the Ancient Red is the
+fire. It hovers over the breast because the hunter rubs his chest
+with ashes. The blood-stained leaves are thrown into the fire and into
+the water which is expressed by having them buried in the stomach.</p>
+
+<p>The contents of primitive narrative, poetry and song are as varied
+as the cultural interests of the singers. It does not seem admissible
+to measure their literary value by the standards of the emotions
+that they release in us. We ought to inquire in how far they are
+an adequate expression of the emotional life of the natives. To
+primitive man, hunger is something entirely different from what it
+is to us who ordinarily do not know what the pangs of hunger
+mean, who do not realize all the implications of starvation. If a
+people like the Bushmen or the Eskimo sing of their joy after a
+successful hunt and after a hearty meal, if the Orang Semang of
+the Malay Peninsula sing of the gathering of fruit and of the successful
+hunt, the connotation of these songs is no different from that
+of a harvest song. We are too easily mislead by the concreteness
+of the picture and assume that the emotional connotation that we
+require in poetry must be absent. Even among ourselves a graphic
+passage in a lyric poem does not by any means always release a
+definite, mental image but appeals rather through the feelings engendered
+by the descriptive terms. For this reason we must
+necessarily assume that the emotional setting of the picture is the
+essential poetic element for the singer, not the objective terms that
+alone appeal to us because we are not familiar with the emotions
+of every day native life. We feel only the graphic value of the
+words. The much-quoted Semang<a id="FNanchor_159_158" href="#Footnote_159_158" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> song represents a good example:</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">[326]</span></p>
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Our fruit grows plump at the end of the spray.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">We climb along and cut it from the end of the spray.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Plump, too, is the bird (?) at the end of the spray.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">And plump the young squirrel at the end of the spray.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_159_158" href="#FNanchor_159_158" class="label">[159]</a> W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, Vol. 1
+(1906), p. 627.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>This song which deals with plants and animals serving as food,
+should be compared with another one that is more readily appreciated
+by us:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">The stem bends as the leaves shoot up.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">The leaf-stems sway to and fro.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">To and fro they sway in diverse ways.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">We rub them and they lose their stiffness.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">On Mount Inas they are blown about.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">On Mount Inas which is our home.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Blown about by the light breeze.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Blown about is the fog (?).</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Blown about is the haze.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Blown about are the young shoots.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Blown about is the haze of the hills,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Blown about by the light breeze.</div>
+<div class="verse indent4">etc.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>If we feel the latter as a more poetic type it is presumably only
+because we cannot share the feelings aroused in the Orang Semang
+by the reference to the efforts in gathering fruit and in hunting
+animals. The effectiveness of poetry does not depend upon the
+power of expressive description that releases clear mental images,
+but upon the energy with which words arouse the emotions.</p>
+
+<p>It is misleading to compare primitive poetry that has been recorded
+by collectors with the literary poetry of our times. The coarse
+sexual songs or drinking songs that do not form part of our polite
+literature, are quite on a par with the songs that may be heard in
+primitive society in the company of lusty young men or excited
+young women and their prevalence in existing collections is, in all
+probability, merely due to the inability of the collector to approach
+the natives in moments of religious devotion, of tender love, or
+poetic exaltation. In many cases it is quite obvious that some of
+the songs collected were made to make fun of the collector. It is
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_327">[327]</span>not admissible to build on the meagre evidence that we possess, a
+system of development of lyrics in which the coarse forms, the
+exuberant spirits of every day life are mistaken for the expression
+of the highest poetic achievement. In all those cases in which fuller
+collections are available, as in America for instance from the Omaha,
+Eskimo, Kwakiutl, and from some of the southwestern tribes, there
+is ample evidence of poetic feeling that moves on higher planes.</p>
+
+<p>Still, poetic susceptibility is not the same everywhere, neither in
+form nor in intensity. The local culture determines what kind of
+experiences have a poetic value and the intensity with which they
+act. I select as an example the difference between the descriptive
+style found in Polynesia and that of many Indian traditions. In the
+Fornander collection of Hawaiian tales we read: “They admired
+the beauty of his appearance. His skin was like to a ripe banana.
+His eyeballs were like the young buds of a banana. His body was
+straight and without blemish and he was without an equal.” In the
+story of Laieikawai it is said: “I am not the mistress of this shore.
+I come from inland, from the top of the mountain which is clothed
+in a white garment.” It would be a vain task to search for similar
+passages in the literature of many Indian tribes. The American
+Indians differ considerably among themselves in regard to this trait.
+Tsimshian tales are rich when compared to the barrenness of the
+descriptive tales of the Plateau tribes.</p>
+
+<p>Poetic descriptions appear more frequently in songs. However
+even these are not found everywhere. The songs of the Indians
+of the Southwest suggest that the phenomena of nature have impressed
+the poet deeply, although it must be remembered that most of his
+descriptive terms are stereotyped ceremonial expressions.</p>
+
+<p>As an example I give the following song of the Navaho:<a id="FNanchor_160_159" href="#Footnote_160_159" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“On the trail marked with pollen may I walk,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">With grasshoppers about my feet may I walk,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">With dew about my feet may I walk,</div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">[328]</span></p><div class="verse indent0">With beauty may I walk,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">With beauty before me, may I walk,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">With beauty behind me, may I walk,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">With beauty above me, may I walk,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">With beauty under me, may I walk,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">With beauty all around me, may I walk,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">In old age wandering on a trail of beauty, lively, may I walk,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">In old age wandering on a trail of beauty, living again, may I walk,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">It is finished in beauty.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_160_159" href="#FNanchor_160_159" class="label">[160]</a> Washington Matthews, Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs. University of California
+Publications in Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 5, p. 48, lines 61-73.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>Of similar character is the following song of the Apache:<a id="FNanchor_161_160" href="#Footnote_161_160" class="fnanchor">[161]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“At the east where the black water lies, stands the large corn,</div>
+<div class="verse indent2">with staying roots, its large stalk, its red silk, its long</div>
+<div class="verse indent2">leaves, its tassel dark and spreading, on which there is the dew.</div></div>
+
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“At the sunset where the yellow water lies, stands the large</div>
+<div class="verse indent2">pumpkin with its tendrils, its long stem, its wide leaves, its</div>
+<div class="verse indent2">yellow top on which there is pollen.”</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_161_160" href="#FNanchor_161_160" class="label">[161]</a> P. E. Goddard, Myths and Tales from the White Mountain Apache. Anthropological
+Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 24, 1910.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The following song of the Pima has also ceremonial significance:<a id="FNanchor_162_161" href="#Footnote_162_161" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“Wind now commences to sing;</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Wind now commences to sing;</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Wind now commences to sing.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">The land stretches before me,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Before me it stretches away.</div></div>
+
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Wind’s house now is thundering;</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Wind’s house now is thundering.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Came the myriad-legged wind.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">The wind came running hither.</div></div>
+
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">The Black Snake Wind came to me</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">The Black Snake Wind came to me.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Came and wrapped itself about,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Came here running with its song.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_329">[329]</span></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_162_161" href="#FNanchor_162_161" class="label">[162]</a> Frank Russell, The Pima Indians, 26<sup>th</sup> Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Ethn., p. 324.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The following Eskimo song which describes the beauty of nature
+is well known:<a id="FNanchor_163_162" href="#Footnote_163_162" class="fnanchor">[163]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“The great Kunak mount yonder south, I do behold it;</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">The great Kunak mount yonder south, I regard it;</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">The shining brightness yonder south, I contemplate.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Outside of Kunak it is expanding,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">The same that Kunak towards the seaside doth quite encompass.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Behold, how yonder south they shift and change.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Behold, how yonder south they tend to beautify each other,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">While from the seaside it is enveloped in sheets still changing,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">From the seaside enveloped to mutual embellishment.”</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_163_162" href="#FNanchor_163_162" class="label">[163]</a> Henry Rink, Tales and Traditions of the Eskimos, London, 1875, p. 68.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>A song, provided it does not contain intelligible words, may be
+of purely formal esthetic value, which depends upon its melodic and
+rhythmic character. Even these forms may be attached to more or
+less different groups of ideas of emotional value. On the other hand
+the established significance of the song may vary materially when
+different sets of words are used with it. We observe this in our
+own culture, when diverse thoughts are expressed in the same
+metre or when distinct poems are sung according to the same tune,—as,
+for example, happened in the transfer of folksongs into
+religious songs. I do not know in how far this may happen in
+primitive poetry. Among the tribes that I know best there is a
+decided tendency to associate a certain rhythm with a certain set
+of songs. Thus the five part rhythm of the Northwest coast of
+America seems to be closely connected with the religious winter
+ceremonial; the mourning songs with slow regular beating.</p>
+
+<p>The inherent relation between literary type and culture appears
+also clearly in narrative.</p>
+
+<p>The motives of action are determined by the mode of life and
+the chief interests of the people, and the plots give us a picture of
+these.</p>
+
+<p>In many typical tales of the Chukchee of Siberia the subject of
+the tale is the tyranny and overmastering arrogance of an athletic
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">[330]</span>hunter or warrior and the attempts of the villagers to free themselves.
+Among the Eskimo a group of brothers often take the place
+of the village bully. Among both groups of people who live in small
+settlements, without any hard and fast political organization, the fear
+of the strongest person plays an important role, no matter whether
+his power is founded on bodily strength or on supposed supernatural
+qualities. The story uses generally a weak, despised boy as savior
+of the community. Although tales of overbearing chiefs do occur
+among the Indians they are not by any means a predominant type.</p>
+
+<p>The principal theme of the Indians of British Columbia, whose
+thoughts are almost entirely taken up by the wish to obtain rank
+and high position in the community, is the tale of a poor man who
+attains high position, or of the struggles between two chiefs who try
+to outdo each other in feats that will increase their social standing.
+Among the Blackfeet the principal theme is the acquisition of ceremonies,
+possession and practise of which is a most important element
+in their life.</p>
+
+<p>All these differences are not entirely those of content but they
+influence the form of the narrative, because the incidents are tied
+together in different ways. The same motive recurs over and over
+again in the tales of primitive people, so that a large mass of material
+collected from the same tribe is liable to be very monotonous,
+and after a certain point has been reached only new variants of old
+themes are obtained.</p>
+
+<p>However, much more fundamental are the differences which are
+based on the general difference of cultural outlook. The same story
+told by different tribes may bear an entirely different face. Not
+only is the setting distinct, the motivation and the main points of
+the tales are emphasized by different tribes in different ways and
+take on a local coloring that can be understood only in relation to
+the whole culture. An example selected from among the tales of
+the North American Indians will illustrate this point. I chose the
+story of the star husband, which is told on the prairies, in British
+Columbia, and on the North Atlantic coast. The prairie tribes tell
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_331">[331]</span>that two maidens go out to dig roots and camp out. They see two
+stars and wish to be married to them. The next morning they
+find themselves in the sky married to the stars. They are forbidden
+to dig certain large roots, but the young women disobey the orders
+of their husbands and, through a hole in the ground they see the
+earth below. By means of a rope they climb down. From here
+on, the story takes distinctive forms in different geographical areas.
+In one form the adventures of the women after their return are
+described, in the other the feats of the child born by one of them.
+The central view-point of the same story as told by the Indians of
+British Columbia is completely changed. The girls of a village
+build a house in which they play and one day they talk about the
+stars, how happy they must be because they are able to see the
+whole world. The next morning they awake in the sky, in front
+of the house of a great chief. The house is beautifully carved and
+painted. Suddenly a number of men appear who pretend to embrace
+the girls but kill them by sucking out their brains. Only the chief’s
+daughter and her younger sister are saved. The elder sister becomes
+the wife of the chief of the stars. Finally the chief sends them
+back with the promise to help them whenever they are in need.
+They find the village deserted and the star chief sends down his
+house and the masks and whistles belonging to a ceremony which
+becomes the hereditary property of the woman’s family. The tale
+ends with the acquisition of the house and the ceremony, matters
+that are the chief interest in the life of the Indians. In this way the
+story becomes one of the long series of tales of similar import,
+although the contents belong to an entirely distinct group.</p>
+
+<p>As a second example I mention the story of Amor and Psyche
+which has been cast into a new mould by the Pueblo Indians. Here
+the antelope appears in the form of a maiden. She marries a youth
+who is forbidden to see the girl. He transgresses this order and,
+by the light of a candle, looks upon her while she is asleep. Immediately
+the girl and house disappear and the young man finds himself
+in the wallow of an antelope.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_332">[332]</span></p>
+<p>Equally instructive are the transformations of biblical stories in
+the mouths of the natives. Dr. Benedict and Dr. Parsons have
+recorded a nativity story of the Zuni in which Jesus appears as a
+girl, the daughter of the sun. After the child is born the domestic
+animals lick it, only the mule refuses to do so and is punished
+with sterility. The whole story has been given a new aspect. It
+is made to account for the fertility of animals, and tells how fertility
+may be increased, a thought uppermost in the minds of the Pueblos.</p>
+
+<p>European fairy tales differ in this respect from those of primitive
+tribes, for in contents and form they embrace many survivals
+of past times. It is quite evident that the modern European fairy
+tale does not reflect the conditions of the State of our times, nor
+the conditions of our daily life, but that they give us an imaginative
+picture of rural life in semifeudal times, and that, owing to
+the contradictions between modern intellectualism and the ancient
+rural tradition, conflicts of viewpoints occur that may be interpreted as
+survivals. In the tales of primitive people it is otherwise. A detailed
+analysis of the traditional tales of a number of Indian tribes shows
+complete agreement of the conditions of life with those that may
+be abstracted from the tales. Beliefs and customs in life and in
+tales are in full accord. This is true not only of old native material
+but also of imported stories that have been borrowed some
+time ago. They are quickly adapted to the prevailing mode of
+life. The analysis of tales from the Northwest coast and from the
+Pueblos gives the same result. Only during the period of transition
+to new modes of life, such as are brought about by contact
+with Europeans, contradictions develop. Thus it happens that in
+the tales of Laguna, one of the Pueblos of New Mexico, the visitor
+always enters through the roof of the house, although the
+modern houses have doors. The headman of the ceremonial organization
+plays an important role in many tales, although the organization
+itself has largely disappeared. The tales of the Plains
+Indians still tell of buffalo hunts although the game has disappeared
+and the people have become tillers of the soil and laborers.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">[333]</span></p>
+<p>It would be erroneous to assume that the absence of survivals of
+an earlier time can be explained as due to the permanence of conditions,
+to a lack of historical change. Primitive culture is a product
+of historical development no less than modern civilization. Mode
+of life, customs, and beliefs of primitive tribes are not stable; but
+the rate of change, unless disturbances from the outside occur, is
+slower than among ourselves. What is lacking is the pronounced
+social stratification of our times that brings it about that the various
+groups represent, as it were, different periods of development. So
+far as my knowledge goes we find the cultural, formal background
+of the art of narrative of primitive people almost entirely determined
+by its present cultural state. The only exceptions are found
+in periods of an unusually rapid change or of disintegration. However,
+in this case also a readjustment occurs. Thus the stories of
+the modern negroes of Angola reflect the mixed culture of the
+west African coast. In the cultural background of the narrative,
+survivals do not play an important role, at least not under normal
+conditions. The plot may be old and taken from foreign sources,
+but in its adoption it undergoes radical changes.</p>
+
+<p>These remarks relating to literature do not mean, of course, that
+in other aspects of life ancient customs and beliefs may not persist
+over long periods.</p>
+
+<p>We have spoken so far of the structure of the elements of prose
+tales and songs. Important characteristics are found also in the
+manner of their composition. In the narratives of some people the
+episodes are anecdotally short; among others the wish for a more
+complex structure is felt. Often this is accomplished by the meagre
+device of concentrating all the anecdotes around one personage.</p>
+
+<p>In many cases the craftiness, strength, voracity or amorousness
+of the hero gives a more or less definite character to the whole
+cycle. The Raven tale of Alaska consists entirely of unrelated
+episodes. The only connecting element, besides the identity of the
+hero, is the voracity of the Raven; but even this disappears in
+many cases. Quite similar are the Coyote tales of the Plateaus,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_334">[334]</span>the Spider tales of the Sioux, the Rabbit tales of the Algonquin,
+the Spider tales of the Guinea coast, the Rabbit and Turtle tales
+of South Africa, and the Fox tales of Europe. There is no inner
+connection between the specific character of the hero and the contents
+in the anecdote of the hoodwinked dancers (birds are induced
+to dance with closed eyes so as to give the hero a chance to wring
+their necks without being observed); in the tale of the eye juggler
+(the hero who is induced to throw up his eyes which are then caught
+in the branches of a tree so that he becomes blind); or in the incident
+of the bungling host (the hero is invited to partake of magically
+obtained food and he reciprocates the invitation but is ignominiously
+defeated in his attempt to repeat the magical procedure).</p>
+
+<p>Sometimes the tales are strung on the slight thread of an Odyssey,
+of a tale of adventure and travel. To this class belongs the Eskimo
+tale of a hero who escaped a storm created by magic, and who
+encountered dangers of the sea which are described in some detail.
+He reaches a foreign coast and encounters cannibals and other dangerous
+creatures. Finally he reaches home again. Another case of
+this kind is a newly developed legend of the Tlingit of Alaska. In
+the early days of Russian colonization of Alaska the Tlingit attacked
+the fort at Sitka and the Russian governor, Baranoff, had to flee.
+After a few years he returned to reestablish the fort. This interval
+is filled by the Tlingit with a marvellous journey, telling how he
+goes in search of his son. He encounters fabulous beings that are
+known from other tales, visits the entrance to the lower world and
+communicates with the ghosts who give him instructions. Among
+the Pueblo Indians a large number of incidents are connected in a
+tale of migration in which the whole tribe participates.</p>
+
+<p>In other cases there is an effort to establish an inner connection
+between the single elements. Thus the disconnected Raven tale of
+Alaska has been remodelled in southern British Columbia in such
+a manner that some of the elements of the tale have been brought
+into an inner connection: The thunder-bird steals a woman. In
+order to recover her the raven makes a whale of wood and kills
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_335">[335]</span>the gum because he needs it to caulk the whale. In another tale
+the killing of the gum is the introduction to a visit to the sky.
+The sons of the murdered gum ascend the sky to take revenge.</p>
+
+<p>Other tales are so developed that they form a complex, novelistic
+plot. The creation legends of the Polynesians are of this character.
+Even among those tribes that enjoy the brief, etiological anecdote,
+tales occur that contain the elements of an epic poem. The bare
+outlines of a family story of the Kwakiutl may serve as an example:
+The Thunderbird and his wife live in heaven, they descend to our
+earth and become the ancestors of a family. The Transformer
+meets them and in a series of contests the two prove to be of
+equal power. Finally the transformer puts frogs into the stomach
+of the Thunderbird-ancestor who takes them out again and deposits
+them on a rock. The sons of one of his friends go and then the
+frogs enter their stomachs, but they are cured by the Thunderbird-ancestor.
+In return he receives a magic canoe. The tale goes on
+to relate the birth, magic growth, and exploits of his four children.
+His wife is ravished by a spirit and gives birth to a boy who is
+washed in the slime of a double-headed serpent. Thus his skin
+becomes stone. The tale continues with a long series of warlike
+exploits of this son. Finally he <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: woes" id="woes">woos</ins> a princess for one of his
+brothers. On a visit to her home the son of this princess is made
+fun of by the children in the village of her father. This results in
+a war in which the village of her father is destroyed. One of the
+wives of her father escapes and gives birth to a boy. The second
+wife of her father is enslaved by Stone-Body, the young man whose
+skin had been transformed into stone. She gives birth to a boy
+and by a ruse succeeds in making her escape with her son. The
+two brothers grow up and, in a series of adventures and exploits,
+both obtain supernatural power. They meet and travel towards the
+village of their father, killing and transforming on the way dangerous
+monsters. Meanwhile Stone-Body has obtained a ceremonial
+from a southern tribe and goes to Feather-Mountain in the north
+to obtain bird’s down, needed for this dance. On his way back he
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">[336]</span>meets the ancestors of another tribe and they have a contest of
+magical powers. In this he is overcome and killed with his whole
+crew. In the main story this incident is omitted. He goes on and
+the two brothers, the daughters of the escaped woman overturn his
+canoe and kill him. On a visit to her father the woman married to
+Stone-Body’s brother sees the head of Stone-Body and her child
+reports this after their return. Then her husband’s people set out
+to take revenge but all are killed by the two brothers, who give a
+<ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: feasts" id="feasts">feast</ins> in their house and maltreat their guests.</p>
+
+<p>So far we have considered only the reflection of cultural life
+in the form of the narrative. Its influence is also expressed in another
+manner. When the narrative is thoroughly integrated in the
+life of the people a process occurs quite similar to the one we observed
+in decorative art. As a geometric form often receives a
+secondary meaning that is read into it, so the narrative is given an
+interpretative significance that is quite foreign to the original tale;
+and as in decorative art the adventitious meaning varies in character
+according to the culture of the people, thus the style of the interpretation
+of a tale depends upon the cultural interests of the
+people telling it and, accordingly, assumes distinctive forms. We
+have found that art styles are apt to be disseminated over wide
+areas while the explanatory meaning of art forms shows much
+greater individuality. Precisely in the same manner, tales are apt
+to travel over enormous areas but their significance changes according
+to the various cultural interests of the tribes. As an example
+I refer to the story of the girl who married a dog, a tale widely
+spread in North America. It is used to explain the origin of the
+milky way (Alaska); the origin of the culture hero (British Columbia);
+the origin of the tribal ancestor (Southern British Columbia); the origin
+of a constellation (interior of British Columbia); the origin of a red
+cliff (interior of Alaska); the origin of the Dog Society (Blackfoot);
+and the reason why dogs are the friends of man (Arapaho).<a id="FNanchor_164_163" href="#Footnote_164_163" class="fnanchor">[164]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_164_163" href="#FNanchor_164_163" class="label">[164]</a> Waterman, The Explanatory Element in the Folk-tales of the North American
+Indians, Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 27 (1914), pp. 28 et seq.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">[337]</span></p>
+<p>The view of the historical development of explanatory tales here
+expressed is analogous to that regarding the relation of symbolism
+and design. The general type of interpretation of symbolism exists
+in the tribe and the tale is made to conform to it. In many
+cases the symbolic or interpretative explanation is a foreign element
+added on to the design or to the tale in agreement with a stylistic
+pattern controlling the imagination of the people. This process may
+lead indirectly also to a conformable stylistic development of other
+representations, or to attempts to give explanations for the phenomena of
+nature. Only on the basis of a pre-existing style which has its origin in non-symbolic
+and non-interpretative sources can the resultant form develop.</p>
+
+<p>It must not be assumed that the literary style of a people is uniform,
+on the contrary the forms are quite varied. I have pointed out
+before that unity of style is not found in decorative art either, that many
+cases may be adduced in which different styles are used in different
+industries or among different groups of the population. Just so we
+find in a tribe complex tales that have definite structural cohesion,
+and brief anecdotes; some told with an evident enjoyment of diffuse
+detail, others almost reduced to a formula. An example of this are
+the long stories and the animal fables of the Eskimo. The former
+treat of events happening in human society, of adventurous travel,
+of encounters with monsters and supernatural beings, of deeds of
+shamans. They are novelistic tales. On the other hand many of
+the animal fables are mere formulas. Similar contrasts are found
+in the tales and fables of the negroes.</p>
+
+<p>The styles of songs vary also considerably according to the occasion
+for which they are composed. Among the Kwakiutl we find
+long songs in which the greatness of the ancestors is described in
+the form of recitatives. In religious festivals songs are used of
+rigid rhythmic structure, accompanying dances. In these the same
+words or syllables are repeated over and over again, except that another
+appellation for the supernatural being in whose honor they are sung is
+introduced in each new stanza. Again of a different type are the
+love songs which are not by any means rare.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_338">[338]</span></p>
+<p>It is striking that certain literary forms are found among all the
+races of the old world while they are unknown in America. Here
+belongs particularly the proverb. The important position held by the
+proverb in the literature of Africa, Asia, and also of Europe until
+quite recent times, is well known. In Africa particularly do we
+find the proverb in constant use. It is even the basis of court decisions.
+The importance of the proverb in Europe is illustrated by
+the way in which Sancho Panza applies it. Equally rich is Asiatic
+literature in proverbial sayings. On the contrary, hardly any proverbial
+sayings are known from American Indians. I have referred
+before to a few metaphorical sayings of the Tsimshian, the only
+proverbial sayings known to me north of Mexico.<a id="FNanchor_165_164" href="#Footnote_165_164" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_165_164" href="#FNanchor_165_164" class="label">[165]</a> I collected one saying among the Eskimo of Cumberland Sound: “If I should
+go to get them I should be like one who goes to buy the backside of a salmon
+(i. e. something without value).”</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The same conditions are found in regard to the riddle, one of the
+favorite pass-times of the Old World, which is almost entirely absent
+in America. Riddles are known from the Yukon River, a region
+in which Asiatic influences may be discovered in several cultural
+traits, and also in Labrador. In other parts of the continent careful
+questioning has failed to reveal their occurrence. It is striking that
+even in New Mexico and Arizona, where Indians and Spaniards
+have been living side by side for several centuries and where Indian
+literature is full of Spanish elements, the riddle, nevertheless,
+has not been adopted, although the Spaniards of this region are as
+fond of riddles as those of other parts of the country. Sahagun,
+however, records a number of riddles from Mexico.<a id="FNanchor_166_165" href="#Footnote_166_165" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent"><a id="Footnote_166_165" href="#FNanchor_166_165" class="label">[166]</a> B. Sahagun (see note p. 132), Vol. 2, pp. 236, 237.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>As a third example I mention the peculiar development of the
+animal tale. Common to mankind the world over is the animal
+fable by means of which form and habits of animals, or the existence
+of natural phenomena are explained. The moralising fable,
+on the other hand, belongs to the Old World.</p>
+
+<p>The distribution of epic poetry is also wide, but nevertheless
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">[339]</span>limited to a fairly definitely circumscribed area, namely Europe and
+a considerable part of Central Asia. We have mentioned that in
+America long, connected tribal traditions occur, but up to this time
+no trace of a composition that might be called a romance or a true
+epic poem has ever been discovered. Neither can the Polynesian
+legends telling of the descent and deeds of their chiefs be designated
+as epic poetry. The distribution of this form can be understood
+only on the basis of the existence of ancient cultural relations. For
+this reason Wundt’s analysis of the origin of the epic poem does
+not seem adequate. It has a meaning only in so far as the inclination
+existed to express in song tribal history and the deeds of
+heroes, a pattern that developed locally, but that is not of universal
+occurrence.</p>
+
+<p>On the ground of the distribution of these types two conclusions
+may be established: the one that these forms are not necessary
+steps in the development of literary form, but that they occur only
+under certain conditions; the other that the forms are not determined
+by race, but depend upon historical happenings.</p>
+
+<p>If at the time when Europeans first came to the New World the
+literature of the Americans did not possess the three types of
+literature which we mentioned, it does not follow that they would
+have appeared at a later time. We have no reason whatever to
+assume that American literature was less developed than that of
+Africa. On the contrary, the art of narrative and poetry are highly
+developed in many parts of America. We must rather assume that
+the historical conditions have led to a form different from that of
+the Old World.</p>
+
+<p>The wide distribution of most of these forms among Europeans,
+Mongols, Malay, and Negro proves the independence of literary
+development from racial descent. It shows that it is one of the
+characteristics of the enormously extended cultural area, which
+embraces almost the whole of the Old World, and which in other
+features also appears in distinct contrast to the New World. I
+mention here only the development of a formal judicial procedure,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_340">[340]</span>founded on the taking of evidence, the oath and the ordeal and the
+absence of this complex in America; and the absence in America
+of the belief in obsession and of the evil eye which are widely
+known in the Old World.</p>
+
+<p>The characteristics of poetry lead us to a consideration of the
+forms of music. The only kind of music that is of universal
+occurrence is song; and the source of music must therefore be
+sought here. Universally valid characteristics of song will also be
+general principles of music. Two elements are common to all
+song: rhythm and fixed intervals. We have shown before that
+rhythm must not be conceived on the basis of our modern regularity
+as a sequence of measures of equal duration and somewhat
+free subdivision, but its form is much more general. Apparent irregularity
+must not be misinterpreted as a lack of rhythm, for in
+each repetition of a song the same order is preserved without
+change. Precisely as the rhythmic order in primitive decorative
+art is more complex than our own, so also is the rhythm of music
+liable to be more complex. Regular measures do occur, but they
+are not so rigidly confined to 2, 3 or 4 part time, as our own, but
+5 and 7 part sequences frequently occur, in fact predominate in
+some types of music: five part rhythms are common in northwestern
+America, 7 part rhythms in southern Asia. Alterations of rhythms
+that seem unfamiliar to us are found, as well as very complex
+sequences that cannot be reduced to measures at all. We may best
+describe the rhythm of many types of primitive music as consisting
+of a regular sequence of musical phrases of irregular structure.
+Sometimes the phrases expand into long rhythmic units without
+recognisable subdivision.</p>
+
+<p>A second and all-important element of all music is the use of
+fixed intervals which may be transposed from one point of the tone
+series to another and which are always recognized as equivalent.
+In singing, these intervals are naturally inaccurate, for intonation is
+uncertain and wavering and depends upon the intensity of emotional
+excitement. Intervals are liable to increase, as the emotions of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_341">[341]</span>singers are raised to a higher pitch. It is, therefore, difficult if not
+impossible to say what the singers intend to sing. The musical
+interval may be compared with the melody of language. Most
+languages do not use pitch in such a way that it is an important,
+significant part of articulation. The use of pitch in language is
+more widely distributed than is generally known. It is not by any
+means the exclusive feature of Chinese, but it occurs in Africa as
+well as in America, not to speak of its familiar use in the Scandinavian
+languages and in ancient Greek. Theoretically it is conceivable
+that early human speech might have used fixed intervals
+and musical phrasing of vowels and voiced consonants just as well
+as different <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: timber" id="timber">timbre</ins> of vowels (that is our <i>a</i>, <i>e</i>, <i>i</i>, <i>o</i>, <i>u</i>, and other
+vowel values), to express different ideas, but it cannot be proved
+that such was done. It is much more likely, according to available
+linguistic evidence that musical tone in language is a secondary
+development due to the disappearance of formative elements. We
+must also consider that in languages with tone, glides are of great
+importance and that these are not typical parts of the melodic
+sequence, although they occur as endings of phrases. Furthermore
+the intervals of speech are not fixed and vary considerably according
+to the position of the word in the phrase. It does not seem likely,
+therefore, that the melody can be derived directly from speech, as
+Herbert Spencer tried to do. I rather adhere to the opinion of
+Stumpf who demands a different origin for the fixed interval. The
+sustained cry is much more likely to use fixed intervals and stable tones.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever their origin may have been, we must recognize the
+existence of fixed intervals and their transponability as the fundamental
+requirements of all music. It is true that in some languages the value
+of the fixed interval is keenly felt. This is demonstrated by the
+so-called drum language of West Africa in which the speech melody
+and rhythm is repeated on drums of definite tones and where these
+tone sequences are understood.</p>
+
+<p>Further investigation of primitive music requires a study of the
+intervals themselves. Notwithstanding the great differences of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">[342]</span>systems we find that all intervals may be interpreted as subdivisions
+of the octave. To the untrained ear the octave appears very commonly
+as a single tone; in other words, no distinction is made
+between a tone and its octave. To a lesser extent this is true of
+the fifth and even of the fourth. The majority of intervals that
+have been found must be considered as subdivisions of the octave.
+However, the subdivision does not always proceed according to
+harmonic principles as in our music, but by equidistant tones. The
+development of harmony in modern music has had the effect that
+we have lost all feeling for equidistance in a harmonic series and
+that the recent music in which non-harmonic equidistant tones are
+applied require a difficult break with the pattern of musical form to
+which we are accustomed. After a long struggle, we have reached a
+compromise between the two systems, the harmonic and the equidistant,
+by dividing the octave into twelve equal parts which give
+a fairly close agreement to the natural harmonic intervals, although
+the differences are audible to a trained ear. The Javanese divide
+the octave into seven equidistant steps, the Siamese into five, systems
+that are in fundamental conflict with those of our music. In
+short, a great variety of scales exist and serve as foundation for
+the musical systems of different people. All seem to have in
+common as foundation the octave.</p>
+
+<p>I will not enter into this intricate subject any further, because a
+safe method has not yet been found that would enable us to tell
+definitely what people <em>want</em> to sing among whom there is no theory
+of music, as it exists among ourselves or the civilized people of
+Asia, and who have no exactly constructed instruments.</p>
+
+<p>Among musical instruments one type is of universal distribution:
+the percussion instruments, or perhaps better instruments for producing
+noises that carry the rhythm of the song. In the simplest
+cases these are sticks with which boards or other resounding objects
+are struck. But besides these we find everywhere the use of some
+kind of a drum: wooden, hollow boxes, hollow cylinders or hoops
+covered with a drum head of skin. Rattles, and locally other
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">[343]</span>devices for producing noises occur. Not so general, for musical
+purposes, is the use of wind instruments. Whistles used as calls
+are perhaps universal, but the flute or pipe is not used everywhere
+as a musical instrument. Still more restricted is the use of stringed
+instruments. At the time of the discovery they were entirely unknown
+in America. Among primitive tribes, including the whole of
+America, song was accompanied only by rhythmic beating on instruments
+of percussion. It is interesting to note that the beats did not
+always coincide with the accent of the song, but had often an independent,
+though coordinated rhythm (see p. <a href="#Page_315">315</a>). Singing in several
+parts is also unknown in primitive music. In Africa solo singing
+and response of a chorus occurs, and a kind of polyphony due to
+the overlapping of these. Sometimes true singing in parts has been
+observed in Africa.</p>
+
+<p>Music is always expressionistic and we are apt to associate with
+a tune and rhythm a definite mood, but these associations vary
+considerably with local styles. I have referred, in another place,
+to the feelings associated among ourselves with the major and minor
+keys. These are not by any means shared by people who have
+grown up under the influence of another musical style. It is likely
+that the symbolic meaning of music alone is vaguer than that of
+song; but it is difficult to reach a definite decision in regard to
+this question, for there is very little music without song or without
+association with symbolic or representative actions. The condition
+is perhaps comparable to that found in the symbolic significance of
+graphic and plastic arts, the connotations of which are, as we have
+seen, certain only when a definite relation between form and implied
+content exist. It is intelligible that a type of tune that is always
+applied in mourning ceremonies will produce the proper emotional
+effect, while the same type of tune without such definite setting
+might have quite a different effect.</p>
+
+<p>The present state of our knowledge of primitive music does not
+permit us to establish definite musical areas, but enough is known
+to prove that as all other cultural features, we may recognize a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">[344]</span>series of musical areas, each characterized by common fundamental
+traits. The narrow compass of tunes of east Siberian songs, the
+falling cadence with repetition of motives on a falling series of
+fundamental tones among the Plains Indians, the antiphony of Negro
+songs are examples of this kind. The varying systems of tonality,
+the use of purely instrumental music, the kind of accompaniment
+of song, are others. It seems quite certain that it will be possible
+to determine large areas in which, by diffusion, similar types of
+musical art have developed and in which, by subdivision, local
+types may be segregated similar in character to those found in
+decorative art. Even in the modern folk music of Europe a definite
+character of the folkmusic of each nation may be recognized.
+Borrowed melodies adapted to local forms illustrate this type of
+individuality. As an example of such adaptation I give on the next
+page a German song which has been adopted by the Mexicans. It
+was probably carried there by the army of Maximilian.</p>
+
+<p>On account of the interrelation between body movements and
+articulations it seems likely that rhythmic body movements release
+rhythmic articulations, that is song; and that in this sense, songs
+that consist of meaningless syllables may have their origin in
+movement. On the other hand the excitement engendered by song
+leads to movements that are related to the rhythm of the song, so
+that in this sense, a dance is conditioned by the song. We mean
+here by dance, the rhythmic movements of any part of the body,
+swinging of the arms, movement of the trunk or head, or
+movements of the legs and feet. The two forms of expression are
+mutually determined.</p>
+
+<p>We have to remember here the general remarks which we made
+in the beginning in regard to all art. We saw that without a formal
+element art does not exist. Technical work without fixed form does
+not create artistic enjoyment. In the same way violent, expressive
+movement born of the passion of the moment is not art. Art as
+an expression of feeling requires form as much as art born of the
+control of technical processes. If it were not selfevident we might
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">[345]</span>have pointed out also that the passionate cry is neither poetry nor
+music. It is, therefore, not appropriate to call dance all the violent
+movements that occur in the lives of primitive people. We must
+reserve the term to movements of fixed form, although it may be
+recognized that in the height of excitement dance may turn into a
+formless tumult of motion, as music may change to formless cries
+of wildest excitement.</p>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="music" >
+  <img class="w100" src="images/i_378.jpg" alt="(Page of Music)">
+<figcaption>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry" lang="de">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Denkst du daran, mein <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: tapfrer" id="tapfrer">tapfer</ins> Lagienka, dass ich dereinst in</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">unserm Vaterland, an eurer Spitze nah bei Dubienka, viertausend</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">gegen sechzehntausend stand? Denkst du daran, wie ich vom Feind umgeben,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">mit Mühe nur die Freiheit uns gewann? Ich denke</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">dran, ich danke dir mein Leben; doch du, Soldat, Soldat denkst du daran.<span class=fnanchor id="FNanchor_de_mus">[<a href="#Footnote_trans1">Trans. 1</a>]</span></div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p class="center">
+    <audio title="Listen" controls="controls"><source src="music/i_378_music_german.mp3">Audio content is not currently supported on your device.</audio>  [<a href="music/i_378_music_german.mxl">MusicXML</a>]
+</p>
+
+
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry" lang="es">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Yo trobador, yo pobre sin fortuna, si te admiro las</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">gracias que tu tienes; yo no te veo mas bella que la luna, si te adoro</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">me perdonas otra vez. Proscrito yo, en extranjero</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">suelo, no hay piedad de un triste trobador. Proscrito</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">yo en extranjero suelo, no hay piedad de un triste trobador.
+<span class=fnanchor><a  id="FNanchor_es_mus"  href="#Footnote_trans2" class="label">[Trans. 2]</a></span>
+
+</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p class="center">
+    <audio title="Listen" controls="controls"><source src="music/i_378_music_mexican.mp3">Audio content is not currently supported on your device.</audio>  [<a href="music/i_378_music_mexican.mxl">MusicXML</a>]
+</p>
+</figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnote">
+<a id="Footnote_trans1" href="#FNanchor_de_mus" class="label">[Trans. 1]</a>
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">Do you remember, my brave Lagienka, that I once stood in</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">our fatherland, at your head near Dubienka, four thousand</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">against sixteen thousand? Do you remember how I was surrounded by the enemy,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">how hard it was to gain our freedom? I remember,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">I owe you my life; but you, soldier, soldier, remember it too.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+</div>
+<div class="footnote" >
+<a id="Footnote_trans2" href="#FNanchor_es_mus" class="label">[Trans. 2]</a>
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0"> I troubadour, I poor without fortune, if I admire the</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">graces that you have; I don’t see you more beautiful than the moon, if I adore you,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">forgive me again. Banished I, in a foreign</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">soil, there is no mercy for a sad troubadour. Banished</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">I, in a foreign soil, there is no mercy for a sad troubadour.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">[346]</span></p>
+<p>We observe among all primitive tribes that emotions finding vent
+in motor activities adopt a definite form. In this sense dance as
+an art form may be purely formal, that is, devoid of symbolic meaning.
+Its esthetic effect may be founded on the enjoyment of body movement,
+often reinforced by that emotional excitement that is released by the
+dance movement. The more formal the dance, the stronger will be
+the purely esthetic enjoyment, as against the emotional element.</p>
+
+<p>We are not well informed in regard to the local distribution of
+dance types among primitive people but enough is known to allow
+us to state that, as in decorative art and in music, areas of similar
+dance forms occur. The joint dances of the Pueblo Indians in
+which participate a large number of dancers dressed alike and in formation,
+are quite foreign to the North Pacific coast where the single
+dance prevails. In the formal woman’s dance of the Northwest
+Coast, the dancer stays in the same place with hands raised to the
+height of the face, palms forward and trembling. The body movements
+are carried on by gentle bending of the knees and slight
+swaying of the body. The Koryak dancer who holds the drum,
+moves in quite another way, swinging his body from the hips and
+beating the drum (see fig. <a href="#fig_73">73</a>, p. 79). Joint dances of the two sexes
+are rare and the dancers do not often so move that their bodies are
+in intimate contact. We find more frequently either single dances or
+a number of performers who repeat the same movements. The
+effectiveness of the dance is increased by the order in which the
+dancers stand and move.</p>
+
+<p>Symbolic movements are perhaps even more frequent than purely
+formal dance. They are used not only in accompanying song but
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_347">[347]</span>also in oratory, and the muscular play accompanying lively conversation
+of both the speaker and the hearer is a manifestation of the
+relation between language and symbolic movements. These are also
+standardized in each cultural area. The number of organically
+determined gestures is very small. Most of them are culturally
+patterned. Many are so automatic that they are called forth
+immediately by the form of thought. In other cases the speaker
+enhances the effect of his words by appropriate gestures and the
+meaning of song is often brought out more vividly by significant
+movements. Thus the chorus of the Indians of the Pueblo of
+Laguna sing:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“In the east rises the sun youth,</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Here westward he moves with life and vegetation.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">Carrying them in his basket while he is walking along.”</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>When this song is sung the singer faces westward and moves forward.
+The word “vegetation” is expressed by pushing the hands
+alternately upward; “basket” by describing a wide circle with both
+hands and bringing them together in front of the body. The gesture
+expresses the act of carrying in a basket. The word “walking” is
+indicated by stretching the hands out forward in front of the body
+and waving them up and up.</p>
+
+<p>The Kwakiutl sing as follows:<a id="FNanchor_167_166" href="#Footnote_167_166" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza"><div class="verse indent0">“I am going around the world eating everywhere with</div>
+<div class="verse indent6">Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World.</div>
+<div class="verse indent0">I went to the center of the world; Cannibal-at-the-</div>
+<div class="verse indent6">North-End-of-the-World is crying “food”.</div></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><div class="footnote"><p class="noindent">
+<a id="Footnote_167_166" href="#FNanchor_167_166" class="label">[167]</a>
+F. Boas, Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians,
+Annual Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, p. 457.</p></div>
+</div>
+<p>The dancer accompanies this song which is sung by a chorus, with
+movements. His arms tremble from right to left. To the words,
+“I am going” the arms are stretched out to one side; “All around
+the world”, they swing around in a round circle; “I,” the shoulders
+are alternately brought forward and backward; “eating everywhere”,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">[348]</span>the right hand stretches far out as though it was taking food, and
+is then brought to the mouth, while the left describes a wide circle,
+indicating “everywhere”; “Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World”,
+both hands are bent inward and the finger tips moved toward the
+mouth, meaning “the eater”; “I went” is expressed as before;
+“Cannibal-at-North-End-of-the-World is crying ‘food’ for me”, the
+sign of the cannibal spirit is made; then the arms are stretched far
+backward, the palms turned downward, and the head is lowered,
+this being the cannibal spirit’s attitude when crying “food”. “At
+the center of the world”, when these words are sung the dancer
+is in front of the fire and looks up to the rear of the house in the
+characteristic attitude of the cannibal, the rear of the house being
+the center of the world.</p>
+
+<p>The further development of movement accompanying the song
+leads to true pantomimic and ultimately to dramatic performances.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_349">[349]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONCLUSION">CONCLUSION</h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap">We have now completed our review of the forms of primitive
+art and we shall try to sum up the results of our inquiry.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen that art arises from two sources, from technical
+pursuits and from the expression of emotions and thought, as soon
+as these take fixed forms. The more energetic the control of form
+over uncoordinated movement, the more esthetic the result. Artistic
+enjoyment is, therefore, based essentially upon the reaction of our
+minds to form. The same kind of enjoyment may be released by
+impressions received from forms that are not the handiwork of man,
+but they may not be considered as art, although the esthetic reaction
+is not different from the one we receive from the contemplation or
+the hearing of a work of art. When speaking of artistic production
+they must be excluded. When considering only esthetic reactions
+they must be included.</p>
+
+<p>The esthetic effect of artistic work developing from the control
+of technique alone is based on the joy engendered by the mastery
+of technique and also by the pleasure produced by the perfection
+of form. The enjoyment of form may have an elevating effect upon
+the mind, but this is not its primary effect. Its source is in part
+the pleasure of the virtuoso who overcomes technical difficulties that
+baffle his cleverness. As long as no deeper meaning is felt in the
+significance of form, its effect is for most individuals, pleasurable,
+not elevating.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen that in the various arts definite formal principles
+manifest themselves, the origin of which we did not try to explain,
+but which we accepted as present in the art of man the world over,
+and which for this reason we considered as the most ancient, the
+most fundamental characteristics of all art. In the graphic and
+plastic arts these elements are symmetry, rhythm and emphasis of
+form. We found symmetry to be very generally right and left and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_350">[350]</span>suggested that this may be due to the symmetry of manual movements
+as well as to the observation of right and left symmetry in
+animals and in man. We also observed that rhythmic repetition
+runs ordinarily in horizontal bands and pointed out the general
+experience that natural objects of the same or similar kind are
+arranged in horizontal strata, such as woods, mountains, and clouds;
+legs, body and limbs. Rhythmic form seems to be closely related
+to technical processes, although other causes of rhythmic repetition
+are revealed in poetry. The simplest technical processes produce
+a simple repetition of the same motives, while with increasing virtuosity
+more complex orders become the rule. The more virtuosity
+is developed, the more complex are the rhythms that are liable to
+make their appearance. The ability of primitive artists to appreciate
+rhythm seems to be much greater than our own.</p>
+
+<p>The desire to emphasize form made itself felt in the application
+of lines to the rim. We also observed the tendency of the rim
+designs to become exuberant and to encroach upon the decorative
+field. No less important is the tendency to attach ornament to
+prominent places of the decorated object and to divide the decorative
+field according to fixed principles.</p>
+
+<p>While the features so far considered are common characteristics
+of art the world over, they do not explain the style of separate
+areas. We considered this problem in some detail in the field of
+decorative art. Here our attention was first arrested by the fact
+that purely formal art, or perhaps better, art that is apparently
+purely formal, is given a meaning endowing it with an emotional
+value that does not belong to the beauty of form alone. It is an
+expressionistic element that is common to many forms of primitive
+art. It is effective because in the mind of the tribes certain forms
+are symbols of a limited range of ideas. The firmer the association
+between a form and a definite idea, the more clearly stands out the
+expressionistic character of the art. This is true in the graphic and
+plastic arts as well as in music. In the former a geometrical form,
+in the latter a sound cluster, a particular type of musical phrasing,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_351">[351]</span>if associated with a definite meaning, evokes definite emotions or even
+concepts. A study of these conditions shows also that a uniform
+reaction to form is indispensable for the effectiveness of an expressionistic
+art, a condition which is not fulfilled in our own modern
+society, so that an expressionistic art can appeal only to a circle of
+adepts who follow the lines of thought and feeling developed by a
+master. Symbolic art can still be applied successfully in the case
+of a few symbols that have fixed associations which are valid for
+all of us.</p>
+
+<p>The wide distribution of symbolic forms and the remoteness of
+their resemblance to the objects they symbolize led us to a consideration
+of the question of their history. We examined particularly the
+theory that all artistic reproduction is by origin naturalistic and that
+geometrization grows up only when the artist tries to introduce
+ideas that are not inherent in the object itself. We saw that this
+theory cannot be maintained, because realistic representation and
+geometrization spring from distinctive sources. In plastic art the
+contrast between the two tendencies does not appear as clearly as
+in graphic art. In the former it is found more in surface treatment
+than in general outline. In graphic art the matter is complicated
+by the difficulties involved in representing a three-dimensional object
+on a two-dimensional surface, a problem which the artist has to solve.
+This may be done in one of two ways. Either a perspective representation
+of the object as it appears at a given moment may be
+attempted, or the artist may decide that the essential point is to
+show all its characteristic parts, no matter whether they are visible
+in a single view or not. The former method lays stress upon the
+accidental features, it is impressionistic; the latter stresses those
+elements that are felt to constitute the fundamental qualities of the
+object, it is expressionistic. The two methods which we called the
+symbolic and the perspective are absolutely distinct and the one
+cannot be developed from the other. We have also seen that the
+consistent application of the perspective method is reached only
+when we introduce also the principle of indistinctness of those points
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_352">[352]</span>that are removed from the center of the field of vision and that of
+dependence of color upon environment. Both of these have been tried
+in our day, without having found general acceptance. The symbolic
+method is always more or less wavering in the application of its
+principle. Sometimes perspective correctness of outline is attempted
+with a considerable degree of freedom in regard to the detailed treatment
+of those symbols that are considered important. Of this character
+are the Egyptian paintings with their vacillation between front
+and side views. In other cases the realism of outline is entirely
+sacrificed and the form may be reduced to a mere assembly of
+symbols.</p>
+
+<p>The theory has been advanced that geometric ornament developed
+through the degeneration of perspective designs; in part perhaps
+also through that of symbolic designs. It is assumed that the symbol,
+or the object represented was misunderstood and that in course
+of time through a process of slurring, by careless and inaccurate
+representation the forms became fragmentary and finally lost all
+semblance to the original. It is not possible to accept this theory,
+because the conditions under which the supposed slurring occurs
+are seldom realized. Slovenly work does not occur in an untouched
+primitive culture. Misunderstandings may happen in cases of borrowing
+of designs or in that of a gradual transformation of those concepts
+that find expression in decorative art. Actual slurring is found
+in factory production. By an examination of a few cases of this
+kind we were able to show that it does not lead to geometrization,
+but to the growth of an individualism akin to that of our handwriting.
+It cannot be denied that in such cases occasion for re-interpretation
+with consequent changes of form occur, but these are not
+frequent. On the other hand we were able to show that reading in
+of realistic meanings into geometric forms is quite common. We
+proved this by means of a detailed comparison of the style of
+painting and embroidery of the North American Plains Indians
+which we found to be practically identical everywhere, while the
+interpretations varied from tribe to tribe. This phenomenon agrees
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">[353]</span>with the general tendency to keep intact the form, but to endow it
+with new meaning according to the chief cultural interests of the
+people. We pointed out the prevalence of the same tendency in
+folk-tales and ritual. As a general explanation the geometrization of
+realistic patterns is, therefore, unacceptable. In the majority of cases
+it seems to be rather due to the inclination of man to give a
+meaning to geometric form, as we enjoy reading meanings into the
+forms of clouds and mountains. We were also able to describe
+a few cases in which the process of reading in has actually been
+observed.</p>
+
+<p>Another fact prevents us from considering geometrization as a
+general historical process. It is very seldom only that the steps
+are found so distributed that they can be proved to follow one another
+in time. Much oftener all are found at the same time among
+the same people.</p>
+
+<p>Considering all these points we reached the conclusion that the
+stylistic form which contains to a greater or lesser extent constant
+geometrical elements, is decisive in determining the manner in which
+representations are rendered. We were thus led to the attempt to
+find the principles underlying art styles.</p>
+
+<p>We approached this subject by the study of a few art forms.
+We compared a number of art styles that make use of the spiral
+and found in each characteristic traits, as well regarding the form of
+the spiral as in the handling of the decorative field. In the same
+way we observed that in the art of the North American Indians
+the same kind of triangles and rectangles are used by all the tribes,
+but that there exist typical differences in the treatment of the
+decorative field. The problem was carried through in some detail
+by means of a study of the decorative art of the North Pacific coast
+which is highly symbolic in character. This example taught us an
+additional point, namely that in symbolic art the selection of symbols
+is of decisive importance in defining the style and that the arrangement
+of the symbols is subject to the same formal treatment of the
+decorative field which control the arrangement of geometrical motives.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">[354]</span></p>
+<p>On the basis of this study we conclude that the particular types
+of geometrical motives that enter into the representative form, as
+well as the treatment of the decorative field determine the character
+of the design and that the degree of realism depends upon the
+relative importance of the geometric and representative elements.
+When the purely decorative tendency prevails we have essentially
+geometrical, highly conventionalized forms, when the idea of representation
+prevails, we have, on the contrary, more realistic forms.
+In every case, however, the formal element that characterizes the
+style, is older than the particular type of representation. This does
+not signify that early representations do not occur, it means that
+the method of representation was always controlled by formal elements
+of distinctive origin.</p>
+
+<p>The pattern of artistic expression that emerges from a long,
+cumulative process determined by a multiplicity of causes fashions
+the form of the art work. We recognize the permanence of pattern
+in those cases in which a useful form that has lost its function
+persists as a decorative element; in the imitation in new materials
+of natural forms used at one time as utensils, and in the transfer
+of forms from one technique to another. The fixity of the pattern
+does not permit the artist to apply natural forms unmodified to
+decorative purposes. His imagination is limited by the pattern. In
+cases of greater freedom the representative value may not be
+seriously encroached upon. Such is the case for instance, with
+the oriental palmetto and the ear ornaments of the Marquesas Islands,
+on which in olden times two deities were represented, back
+to back, while nowadays two girls in a swing are carved, in exactly
+the same spacial arrangement. When the pattern is highly formal
+and not adapted to representation, an apparent geometrization may
+be the result. The distinction between these two aspects appears
+clearly in those cases in which pictography and symbolic geometric
+art appear side by side.</p>
+
+<p>The art of the North Pacific coast proved also that we must not
+assume that the style of a tribe must always be uniform, but that
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_355">[355]</span>it is quite possible that in different industries, particularly when
+carried along by different parts of the population, quite distinctive
+styles may prevail. The excellence and consistency of a style as
+well as the multiplicity of forms depend upon the perfection of
+technique. We found, therefore, that in those cases in which
+technical work is done by the men alone, they are the creative
+artists, that when the women do a great deal of technical work they
+are no less productive, and that when the two sexes carry on
+different industries they may develop distinctive styles. It is, however,
+more frequent that the style of a dominant industry may be
+imposed upon work made by other processes. Weaving in coarse
+material seemed to be a most fertile source of patterns that are
+imitated in paintings, carvings, and pottery.</p>
+
+<p>A comparison of the fundamental elements that are found in the
+graphic and plastic arts,—in the arts of space,—as contrasted
+with those of poetry, music, and dance,—the arts of time,—brings
+out certain differences and similarities. Common to both are rhythm,
+and it seems likely that the rhythm of technique is merely a spacial
+expression of the rhythm of time, in so far as the rhythmic movements
+result in rhythmic forms when applied to technical pursuits.
+We may perhaps also speak in both types of art of attempts to
+emphasize closed forms, for often we find musical phrases, and
+single ideas in poetry closed by what might be called a decorative
+end, consisting of burdens or of codas. Similar elements may also
+appear as introductions in the beginning. Completely lacking in the
+pure arts of time is symmetry, because an inverted time order does
+not convey the impression of symmetry, as is the case in the arts
+of space. It occurs only in a symmetrical arrangement of phrases.
+Dance contains elements of both the spacial and time arts. Therefore,
+the principles of the former may be clearly observed in dance forms.
+Rhythmic movements and rhythmic spacial order, symmetry of position
+and of movement, and emphasis and balance of form are essential
+in esthetic dance forms.</p>
+
+<p>The graphic and plastic arts owe much of their emotional value
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">[356]</span>to the representative and symbolic values of form. This is no less
+true in literature, music and dance. Narrative and poetry so far
+as they contain intelligible words, always have a meaning which may
+have a deep significance because they touch upon those aspects of
+life that stir the emotions. Frequently there is an added meaning,
+when the words have a symbolic, ulterior significance related
+to religious beliefs or philosophical ideas. In music and dance also
+symbolic significance is often attached to form.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>We are at the end of our considerations, but one question remains
+to be answered. We have seen that the desire for artistic
+expression is universal. We may even say that the mass of the
+population in primitive society feels the need of beautifying their
+lives more keenly than civilized man, at least more than those
+whose lives are spent under the urgent necessity of acquiring the
+meagre means of sustenance. But among others also the desire for
+comfort has often superseded the desire for beauty. Among primitive
+people the <span lang="grc">καλὸν κἀγαθόν</span> coincide. Goodness and beauty are
+the same. Do they then possess the same keenness of esthetic
+appreciation that is found at least in part of our population? I
+believe we may safely say that in the narrow field of art that is
+characteristic of each people the enjoyment of beauty is quite the
+same as among ourselves: intense among a few, slight among the
+mass. The readiness to abandon one’s self to the exaltation induced
+by art, is probably greater, because the conventional restraint of
+our times does not exist in the same forms in their lives. What
+distinguishes modern esthetic feeling from that of primitive people
+is the manifold character of its manifestations. We are not so much
+bound by a fixed style. The complexity of our social structure and
+our more varied interests allow us to see beauties that are closed
+to the senses of people living in a narrower culture. It is the
+quality of their experience, not a difference in mental make-up that
+determines the difference between modern and primitive art production
+and art appreciation.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_357">[357]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="TEXT_FIGURES">TEXT FIGURES</h2></div>
+
+
+<table class="autotable wd90">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="3"></td>
+<td class="tdr fs60">Page</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdlt">Fig.</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_1">1.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Front of painted box, Tlingit, Alaska (A. M. N. H. 19/1074)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">18</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_2">2.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Jar from Zuni (A. M. N. H. 50.1/3333)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">19</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_3_4">3.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Coiled basketry</td>
+<td class="tdrb">20</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_3_4">4.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Twined basketry (From G. T. Emmons, Basketry of the Tlingit, Memoirs A. M. N. H., Vol. 3, fig. 294, p. 240)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">20</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_5">5.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Chipped flint implements; <i>a</i>, American Indian, A. M. N. H. T 18542; <i>b</i>, Egypt, A. M. N. H. 75.0/820</td>
+<td class="tdrb">21</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_6">6.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Part of surface of wooden sail, Kwakiutl Indians, Vancouver Island (A. M. N. H. 16.1/1744)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">23</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_7">7.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painted board, Tierra del Fuego (After Wilhelm Koppers, <span lang="de">Unter Feuerland-Indianern</span>, fig. 6, p. 48)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">23</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_8">8.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Bushman designs; to the left, designs from ostrich eggs (After Felix
+von Luschan, <span lang="de">Zeitschrift für Ethnologie</span>, Vol. 55, pp. 32, 33, 37); to
+
+the right above (From Leonhard Schultze, <span lang="de">Aus Namaland und Kalahari</span>, p. 672); to the
+ right below, bracelet made of horn (After E. von Sydow, <span lang="de">Die Kunst der Naturvölker
+ und der Vorzeit</span>, p. 158)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">23</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_9">9.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Kaffer headrests (After Henrik P. M. Muller and John F. Snelleman,
+<span lang="fr">L’Industrie des Caffres</span>, Pl. XIV, figs. 4 and 5)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">23</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_10">10.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Paddle and shield, New Ireland (A. M. N. H. S 2266, S 1409)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">25</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_11_12">11.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Plan of rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians</td>
+<td class="tdrb">26</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_11_12">12.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians</td>
+<td class="tdrb">26</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_13_14">13.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians (A. M. N. H. 50/3594)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">27</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_13_14">14.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians (A. M. N. H. 50/3596)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">27</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_15">15.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians, Public Museum
+of the City of Milwaukee, 30740; <i>b</i>, Design on rawhide for a box,
+Sauk and Fox Indians (A. M. N. H. 50/2284)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">28</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_16">16.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Fringe from legging, Thompson Indians (From James Teit, The Thompson
+Indians, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I,
+fig. 313, p. 384)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">29</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_17">17.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Twilled weaving showing alternation of patterns (A. M N. H. 16/8191)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">30</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_18">18.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carving on bow of Bella Bella canoe, British Columbia (A. M. N. H.)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">30</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_19_20">19.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Rattle used in twin ceremonial. Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia
+(A. M. N. H. 16/8282)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">31</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_19_20">20.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Base of flint knife, Scandinavia (After Sophus Müller, <span lang="de">Nordische Altertumskunde</span>,
+fig. 97, p. 190)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">31</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_21">21.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Face painting, Tierra del Fuego (After Wilhelm Koppers, <span lang="de">Unter
+Feuerland-Indianern</span>, Pl. V)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">32 </td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_22">22.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Australian shields (A. M. N. H. S 3957, S 421)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">33<span class="pagenum">[358]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_23">23.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl"> Paleolithic paintings (After Hugo Obermaier, Fossil Man in Spain, fig.
+104, p. 234)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">33</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_24">24.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl"> Patterns from bamboo combs (After Vaughn Stevens, <span lang="de">Zeitschrift für
+Ethnologie</span>, Vol. XXV, Pl. I)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">35</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_25">25.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl"> Designs from bamboo spear, New Guinea (<span lang="de">Museum für Völkerkunde,
+Hamburg</span>. After Ernst Fuhrmann, Neu Guinea, p. 114)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">35</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_26">26.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Etruscan vase (After M. Ebert,<span lang="de"> Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte</span>, Vol.
+III, Pl. XXVIII c, p. 140)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">35</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_27">27.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Peruvian designs (After Inca, Vol. I, fig. 32, p. 230)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">35</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_28_30">28.</a></td><td class="tdl">Painted rawhide bags, Shuswap, British Columbia (From James Teit,
+The Shuswap, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition,
+Vol. II, fig. 220, p. 498)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">36</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_29">29.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs of the Dayak (After Alois Raimund Hein, <span lang="de">Die bildenden
+Künste bei den Dayaks auf Borneo</span>, Pl. IV, fig. 6; Pl. V, fig. 1)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">37</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_28_30">30.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carved board, Kaiserin Augusta Fluss, New Guinea (<span lang="de">Museum für
+Völkerkunde</span>, Hamburg. After E. Fuhrmann, Neu Guinea, p. 112).
+The two reversed spiral elements are indicated by dark and light shading.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">36</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_31">31.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, Designs from pottery of ancient Pueblos (After J. Walter Fewkes,
+An Archaeological Collection from Youngs Canyon near Flagstaff, Arizona,
+Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collection, Vol. 77, No. 10, Pl. 4<i>e</i>).
+<i>b</i>, Designs from pottery of ancient Pueblos (After J. Walter Fewkes,
+Designs on Prehistoric Pottery from Mimbres Valley, New Mexico,
+<i>Ibid.</i> Vol. 74, No. 6, fig. 36, p. 33)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">37</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_32">32.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Bronze ornament, Sweden, 7th Century A. D.
+(After E. von Sydow,
+<span lang="de">Die Kunst der Naturvölker und der Vorzeit</span>, p. 480)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">38</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_33">33.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl">Design from Peruvian textile (After Walter Lehmann, <span lang="de">Kunstgeschichte
+des alten Peru</span>, Pl. 4, p. 20)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">38</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_34">34.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs from Peruvian textile (<i>Ibid.</i> Pl. 3, p. 16)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">39</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_35">35.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Pot of coiled pottery, prehistoric Pueblo Indians (A. M. N. H.)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">40</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_36">36.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Necklace of
+Thompson Indians (After Gladys A. Reichard, American
+Anthropologist, Vol. XXIV, 1922, p. 188)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">41</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_37">37.</a> </td><td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, Koryak embroidery
+(From W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Jesup North
+Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI, fig. 206, p. 690). <i>b</i>, Koryak embroidery
+(<i>Ibid.</i> fig. 210, p. 693)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">43</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_38">38.</a> </td><td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, Koryak embroideries (<i>Ibid.</i> figs. 211-215, p. 693-696)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">45</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_39">39.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Peruvian embroidery from Ica (A. M. N. H.)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">47</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_40">40.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Peruvian fabric (The Necropolis of Ancon,
+ W. Reiss and A. Stübel,
+Vol. II, Pl. 67 <i>b</i>, fig. 3)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">49</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_41">41.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl">Peruvian fabric (<i>Ibid.</i> Pl. 67, fig. 6)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">49</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_42">42.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl">Peruvian fabric (<i>Ibid.</i> Pl. 48, fig. 2)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">50<span class="pagenum">[359]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_43">43.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl">Peruvian fabric (<i>Ibid.</i> Pl. 61)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">50</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_44">44.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl">Peruvian fabric (<i>Ibid.</i> Pl. 66 <i>a</i>, fig. 1)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">51</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_45">45.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl">Peruvian fabric (<i>Ibid.</i> Pl. 68 <i>a</i>, fig. 3)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">51</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_46">46.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl">Peruvian fabric (<i>Ibid.</i> Pl. 66, fig. 3)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">51</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_47">47.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl">Patterns from Mexican Codex (Codex Nuttall)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">53</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_48">48.</a> </td><td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, Pottery vessel from Finland
+ (After M. Ebert, <span lang="de">Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte</span>,
+Vol. III, Pl. 125 <i>k</i>). <i>b</i>, Pottery vessel, Ica, Peru, A. M. N. H.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">55</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_49">49.</a> </td><td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, Birchbark vessels
+ from the Amur River (From Berthold Laufer,
+The Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup North Pacific Expedition,
+Vol. IV, Pl. 20). <i>c</i>, Birchbark basket, Shuswap, British Columbia.
+<i>d</i>, <i>e</i>, Bark buckets, Alaska (<i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, <i>e</i>, from James Teit, The Shuswap,
+Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. II, figs. 205, 207).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">56</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_50">50.</a> </td><td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, Pottery vessels,
+ Chiriqui, Costa Rica (After G. G. MacCurdy,
+A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy
+of Arts and Sciences, Vol. III [1911], figs. 92, 85). <i>c</i>, Fort Colburne,
+Ontario (After 31st. Ann. Archaeological Report, Ontario, 1919, p. 83).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">57</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_51">51.</a> </td><td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, Part of soapstone kettle;
+ <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, Ivory combs, Eskimo (From F.
+Boas, The Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson Bay, Bull. A. M. N. H.
+Vol. XV, 1907, figs. 215, 254)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">58</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_52">52.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl">Wood carving, Bambala, Congo (After Torday and Joyce,<span lang="fr"> Notes ethnographiques
+sur les peuples communément appelés Bakuba, etc. Les
+Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques concernant les populations du
+Congo Belge</span>, Vol. II, Pl. 25, fig. 7)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">59</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_53_54_55">53.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Pottery vessel, Molkenberg type, Megalithic
+ period (After M. Ebert,
+<span lang="de">Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte</span>, Vol. III, Pl. 11, p. 84)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">60</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_53_54_55">54.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Pouch, Arapaho (From A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. A. M.
+N. H. Vol. XVIII, fig. 23 <i>c</i>, p. 89)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">60</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_53_54_55">55.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Embroidered Moccasin, Apache, A. M. N. H. 50/8622 <i>b</i></td>
+<td class="tdrb">60</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_56">56.</a> </td><td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, Birchbark vessels,
+ eastern Indians (From James Teit, The Shuswap,
+Vol. II, fig. 214). <i>d</i>, Birchbark vessels, Koryak (From W. Jochelson,
+The Koryak, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI, fig. 192 <i>c</i>, p. 675).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">61</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_57">57.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Pottery vessel, Arkansas (After W. H.
+ Holmes, Aboriginal Pottery of
+the eastern United States, 20th Annual Report Bureau of American
+Ethnology, Pl. XXV)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">61</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_58">58.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Imbricated basket, Chilcotin, British Columbia (After James Teit,
+The Shuswap, Vol. II, fig. 268, p. 772)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">62</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_59">59.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, Embroidery, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Carl Lumholtz, Decorative
+Art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs A. M. N. H., Vol. III, Part 3, fig. 430, p. 303)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">65</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl"><i>b</i>, Symbolism of the Huichol Indian, <i>Ibid.</i> Part. 1, fig. 92, p. 92</td>
+<td class="tdrb">66</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_59_60">60.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Decorated fishskin garment, Amur River (After Berthold Laufer, The
+Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol.
+IV, Pl. 30)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">66<span class="pagenum">[360]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_61">61.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Upper row, pictographs of Ojibwa Indians;
+ lower row, pictographs
+of Dakota Indians (From Garrick Mallery, Picture Writing of American
+Indians, 10th Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology, figs.
+168 and 184 et seq.)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">67</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_62">62.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Mexican painting from Codex Borbonicus
+ (After Eduard Seler, Gesammelte
+Abhandlungen, Vol. IV, p. 139)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">68</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_63">63.</a> </td><td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, Carved figure, Philippine Islands
+(After E. von Sydow, <span lang="de">Die Kunst
+der Naturvölker und der Vorzeit</span>, p. 273). <i>b</i>, Marble figure representing
+harpist (After Helmuth Th. Bossert, Altkreta, fig. 17 <i>b</i>.)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">69</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_64_65">64.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Wooden mask,
+ Urua, Congo (After Herbert Kühn, <span lang="de">Die Kunst der
+Primitiven</span>, Pl. XXIX)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">70</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_64_65">65.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Carved board,
+ Papua Gulf, New Guinea (After Herbert Kühn, <span lang="de">Die
+Kunst der Primitiven</span>, Pl. LIV)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">70</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_66">66.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Egyptian painting (After Heinrich Schäfer, <span lang="de">Von Ägyptischer Kunst</span>
+fig. 200, p. 257)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">71</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_67">67.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Haida drawing representing eagle carrying away a woman; original
+by Charles Edensaw</td>
+<td class="tdrb">71</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_68">68.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Egyptian drawings, <i>a</i>, Bowl and pitcher;
+ <i>b</i>, Sleeping person covered
+by blanket (After Heinrich Schäfer, <span lang="de">Von Ägyptischer Kunst</span>, p. 111)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">75</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_69">69.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Eskimo etching on
+ walrus tusk, Alaska (A. M. N. H. 60/239)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">76</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_70">70.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Bushman rock
+ paintings (After Moszeik, <span lang="de">Die Malereien der Buschmänner
+in Südafrika</span>, Pl. I, fig. 236)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">76</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_71">71.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Paleolithic
+painting representing bison
+ (After Hugo Obermaier, Fossil
+Man in Spain, Pl. I)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">77</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_72">72.</a> </td>
+<td class="tdl">Hat of the Nootka Indians (After Handbook of the Ethnographic
+collections, British Museum, fig. 235, p. 256)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">78</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_73">73.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Koryak carvings
+(From W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Jesup North
+Pacific Expedition, Vol. 6, figs. 170, 172, 175)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">79</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_74">74.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Bronze casting,
+Benin (After Felix von Luschan,
+<span lang="de"> Alterthümer von Benin</span>,
+Pl. LI)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">81</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_75_76">75.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Headmask,
+Cross River, Cameroon (After Ernst Vatter, <span lang="de">Religiöse
+Plastik der Naturvölker</span>, 1926, fig. 57)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">82</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_75_76">76.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Terra cotta head
+from Ife, Yoruba country (After Herbert Kühn,<span lang="de"> Die
+Kunst der Primitiven</span>, p. 92)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">82</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_77">77.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Pottery head from Arkansas (After W. H. Holmes, Aboriginal Pottery
+of the eastern United States, 20th Annual Report Bureau of American
+Ethnology, Pl. XXX)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">85</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_78">78.</a> </td><td class="tdl">Ivory and bone carvings, and tattooing of eastern Eskimo (From F.
+Boas, Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson Bay, Bulletin A. M. N. H.
+Vol, XV. figs. 257, 258, 268).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">86<span class="pagenum">[361]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_79_80">79.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl"><span lang="de">Ornaments of the Auetö</span>, Brazil (After Karl
+ von den Steinen, <span lang="de">Unter
+den Naturvölkern Zentral Brasiliens</span>, Pl. XXII).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">89</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_79_80">80.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Ornaments of the Karayá (After Paul Ehrenreich, <span lang="de">Die Karayástämme
+am Rio Araguaya</span> (Goyaz); <span lang="de">Veröffentlichungen aus dem Museum für
+Völkerkunde</span>, Berlin. Vol. II, fig. 11, p. 25).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">89</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_81">81.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Basketry patterns from British Guyana, <i>a</i>, snake pursuing frog; <i>b</i>,
+man; <i>c.</i>, dog; <i>d-f</i>, wild nutmeg (From Walter Edmond Roth, An Introductory
+Study of the arts, crafts, and customs of the Guyana Indians,
+38th Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology, figs. 168, 178).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">90</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_82">82.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Basketry patterns from British Guyana; <i>a</i>, centiped; <i>b</i>, savannah
+grass; <i>c-f</i>, periwinkles; <i>g</i>, butterflies; <i>h-j</i>, snakes, <i>Ibid.</i> fig. 169.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">91</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_83">83.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs of the Cheyenne Indians (After Paul Ehrenreich,<span lang="de"> Ethnologisches
+Notizblatt</span>, Vol. II, No. 1, pp. 27-29, 1899).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">92</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_84_85">84.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Moccasin, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin A. M.
+N. H. Vol. XVIII, fig. 5<i>b</i>, p. 39).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">94</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_84_85">85.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Knife case, Arapaho (<i>Ibid.</i> fig. 22, p. 88).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">94</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_86">86.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Legging, Sioux Indians (After Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the
+Sioux Indians, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII, Pl. LI, fig. 5).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">95</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_87">87.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Drum of the Assiniboine (From Robert H. Lowie, The Assiniboine,
+Vol. IV, Anthropological Papers A. M. N. H. fig. 11, p. 27).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">96</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_88_89">88.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Rawhide bag, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin
+A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII, fig. 33, p. 115).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">97</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_88_89">89.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design from parfleche, Shoshone (A. M. N. H. 50/2299).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">97</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_90_91">90.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Bamboo case from Friedrich-Wilhelm Hafen, New Guinea, (After
+Emil Stephan, <span lang="de">Südseekunst</span>, p. 101).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">98</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_90_91">91.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Zuni bowl, broken and edges ground down, (private property).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">98</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_92">92.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Karl Lumholtz,
+Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs A. M. N. H. Vol III,
+fig. 133, p. 125)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">99</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_93">93.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Woven ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Karl Lumholtz,
+Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, <i>Ibid.</i> fig. 173, p. 146).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">101</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_94">94.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design from a pouch, Huichol Indians (From Karl Lumholtz,
+Decorative art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs A. M. N. H. Vol. III,
+Pt. 3, fig. 527, p. 325).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">101</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_95">95.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Tattooed designs, Marquesas (After Karl von den Steinen,<span lang="de"> Die
+Marquesaner und ihre Kunst</span>, <i>a</i>, fig. 103, p. 155; <i>b</i>, fig. 101, p. 154;
+<i>c</i>, fig. 99, p. 152; <i>d</i>, fig. 100, p. 153; <i>e</i>, fig. 112, p. 163).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">101</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_96">96.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Patterns representing the star, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber, Decorative
+art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">103<span class="pagenum">[362]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_97">97.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Patterns representing persons (<i>Ibid.</i>).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">104</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_98">98.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Patterns representing butterfly (<i>Ibid.</i>).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">104</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_99">99.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs from Neu-Mecklenburg, <i>a</i>, Carved bamboo; <i>b</i>, embroidered
+mat (After Emil Stephan and Fritz Gräbner,<span lang="de"> Neu-Mecklenburg</span>,
+<i>a</i>, fig. 120, p. 114; <i>b.</i> Pl. I, fig. 3).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">104</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_100_101_102">100.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Embroidered knife sheath, Arapaho (From A. L. Kroeber, Decorative
+art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII, Pl. 13, fig. 5).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">107</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_100_101_102">101.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painted board, Neu-Mecklenburg (After Emil Stephan and Fritz
+Gräbner, <span lang="de">Neu-Mecklenburg</span>, Pl. IX, fig. 8).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">107</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_100_101_102">102.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Decorated paddle, <span lang="de">Neu-Mecklenburg</span> (<i>Ibid.</i> Pl. VI, fig. 3 b).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">107</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_103">103.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Blanket of mountain-goat wool, Tlingit, Alaska (From G. T. Emmons,
+The Chilkat Blanket, Memoirs A. M. N. H. Vol. III, fig. 567, p. 377).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">108</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_104">104.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Basketry patterns of the Pomo Indians, California (After S. A. Barrett,
+Pomo Indian Basketry, Univ. California Publications, Vol. 7, No.
+3. pp. 180, 182, 187, 190, 204, 232).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">109</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_105">105.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Drawn work, Mexico (From Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 33,
+1920, p. 73).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">110</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_106">106.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs of the Ruanda (After Jan Czekanowski, <span lang="de">Wissenschaftliche
+Ergebnisse der Deutschen Zentral-Afrika Expedition</span>, 1907-1908,
+Vol. VI, Part 1, p. 330).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">111</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_107">107.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs of the Pangwe (After Günther Tessmann, <span lang="de">Die Pangwe</span>,
+Berlin 1913, Vol. I, fig. 211, p. 254).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">112</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_108">108.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs of the Bushongo (After E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, <span lang="fr">Les Bushongo,
+Documents ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo
+Belge</span>, figs. 322, 323, 219, 330).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">113</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_109">109.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Feet of flat pottery dishes, Chiriqui, Costa Rica (After G. G. MacCurdy,
+A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Mem. Connecticut Academy
+of Arts and Sciences, Vol. III [1911], figs. 140, 141, 139, 135).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">114</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_110">110.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Polynesian ornaments (After Charles H. Read, Journal of the Anthropological
+Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 21 [1892] Pl. 12).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">115</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_111">111.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Crocodile arrows, New Guinea (After A. C. Haddon, The Decorative
+Art of British New Guinea, Cunningham Memoir, Royal Irish
+Academy, X [1894] fig. 19).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">115</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_112">112.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs representing frigate bird and crocodile (<i>Ibid.</i> Pl. XII).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">116</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_113">113.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Facial urns (After M. Ebert,<span lang="de"> Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte</span>, Vol. IV,
+Pl. 116).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">117</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_114">114.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Armadillo designs, Chiriqui (After G. G. MacCurdy, <i>l. c.</i> figs. 77, 78)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">117</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_115">115.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs of the Bushongo representing the head of the antelope
+and the beetle (From E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, <span lang="fr">Notes ethnographiques
+sur les peuples communément appelés Bakuba etc. Les Bushongo,
+Documents ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo
+Belge</span>, p. 211).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">117</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_116">116.</a> <span class="pagenum">[363]</span></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design representing the buffalo, Arapaho (From A. L. Kroeber, Decorative
+Art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XIII, p. 85).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">119</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_117">117.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs of North American Indians; the first nine, Arapaho (After
+A. L. Kroeber, Decorative Art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H.
+Vol. XVIII); the next six, Eastern Algonquin (After Frank G. Speck,
+The Double Curve Motive of Northeastern Algonkian Art, Geological
+Survey of Canada, Anthropological Series No. 1); the last line; first,
+Hopi; then archaeological specimens, Pueblo region.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">120</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_118">118.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Triangular design, prehistoric Pueblo (After J. W. Fewkes, Preliminary
+Account of an Expedition to the Pueblo Ruins near Winslow,
+Arizona, Smithsonian Report for 1896, Pl. 34).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">121</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_119">119.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Alaskan needle cases (After F. Boas, Decorative Designs of Alaskan
+Needle Cases, Proceedings United States National Museum, Vol.
+34, p. 321 et seq., 1908).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">125</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_120">120.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Reels of Alaskan Eskimo (United States National Museum, numbers
+from above downwards, 44 994, 33 095, 38 276, 33 267, 45 110).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">126</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_121">121.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Eye shades and vessel, Ammassalik (After W. Thalbitzer, The
+Ammassalik Eskimo,<span lang="de"> Meddelelser om Grønland</span>, Vol. XXXIX, fig. 278,
+and after Hjalmar Stolpe, On Evolution in the Ornamental Art of
+Savage Peoples, figs. 22, 24, p. 80).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">127</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_122">122.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs from vessels made of tree calabashes, Oaxaca, (Private
+collection).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">131</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_123_124">123.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Fragments of pottery vessels, Texcoco, D. F., Mexico.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">132</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_123_124">124.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">132</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_125">125.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">133</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_126">126.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">135</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_127">127.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">135</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_128">128.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">135</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_129">129.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Alligator designs from Chiriqui pottery (A. M. N. H. 30.0/1881;
+7608; 5760; 1098; 5727).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">137</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_130">130.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Chinese embroidery representing bats (After A. H. Balfour, The Evolution
+of Decorative Art, fig. 18, p. 50).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">141</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_131">131.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Shell with representation of rattle snake (After W. H. Holmes,
+Art in Shell, 2nd Annual Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, Pl. 62, 2;
+Pl. 65, 2, 4, 6; Pl. 66, 2).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">142</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_132">132.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Throwing sticks of the Eskimo (<i>a</i>, Greenland, <i>b</i>, Ungava Bay, <i>c</i>,
+Cumberland Sound, <i>d</i>, Point Barrow, <i>e</i>, Alaska (exact location doubtful),
+<i>f</i>, Cape Nome) (After Otis T. Mason, Throwing Sticks in the United States<span class="pagenum">[364]</span>
+National Museum, Annual Report U. S. Nat. Mus., 1884, p. 279 et seq.)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">145</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_133">133.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Pile cloth, Congo (From Torday and Joyce, <span lang="fr">Notes ethnographiques
+sur les peuples communément appelés Bakuba etc. Les Bushongo,
+Documents ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo
+Belge</span>, Vol. II, Pl. XVI, figs. 2 and 4)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">154</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_134">134.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Haida painting representing a sea-monster in the form of a wolf,
+carrying two whales</td>
+<td class="tdrb">159</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_135">135.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Haida drawing representing the story of a young man who caught
+a sea-monster</td>
+<td class="tdrb">159</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_136">136.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Haida drawing representing part of the raven story</td>
+<td class="tdrb">160</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_137">137.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Types of New Zealand spirals</td>
+<td class="tdrb">161</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_138_139">138.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Types of spirals from eastern New Guinea (From E. Fuhrmann,
+New Guinea, p. 108)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">163</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_138_139">139.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Spirals from the Amur River (From Berthold Laufer, The Decorative
+Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. IV,
+Pl. 20, figs. 3 and 4)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">163</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_140">140.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Pictographs representing human beings, <i>a</i>,
+ <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note&mdash;original text: Wahpaton" id="Wahpaton2">Wahpeton</ins> Sioux (After
+Skinner, Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the American
+Indian, Heye Foundation, Vol. 4, Pl. 23); <i>b</i>, Menomenee (After
+Skinner, Anthropological Papers, A. M. N. H. Vol. 13, fig. 30, p. 159);
+<i>c</i>, Blackfoot (After Clark Wissler, <i>ibid.</i> Vol. 7, fig. 3. p. 40); <i>d</i>,
+Dakota (After Garrick Mallery, Pictographs of North American
+Indians); <i>e</i>, Alaskan Eskimo (After W. J. Hoffmann, Graphic Art of
+the Eskimo, Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, Pl. 63);
+<i>f</i>, Pencil sketches by Eskimo from the west coast of Hudson Bay</td>
+<td class="tdrb">164</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_141">141.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, Pictographs from the Cueva de los Caballos,
+ <i>d</i>, Pictograph
+of Bushmen (After Obermaier and Wernert)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">165</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_142">142.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Zuni pot (After C. F. Lummis, Mesa, Canyon and Pueblo, p. 369)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">167</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_143">143.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Haussa embroideries; (<i>a</i>, After Lepage, La décoration primitive;
+
+<i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>. After Felix von Luschan, <span lang="de">Beiträge zur Völkerkunde der
+deutschen Kolonien</span>, p. 50)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">168</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_144">144.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A M. N. H., <i>a</i>, 50/3597; <i>b</i>, 50/2285)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">170</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_145">145.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A. M. N. H. <i>a</i>, 50/5212; <i>b</i>, 50/3595)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">171</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_146">146.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A. M. N. H. <i>a</i>, 50/2282; <i>b</i>, 50/3630)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">172</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_147">147.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painted rawhide, Ioway (Public Museum City of Milwaukee, 30607)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">173</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_148">148.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, Painted rawhide, Ioway (Public Museum City of Milwaukee, 30609);
+<i>b</i>, Painted rawhide, Otoe (Public Museum City of Milwaukee, 30677)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">174</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_149_150">149.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design from pouch, Ojibwa, (A. M. N. H. 50/4596)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">175</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_149_150">150.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design from two sides of pouch, Potawatomi, (A. M. N. H. 50.1/7092).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">175<span class="pagenum">[365]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_151a">151.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Types of parfleche and pouch painting, <i>a</i>, Arapaho (A. M. N. H.), 176
+<i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, Shoshone (A. M. N. H. 50/2294, 2432).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">177</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_152">152.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Arapaho designs (From A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. A. M. N. H.
+vol. 18.) <i>a</i>, Moccasin, Pl. 2, fig. 5; <i>b</i>, Toilet bag, fig. 28; <i>c</i>, Small
+pouch, Pl. 4, fig. 2; <i>d</i>, Small pouch, Pl. 4, fig. 11; <i>e</i>, Knife scabbard,
+Pl. 2, fig. 13; <i>f</i>, Knife scabbard, fig. 22; <i>g</i>, Woman’s leggings,
+Pl. 3, fig. 5; <i>h</i>, Woman’s leggings, fig. 6; <i>i</i>, Small pouch, fig. 23; <i>j</i>,
+Small pouch, Pl. 7, fig. 14; <i>k</i>, Moccasin, Pl. 3, fig. 2; <i>l</i>, Woman’s
+leggings, Pl. 4, fig. 5; <i>m</i>, Toilet bag, fig. 25; <i>n</i>, Toilet bag, fig. 27;
+<i>o</i>, Woman’s leggings, Pl. 2, fig. 5; <i>p</i>, Pouch, Pl. 3, fig. 12; <i>q</i>, Pouch,
+Pl. 4, fig. 12; <i>r</i>, Moccasin, Pl. 2, fig. 2; <i>s</i>, Woman’s work bag, Pl.
+2, fig. 15; <i>t</i>, Scabbard, Pl. 5, fig. 13.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">178</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_153">153.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Sioux designs (From Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the Sioux
+Indians, Bull. A. M. N. H., Vol. 18.) <i>a</i>, Moccasin, fig. 98; <i>b</i>, Knife
+scabbard, Pl. 4, fig. 49; <i>c</i>, Small pouch, Pl. 3, fig. 41; <i>d</i>, Pipe bag,
+Pl. 2, fig. 47; <i>e</i>, Pipe bag, Pl. 2, fig. 42; <i>f</i>, Pipe bag, Pl. 3, fig. 42;
+<i>g</i>, Cradle, fig. 42; <i>h</i>, Pipe bag, Pl. 1, fig. 42; <i>i</i>, Small pouch, Pl. 4,
+fig. 41; <i>j</i>, Pipe bag, Pl. 1, fig. 47; <i>k</i>, Pipe bag, Pl. 3, fig. 43; <i>l</i>,
+Pipe bag, fig. 99; <i>m</i>, Woman’s leggings, fig. 74; <i>n</i>, Cradle, fig. 73;
+<i>o</i>, Small pouch, Pl. 1, fig. 41; <i>p</i>, Woman’s leggings, Pl. 2, fig. 51;
+<i>q</i>, Woman’s leggings, Pl. 5, fig. 51; <i>r</i>, Small pouch, Pl. 2, fig. 41;
+<i>s</i>, Pipe bag, Pl. 1, fig. 43; <i>t</i>, Pipe bag, Pl. 4, fig. 47; <i>u</i>, Scabbard,
+Pl. 2, fig. 49; <i>v</i>, Small pouch, Pl. 3, fig. 50; <i>w</i>, Knife scabbard, Pl. 6,
+fig. 49; <i>x</i>, Pipe bag, Pl. 3, fig. 47; <i>y</i>, Small pouch, Pl. 5, fig. 40;
+<i>z</i>, Pipe bag, fig. 100; <i>z1</i>, Pipe bag, Pl. 2, fig. 43.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">179</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_154_155">154.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Tlingit helmet (A. M. N. H. E/3453).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">184</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_154_155">155.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Mask representing dying warrior, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/2501).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">184</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_156">156.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carved head used in ceremonial, Kwakiutl Indians, Museum für
+Völkerkunde, Berlin.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">185</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_157_158_159">157.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carvings representing the beaver from models of Haida totem poles
+carved in slate (A. M. N. H. 16/556, 16/551).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">186</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_157_158_159">158.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carving from handle of spoon representing beaver, Tlingit (A. M. N. H.
+19/1129).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">186</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_157_158_159">159.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Headdress representing beaver; a dragon-fly is shown on the chest
+of the beaver, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/245).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">186</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_160">160.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting for a house-front placed over the door, representing the
+beaver, Kwakiutl Indians.</td>
+<td class="tdrb">188</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_161_162">161.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Halibut hook with design representing a sculpin swallowing a fish,
+Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1251).</td>
+<td class="tdrb">188</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_161_162">162.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Part of a totem pole with a design representing a sculpin, Tsimshian
+(A. M. N. H. 16/567)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">188<span class="pagenum">[366]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_163">163.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Woolen legging with appliqué designs representing sculpin, Haida
+(A. M. N. H. 16/328)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">189</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_164_167">164.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Facial painting representing the sculpin</td>
+<td class="tdrb">191</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_164_167">165.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Headdress representing a hawk, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/252)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">191</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_164_167">166.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Handle of a spoon made of mountain-goat horn; lowest figure representing
+a hawk; upper figure representing a man holding a dragon-fly,
+probably Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/105)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">191</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_164_167">167.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Rattle with design of a hawk, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1371)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">191</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_168_170">168.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Dish made of horn of big-horn-sheep, Tlingit. (A. M. N. H.
+19/696)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">191</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_168_170">169.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Facial painting representing hawk</td>
+<td class="tdrb">191</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_168_170">170.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Headdress representing an eagle bearing a frog on its chest, Tsimshian
+(A. M. N. H. 16/249)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">191</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_171">171.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Housepost representing eagle above, cormorant below, Haida (A. M.
+N. H. 16/3686)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">192</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_172">172.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting on paddle representing hawk, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">193</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_173">173.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting on back and one end of a settee representing man and
+hawk, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">193</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_174">174.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Handle of spoon of mountain-goat horn representing dragon-fly, Tlingit
+(A. M. N. H. E/280)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">193</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_175">175.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Berry spoon with engraving representing dragon-fly (from J. R. Swanton,
+The Haida Indians, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. V,
+fig. 24 <i>b</i>, p. 148)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">193</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_176">176.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl"><i>a</i>—<i>e</i>, Carvings from handles of spoons of mountain-goat horn
+representing killer-whale, Tlingit (A. M. N. H.)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">195</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_177_178">177.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Rattle representing killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/304)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">195</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_177_178">178.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Wooden float representing killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/8471)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">195</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_179">179.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Masks and dishes representing the killer-whale, Kwakiutl, A. M.
+N. H. (from F. Boas, The Kwakiutl Indians, Jesup North Pacific
+Expedition, Vol. V)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">196</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_180_181">180.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Helmet representing the killer-whale, Tlingit, Museum of Academy
+of Sciences, Leningrad</td>
+<td class="tdrb">196</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_180_181">181.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carvings from the handles of spoons of mountain-goat horn representing
+the bear (A. M. N. H.)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">196</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_182">182.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Berry spoons representing bear (U. S. National Museum); <i>a</i>, Tsimshian,
+16253; <i>b</i>, Tsimshian, 16254; <i>c</i>, Tlingit, 20820; <i>d</i>, berry spoon (U. S.
+Nat. Mus., 20825)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">197</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_183">183.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carving representing a sea-monster, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 19/377)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">199</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_184">184.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carvings from handles of spoons made of mountain-goat horn representing
+a sea-monster (A. M. N. H.)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">199<span class="pagenum">[367]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_185_186">185.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Part of totem pole carved in slate representing shark surmounted
+by an eagle, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/1161)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">199</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_185_186">186.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Handle of a dagger representing the head of a shark, Tlingit (A. M.
+N. H. E/2037)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">199</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_187_188">187.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Wooden pipe representing a shark, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 19/98)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">200</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_187_188">188.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Tattooing representing a shark, Haida (From a photograph)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">200</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_189_190">189.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Handles of spoons representing a sea-monster, Haida (A. M. N. H.,
+<i>a</i>, E/298; <i>b</i>, E/826; <i>c</i>, E/296)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">201</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_189_190">190.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Handles of spoons made of mountain-goat representing snail, Tlingit
+(A. M. N. H., <i>a</i>, 19/1116; <i>b</i>, E/828)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">201</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_191">191.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Types of eyes of various animals, Kwakiutl. <i>a</i>, sea bear; <i>b</i>, grizzly
+bear; <i>c</i>, beaver; <i>d</i>, wolf; <i>e</i>, eagle; <i>f</i>, raven; <i>g</i>, killer-whale</td>
+<td class="tdrb">203</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_192">192.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, whale; <i>b</i>, sea lion; <i>c</i>, frog; <i>d</i>,
+ double-headed serpent; <i>e</i>, man;
+<i>f</i>, merman; <i>g</i>, spirit of the sea</td>
+<td class="tdrb">204</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_193">193.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Styles of tails, Kwakiutl; above bird, below sea mammals</td>
+<td class="tdrb">205</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_194">194.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Styles of wing designs and of fin designs, Kwakiutl; <i>a</i>, fin; <i>b</i>, wing</td>
+<td class="tdrb">205</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_195">195.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Elements used in representing the halibut, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">206</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_196">196.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Elements used in representing the wolf, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">206</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_197">197.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting from bow of a canoe, representing the wolf, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">207</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_198">198.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Masks and dishes representing the wolf, Kwakiutl (<i>a-e</i> from F. Boas,
+The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, Jesup North Pacific Expedition,
+Vol. 5, Pls. 39, 42-44; <i>g</i> British Museum; <i>h</i> A. M. N. H. 16/384)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">208</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_199">199.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">House post, Haida (From John R. Swanton, The Haida Indians, Jesup
+North Pacific Expedition, Vol. V, fig. 10)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">209</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_200">200.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs from a set of gambling sticks. (From John R. Swanton,
+<i>Ibid.</i> figs. 26-31)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">210</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_201">201.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs from a set of gambling sticks (<i>Ibid.</i>)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">211</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_202">202.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, fig. 546)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">213</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_203">203.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, fig. 561)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">213</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_204">204.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, fig. 563)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">214</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_205">205.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, fig. 580)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">215</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_206">206.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Model of totem pole with three figures representing, from below
+upward; sculpin, dog-fish, and sea-monster, Haida (A. M. N. H.
+16/550)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">216</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_207_208">207.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Mask representing the hawk, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1591)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">217</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_207_208">208.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Mask with painting symbolizing the flicker, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/337)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">217</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_209_210">209.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Mask with eyebrows symbolizing the squid, Tlingit (A. M, N. H.
+19/920)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">218</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_209_210">210.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Mask with painting symbolizing the killer-whale, Tlingit (A. M N. H. E/1629)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">218<span class="pagenum">[368]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_211">211.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Fish-club representing the killer-whale, Tlingit, (A. M. N. H. E/242)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">219</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_212_213">212.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Wood carving representing dorsal fin of the killer-whale, Tlingit, (A. M. N. H. E/923)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">219</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_212_213">213.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Model of a totem pole representing a shark, Haida, (A. M. N. H. 16/1167)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">219</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_214">214.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Speaker’s staff representing a shark, Tlingit (A. M. H. N. 19/790)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">220</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_215_216">215.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Berry spoon with designs representing the eagle (From J. R. Swanton,
+The Haida Indians, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. V, fig. 24 <i>a</i>,
+p. 148)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">221</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_215_216">216.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Halibut hook representing a beaver, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 19/1152)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">221</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_217">217.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Part of totem pole representing a shark, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/1154)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">221</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_218">218.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Dancing-hat representing a killer-whale, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/580)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">221</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_219">219.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Wooden hat with carving representing the sculpin (A. M. N. H. 16/282)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">221</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_220">220.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Grease dish representing seal</td>
+<td class="tdrb">222</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_221">221.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design on a bracelet representing a bear, Nass River Indians
+(A. M. N. H. E/2428)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">223</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_222">222.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting representing bear, Haida</td>
+<td class="tdrb">224</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_223_224">223.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting from a house-front representing a bear, Tsimshian</td>
+<td class="tdrb">225</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_223_224">224.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Wooden hat painted with the design of a sculpin, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/281)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">225</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_225">225.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Hat made of spruce roots painted with design of a beaver, Haida
+or Tsimshian, (A. M. N. H. 16/692)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">226</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_226_227">226.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Tattooing representing a duck, Haida</td>
+<td class="tdrb">226</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_226_227">227.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Tattooing representing a raven, Haida</td>
+<td class="tdrb">226</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_228_229">228.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Dancing-apron woven of mountain-goat wool, design representing a
+beaver, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/349)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">227</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_228_229">229.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painted legging with design representing a beaver sitting on a man’s
+head, Haida, (A. M. N. H. 16/330)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">227</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_230">230.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Gambling-leather with engraved design representing a beaver, Tlingit
+(A. M. N. H. 19/1057)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">228</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_231">231.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Embroidered legging representing a sea-monster with a bear’s head
+and body of the killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/334)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">228</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_232">232.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting representing a dog-fish, Haida</td>
+<td class="tdrb">229</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_233">233.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Slate dish design representing a shark, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/603)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">229</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_234">234.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting on edge of a blanket representing a killer-whale, Tlingit
+(A. M. N. H. E/1502)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">230</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_235_236">235.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Model of totem pole representing a sea-monster, Haida (A. M. N. H.
+16/544)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">231</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_235_236">236.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Model of totem pole representing a sculpin, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/1155)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">231<span class="pagenum">[369]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_237">237.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Model of totem pole representing a sea-monster devouring a fish,
+Haida (A. M. N. H.)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">232</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_238_239">238.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Slate carving representing the sea-monster Wasgo, Haida (A. M. N. H.
+16/687)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">233</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_238_239">239.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Tattooing representing the fabulous sea-monster Ts’um’a´ks, Haida</td>
+<td class="tdrb">233</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_240_241">240.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Slate dish with design representing a killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H.
+16/605)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">234</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_240_241">241.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Drum painted with design of an eagle, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/748)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">234</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_242_243">242.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Tattooing representing the moon, Haida</td>
+<td class="tdrb">234</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_242_243">243.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carving on the end of a food tray representing a hawk, Tlingit
+(A. M. N. H. E/1236)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">234</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_244">244.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting from a house-front representing thunder-bird, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">236</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_245">245.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Model of totem pole with design representing a killer-whale, Haida
+(A. M. N. H. 16/1166)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">237</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_246">246.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting for a box front, design representing a frog, Haida</td>
+<td class="tdrb">238</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_247">247.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting for a house-front with design representing a killer-whale,
+Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">238</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_248">248.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting for a house-front with design representing a killer-whale,
+Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">239</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_249">249.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting on a paddle representing porpoise and seal, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">240</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_250">250.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting for a house-front representing a raven, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">241</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_251">251.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting for a house-front representing a thunder-bird, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">242</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_252">252.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting for a house-front representing a whale, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">243</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_253">253.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting for a house-front representing a raven, Kwakiutl, (1) lower
+jaw; (2) tongue; (3) chest; (4) feet; (5) legs; (6) wings</td>
+<td class="tdrb">244</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_254">254.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painting from the edge of a blanket representing a sea-monster,
+Northern British Columbia (A. M. N. H. 16/355)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">244</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_255">255.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design on a silver bracelet representing a beaver, Haida (A. M.
+N. H. E/2462)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">245</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_256">256.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design on a silver bracelet representing a sea-monster, Haida (A. M.
+N. H. E/2461)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">245</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_257">257.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design on a silver bracelet representing a hawk, Haida (A. M. N. H.
+E/2463)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">245</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_258">258.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Slate dish with design representing a sea-monster, Haida (A. M.
+N. H. 16/611)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">246</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_259">259.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Front of a slate box with design representing a sea-monster, Haida
+(A. M. N. H. 16/687)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">247</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_260">260.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Slate slab with design representing a sea-monster, Haida (A. M.
+N. H. 16/1149)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">247</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_261_262">261.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design from the end of a food tray representing a shark, Tlingit
+(A. M. N. H. 16/1187)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">248</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_261_262">262.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Slate dish with design representing a sculpin, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/882)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">248<span class="pagenum">[370]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_263">263.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Front of a slate box with design representing a fish, Haida (A. M.
+N. H. 16/687)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">249</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_264">264.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Body painting representing the bear, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">250</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_265">265.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Body painting representing the frog, Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">251</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_266">266.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design elements from Tlingit blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The
+Chilkat Blanket, fig. 559, p. 366)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">253</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_267">267.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Schematic design showing the arrangement of the central field of
+the Chilkat blanket</td>
+<td class="tdrb">258</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_268">268.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">General plans of Tlingit blankets</td>
+<td class="tdrb">258</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_269">269.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, fig. 548 <i>b</i>,
+fig. 560 <i>a</i>)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">259</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_270">270.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 560 <i>b</i>
+and fig. 562 <i>b</i>)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">260</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_271">271.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Chilkat blankets, <i>a-b</i>, United States National Museum (From G. T.
+Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 564)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">261</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_272">272.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 571, p. 381)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">261</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_273">273.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, figs. 570 <i>b</i>,
+p. 380, 572 <i>a</i>, p. 382)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">262</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_274">274.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Front, reverse and side of a painted box (From G. T. Emmons, The
+Chilkat Blanket, fig. 551 <i>a</i>, p. 356, fig. 552, p. 357)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">263</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_275">275.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painted and carved box front (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat
+Blanket, fig. 551, p. 356)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">264</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_276">276.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/652)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">264</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_277">277.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1579)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">265</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_278">278.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Front and side of a painted box (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat
+Blanket, fig. 553 <i>d</i>, p. 358)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">266</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_279">279.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Front, reverse and side of a carved box (From G. T. Emmons The
+Chilkat Blanket, fig. 553 <i>a</i> and <i>b</i> p. 358)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">267</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_280">280.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carved boxes (From Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 556, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, p. 362)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">268</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_281">281.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carved box, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 19/1231)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">269</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_282">282.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, figs. 556 <i>c-e</i>,
+and 557 <i>d</i>, pp. 362, 363)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">270</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_283">283.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 557 <i>a-c</i>,
+<i>e</i>, <i>f</i>, p. 363, and A. M. N. H. 19/953)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">272</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_284">284.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 554)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">273</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_285">285.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs on Tlingit armor (From photograph from specimens in the
+Museum of the Academy of Sciences, Leningrad)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">274</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_286">286.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painted tray (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 558 <i>a</i>,
+p. 364)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">275<span class="pagenum">[371]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_287">287.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Painted boxes (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 558, <i>b-d</i>,
+p. 364)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">276</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_288">288.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Horn spoons showing carving on the back (A. M. N. H.). <i>a</i>, 16/8799
+representing sea-monster, <i>b</i>, 16/8791 representing the hawk, <i>c</i>, 16/8792
+representing the beaver (?), <i>d</i>, 16/8796 representing the raven,
+<i>e</i>, 16/8795 representing the killer-whale, <i>f</i>, 16/8798, representing the
+raven, <i>g</i>, 16/8794 representing dlia (?), <i>h</i>, 16/8793 representing the sun</td>
+<td class="tdrb">277</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_289">289.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Dish of horn of big-horn-sheep representing the bear (Private Property)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">278</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_290">290.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Mask of Kwakiutl Indians used in winter ceremonial; according to
+some representing fool dancer, according to others The-One-Shining-Down
+(After L. Adam, <span lang="de">Nordwest-amerikanische Indianer Kunst</span>, Pl. 19)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">279</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_291">291.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Ancient type of Kwakiutl box (A. M. N. H. 16/8117)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">281</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_292">292.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, Food tray (A. M. N. H. 16/8215), <i>b</i>, Bucket (16/2243), Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">282</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_293">293.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Small boxes (<i>a</i>, 16/2248, <i>b</i>, 16/8148), Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">282</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_294">294.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Combs (A. M. N. H. <i>a</i>, 16/2299, <i>b</i>, 16/8911, <i>c</i>,
+ 16/8180, <i>d</i>, 16/8235),
+Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">282</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_295">295.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Bone club and sword (A. M. N. H. <i>a</i>, 16/8274, <i>b</i>, 16/971), Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">282</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_296">296.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Spindle whirls, Ethnographisches Museum, Berlin, Lower Fraser River</td>
+<td class="tdrb">283</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_297">297.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Ladle made of big-horn-sheep horn, Columbia River</td>
+<td class="tdrb">283</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_298">298.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Clubs made of bone of whale. <i>a</i>, From Nootka, collected by Captain
+Cook (British Museum, Cat. No. N. W. C. 42); <i>b</i>, From Nootka
+(British Museum, Cat. No. N. W. C. 47); <i>c</i>, From Columbia River
+(Oregon Historical Society, Cat. No. 385, List 38); <i>d</i>, From Nootka,
+collected by Captain Cook, 1778 (Ethnographical Museum, Florence);
+<i>e</i>, From Barclay Sound, collected by Mr. A. Jacobsen (Museum
+für Völkerkunde, Berlin, Cat. No. IV. A 1574); <i>f</i>, From Nootka,
+collected by Captain Cook (British Museum, Cat. No. N. W. C. 41);
+<i>g</i>, From shell-heap at Cadboro Bay collected by Mr. J. Maynard
+(Provincial Museum, Victoria, Cat. No. 769); <i>h</i>, From Neah Bay,
+collected by Hon. James Wickersham (U. S. National Museum,
+Cat. No. 198032); <i>i</i>, Collected by Vancouver (British Museum,
+Van. 93); <i>j</i>, From Nootka (collection of Mr. W. Sparrow Simpson,
+British Museum, Cat. No. 9383); <i>k</i>, From Upper Columbia River,
+collected by Col. Brooks, U. S. A., about 1810, property of Mr.
+M. F. Savage, New York (A. M. N. H. cast No. 16/8578); <i>l</i>, British
+Museum, Cat. No. 78-11-1.623; <i>m</i>, From Nootka (British Museum,
+Cat. No. 8766); <i>n</i>, University Museum, Cambridge, Eng. Cat. No.
+R. D. 112 d</td>
+<td class="tdrb">284</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_299">299.</a><span class="pagenum">[372]</span></td>
+<td class="tdl">Clubs made of bone of whale. <i>a</i>, From Quamichan Indians, collected
+by Dr. C. F. Newcombe (Field Museum of Natural History,
+Chicago, Cat. No. 85348); <i>b</i>, From shell-heap, Plumper’s Pass, collected
+by Mr. Eduard Lomas (Provincial Museum, Victoria, Cat.
+No. 770); <i>c</i>, From Neah Bay, collected by Hon. James Wickersham
+(U. S. National Museum, Cat. No. 198033); <i>d</i>, From Nuchatlath,
+collected by Mr. A. Jacobsen (Museum für Völkerkunde, Berlin,
+Cat. No. IV A 1215); <i>e</i>, From Hesquiath, collected by Mr. A. Jacobsen
+(Museum für Völkerkunde, Berlin, Cat. No. IV A 1573);
+<i>f</i>, 16/2106 From Clayoquath, collected by Mr. Fillip Jacobsen;
+<i>g</i>, 16/912 Bishop Collection from British Columbia; <i>h</i>, 200/1471
+Made of serpentine, from Blalock Island, Wash., opposite Umatilla,
+Ore., collected by Mr. D. W. Owen; <i>i</i>, From Cadboro Bay, collected
+by Mr. James Deans (Provincial Museum, Victoria, Cat. No. 774);
+<i>j</i>, From Fort Vancouver, Wash., about 1830 (Academy of Natural
+Sciences, Philadelphia); <i>k</i>, From Neah Bay, collected by Hon. James
+Wickersham (from cast in U. S. National Museum, Cat. No. 198031);
+<i>l</i>, Peabody Academy of Sciences, Salem, Mass., Cat. No. E. 6640;
+<i>m</i>, <i>n</i>, From Nootka, collected by Capt. James Magee about 1794
+(Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., Cat. Nos. 256, 255); <i>o</i>, From
+Neah Bay, collected by Hon. James Wickersham (from cast in U. S.
+National Museum, Cat. No. 198030); <i>p</i>, 16/855, From shell-heap at
+Cadboro Bay; <i>q</i>, 16/911 Bishop Collection; <i>r</i>, 16/1100 Excavated
+on Songish Reservation</td>
+<td class="tdrb">286</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_300">300.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">House posts, Lower Fraser River, from photograph by Harlan I. Smith</td>
+<td class="tdrb">288</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_301">301.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Basket, Lower Chehalis (Private Property)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">289</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_302">302.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Designs on matting (A. M. N. H. <i>a</i>, 16/9990; <i>b</i>, 16/8222), Kwakiutl</td>
+<td class="tdrb">289</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_303">303.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Woven hat of spruce root, Kwakiutl (A. M. N. H. 16/9993)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">290</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_304">304.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry (From G. T. Emmons, The
+Basketry of the Tlingit Indians)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">291</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_305">305.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry (From G. T. Emmons, The
+Basketry of the Tlingit Indians)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">293</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_306">306.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl"><i>a</i>, Rawhide pouch, Salish or Chinook, collected by Wilkes, 1840;
+<i>b</i>, Design from parfleche, Fort Colville, Washington (United States
+National Museum, 2618 and 672)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">296</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_307">307.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Scraper of bone, Tahltan (Private Property)</td>
+<td class="tdrb">297</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#fig_308">308.</a></td>
+<td class="tdl">Detail of imbricated basketry</td>
+<td class="tdrb">297</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_373">[373]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="EXPLANATION_OF_PLATES">EXPLANATION OF PLATES</h2></div>
+
+
+
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">Plate</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_I">I.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Basketry of Maidu (From Roland B. Dixon, Basketry Designs of California, Bull. Am. Museum of Natural History, Vol. 17).</td>
+<td class="tdcb">opp.</td><td class="tdcb">p.</td><td class="tdrb"> 18</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_II">II.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Body Painting of an Andaman Islander (From Brown, The Andaman Islanders)</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">32</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_III">III.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Melanesian House</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">34</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_IV">IV.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Peruvian Textiles (From Charles W. Mead, Boas Anniversary Volume, Pl. X)</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">46</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_V">V.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Kumiss Goblets of the Yakut (From W. Jochelson, Boas Anniversary Volume, Pl. XXI)</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">54</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_VI">VI.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Shaman’s Dress, Amur River (A. M. N. H.)</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">66</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_VII">VII.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Woven Pouch, British Columbia (A. M. N. H.)</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">124</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_VIII">VIII.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Woven Blanket, New Zealand, United States National Museum</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">182</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_IX">IX.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Carved Figure, British Columbia, Linden Museum, Stuttgart</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">184</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_X">X.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Chilkat Blanket, Ethnological Museum, Copenhagen</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">278</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_XI">XI.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Cedarbark Blanket, British Columbia, British Museum</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">278</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_XII">XII.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Blankets of Mountain-goat Wool, Bella Coola, British Columbia</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">278</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_XIII">XIII.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">House Post, near Eburne, Fraser River Delta, British Columbia</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">288</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_XIV">XIV.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Tlingit Baskets (From G. T. Emmons, The Basketry of the Tlingit Indians)</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">294</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdct">”</td>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#plate_XV">XV.</a></td>
+<td class="tdlt">Imbricated Baskets from British Columbia and Washington</td>
+<td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdcb">”</td><td class="tdrb">298</td>
+
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_374">[374]</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="TABLE_OF_CONTENTS">TABLE OF CONTENTS</h2></div>
+
+
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr wd5"></td>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Preface</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrb"></td><td class="tdr wd5"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Mental attitude of primitive people</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Primitive culture, historical growth</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_4">4</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">The object of the investigation is a study of dynamic conditions of art growth</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_7">7</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Acknowledgments</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_8">8</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt">I.</td>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Introduction</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">What is art?</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Technical perfection in art</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_10">10</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Emotional appeal of contents of art colors</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_12">12</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Historical notations</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_13">13</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt">II.</td>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="2">The formal elements in art</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Virtuosity</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Regularity of form and virtuosity</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Lack of virtuosity and artistic form</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_22">22</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Lack of effect of artistic form</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">The plain, strong line and regular curve</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Symmetry</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Inverted symmetry</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_36">36</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Rhythm</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_40">40</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Marginal designs</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Decoration of prominent places</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_60">60</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Conclusion</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt">III.</td>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Representative art</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Representation and representative art</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Primitive symbolic and realistic representation</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Influence of technique upon style of representation</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_81">81</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt">IV.</td>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Symbolism</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_88">88</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Wide distribution of symbolic interpretation</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_88">88</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Lack of stability of explanation</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Lack of coherence in symbols</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design names</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Studies in conventionalization</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Geographical distribution of explanations of similar designs</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_118">118</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Reading in of meanings</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_121">121</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Development of geometrical form according to representative tendencies</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_124">124</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Stability of patterns of action as against instability of interpretation</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_128">128</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Change of type due to slovenly execution</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_130">130</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Technical motives applying to representations</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_138">138</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Effect of decorative field</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Effect of symbolic methods of representation</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_143">143</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt">V.</td>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Style</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_144">144</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">The problem of style</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_144">144</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Motor habits and form</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_145">145</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Concentration of forms</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_148">148</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Transfer of forms in new materials</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_150">150</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Technical determination of form</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_153">153</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Individuality of style</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_153">153</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">The artist in his cultural setting</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_155">155</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Control of style over invention</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_156">156</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Formal elements of style</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_161">161</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Dissemination of art forms and local developments</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_161">161</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Diversity of style in the same tribe and community</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_180">180</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt">VI.</td>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="2">The art of the Northwest coast of North America</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_183">183</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Symbolic representations of animal forms</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_186">186</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl"><span class="pad1">The beaver</span></td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_186">186</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl"><span class="pad1">The sculpin</span></td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_188">188</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl"><span class="pad1">The hawk and the eagle</span></td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_190">190</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl"><span class="pad1">The dragon-fly</span></td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_192">192</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl"><span class="pad1">The killer-whale</span></td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_194">194</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl"><span class="pad1">The bear</span></td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_197">197</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl"><span class="pad1">The sea-monster</span></td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_198">198</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl"><span class="pad1">The frog</span></td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_198">198</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl"><span class="pad1">The shark</span></td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_198">198</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Summary of symbols</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_202">202</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Minor symbols are not strictly normative</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_207">207</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">The wolf; variations of form in representations of same animal</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_213">213</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Variations in interpretation</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_214">214</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Use of fragmentary symbols</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_216">216</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Adaptation of animal forms to the decorative field</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_218">218</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Formal elements in animal representations</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_221">221</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design arrangement on Chilkat blankets</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_257">257</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design arrangement on boxes</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_262">262</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design arrangement on food trays</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_270">270</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Design arrangement on square boxes</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_275">275</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Geometrical elements</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_279">279</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Older art styles of the Gulf of Georgia</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_284">284</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Realistic representations</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_285">285</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Geometrical designs in basketry</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_289">289</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Art of neighboring tribes</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_294">294</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt">VII.</td>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Primitive literature, music, and dance</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_299">299</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">General occurrence of literature, music, and dance</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_299">299</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Relation between song, music, and dance</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_303">303</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Primitive prose</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_303">303</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Rhythm</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_310">310</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Emphasis</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_317">317</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Symmetry</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_320">320</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Metaphor</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_320">320</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Poetic description</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_325">325</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Local culture reflected in literary form</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_327">327</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Symbolic meaning of narrative</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_337">337</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Different literary styles are found in the same tribe</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_337">337</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Distribution of literary forms</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_338">338</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Music</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_340">340</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Dance</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_344">344</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdr" colspan="2"></td>
+<td class="tdl">Conclusion</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_349">349</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="3">Text figures</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_357">357</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl" colspan="3">Explanation of plates</td>
+<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_373">373</a></td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"><div class="chapter"></div>
+<div class="transnote" id="ENDNOTE">
+<strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong>
+
+<p class="noindent">Illustrations in this eBook have been positioned
+between paragraphs and outside quotations. In versions of this
+eBook that support hyperlinks, the page references in the List of
+Illustrations lead to the corresponding illustrations.</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors
+have been corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences
+within the text and consultation of external sources.</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">Some hyphens in words have been silently removed,
+some added, when a predominant preference was found in the original
+book.</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">Except for those changes noted below, all
+misspellings in the text, and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been
+retained.</p>
+
+
+<table class="autotable">
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt">Pg <a href="#underly">86</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“underly” replaced by “underlie”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#Arapho">95</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#rater">96</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“rater” replaced by “rather”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#Arapho2">96</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#cocanut">98</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“cocanut” replaced by “coconut”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#Arapho3">103</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#Arapho4">106</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“Arapho” replaced by “Arapaho”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#Oxaca">131</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“Oxaca” replaced by “Oaxaca”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#Czekanowsky">147</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“Czekanowsky” replaced by “Czekanowski”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#Wahpaton">163</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“Wahpaton” replaced by “Wahpeton”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#sourmounted">199</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“sourmounted” replaced by “surmounted”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#brings">204</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“brings” replaced by “beings”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#twowhile">223</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“twowhile” replaced by “two whole”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#then">243</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“then” replaced by “than”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#wo">294</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“wo” replaced by “so”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#woes">335</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“woes” replaced by “woos”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#feasts">336</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“feasts” replaced by “feast”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#timber">341</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“timber” replaced by “timbre”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#tapfrer">345</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“tapfrer” replaced by “tapfer”</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdrt"><a href="#Wahpaton2">364</a>:</td>
+<td class="tdl">“Wahpaton” replaced by “Wahpeton”</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+</div>
+
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77834 ***</div>
+</body>
+</html>
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diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
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+This book, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for eBook #77834
+(https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/77834)