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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77791 ***
+Transcriber’s Note: The author’s citations of works published in
+languages other than English are sometimes inaccurately spelt. In
+addition, he uses a mixture of standard and nonstandard IPA symbols
+to transcribe words in the Kiowa and other Native American languages;
+these are preserved as originally printed.
+
+
+
+
+                              THE PEYOTE CULT
+
+                                    BY
+                              WESTON LA BARRE
+                        _Professor of Anthropology
+                             Duke University_
+
+                               REPRINTED BY
+                        THE SHOE STRING PRESS, INC.
+                            Hamden, Connecticut
+                                   1959
+
+                    © 1959, THE SHOE STRING PRESS, INC.
+
+                          Originally published as
+                       Yale University Publications
+                              in Anthropology
+                                 NUMBER 19
+         Reprinted by permission of the Department of Anthropology,
+                              Yale University
+
+                  PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The field work which is a partial basis of this study was begun in
+the summer of 1935, when the writer was a member of the Laboratory
+of Anthropology at Santa Fé ethnological group which worked with the
+Kiowa under Dr. Alexander Lesser of Columbia University. The field work
+was continued alone in the summer of 1936 with funds granted by Yale
+University and the American Museum of Natural History. Field data were
+gathered with varying completeness from fifteen tribes: Kiowa, Comanche,
+Shawnee, Kickapoo, Osage, Quapaw, Seminole, Delaware, Pawnee, Cheyenne,
+Caddo, Oto, Ponca, Kiowa Apache and Wichita; in the case of the Kiowa,
+Oto, and Wichita two peyote meetings each were attended.
+
+The debt to my almost constant field companion, Charles Apekaum (Kiowa),
+game warden, ex-Navy man, graduate of Chilocco, Haskell, and Carlisle,
+and my chief interpreter, is such that I may say my work could not have
+been carried out with such comparative facility and speed without his
+aid. His knowledge of people and places was invaluable to me. Special
+appreciation is expressed to Mr. Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) of Thomas,
+Oklahoma, several times state president of the Native American Church,
+for lending me numerous letters and other documents from the official
+files of the organization, and to Jim Waldo (Kiowa) and Kiowa Charley
+for similar documents, including the articles of incorporation and state
+charter. To Jim Pettit (Oto) of Red Rock, local president of the Native
+American Church, and Charles Tyner (Quapaw) of Miami, the added debt
+of personal hospitality was incurred. The following informants were of
+particular help in gathering data: Cecil and Henry Murdock (Kickapoo);
+Sly Picard, George May and Henry Hunt (Wichita); Jim Aton, Belo Kozad and
+Homer Buffalo (Kiowa); Howard White Wolf (Comanche); Carl Pettit, Murray
+Little-crow, and Mrs. George Pipestem (Oto); Albert Stamp (Seminole);
+Tom and Collins Panther (Shawnee); Tennyson Berry (Kiowa Apache); Robert
+Little-dance and Louis MacDonald (Ponca); Mack Haag (Cheyenne); Elijah
+Reynolds (Delaware); and Sun Chief and James Sun-eagle (Pawnee). To
+Jonathan Koshiway (Oto), founder of the Church of the First-born, I wish
+to express appreciation for his painstaking efforts at completeness of
+information made on my behalf.
+
+In a study of this scope one necessarily incurs considerable debts to
+colleagues for aid generously given and gratefully received. The notes
+of James Mooney on Kiowa, Comanche, and Tarahumari peyote, deposited
+in the Bureau of American Ethnology, as well as manuscripts by Frances
+Densmore on Winnebago, and Dr. Truman Michelson on Sauk and Fox peyote,
+were made available through the generosity of Dr. Matthew Stirling,
+to whom I express particular thanks. Mrs. Elna Smith very kindly lent
+further Bureau of American Ethnology material which had been in her
+care. Mr. D. F. Murphy of the Indian Office amplified my Osage notes,
+and Mr. John Collier, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, has been generous
+with information of legal and administrative nature. To Donald Collier,
+student at the University of Chicago, and Ing. Luis Híjar y Haro of
+Mexico City, I express appreciation for bibliographic items, as well
+as to Dr. Ralph Beals of the University of California at Los Angeles.
+Richard Schultes, student at Harvard University, who was with me for
+an ethnobotanical study during several weeks of my second summer of
+work, has also been generous in giving help on bibliographic as well
+as botanical and pharmaceutical matters. Dr. E. A. Hoebel of New York
+University made available his notes on Northern Cheyenne and Comanche
+peyote. Dr. Ruth Benedict of Columbia University and Dr. M. E. Opler
+of the University of Chicago have aided with Mescalero Apache notes,
+and the latter has very generously lent valuable manuscript notes on
+Tonkawa, Carrizo and Lipan peyotism. Dr. Frank Speck of the University
+of Pennsylvania was fertile with suggestions during the second period of
+field work, and since its completion has contributed important Delaware
+material. Mrs. Erminie Voegelin, student at Yale University, kindly lent
+her voluminous notes on Shawnee peyote, as did Mrs. Anne Cooke for the
+Ute, and John Noon, student at the University of Pennsylvania, for the
+Kickapoo. Dr. A. H. Gayton kindly lent an interesting paper on datura.
+While the present paper was still in proof form, Dr. Leslie A. White
+of the University of Michigan and Dr. Fred Eggan of the University of
+Chicago generously lent material on Taos and Northern Cheyenne peyotism
+respectively.
+
+To Dr. Edward Sapir of Yale University, to the Laboratory of Anthropology
+at Santa Fé, and to Dr. Clark Wissler of the American Museum of Natural
+History, I wish to express my thanks for making available the funds on
+which field work was undertaken. To Dr. Sapir and to Dr. John Dollard
+of the Institute of Human Relations at Yale University I owe the warm
+personal debt of founding a knowledge and an interest in matters of
+psychological import herein treated. And to Dr. Leslie Spier, my
+dissertation adviser, I express gratitude for his constant stimulating
+interest, valuable bibliographic help, and leads of considerable
+ethnographic significance.
+
+                                                           WESTON LA BARRE
+
+
+_Note to the Reprint Edition_
+
+In the twenty years since the original publication of this book, studies
+of peyotism have continued to appear, until there are at present over one
+thousand bibliographic items on the ethnography of peyotism and related
+subjects. The author has summarized recent studies in an extended review
+of “Twenty Years of Peyote Studies,” which is in press for appearance in
+an early issue of _Current Anthropology_. Readers interested in following
+two decades of developments in peyotism may wish to be referred to this
+publication.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                                     PAGE
+
+    PREFACE                                                             3
+
+    INTRODUCTION                                                        7
+
+    BOTANICAL AND PHYSIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTE                      10
+        Botany                                                         10
+        Ethnobotany                                                    11
+            Names for peyote                                           14
+            Etymology of “peyotl”                                      16
+            Identification of peyote                                   17
+        Physiology of Peyote Intoxication                              17
+
+    THE ETHNOLOGY OF PEYOTISM                                          23
+        Non-ritual Uses of Peyote                                      23
+        Ritual Uses of Peyotl                                          29
+            Huichol                                                    30
+            Tarahumari                                                 33
+            Comparison of Mexican peyote rituals                       35
+            Mescalero Apache and transitional forms of ritual          40
+            Kiowa-Comanche type rite                                   43
+            Comparison of Mexican, transitional, and Plains peyotism   54
+
+    COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PLAINS PEYOTISM                               57
+
+    PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTISM                                  93
+
+    HISTORICAL INTERPRETATIONS                                        105
+        The Pre-peyote Mescal Bean Cult                               105
+        History of the Diffusion of Peyotism                          109
+
+    APPENDIX 1: Peyote in Mexico                                      124
+
+    APPENDIX 2: Peyote and the Mescal Bean                            126
+
+    APPENDIX 3: Peyote and Teo-nanacatl                               128
+
+    APPENDIX 4: “Plant Worship” in Mexico and the United States       131
+
+    APPENDIX 5: Chemistry of Peyote                                   138
+
+    APPENDIX 6: Physiology of Peyote                                  139
+
+    APPENDIX 7: John Wilson, the Revealer of Peyote                   151
+
+    APPENDIX 8: Christian Elements in the Peyote Cult                 162
+
+    APPENDIX 9: The Native American Church and Other Peyote Churches  167
+
+    BIBLIOGRAPHY                                                      175
+
+
+
+
+ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+    PLATES
+
+    Explanation of plates                               AT END
+
+    1. Peyote leaders
+    2. Altar and ash birds
+
+    TEXT FIGURES
+                                                          PAGE
+
+    1. Arrangement of tipi for peyote meeting (Kiowa)       44
+    2. Peyote paraphernalia                                 47
+    3. Peyote drum                                          49
+    4. Peyote altars or moons                               75
+    5. The diffusion of peyotism                           122
+    6. Cement altar of the Big Moon rite (Osage)           154
+    7. Altar in West Moon Church (Osage)                   155
+
+
+
+
+THE PEYOTE CULT
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+Peyote (Nahuatl, peyotl) or _Lophophora williamsii_ Lemaire, is a small,
+spineless, carrot-shaped cactus growing in the Rio Grande Valley and
+southward. It contains nine narcotic alkaloids of the isoquiniline
+series, some of them strychnine-like in physiological action, the rest
+morphine-like. In pre-Columbian times the Aztec, Huichol, and other
+Mexican Indians ate the plant ceremonially either in the dried or green
+state. This produces profound sensory and psychic derangements lasting
+twenty-four hours, a property which led the natives to value and use it
+religiously. Peyote is not, however, the same as teo-nanacatl, as Safford
+believed; the latter is a narcotic mushroom which likewise had a Mexican
+distribution. The term “peyotl” is also used in Mexico to designate other
+cacti and non-cacti, some of which, like peyote, are reputed to have
+aphrodisiac and other properties.
+
+Physiologically, the salient characteristic of peyote is its production
+of visual hallucinations or color visions, as well as kinaesthetic,
+olfactory and auditory derangements. Psychiatrists have used it
+(experimentally) with unsatisfactory results in producing temporary
+psychosis, and therapeutically its use has been similarly disappointing
+because of the uncertainty of action of the antagonistic alkaloids of
+pan-peyotl. First, exhilaration is produced by the strychnine-like
+alkaloids, followed by profound depression, nausea and wakefulness, and
+finally, under the influence of the morphine-like alkaloids, brilliant
+color visions are produced, which last for several hours. There are no
+ill after-effects, and peyote is not known to be habit-forming. These
+properties have led to a number of non-ritual uses by natives for
+prophesying, clairvoyance, finding lost objects and the like, as well as
+empirically for the cure of all manner of illnesses.
+
+In Mexico peyote was used seasonally in an agricultural-hunting religious
+festival, preceded by a ritual pilgrimage for the plant. Participants
+danced all night around a fire to the rasp-music of the shaman, as they
+ate the drug in this tribal celebration. Since about 1870 the cult has
+spread to the United States, particularly in the Plains, where nearly all
+groups use it. In the Southwest transitional region peyote became deeply
+involved in shamanistic rivalries and witchcraft, and in the Plains with
+war. A pre-peyote narcotic, the “mescal bean” (_Sophora secundiflora_)
+had there prepared the way for its introduction. The Plains cult is
+like the warriors’ societies of earlier times in some respects. The
+Kiowa, Comanche and Caddo were the chief agents of the spread of the
+cult throughout the entire Plains region to southern Canada and parts of
+the Great Basin. The standard ritual is an all-night meeting in a tipi
+around a crescent-shaped earthen mound and a ceremonially-built fire;
+here a special drum, gourd rattle and carved staff are passed around
+after smoking and purifying ceremonies, as each person sings four “peyote
+songs.” Various water-bringing ceremonies occur at midnight and dawn,
+when there is a “baptism” or curing rite, followed by a special ritual
+breakfast of parched com, fruit, and boneless meat.
+
+The Caddo-Delaware John Wilson had peyote visions that led him to
+modify the altar and ceremony; this new form has spread to the Caddo,
+Delaware, Quapaw, Osage and others. Wilson was one of a long line of
+Indian prophet-messiahs, and his “moon” has been somewhat exploited
+economically. The Oto teacher, Jonathan Koshiway, founded a Christianized
+version of peyotism which spread to the Omaha, Winnebago and others. An
+organization of confederated tribes known as “The Native American Church”
+grew out of Koshiway’s “Church of the First-born” (which latter spread to
+Negro groups also). The cult has had considerable legal difficulties.
+
+Praying and doctoring in meetings, and occasionally public confession
+of sins, are the major means for the liquidation of life-anxieties of
+this profoundly functional cult’s many present-day communicants. In the
+following pages we shall attempt to delineate the history of the study
+of the cult, the various botanical questions surrounding peyote, its
+physiological action and the various ethnological, psychological and
+historical questions involved in its diffusion.
+
+First of modern students to describe the peyote rite was James Mooney,
+who visited the Kiowa, Comanche, Tarahumari, and “a number of other
+tribes, among them the Mexican tribes of the Sierra Madre, and as far
+south as the City of Mexico.”[1] But at his death he had published no
+further study of peyote; ethnographers of the period were in general
+concerned with preserving complete records of older native cultures, and
+ignored or paid scant attention to the modern cult of peyote. Mooney
+himself gave little notice to the rite in his monographs on the Cheyenne
+and the Kiowa,[2] although at the time he was undoubtedly the authority
+on the subject.
+
+Wissler, for example, barely mentions the peyote cult.[3] Indeed, in its
+role of modern destroyer or supplanter of older native religions, peyote
+was even a matter of concern[4] and annoyance to some ethnographers.
+Lumholtz, with wonted thoroughness, published considerable data on
+Huichol and Tarahumari peyote in 1898 and later, and Kroeber in 1902
+wrote a chapter on Arapaho peyote which has remained a model for later
+investigators.[5]
+
+It remained for Paul Radin, however, in his studies of Winnebago
+peyote,[6] to point out to ethnographers an engrossingly interesting,
+but widely ignored, religious cult which was growing and spreading
+before their very eyes. Since the appearance of his papers in the
+years following 1914, the ethnographic literature on peyote has grown
+considerably, due importantly to the impetus Radin gave such studies.
+Lowie devoted a chapter partly to peyote in his book _Primitive
+Religion_; Rouhier paid some attention to ethnographic questions in his
+pharmacological monograph on peyote; and Wagner wrote a short comparative
+paper based largely on the Comanche and Huichol cults. Petrullo’s
+_Diabolic Root_ was devoted entirely to Delaware peyotism.[7]
+
+No comparative treatment of the peyote cult of the order of Mooney’s on
+the Ghost Dance, Lowie’s on Plains societies, or Spier’s on the Sun Dance
+had ever been made when Dr. Maurice Smith of the University of Oklahoma
+began his studies. The unfortunate death of this investigator, however,
+prevented the finishing of his work, of which only a short paper[8] has
+seen publication. But studies of the peyote cult in individual tribes,
+both published and in manuscript, have multiplied to such an extent since
+the time of Kroeber’s and Radin’s studies that the time appears ripe to
+attempt an integrated comparative treatment of the religion.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Mooney, _A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_, 64-65; _Mescal Plant and Ceremony_
+(from which dates the medical and pharmaceutical interest in peyote);
+statement in _Peyote, as Used in Religious Worship_, 58.
+
+[2] _The Cheyenne_, 418; _Calendar History_, 237-39.
+
+[3] _The American Indian_, 376.
+
+[4] Skinner, _Material Culture_, 42-43; _Societies of the Iowa_, 693-94,
+724.
+
+[5] Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_; _Huichol Indians_; _Explorations en
+Mexique_; _Symbolism of the Huichol_; _Unknown Mexico_; Kroeber, _The
+Arapaho_, 398-410.
+
+[6] Radin, _Sketch of the Peyote Cult_; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388-426;
+_Crashing Thunder_.
+
+[7] Lowie, _Primitive Religion_, 200-204; Rouhier, _Monographie du
+Peyotl_; Wagner, _Entwicklung und Verbreitung_; Petrullo, _The Diabolic
+Root_.
+
+[8] Smith, Mrs. Maurice G., _A Negro Peyote Cult_.
+
+
+
+
+BOTANICAL AND PHYSIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTE
+
+
+BOTANY
+
+Numerous errors involved in the study of peyote, many of them still
+widely current, make it advisable to identify our subject-matter clearly
+at the very outset of our study. The plant peyote was first described by
+Sahagún in 1560 as a narcotic cactus used ritually by the Chichimeca, the
+root peiotl.[1] Jacinto de la Serna[2] in 1626 mentioned peyote, which
+he distinguished from other intoxicants. The first properly botanical
+description was made in 1638 by Hernandez,[3] the naturalist of Philip
+II of Spain, under the rubric De Peyotl Zacatensi, seu radice molli et
+lanuginosa. Ortega,[4] again, in 1754, mentioned peyote as used in a Cora
+dance.
+
+Since 1845 peyote has had numerous modern botanical classifications,
+being listed variously as _Echinocactus williamsii_ Lem., _Anhalonium
+williamsii_ Lem., _Mammillaria williamsii_ Coulter, _Echinocactus
+lewinii_ Hennings, _Mammillaria lewinii_ Karsten, _Lophophora lewinii_
+Thompson, etc. The commonest designation in the older ethnological
+literature is _Anhalonium lewinii_ or _A. williamsii_. For a considerable
+period it was thought that these last were two species—a point argued
+both on botanical and ethnographic grounds—but the present classification
+of peyote is as a single species, the unique member of its genus,
+_Lophophora williamsii_.[5]
+
+The peyote plant is a curious and unique little cactus. It has no spines
+whatsoever, and ranges from the carrot-like to the turnip-like in shape
+and size, without, however, any branches or leaves. The rounded top
+surface, which alone appears above the soil (and which, cut off and
+dried, becomes the peyote “button”), is divided radially by straight,
+or slightly spiral, or sinuous furrows that in some specimens become so
+complex as to lose the appearance of ribs altogether. These ribs bear
+little tufts or pencils of matted grayish-white hair, not unlike artists’
+fine camel’s-hair brushes. It is from these that the cactus takes both
+its modern botanical designation, _Lophophora_ (“I bear crests”) and its
+Aztec name _peyotl_ (from the resemblance to cocoon-silk). In the center
+of the top there is a little spot of closely matted fuzz, from which the
+ribs derive and grow; the flower, borne on a stalk, grows from here too,
+the pinkish-whitish blossom growing into a rapidly maturing club-shaped
+pinkish-reddish fruit.[6]
+
+
+ETHNOBOTANY
+
+Several matters regarding the botany of peyote should be discussed, for
+their having given rise to legends about the plant. After discussing the
+nefarious uses to which the Chichimeca put peyote, Hernandez writes that
+
+    on this account the root scarcely issues forth, but conceals
+    itself in the ground, as if it did not wish to harm those who
+    discover and eat it.[7]
+
+Dr. Parsons[8] recounts a Taos origin legend in which peyote acts even
+more spectacularly. A warrior on the war-path heard a singing, and when
+he approached,
+
+    the plant would go open and shut like this [the narrator moves
+    his finger-tips close together and then opens them].... Then
+    the plant told the Indian to come inside. But the opening was
+    so small. Then it got bigger; it got to be a big hole in the
+    ground, a square hole. The Indian went down the hole. There was
+    a big hollow place down there in the ground, round like a kiva.
+
+And the story continues, telling of how the Indian learned the peyote
+rite from the man in the kiva. On scrutiny this appears to be the Kiowa
+origin legend for peyote, modified by the addition of familiar Pueblo
+folk-tale motifs. The Kiowa themselves say,
+
+    you must look closely at peyote, because it is like a mole when
+    it comes on top of the ground—if you don’t look closely it is
+    gone again.
+
+These curious legends, however, are not without some histological[9]
+and ecological reality. In this semi-desert region the subterranean
+funnel-formed tap-root of the plant is covered with woody scales which
+form a rigid shell. Rouhier writes:[10]
+
+    All this chlorophyll-region [the portion above the ground] is
+    tumid, plump and fleshy, firm and elastic to the touch, when,
+    after the season of heavy rains, the plant is replete and
+    vigorous. During the hot season it droops and shrivels, becomes
+    soft, and has a dull rumpled look. It retracts then into the
+    rigid cylinder formed by the desiccated corky desquammated
+    part of the stem; the plant literally gives the impression
+    of pulling its head into its neck. (M. Diguet has told us
+    that the plant, at this time, buries itself in the soil, as
+    though drawn, by a powerful force of traction of its adventive
+    radicles, at the base of the funnel which its tap-root has
+    bored.)
+
+Another matter of ethnobotanical interest concerns the supposed existence
+of two varieties of peyote.[11] In discussing Peyotl Zacatensis
+Hernandez[12] writes that “they say they are male and female.” The
+Huichol likewise distinguish two kinds of Peyote, one, the more
+active and bitter in taste and presenting smaller and more numerous
+mammillations on the surface, called Tzinouritehua-hicouri, “Peyotl of
+the Gods,” the other, whose physiological effect is less pronounced,
+called Rhaïtoumuanitarihua-hicouri, “Peyotl of the Goddesses.” In the
+opinion of Rouhier,[13] “The Peyotl of the Goddesses ... is the young
+form of _Echinocactus williamsii_ [= _Lophophora williamsii_], and the
+Peyotl of the Gods is its adult form.”
+
+Nor is this the end of the matter. It is well known that sex is
+attributed to plants in the Plains, but there is also a well-defined
+pattern regarding the sex[14] specifically of peyote throughout Mexico
+and the Plains. The Huichol have a tutelary goddess for peyote called
+Hatzimouika; the peyote deity of the Tarahumari, on the other hand, is
+male, and great reverence is paid by them to the hikuli walúla sälíami,
+or “hikuli great authority,” literally, who is surrounded by smaller
+plants, his “servants,” and who, not satisfied with mere sheep and goats,
+demands the sacrifice of oxen.
+
+Being persons, peyote plants naturally talk and sing on occasion.
+Lumholtz[15] writes of the Tarahumari belief that
+
+    in the fields in which it grows, it sings beautifully, that the
+    Tarahumare may find it. It says, “I want to go to your country,
+    that you may sing your songs to me.” ... It also sings in the
+    bag while it is being carried home. One man, who wanted to use
+    his bag as a pillow, could not sleep, he said, because the
+    plants made so much noise.
+
+Bennett and Zingg[16] mention the Tarahumari belief that the singing one
+hears as the bakánawa moves about in the night near the sleeper may be
+made clearer by chewing a bit of the plant. Indeed, Mooney[17] says the
+Tarahumari find the peyote by hearing its song, Híkurówa, which it sings
+day and night. Peyote speaks to the Tarahumari shaman during the night of
+dancing and curing, and encourages him with words and by singing to him.
+The fetish-plant in the ceremony proper is placed on the altar under a
+half-gourd resonator; the rasping of the shaman, thus amplified, is very
+pleasing to peyote, who manifests his strength by the amount of noise
+produced with his aid.
+
+In the Plains, however, when pleased with the singing, the peyote goddess
+actually joins in with it.[18] The Kiowa call her sęⁱmąyi, literally,
+“Peyote Woman.” Mooney describes a Kiowa peyote rattle on which she
+is represented, and at her feet the Morning Star, which heralds her
+approach. A Taos origin legend for peyote tells of a warrior abandoned
+by his companions, who heard a singing and rattling near where he lay,
+and finally discovered it coming from the blossom in the center of the
+top of the plant.
+
+The Shawnee[19] say that if you listen carefully you can “catch songs”
+from Peyote Woman. The Kickapoo likewise have the concept of the peyote
+“goddess” who sometimes sings in meetings when pleased; one informant
+further said that “the spirit of a woman who had been faithful to peyote
+sings after she has passed away. Sometimes we put pieces of food near
+the fire for spirits of a dead man or woman or child. Sometimes you hear
+a man’s voice too.” The Lipan say they hear “Changing Woman’s” voice in
+peyote meetings. The Wichita believe it is kicu·ídie, “the woman who
+stays in the water,” and her little son, wi·ḱιdiwιdá, “the boy who rolls
+along the banks of the water,” who are mentioned in prayer, and who give
+power in meetings. The “peyote-woman” belief is attenuated elsewhere in
+the Plains.[20]
+
+
+NAMES FOR PEYOTE
+
+Native terms for peyote differ somewhat in denotation and connotation.
+For clarity sake we shall list only those terms referring specifically
+to _Lophophora williamsii_. Native classifications of cacti, as well as
+extensions of the term “peyotl,” will be discussed in an appendix, as
+involving special problems.
+
+The Huichol of Jalisco call peyote hícuri, hicori, xicori or hicouri (in
+the notation of speakers of different European languages); sometimes
+they refer to it metaphorically as foutouri, “flower.” The Cora of the
+Tepic mountains term peyote huatari, houtari or watara; the Tepehuane
+of Durango, kamaba. The Tarahumari of Chihuahua call it hikuli or
+hikori, sometimes adding, according to Lumholtz, the epithet wanamé (or
+houanamé), “superior,” to designate the peyote par excellence; the same
+meaning appears to be indicated in the reduplication híkurí-íkuríwa.[21]
+
+The Opata[22] call it pejori, the Otomi beyo. The Pima of the Gila River
+region use the name peyori. The Comecrudo or Carrizo of Tamaulipas
+call peyote kóp, and Gatschet recorded the term kúampamát for “bailar
+el peyote” (“many are dancing [the peyote dance]”). The Lipan name
+is xʷucdjiyahi, “pricker one eats.” The Tonkawa of southern Texas
+call peyote nonč-gáⁱɛn; the Taos name is walena, the generic term for
+“medicine.” Mescalero Apache call it ho or hos; the Wichita nesac’. The
+Comanche wokwi or wokowi is said by Mooney to be the generic name for
+cacti.[23] The Arapaho call peyote hahaayāⁿx. Most of the Oklahoma tribes
+have their own version of the term peyotl, such as the Kickapoo pi·yot,
+or, like them, they may use some older native term for “medicine” such
+as natáⁱnoni. John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware), curiously, called peyote
+“sugar” or “bee-sugar”; and some Anadarko Delaware call peyote-eating
+“ear-eating.”
+
+Whites have used numerous confusing and erroneous non-botanical terms for
+_Lophophora williamsii_. Of these usages the commonest, “mescal,” “mescal
+beans” or “mescal buttons” are the most confusing. Mescal (from the
+Nahuatl mexcalli, “metl [maguey] liquor”) in northern Mexico, properly
+refers to the _Agave americana_ or _Agave_ spp. baked in earth ovens
+and widely eaten in the Southwest, and from which the Mescalero Apache
+take their name. By extension the term is applied to the intoxicant
+distilled from the native beer, pulque, also made from _Agave_ spp. A
+more precise designation of this native brandy (as opposed to the native
+beer) is tesvino and its variants, from the Nahuatl tehuinti or teyuinti,
+“intoxicating.”[24]
+
+“Mescal bean” as used to designate _Lophophora williamsii_ is quite
+indefensible, being wrong on two counts: the “mescal” bean proper is
+_Sophora secundiflora_ (= _Broussonetia secundiflora_) or, incorrectly,
+_Erythrina flabelliformis_. The former is a red bean which was used
+in a pre-peyote narcotic cult of the southern Plains, to be discussed
+later. The adjectival use of “mescal” in the designations “mescal
+beans” or “mescal buttons” no doubt comes from the known intoxicating
+properties of the distilled liquor mescal, as extended in meaning to
+other unfamiliar new intoxicants, _Sophora secundiflora_ (bean), and
+_Lophophora williamsii_ (cactus); the term “dry whisky” bears this out.
+Lumholtz,[25] indeed, wrote that the Texas Rangers, during the Civil War,
+when taken prisoner and deprived of all other stimulating drinks, soaked
+peyote (which they called “white mule”) in water and became intoxicated
+on the liquid. Further confusion of peyote with mescal has arisen from
+the north Mexican habit of mixing the two in a drink. Dealers call peyote
+the “turnip cactus” or “dumpling cactus” from its shape, to which also
+refers the local Mexican term biznagas, “carrot.” A local name in Starr
+County, Texas, where the plant grows abundantly, is challote, but the
+usual dealers’ name is “peyote buttons,” from their flat shape when dried.
+
+
+ETYMOLOGY OF PEYOTE
+
+A precise understanding of the meaning of this term is essential,
+for it gives a linguistic clue of primary importance in botanical
+identification. Molina[26] in 1571 recorded the Nahuatl term peyutl,
+whose elastic and imprecise sense designates something white, shining,
+silky or woolly, and which applies to the moth-cocoon, a spider-web, a
+fine tissue, or, indeed, from its appearance (familiar enough to the
+Aztecs) even to the pericardium or covering of the heart. Rémi Siméon,
+in his Nahuatl dictionary of 1885, lists “Peyotl or Peyutl—A plant whose
+root served to make a drink that took the place of wine (Sahagún);
+silkworm cocoon; pericardium, envelope of the heart.”[27]
+
+This etymology, the oldest as well as the most authoritative, is
+accepted by Rouhier.[28] The present writer, having been informed of
+its linguistic impeccability, further finds it explanatory of otherwise
+curious extensions of the term “peyotl” in Hernandez,[29] as well as
+later Mexican usages. Various plants in Mexico besides _Lophophora
+williamsii_, some of them not even belonging to the Cactus Family, have
+been called “peyote.” In each case, however, there has been some part
+of the plant to which the meanings of flocculence or cocoon-like woolly
+pubescence descriptively can legitimately apply. An appendix is devoted
+to the clearing up of this terminological confusion.
+
+
+IDENTIFICATION OF PEYOTE
+
+We have now touched upon the etymological connotation of “peyotl,”
+and its extended denotation in Mexican usage. But one further matter
+remains to be pointed out, _viz._, incorrect identification and
+misusages involving peyote. Safford[30] in 1915 adequately indicated the
+identity of the modern peyote of the Plains with the peiotl of Sahagún
+and other earlier Spanish writers. Not content, however, with proving
+this somewhat obvious point, he went beyond and even contrary to his
+evidence and attempted to prove the identity of peyote with a further
+narcotic mentioned in Spanish sources, a yellow thin-stemmed mushroom,
+called teo-nanacatl by the Aztec. This confusing and wholly erroneous
+identification is discussed at length in an appendix, inasmuch as it has
+unfortunately won wide acceptance.
+
+A more widespread error is the application of the terms “mescal,” “mescal
+bean” or “mescal button” to the cactus _Lophophora williamsii_ or peyote.
+These misusages are common in the literature on peyote, and arise from
+confusion with a pre-peyote narcotic of the southern Plains and Texas,
+the red bean of _Sophora secundiflora_, a true member of the Bean
+Family. The word “mescal” as applied either to the cactus or the bean
+is erroneous and misleading, and should properly be applied only to the
+“Indian cabbage” (_Agave_ spp.) of the Southwest, or the brandy distilled
+from Agave-beer or pulque.[31] The true “mescal bean” is discussed
+elsewhere.
+
+
+PHYSIOLOGY OF PEYOTE INTOXICATION
+
+The present section of our study proposes to deal with the physiology of
+peyote intoxication only insofar as it may be supposed to have influenced
+the form of native culture-patterns and rites surrounding its use. The
+efficacy of native doctoring with peyote, however, must be decided on the
+basis of properly controlled medical experiments, of a sort discussed in
+Appendix 6, and is not at issue here.
+
+So far as the brute effect of the drugs is concerned, the first stage
+is one of physical and mental exhilaration. To this physiological fact
+no doubt is due the Mexican use of peyote in foot-races, in war and for
+allaying hunger and thirst when on fasting pilgrimages for the plant.
+Expression of this exhilaration by dancing is common in Mexico, and is
+found likewise among the Tonkawa, the Lipan and sporadically in the
+Plains.[32]
+
+Gross attitudinal behavior may be exhibited in extreme cases.
+Lumholtz[33] says of the Huichol that
+
+    in a few cases a man may consume so much that he is attacked
+    with a fit of madness, rushing backward and forward, trying to
+    kill people, and tearing his clothes to pieces. People then
+    seize upon him, and tie him hand and foot, leaving him thus
+    until he regains his senses. Such occasions are thought to be
+    due to infringements of the law of abstinence imposed upon them
+    before and during the feast.
+
+This semi-psychotic state is no doubt as much conditioned culturally as
+the Malay “running amok”; in Mexico early Spanish writers repeatedly
+describe native visions as sometimes horribly frightening as well as
+sometimes laughable. Indeed, in Mexico, among the Mescalero, and the
+early Plains users, aggressions welling up under peyote intoxication
+commonly took the form of witchcraft fear and counter-witchcraft.
+Typically in the Plains, however, the attitude repeatedly emphasized is
+that of intertribal brotherhood and an individual feeling of friendliness
+and well-being. Nevertheless some fifty native visions collected indicate
+great variability in the psychic state. A Taos instance records euphoria
+to the point of laughter,[34] but Crashing Thunder (Winnebago)[35]
+experienced a state of deep depression and intense _fear_:
+
+    The next morning [he writes] I tried to sleep. I suffered a
+    great deal. I lay down in a very comfortable position. After
+    a while a fear arose in me. I could not remain in that place,
+    so I went out into the prairie, but here again I was seized
+    with this fear. Finally I returned to a lodge near the one in
+    which the peyote meeting was being held, and there I lay down
+    alone. I feared that I might do something foolish to myself if
+    I remained there alone, and I hoped that someone would come and
+    talk to me. Then someone did come and talk to me, but I did
+    not feel any better. I went inside the lodge where the meeting
+    was taking place. “I am going inside,” I told him. I went in
+    and sat down. It was very hot and I felt as though I was going
+    to die. I was very thirsty, but I feared to ask for water.
+    I thought that I was surely going to die. I began to totter
+    over. I died and my body was moved by another life. I began to
+    move about and make signs. It was not myself doing it and I
+    could not see it. At last it stood up. The eagle feathers and
+    the gourds, these it said, were holy. They also had a large
+    book there. What was contained in the book my body saw. It
+    was the Bible.... Not I, but my body standing there, had done
+    the talking [this schizoid quality of consciousness in peyote
+    intoxication has been frequently noted by white observers].
+    After a while I returned to my normal condition. Some of the
+    people present had been frightened thinking I had gone crazy.
+    Others, on the other hand, liked it. It was discussed a great
+    deal; they called it the “shaking state.”
+
+The vision experiences of John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware) and Enoch
+Hoag (Caddo) are typical results of physiologically-induced
+hallucinations in individuals whose culture-background highly values
+vision-experiences.[36] The Enoch Hoag “moon” had its origin apparently
+in a (tetanic?) trance, wherein he saw himself as dead, with many people
+around him weeping and his arms composed on his chest as with a corpse.
+His companions tried to give him water with a spoon, but his jaws were
+stiff—a common symptom of strychnine poisoning.[37]
+
+The stimulating effect of peyote may partly account for the holding of
+meetings at night, for there is no desire or ability to sleep for ten or
+twelve hours after eating peyote; however, all-night meetings for various
+purposes are not unknown in the Plains, and the older culture pattern
+merely exploits the physiological fact as a limiting condition probably.
+Some observers report that, although there is heightened reflex-activity
+(including those of the skin), peyote induces a partial skin anaesthesis.
+A Zacatecas ceremony reported by Arlegui,[38] on the occasion of the
+birth of the first male child, appears to utilize this virtue of the
+plant:
+
+    The relatives gather and invite other Indians to a horrible
+    ceremony of which the father is the object. They give him to
+    drink a brew concocted of a root called peyot and which not
+    only has the property of intoxicating him who drinks it, but
+    also renders him insensible and drugs the flesh and paralyzes
+    the whole body. This drink is administered to the patient after
+    twenty-four hours of fasting. Then he is seated on a staghorn
+    in a place specially chosen for this. The Indians come with
+    sharpened bones and teeth of different animals. Then with
+    different ridiculous ceremonies, they approach the unfortunate
+    victim one by one; each one makes a wound on him, without pity,
+    making a great deal of blood flow out; and as those present are
+    numerous, the wounds are many and the unfortunate person is
+    so maltreated that, from head to foot, he offers a lamentable
+    spectacle.... According to how the miserable victim has borne
+    this, they augur the valor which the son of a father who has
+    suffered so much will possess.
+
+The stages of peyote intoxication have been noted by natives. Writing
+of the Kiowa and Comanche, Mooney[39] maintained that “in the peyote
+ceremonies, the songs of those present are more vigorous after
+midnight,” and informants frequently indicate their awareness of
+this.[40] Kroeber says of this period late in the intoxication that[41]
+
+    the physiological discomforts have usually worn off, and the
+    pleasurable effects are now at their height. It appears that
+    new songs, inspired perhaps by the visions of the night, are
+    often composed during this day.
+
+Many well known songs composed by such leaders as Quanah Parker
+(Comanche), Enoch Hoag (Caddo) and John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware, called
+Nĭshkûntŭ or “Moonhead”) are said to have arisen from the auditory
+hallucinations of peyote intoxication. The popular song “Heyowiniho” came
+to John Wilson in a synaesthetic auditory hallucination in which he heard
+the sound of the sun’s rising. Crashing Thunder[42] said of the beating
+of a drum that “the sound almost raised me in the air so pleasurably loud
+did it sound to me.” Other kinaesthetic derangements have been reported
+in visions.
+
+The dilation of the pupils of the eyes possibly explains the Huichol[43]
+belief that the squirrel- and skunk-fetishes of their ceremony can see
+better than ordinary people, guiding and guarding the hikuli-seekers on
+their way. Visual phenomena, indeed, are perhaps the most conspicuous
+effects of peyote eating. The colors red and yellow, usually with
+reference to birds and feathers, are common in both Mexican and Plains
+peyote symbolism.[44] The widespread Plains belief that peyote makes one
+see better may derive from pupil-dilation; white observers have reported
+acuter vision in peyote intoxication from this cause. Indians frequently
+manifest a marked “photophobia” even in the mild morning sunlight after
+meetings, and many younger men affect colored glasses at this time.
+
+The peyote alkaloids cause increased salivation, and there is a constant
+noise in meetings of spitting as the users eat peyote; in some meetings
+attended individual tin-can spittoons were provided. The increased
+flow of saliva probably accounts for the thirst-allaying effect of the
+plant encountered in the origin legends and elsewhere, but this and the
+diuretic[45] action of the drugs cause thirst to reappear more strongly
+later. A regular feature, therefore, of the typical Plains ritual
+is the bringing in of water at midnight and in the morning, which is
+passed around clockwise.[46] The widespread taboo on the use of salt in
+connection with peyote may have some reference to this action of the
+plant.[47] On the other hand, the use of sweet[48] foods is a necessary
+part of the ritual; these are stereotyped both in the Plains and Mexico
+to include parched corn in sugar-water, sweet fruit, and sweetened meat
+either dried and powdered or cut into chunks, and candy is a regular
+feature in some meetings. Sugar may in effect relieve the stage of
+depression in peyote intoxication somewhat.[49]
+
+The classification of plants into male and female on the basis of
+their physiological action has, as we have seen, a botanical basis. We
+are convinced on the other hand, however, that peyote has no effect
+whatsoever in the curbing of an appetite for liquor. Both native and
+white apologists[50] for peyote advance this argument in extenuation
+and defence. Natives are perfectly sincere in their belief that the
+antagonism of peyote and alcohol is physiological (even in the face of
+conspicuous contrary evidence),[51] and Plains Indians are annoyed and
+hurt at the widespread association of drinking and peyote-eating through
+the confusion of the term “mescal.” Yet the stubborn ethnographic fact
+remains that in Mexico peyote is commonly drunk _with_ tesvino or mescal.
+
+Various other physiological effects noted by whites find native
+parallels. Many of the visions recorded for natives deal with
+synaesthesias of sight and hearing and smell, and there occur cases of
+taste- and smell-hallucinations as well as the more common auditory and
+visual ones. Kinaesthetic derangements are also not unknown.[52]
+
+One final question is less of physiological than psychological and
+ethnographic import. Along with teo-nanacatl, marihuana (_Cannabis_ spp.)
+and the Peyotl Xochimilcensis (_Cacalia cordifolia_), peyote has been
+said to have an aphrodisiac action. This association suggests that a
+matter of Spanish-White or Mexican-Indian ethnography is involved.[53]
+But love-magic was not unknown either in Mexico or the Plains, and it is
+conceivable that this new medicine (particularly since it was used for
+“witching”) because of its other spectacular effects, might have been
+valued for this purpose also.
+
+We have now discussed the bearing of physiological reactions on the
+peyote ritual and other native behavior: the _exhilarating_ first effect
+of the drug (in the allaying of hunger and thirst on the march, to give
+courage in war, and strength in dancing and racing) and the second stage
+of _depression_ and _visions_ (“running amok,” witchcraft-suspicion,
+psychic fear-states, euphoria and feeling of brotherhood, partial
+anaesthesia, the “suffering to learn something” characteristic of
+the Plains vision quest, synaesthesias, auditory hallucinations, and
+“catching songs,” visual hallucinations, and “learning” of painting- and
+bead-designs, symbolical birds and feathers, etc.).
+
+We found, too, behavior definitely related to the pupil-dilating
+power of peyote as well as its sialogogue and diuretic action; the
+injunction against salt and the use of sweet foods, however, may
+involve culture-historical matters. We have been skeptical of the
+alleged anti-alcoholic virtue of peyote, and have likewise doubted that
+_physiologically_ peyote is either aphrodisiac or anaphrodisiac, despite
+heated claims on both sides. The efficacy of native doctoring with peyote
+is a special problem treated elsewhere along with the therapeutic and
+psychiatric experiments of Whites.
+
+The following ethnographic part of our study deals first with the
+non-ritual uses of peyote, arising from its special properties, and
+secondly with the ritualization of its use.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] “They [the Chichimeca] have a considerable knowledge of plants and
+roots, their qualities and their virtues. They were the first to discover
+and use the root called peiotl, which enters among their comestibles in
+the place of wine” (Sahagún, _Histoire générale_, 10:661-62). Again,
+“There is another herb, like tunas of the earth [tunas is the Spanish
+name for the fruit of the prickly pear, _Opuntia opuntia_]; it is called
+peiotl; it is white; it is produced in the north country; those who eat
+or drink it see visions either frightful or laughable; this intoxication
+lasts two or three days and then ceases” (Sahagún, _Historia general_,
+3:241; in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 294-95).
+
+Translations from the Spanish have been made with the aid of Mr. H. W.
+Tessen of the Yale Graduate School.
+
+[2] “Teo-nanacatl [has] ... the same properties as _ololiuhqui_ or
+_peyote_, since when eaten or drunk, they intoxicate those who partake of
+them, depriving them of their senses, and making them believe a thousand
+absurdities” (_Manual de Ministros_; in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_,
+309-10).
+
+[3] “Peyote of Zacatecas, or soft and lanuginous root. The root is of
+nearly medium size, sending forth no branches nor leaves above ground,
+but with a certain wooliness adhering to it, on which account it could
+not be aptly figured by me” (_De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70; in Safford,
+_An Aztec Narcotic_, 295. See also Rouhier, _Monographie du Peyotl_,
+43-44).
+
+[4] “Nearby [the leader] was placed a tray filled with peyote, which is
+a diabolical root [raiz diabolica] that is ground up and drunk by them
+so that they may not become weakened by the exhausting efforts of so
+long a function” (Ortega, _Historia del Nayarit_; in Safford, _An Aztec
+Narcotic_, 295).
+
+[5] Those interested in the taxonomic problem should consult the numerous
+botanical references in the bibliography. Britton and Rose, in their four
+volume work on the Cactaceae classify peyote as _Lophophora williamsii_,
+which will be followed in the present study.
+
+[6] The most succinct and complete description of the plant is found in
+Britton and Rose, _The Cactaceae_, 83-84.
+
+Peyote’s range is comprehended within an irregularly-shaped lozenge from
+Deming, New Mexico, to Corpus Christi, Texas, to Puebla, Sombrerete,
+Zacatecas, and back to Deming. That is, the valley of the Rio Grande
+(north), Tamaulipecan Mountains (east), the watershed of the affluents
+of the right bank of the Rio Grande de Santiago and Rio de Mezquital
+(south), and the foothills of the Sierra Madre, the Sierra de Durango and
+the Sierra del Nayarit (west). It prefers the calcareous and argillaceous
+soils of the Cretaceous formation in the north of this region.
+
+[7] In Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 295; see also _Narcotic Plants_, 401.
+
+[8] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 63.
+
+[9] The best histological account is in Rouhier, _Monographie_, 34-42;
+the work of Dr. Helia Bravo, _Nota acerca de la Histología_, is more
+recent. Richard Schultes at Harvard has also pursued histological
+studies. It is noteworthy that the Indians ordinarily take only the upper
+portion of the plant, which contains a larger proportion of the alkaloids
+according to Rouhier.
+
+[10] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 25. I am persuaded that many such insights
+would be afforded us in ethnography if we had a less cavalier attitude
+toward native science and history: for after all even our own science
+grows from criticism of traditional notions.
+
+[11] From the middle of the last century there has raged an acrimonious
+debate as to whether there are two varieties of peyote corresponding to
+_Anhalonium williamsii_ and _A. lewinii_. The former, it was contended,
+had seven or eight straight ribs and lacked most of the alkaloids of
+the latter, which had more numerous (twelve or more) sinuous ribs. This
+long, somewhat nationalistic debate may be regarded as ended since
+Rouhier (_Monographie_, 67) in 1926 figured a bicephalous plant on the
+same root, one head being a true _williamsii_, the other a perfect
+_lewinii_. It is apparent that the _lewinii_ “variety” is merely an older
+plant, which often takes the _williamsii_ aspect in its younger stages
+of growth; the more numerous alkaloids of the former more mature plant
+is likewise purely a growth-phenomenon, as are the rib-configurations
+and mammillations, though environmental and seasonal conditions may be
+involved as well.
+
+[12] Hernandez, _De Historia Plantarum_, 204, “Se dice que hay macho y
+hembra.” Inaccurately translated by Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 295, and
+Rouhier, _Monographie_, 43. The simplest and most obvious translation is
+the most satisfactory. According to the Lipan (Opler, _Use of Peyote_,
+279) male peyotes bloom red, female peyotes white.
+
+[13] Diguet, _Le Peyote_, 25; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 133.
+
+[14] _Handbook of the American Indians._ 1:604b. Spier informs me this is
+also Navaho and perhaps Pueblo as well. As indicated elsewhere, peyote,
+teo-nanacatl and associated plants have repeatedly been thought to be
+aphrodisiacs. The supposed sex of the plants may have some reference
+to this belief; cf. the Huichol belief that “Maize is a little girl
+whom one sometimes can hear weeping in the fields; she is afraid of the
+wild beasts, the coyote and others that eat corn” (Lumholtz, _Unknown
+Mexico_, 2:279). Different colors of corn belong to different deities
+also; it is interesting to note that the Huichol attribute different
+colors symbolically to peyote which have no effective reality (Rouhier,
+_op. cit._, 133). In 1935, in a non-peyote context, Apekaum told me that
+cotton plants in a field we were passing were male and female; some trees
+were male, too, and others female, he thought. No botanical realities
+were involved in any of these cases. The Jivaro also attribute sex to
+plants (Karsten, _Civilization_, 301, 304-06, 314-15, 323) as do the
+Aymará and others.
+
+[15] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:362.
+
+[16] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 295.
+
+[17] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:365;
+Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 293.
+
+[18] This auditory hallucination of hearing voices in peyote intoxication
+is most striking. Several explanations may be offered: the cultural (the
+belief is common in Mexico and the Plains that peyote talks and sings),
+the physiological (white observers, many in obvious ignorance of the
+ethnographic facts, have reported aural hallucinations), or the physical
+(the peculiarly resonant vibrations of the water-drum echoing from the
+taut, cone-shaped canvas of the tipi). A physiological constant for
+Indians and whites (culturally modified) seems indicated. See Mooney, _A
+Kiowa Mescal Rattle_, 65; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 63.
+
+[19] Statements without references are understood to be made from my own
+field work.
+
+[20] The Cora peyote goddess appears to be “Mother Hūrimoa” (Preuss,
+_Die Nayarit-Expedition_, 103). Tarahumari dancers sometimes imitate
+hikuli’s talk with a sound which reminded Lumholtz of the crow of a cock
+(_Tarahumari Dances_, 455). The Lipan information is from Opler (_The Use
+of Peyote_).
+
+[21] Diguet, _Le peyote et son usage_, 21, 25; Rouhier, _Monographie_,
+4; Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 297; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:357,
+2: _passim_; Preuss, _Die Nayarit-Expedition_, 103; Bennett and Zingg,
+_Tarahumara_, 135; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_.
+
+[22] Rudo Ensayo (1760) in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_. A note by F. W.
+H[odge] indicates a purely medicinal use of peyote for the Opata. Otomi:
+León, _fide_ Mooney; Mooney doubts this, somewhat unwarrantedly I think.
+Pima: Alegre, in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_. Comecrudo: _Handbook of
+the American Indians_, 1:209a; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_, whose source
+is probably Gatschet. Lipan: Opler, _The Use of Peyote_. Tonkawa: Mooney,
+_op. cit._ Taos: Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 114, note 115. Mescalero Apache:
+Rouhier, _Monographie_, 4 (Opler records this as xuc); Safford, _An Aztec
+Narcotic_, 297; Mooney, _op. cit._ Comanche: Mooney, _Miscellaneous
+Notes_; the present writer recorded wↄ´kweᵖⁱ and pua´kιt (= “medicine”).
+
+[23] Mooney (_Peyote Notebook_, 21) likewise says the Kiowa term for
+peyote sęⁱ means “prickly” or “prickly fruit” and is generic for all
+cacti. But peyote, it will be remembered, is conspicuous for its lack of
+spines; perhaps this was an older term for the prickly pear, _Opuntia
+opuntia_, transferred to the more recently known plant. In any case it
+occurs nowadays in many compounds: sęⁱmąyi, “peyote woman,” sęⁱpiⁱ,
+“peyote meeting,” etc., and in the phrase behábe sęⁱᴅɔki, “smoke, peyote
+power.” (Compare the Comanche hos mäbä´mho’i.) See also Mooney, _Calendar
+History_, 239; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 4; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 399;
+Speck, _Notes on the Life of John Wilson_, 552.
+
+[24] See _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:845, 846 (the Yuma,
+Mohave, Ute, Apache, etc., use it). The Mescalero Apache do not derive
+their name from the use of the peyote, “mescal,” as Mooney stated,
+being so designated long before they knew or used peyote. In the second
+etymology see Siméon, _Dictionnaire_, 436; also Safford, _An Aztec
+Narcotic_, 293. See also La Barre, _Native American Beers_, 225.
+
+[25] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:358. For “dry whiskey” see the _New
+Century Dictionary_, Supplement: “Mescal Buttons.” For the other names
+see Rouhier, _op. cit._, 4; Britton and Rose, _The Cactaceae_, 3:84 (the
+spelling pellote of Velasco, from Mooney, is a Castillianization of the
+Nahuatl); _Peyotes, datos para su estudia_, 209. The spelling pezote in
+Alarcón, _Tratato de las Supersticiones_, 131, is obviously a copyist’s
+error.
+
+[26] de Molina, _Vocabulario_, 80, “Peyutl—capullo de feda, o de gufano.”
+The Spanish o and u constitute a single phoneme in Nahuatl, according to
+Mr. Benjamin Whorf, so the vowel is purely a matter of recording. On the
+other hand, Reko’s etymology in _Was bedeutet das Wort Teo-Nanacatl?_
+(lent through the courtesy of R. E. Schultes) is inadmissable. He writes:
+“Pe-yotl, Old-Aztec Pi-yautli, is quite clear in its etymology: Pi is the
+significative (or affix) for ‘little.’ ... Yau-tli is always something
+narcotic or strong narcotic-smelling substance. Yau- is the root, -tli
+the post-positive article (substantive significative).... A pi-yautli
+(pe-yotl) is therefore the mildly intoxicating poison, in contrast with
+Hua-yautli (today Guayule, sap of the Gum-tree, which smells very strong)
+which means extremely intoxicating.” This is an ad hoc forcing of an
+etymology on a word, according to Whorf: in the first instance “old
+Aztec” pi-yautli appears to be an assumed rather than a quoted form; but
+even so, -yautli should not give -yotl or -iotl of Sahagún’s recording,
+but an unchanged -yautli. If the rules for Nahuatl sound-change are to be
+observed, peyotl must come from an uncontracted stem of two syllables,
+plus the absolutive suffix, this stem being pe-yo; -yautli, on the other
+hand, must come from a contracted stem, originally of two syllables,
+ya-wi (the -i standing for a variable or unknown vowel), plus the
+absolutive suffix, having the form -tl when preceded by a vowel, -tli
+when preceded by a consonant, i.e., a contracted stem. As for the first
+syllable, pi- and pe- are absolutely distinct phonemically in Aztec. The
+etymology, therefore, is neither phonetically nor phonemically correct,
+and assumes random and unexplained sound changes. The writer is grateful
+to Mr. Whorf for the preceding information. P. Augustin Hunt y Cortes
+(in Rouhier, 7) derives peyotl from the active verb pepeyoni, pepeyon,
+“to move, to stir, to set into motion, to excite, to activate.” Other
+offerings are “child” and a derivation from peyonanic, “stimulate, goad,
+prick, incite.” These are untenable for the same reasons that Reko’s is.
+
+[27] Siméon, _Dictionnaire_ 412, 436.
+
+[28] Rouhier, _Monographie_ 7.
+
+[29] _De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70 (Peyotl Xochimilcensi). Peyote,
+because of its abundance in certain localities, figures frequently in
+place names.
+
+[30] Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_; see also other items by this author in
+the bibliography.
+
+[31] See the _New Century Dictionary_, “Pulque,” 4841, a word conjectured
+to be of Carib (Haiti or Cuba) or Spanish origin. Agave and maguey are
+the American aloe, sometimes called “century plant” (cf. “maguey,” 3578,
+“agave,” 108). “Mescal” proper, therefore, = Agave americana = maguey =
+American aloe = “century plant.”
+
+[32] White Wolf (Comanche) tells of Kuaheta, at the time acting as
+fireman in Comanche Jack’s meeting, that he once failed to return after
+having asked to leave the tipi. Commissioned to investigate, White Wolf
+found him outside “jumping like a deer” from deep peyote intoxication.
+Hoebel relates a similar experience in a Northern Cheyenne meeting.
+Tonakat, the well-known Kiowa “witch,” once forced a man to get up and
+dance in a meeting (_Autobiography of a Kiowa Indian_, recorded by the
+writer, 1936). Jonathan Koshiway (Oto) laughingly told me of a meeting in
+Kansas where the singer’s jaw became locked; the whole meeting was upset
+while they shook and fanned him with cedar incense until his jaw “came
+back.” This may have been an effect of the strychnine-like alkaloids in
+peyote, as in the case of Tom Panther (Shawnee) who became unable to talk
+or sing once in George Fry’s meeting: “it took me four or five minutes to
+say the word ‘study’,” he said.
+
+[33] Lumholtz, _Huichol Indians_, 9.
+
+[34] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 63.
+
+[35] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 198-99.
+
+[36] Fernberger (_Further Observations_, 368), citing Petrullo,
+writes: “The best reporters of this group of Indians [Delaware] insist
+that visions may occur under peyote intoxication but that it has
+become socially admirable to suppress these visions and that, after
+some practice, this may be successfully accomplished.” But after
+establishing ordinarily friendly relations with informants I found no
+such reticence about visions; these, indeed, were publicly discussed
+in the Sunday forenoons after meetings (usually spent lounging under
+“shades” quietly exchanging peyote experiences). Many, like Spotted Horse
+(Kiowa), Tom Panther (Shawnee) and Sly Picard (Wichita) distinguished
+the ordinary effects of peyote from full-blown “visions”; and some
+corrective modesty is occasionally exhibited for the familiar Plains
+assertiveness and individualism, for, in fact, through peyote visions
+individuals push themselves to positions of leadership and influence.
+Fernberger continues: “The informants also state that they are able
+to control visions when they occur, that is, to change the vision to
+that of any particular known object or to hold a vision that occurs in
+consciousness for a considerable time. Both of these statements are
+totally at variance with the descriptions of all previous observers of
+the visual manifestations.” We disagree with this dictum; many informants
+would paraphrase the statement of Tom Panther (Shawnee) that in peyote
+intoxication, “I wasn’t boss of myself.” White observers too have
+remarked on the dualism of consciousness exhibited by Crashing Thunder.
+One might even go so far as to say that this is a reason natives think of
+peyote as an _external_ “power” working its influence on them.
+
+[37] Is the peculiar mode of wearing a blanket in meetings due to the
+necessity of supporting the back in strychnine-opisthotonos (from
+lophophorine and anhalonine)?
+
+[38] Arlegui, _Crónica_, 144; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 331.
+
+[39] Mooney, in Rouhier, _op. cit._, 344.
+
+[40] “We’re pulling for daylight now—that’s the time those boys sang a
+little faster” (Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_). “I wish you could see
+Quanah’s songs—they just like beautiful race horses—go fast” (Mooney,
+_Peyote Notebook_, 12).
+
+[41] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404-405. Maillefert (_La Marihuana_, 6)
+says that marihuana habitués in Mexico have special songs that they sing
+together; a marked feature of the Mexican use of drugs, of which this may
+be a case, is the pattern of group-narcosis.
+
+[42] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 178.
+
+[43] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:272.
+
+[44] This is obviously heavily culture-conditioned, but Klüver
+(_Mescal_, 41) records the predominance of red and green early in
+peyote intoxication, and yellow and blue in later stages, with possible
+reference to the Ladd-Franklin phylogenetic theory of color vision.
+
+[45] Maillefert (_loc. cit._) says marihuana habitués believe water
+decreases the effect of the drug, and therefore they do not use it when
+smoking. Although the peyote leader must otherwise be present all through
+the meeting (to prevent rival witching among the Apache), a fixed part of
+the Plains ritual is his exit alone at midnight to whistle at the four
+points of the compass, an opportunity which is no doubt exploited. Again,
+spitholes are a part of Tarahumari altars (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,
+1:365).
+
+[46] The Caddo, however, make a point of not drinking water at night,
+as though looking upon the meeting as a vision-ordeal; this aberrance
+is given point by the fact that they do no doctoring in peyote meetings
+either, and must make four rounds of the drum before quitting, no matter
+if it takes until noon of the next day.
+
+[47] The Comanche exclude the eating of pork also, but whether this is
+because pork is commonly a salt meat or because it is oily like the flesh
+of another tabooed food animal, the bear, I do not know.
+
+[48] Maillefert (_op. cit._, 6-7) says marihuana smokers believe that
+sugar augments the effect of the “grifos” (“reefers” in Harlem parlance),
+so they eat sweets while smoking them. Compare the consuming of honey
+with teo-nanacatl in Mexico.
+
+[49] The Arapaho (Kroeber, 407) use a more magical means to this
+end: they tie four bunches of yellow-hammer or other feathers at the
+northeast, southeast, southwest and northwest poles of the tipi to brush
+the bodies of worshippers who become tired.
+
+[50] E.g., Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 694.
+
+[51] For mescal (the agave-drink distilled from pulque) and peyote are
+mixed and _used together_ in northern Mexico. Yet Mooney often and at
+length produced this argument with regard to alcohol; Skinner said it
+destroyed the desire of tobacco as well (see appendix on the Native
+American Church). But peyote, physiologically and culturally, is only
+one more means of achieving the culturally valued state of psychic
+derangement, and such fundamentally deep-rooted patterns as this one is
+in native America do not change over-night. Even so, is the cure any
+better than the disease? The writer was a little startled when a Kiowa
+friend, an ardent peyote user, suggested that we go to a neighboring
+town one mid-week to drink. When I sought to discover his attitude on
+this he soon made it clear that it was no matter of moral sentimentality
+but purely one of physiology: there wasn’t another peyote meeting
+until Saturday, so what was the harm? One can eat lobsters one day
+and ice-cream the next, but one ought not eat them the same day. This
+informant conceived of the antagonism as a fight between liquor- and
+peyote-power, a matter-of-fact attitude probably not universal, and by no
+means as cynical as it seems.
+
+[52] Rouhier (_Monographie_, 320) however suggests that the illusions
+of phonation (the distance, strangeness and hollowness of the voice)
+may not be entirely sensory, i.e. auditory, but may also be a matter of
+voice-production; he cites Ellis, Putt, and Eshner.
+
+[53] Note the ritual necessity that a woman bring the morning water into
+a meeting formerly restricted to men, and the mythological significance
+of the “Peyote Woman.” Opler (_The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_)
+says that Mescalero saw women in visions and wanted them, believing that
+if one began with visions of women they would stay with him. Crashing
+Thunder (Radin, 177) confessed that at one time he attended meetings
+chiefly to find “a woman whom I cared to marry permanently. Before long,”
+he says, “that was the only thing that I would think of when I attended
+the meetings.” We have on the other hand, however, the healthy skepticism
+of an Oto who said, “You can see dead people in meetings, but peyote
+won’t get you a woman you desire though. She makes up her mind.” But may
+not other explanations than the physiologically-aphrodisiac be involved?
+Might there not be an association with promiscuity of the ritual mingling
+of the sexes (for in the older Sun Dance just this was implied when the
+main lodge-pole was brought in) in a region where sexual segregation
+ritually was usual? Compare the injunction of one Ghost Dance prophet to
+the people not to think of women, but to join hands with them on either
+side and dance the Ghost Dance. Would he have made the explicit statement
+if it had not been implicitly considered reasonable to expect natural
+sexual arousement or preoccupation in a rite in which men and women are
+not separated? Indeed, there is evidence among the Shawnee at least that
+sexual opportunities afforded through the Ghost Dance were not left
+unexploited.
+
+
+
+
+THE ETHNOLOGY OF PEYOTISM
+
+
+NON-RITUAL USES OF PEYOTE
+
+An Oto in all seriousness informed the writer that “peyote doesn’t work
+outside meetings, because I have tried it”—a belief understandable in
+a group whose sole acquaintance with the plant is through a recent
+ritual.[1] Nevertheless, owing to its marked physiological properties
+peyote is widely used both in Mexico and the Plains non-ritually, a fact
+which forms an interesting ethnological background to the rite proper.
+
+One of the most important and striking of these uses is in prophecy and
+divination. We find the Spanish missionaries in Mexico early protesting
+against this abomination. The confessional of Padre Nicolás de León[2]
+contains the following questions for the priest to ask the penitent:
+
+    Art thou a sooth-sayer? Dost thou foretell events by reading
+    omens, interpreting dreams, or by tracing circles and figures
+    on water? Dost thou garnish with flower garlands the places
+    where idols are kept? Dost thou suck the blood of others? Dost
+    thou wander about at night, calling upon demons to help thee?
+    Hast thou drunk peyotl, or given it to others to drink, in
+    order to discover secrets, or to discover where stolen or lost
+    articles were?
+
+This last was no idle matter, as appears from other evidence;
+Hernandez[3] says that
+
+    [the Peyotl Zacatensis] causes those [Chichimeca] devouring
+    it to be able to foresee and to predict things; such, for
+    instance, as whether on the following day the enemy will make
+    an attack upon them; or whether the weather will continue
+    favorable; or to discern who has stolen from them some utensil
+    or anything else; and other things of like nature which the
+    Chichimeca really believe they have found out.
+
+Padre Arlegui,[4] after mentioning the therapeutic uses to which the
+Zacatecans put peyote, complains that
+
+    this would not be so bad if they did not abuse its virtues,
+    for, in order to have a knowledge of the future and find out
+    how their battles will turn out, they drink it brewed in water,
+    and, as it is very strong, it intoxicates them with a paroxysm
+    of madness, and all the fantastic hallucinations that come
+    over them with this horrible drink they seize upon as omens of
+    the future, imagining that the root has revealed to them their
+    future.
+
+Prieto[5] says of a Tamaulipecan group that
+
+    often in these orgies was wont to impose silence, at the height
+    of their drunkenness, the voice of some ancient, who, assuming
+    a magisterial tone, prognosticated to them future events,
+    usually depicting them as sad and unhappy, and in spite of
+    the lugubriousness of his predictions, he usually ended his
+    harangue by exhorting them to enjoy in the dance the interval
+    between the present and the next unhappiness.
+
+Alarcón[6] adds other functions and relates of other drinks similarly
+used:[7]
+
+    If the consultation is about a lost or stolen article or
+    concerning a woman who has absented herself from her husband,
+    or some similar thing, here enters the gift of false prophecy,
+    and the divining that has been pointed out in the preceding
+    treatises; the divination is made in one of two ways, either
+    by means of a trance or by drinking peyote or ololiuhqui or
+    tobacco to attain this end, or commanding that another drink
+    it, and ordering him to remain under its spell; and in all this
+    goes implicitly hand in hand the pact with the devil who by
+    means of said drinks appears to them and speaks to them, giving
+    them to understand that he who speaks to them is the ololiuhqui
+    or the peyote or whatever beverage that they had drunk for the
+    said end; and the sorry part of it is that many put faith in
+    [the drink] as in the very lying cheats themselves, [indeed]
+    even more than in the evangelical predicators.
+
+As we move farther north in Mexico the use of peyote in prophesying
+becomes valuable in warning of the approach of the enemy.[8] For the
+Tarahumari Lumholtz[9] says that the various kinds of hikori were
+particularly good “to drive off wizards, robbers, and Apaches, and to
+ward off disease.” Of _Anhalonium fissuratum_ he says “robbers are
+powerless against it, for Sunami calls soldiers to its aid,” while the
+variety Rosapara “is particularly effective in frightening off Apaches
+and robbers.”
+
+In the Comanche version of the usual Plains origin tale of peyote, the
+leader of a group on the war-path goes up alone to an Apache camp where
+a peyote ceremony is in progress. Though an enemy, he is invited in, the
+leader telling him that peyote had predicted his coming in a vision.[10]
+One Comanche informant said eating peyote enables one to _hear_ an enemy
+coming, though still far away; peyote likewise predicted the success of
+one of the last Comanche horse-raids, and aided in its prosecution.
+
+From these uses of peyote in war it is no jump to its fetishistic use as
+a protector in war[11] and in ordinary witchcraft. Sahagún[12] writes
+that peyote
+
+    is a common food of the Chichimecas, for it stimulates them and
+    gives them sufficient spirit to fight and have neither fear,
+    thirst, nor hunger, and they say it guards them from all danger.
+
+De la Serna[13] said that ololiuhqui and peyote were carried by persons
+“forsaken of God” as charms against all injuries, and Arlegui deplored
+the custom of parents to “hang little bags on their children, and inside
+of them in place of the four Evangels that they place around the necks of
+children in Spain, [to] place peyot or some other herb.” Arias described
+a surreptitious worship of the fetish: the natives hung the herb in
+the choirs “as a special creation of the malignant spirit which they
+designate with the name of Naycuric,” and they communicated with the
+numen by drinking an infusion of peyote instead of wine.[14]
+
+Peyote is also a powerful protection against witchcraft in ritual
+foot-races. Rivals are liable to throw bones and herbs on the track and
+cause the Tarahumari runner to be bewitched and lose the race, which is
+run at night. For this contingency, however, “hikuli and the dried head
+of an eagle or a crow may be worn under the girdle as a protection.”[15]
+Peyote is a great protection too when traveling, both in war and on
+peyote-pilgrimages.[16]
+
+The Comanche commonly wore peyotes in buckskin bags attached to beaded
+bandoliers, recalling the mescal bean bandolier which the Kiowa and
+others commonly wore in battle. Indeed, peyote was even a part of the
+Θawikila and Kispoko war bundles of the Shawnee, long before they knew
+the generalized peyote ritual—a custom similar to the Iowa use of mescal
+beans in their war bundles.[17]
+
+But in Mexico and the Southwest war and witching are closely connected
+ideologically. As a matter of fact, peyote itself as well as the peyote
+shaman’s rasp, is employed in Tarahumari witchcraft.[18] Among the
+Mescalero Apache,[19] however, witching _within_ the tribe by rival
+peyote shamans was an ever-present anxiety, their feuds being conceived
+in terms of battles and war, with the “shooting” of arrows and struggles
+to see who had the more powerful and compelling songs. The Mescalero
+peyote leader was merely a shaman _primus inter pares_, whose major
+function was to prevent witching in meetings. The purpose of the Tonkawa
+peyote songs, it is said, was to ward off the enemies’ witching. Witching
+with peyote is less in evidence in the Plains, save among the Kiowa,
+Comanche, and Cheyenne who early received it, but as late as the time
+when the Caddo-Delaware messiah John Wilson took peyote and the Ghost
+Dance to the Quapaw there was witching by “shooting” objects. The
+Northern Cheyenne feared the “trickiness” of peyote itself; and the Lipan
+fireman was chosen for his braveness because “he has to go out at night
+to get wood and it is a frightening job sometimes, especially when one is
+under the influence of peyote; peyote is sure a joker!”
+
+Besides this fetishistic use in war, peyote was also used somewhat more
+“technologically” to cure wounds. Alegre writes that the Sonoran
+
+    manner of curing the wounds is with peyote, that they call
+    peyori after it has been made into a powder, with which they
+    fill the cut, cleaning it and renewing it three times every two
+    days, or with a species of balm composed of [maguey].
+
+Prieto says that, in Tamaulipecan war, among the provisions carried by
+the women in the rear were
+
+    gourds full of peyote and water ... and in addition to all
+    these provisions they carry some plants, which, chosen and
+    prepared beforehand serve to stop hemorrhages from the wounds,
+    and to aid in their curing.
+
+The Opata used pejori for arrow-wounds, cleaning them out with cotton
+squills on sticks dipped in the powder; the Lipan put peyote on wounds of
+all kinds.[20]
+
+The other therapeutic uses of peyote are various. At Taos it was used
+for snake-bite. The Caxcanes of Teo-caltiche employed peyote for cramps
+and fainting spells, the Chichimeca for relieving painful joints.
+The Tarahumari apply peyote externally for bruises, snake-bites and
+rheumatism. The Huichol use few remedies except hikuli, unlike the
+Tepecano who use many, but it is good for anything from a minor ache to
+a major wound. Medicinal uses are also recorded for the Tepecano, Yaqui,
+Opata, Pima, Papago, Cora and Lipan.[21]
+
+In the Plains a Wichita case of blindness of fifteen years’ standing
+was cured by the sole application of peyote-infusion.[22] Radin cites
+a similar Winnebago case. The Kiowa use peyote as a panacea: uses are
+recorded for tooth-ache, hemorrhages, headache, consumption, fever,
+breast pains, skin disease, hiccough, rheumatism, childbirth, diabetes,
+colds and pulmonary diseases in general. Mooney records the further use
+as a “tonic aperitif.” The Shawnee chew peyote into poultices for sores
+and snake-bites and eat it for colds, pneumonia, rheumatism, aches and
+pains.[23]
+
+The remaining non-ritual uses of peyote are quite varied. The Acaxee
+employed it in some manner in their ball games, probably eating it in
+small doses, according to Beals. In Tlaxcala peyote was used by “the
+auxiliary forces of the conquistadores, in order not to feel fatigue on
+their marches”—a widespread use in Mexico; in the Plains the typical
+origin legend tells of peyote aiding a seriously wounded warrior or a
+woman and child left behind by their companions without food or drink.
+The legend is not unlike the common Plains stories of receiving power
+from animals in a stress-situation; Old Man Horse (Kiowa) said “peyote is
+the only plant from which one can get power,” obviously thinking in terms
+of the old vision quest. Peyote in fact gave power to perform shamanistic
+tricks in the old days.[24]
+
+The Tarahumari, among other things, left a hikuli plant with the corpse,
+the motive for which is unstated.[25] A Wichita, captured in war and
+imprisoned, was aided in escaping unseen from the enemy camp by his
+fetish-plant; the lobbying power of peyote in influencing Federal bonus
+legislation has already been mentioned. Indeed, peyote has had a record
+of unbroken success in preventing Federal anti-peyote legislation.[26]
+
+
+RITUAL USES OF PEYOTE
+
+Despite the unsatisfactory state of the literature, it is clear that
+the ceremonial use of peyote in Mexico differs widely from that in the
+Plains. First we shall characterize the Mexican type by summarizing the
+Huichol and Tarahumari rites, and later adding comparative Mexican data.
+
+
+HUICHOL
+
+Though the most important of their fiestas, Huichol peyotism is a
+seasonal matter, the hikuli seldom being eaten outside the ceremonial
+period in January. In October a preliminary trip lasting fifteen days
+each way is made to Real Catorce (San Luis Potosí) to obtain the plants.
+The eight or twelve pilgrims bathe and sleep in the temple with their
+wives the night before leaving, not washing again until the feast
+some four months later. After receiving new names for the trip, the
+next morning they pray around a fire, wearing squirrel tails tied to
+their hats, and sacrifice five tortillas[27] to the fire. Then, after
+sprinkling their heads with a deer-tail dipped in water steeped with
+certain herbs, all weep as each man puts his right hand on his wife’s
+left shoulder and bids her farewell.[28]
+
+Their route is full of religious associations, since formerly the gods
+went out to seek peyote and now are met with in the shape of mountains,
+stones and springs; their dreams en route are also important in deciding
+religious arrangements for the coming year (who is to sacrifice cattle
+for rain, who is to be fire-maker, etc.). The pilgrims carry sacred
+hour-glass shaped gourds and the leader also carries the yákwai, a ball
+of native-grown tobacco called macuchi, which is solemnly distributed
+after they pass Puerta de Cerda. In the afternoon they place ceremonial
+arrows toward the four corners of the world, and sit around a fire until
+midnight. Tobacco belongs to the personified fire; after much praying the
+leader touches the tobacco-ball with his plumes and wraps small portions
+in corn husks[29] “so that they look like diminutive tamales,” and each
+man puts one in a special tobacco-gourd tied to his quiver. This act
+symbolizes the birth of tobacco and henceforth they must preserve ritual
+order on the march, and only cease to be the “prisoner” of Grandfather
+Fire when the sacred bundles are given back to him, i.e., burned.
+
+On the fourth afternoon the women at home gather to confess their sins to
+Grandfather Fire; they knot palm-leaves lest they forget the name of even
+a single lover and the men consequently find no hikuli. After this public
+confession each woman throws her leaf into the fire and becomes ritually
+clean. The men make a similar confession “to the five winds” a little
+beyond Zacatecas and burn their tallies in the fire. The hikuli-seekers
+are henceforth gods and the leaders fast (save for eating stray plants)
+until they reach the peyote country.[30]
+
+Arrived, they line up, each man with an arrow on his bow-string which
+he points successively to the six regions of the world without letting
+it fly. As they march toward the mesa-“altar” where the leader has seen
+hikuli as a “deer,” each man shoots two arrows each over five hikuli
+plants, crossing over their tops that they may be taken “alive.” They
+make a ceremonial circuit of the mesa, but the “deer” assumes the form
+of a whirlwind and disappears, leaving two hikuli in his tracks; there
+they sacrifice votive bowls, arrows, paper flowers, beads, etc., and
+pray. After this they return to get their five hikuli, and eat and gather
+others. The whole ceremony is of hunting deer, and after five days they
+reverse the logs of their fireplace and return home with gourds of holy
+water, wood for the shaman’s rasp, sotol for the “godseats,” yellow paint
+material and the hikuli they have gathered. Their tobacco-gourds and
+faces are painted yellow, the color of the God of Fire. The face-painting
+represents the faces or masks of the gods, and expresses prayers for
+rain, luck in deer-hunting and good crops, symbolized as corn field,
+cloud, ear of corn, “rain-serpent,” squash-vine and -flower designs.[31]
+
+Approaching home, they must hunt deer until they have enough for the
+feast, before being freed from the ritual restrictions of continence,
+fasting, and non-use of salt, meanwhile being sustained by slices of
+green hikuli eaten from time to time. The deer meat is cooked and
+then cut into small cubes which are strung (precisely as peyote is)
+on cords.[32] The deer-killing is to obtain rain for the next growing
+season.[33] The hunting period over, men and women bathe for the first
+time since the beginning of the hikuli-pilgrimage.
+
+For the hikuli feast the men deck their hats lavishly with brilliant
+macao and hawk feathers, and wear supernumerary girdle-pouches; the women
+wear strings of yellow and red plumes across the back. A temple fire,
+another at the east of the patio to “guard” the dancers, and a third
+at the north for visitors from the underworld are built in a special
+fashion: the shaman carefully brings an eighteen-inch billet of green
+wood, offers it to five directions and finally to the sixth by placing it
+on the ground, after which others place sticks pointing east and west on
+this molitáli or “pillow” of Grandfather Fire.[34]
+
+Then the shaman and hikuli-seekers ceremonially circle the freshly
+white-plastered “god-house of the Sun,” enter, pray aloud and give a
+long account of their journey until late at night. The temple fire place
+(áro) is a circular clay basin in the center with a slightly raised rim;
+the poker is the “arrow” of the God of Fire. The niches at the west of
+the temple behind the shaman are filled with god-images; the others
+sit on either side of him in a semi-circle on sotol or century-plant
+stools. Their wives, flower-garlanded and painted, sit farther back
+in the temple, while the pilgrims smoke and sing all night about
+Greatgrandfather Deer-Tail, the Morning Star and all the other gods who,
+long ago, went out to seek hikuli. The next morning all wash their faces,
+heads and hands in water from the hikuli-country, and salute the rising
+sun with a bowl of burning incense, sprinkling water to the four corners
+of the world with a flower and praying for life and for luck in hunting
+deer.[35]
+
+Meanwhile the patio has been prepared for dancing. Beside the fire are
+jars of holy water and tesvino, a stuffed fetish-skunk tied to a stick,
+and a stuffed grey squirrel decorated with dark green beetle wing-covers,
+small clay birds, feathers and a crucifix.[36] The shaman, sitting west
+of the main fire (behind the usual ceremonial arrows, plumes, tamales,
+and a pot of hikuli-liquor) sacrifices water to the six regions with
+a stick; then, with assistants on either side who take turns helping
+him, the shaman sings the mythological songs, unaccompanied by a drum,
+and the long dance begins.[37] Both sexes take part in the dance, “a
+quick, jumping walk with frequent jerky turns of the body,” in a circle
+counter-clockwise around the shaman and the fire—though the circle tends
+to an ellipse as they approach the fetish-animals at the northwest.[38]
+
+At sunrise of the third and last day comes the corn-roasting ceremony
+which gives its name to the entire festival, Rarikira (from raki,
+“toasted corn”).[39] The shaman fastens a plume with a ribbon in the
+hair of the woman who is to do the toasting and gives her a coarse straw
+whisk to stir the corn on her comal, supported on three stones over the
+fire. The hikuli-seekers appear with large varicolored ears of corn in
+their pouches, and after ceremonial circuits they shell it, sacrificing
+five grains to the fire. The woman then prepares the esquite, and all eat
+this, together with deer meat and broth, thus ending the festivities.[40]
+
+The Huichol ritual paraphernalia is heavily symbolized. With his eagle
+and hawk plumes the singing shaman can see and hear everything anywhere,
+cure the sick, transform the dead, and even call down the sun; they
+symbolize the antlers of deer, and deer-antlers in turn symbolize peyote
+and the “chair” of Grandfather Fire. Peyote itself symbolizes both corn
+and deer, while the flames of the greatest shaman of all, Grandfather
+Fire, are his plumes (the brilliantly-colored macao is his particular
+bird). Deer-antlers, furthermore, for the Huichol symbolize arrows,[41]
+arrows being the symbol _par excellence_ of prayer. Again, arrows
+symbolize a bird flying with outstretched neck, the feathered portion
+representing the heart. The peyote plant, finally, is considered the
+drinking-bowl of the god of fire and wind.[42]
+
+This intricate symbolic complex (corn = peyote = drinking-bowl of
+Grandfather Fire = god of wind = whirlwind = deer = deer-tracks = peyote
+= deer-antlers = shaman’s plumes = deer antlers = chair of Grandfather
+Fire = flames of fire = brilliant bird [macao] plumes = flying bird =
+arrow = prayer for rain, corn and deer-hunting, etc.) is deeply rooted
+in Huichol religion, and each one of the symbolic equations has a ritual
+reflex.[43]
+
+
+TARAHUMARI
+
+Tarahumari peyotism is on the decline in Samachique, Quírara and
+Guadalupe, though still remaining around Narárachic; in Guadalupe the
+bakánawa cactus is valued instead. From two or three to a dozen men make
+the month-long trip to the region around the mouth of the Rio Conchos at
+any time of the year, though usually not in the rainy season. They first
+purify themselves with copal incense; on the way anything may be eaten,
+but in the hikuli country they eat only piñole, and speech is forbidden.
+Arrived, they erect a cross near the first plants found, in order to
+find an abundance of others, and carefully cut off the tops with wooden
+sticks to leave the roots uninjured. They sing and eat green peyote while
+gathering it and in the evening they dance the dutubúri around the cross
+and a fire. The harvesting lasts several days, some taking turns dancing
+while the others sleep. Each variety of hikuli is put in a separate bag,
+for they would fight if mixed.[44]
+
+The plants are left on a blanket in the mountains near home, and the
+blood of a slaughtered sheep or goat is sprinkled on them to “feed” them,
+with a special song. After drying they are placed in covered ollas away
+from the house. The hikuli-seekers are met on their return with singing,
+and a fiesta is held with the sacrificial sheep or goat. The dutubúri and
+the hikuli-dance are then danced all night around a large open-air fire,
+much green peyote and tesvino being consumed. This ceremony is to “cure”
+the pilgrims: the shaman’s necklace of _Coix lachryma-Jobi_ seeds is
+dipped into a bowl of agua-miel, sotoli, or mescal, each one receiving a
+spoonful, while the shaman sings of hikuli standing on a Job’s Tears seed
+as big as a mountain.[45]
+
+Tarahumari hikuli-feasts are held at other times also. The women grind
+the plants with water on a metate into a thickish brown liquid. The
+dancing-patio is carefully swept with a straw broom and several crosses
+are planted, and near one of these the peyote is piled with jars of
+“tea” and tesvino, baskets of unsalted tamales and bowls of meat and
+“medicine.” A large fire is built with logs in an east-west position and
+hikuli and yumari are danced all night.[46]
+
+Near the shaman and his assistants who sit west of the fire is a
+leaf-covered hole into which they carefully spit; the olla-cuspidor of
+the men to one side and the women to the other is passed around and
+emptied here also. With a drinking-gourd rim the shaman makes a circle on
+the ground and in it the right-angled cross of the world-symbol. Then he
+inverts a gourd over a hikuli placed on the cross, as a resonator for his
+rasp; hikuli enjoys this music and manifests his strength by the noise
+produced.[47] The shaman’s headdress is of bird-plumes, which prevent the
+wind from entering and causing illness; through them the birds impart to
+him all their wisdom. The assistants, of both sexes, carry incense bowls
+of copal, kneeling and crossing themselves at the cross, and then pass
+out the peyote.[48]
+
+At times the shaman dances, at times his assistants, and women may dance
+either separately or simultaneously with the other men participants. The
+bare-footed men are wrapped to the chin in white blankets; the women wear
+clean skirts and tunics. The clockwise dancing (with a turn of the body
+at the shaman’s place) consists in a “peculiar quick, jumping march, with
+short steps, the dancers moving forward one after another, on their toes,
+and making sharp, jerky movements, without, however, turning around.” The
+men have deer-hoof sonajas, and the rasping and singing are continuous
+save when the shaman politely excuses himself to the fetish hikuli;
+others must also ask permission to leave the patio. In the intermittent
+dancing they beat their mouths with the palm imitating hikuli’s talk, or
+cry “Hikuli vava! (Hikuli over yonder!)” in shrill falsetto.[49]
+
+At dawn the dancing stops at three raps on the shaman’s rasp. All rise
+and gather at the east cross. Then the shaman, followed by a boy with a
+gourd of palo hediondo medicine (ohnoa roots steeped in water), “cures”
+each one with his rasp wetted in the medicine, as they cry, “Thank you!”
+The shaman makes three long raspings with his stick on the man’s head;
+its dust is so potent in curing that it is carefully gathered from
+around the resonator and preserved in buckskin bags. A spoonful of other
+medicines is sometimes swallowed as the shaman blows and makes passes;
+sometimes tesvino exclusively is used. Blankets are also smoked with
+copal now. Then, facing the rising sun, the shaman makes three raspings
+at arms’ length, waving home hikuli who had come from the east early in
+the morning, riding on green doves, to prevent sorcery in the meeting;
+now he turns into a ball and returns, accompanied by the owl. Doctoring
+of the sick as well as “curing” may now occur. Then all wash carefully,
+and after the shaman sacrifices tortillas and tesvino as they stand in a
+line facing east, they all participate in a feast.[50]
+
+
+COMPARISON OF MEXICAN PEYOTE RITUALS
+
+Huichol peyotism is more intricate and important than Tarahumari, though
+it is seasonal only and the latter venerated several varieties of cactus.
+The state of the literature advises caution, but a far better case could
+be made for the Huichol as a center of diffusion: the neighboring Cora,
+for example, had a vigorous peyote rite, while the Tubar, who share
+tesvino and the yohe dance with the Tarahumari and otherwise resemble
+them culturally, lack it.[51] Beals, however, points out that since the
+Cora-Huichol do not live within the region of growth of peyote, they
+must have borrowed it; our sole knowledge of Huichol peyotism is modern,
+unfortunately, but the Cora rite is known from 1754. On the whole, the
+gaps in our knowledge are too great to discuss possible centers of
+diffusion of Mexican peyotism; they may, indeed, lie in the little known
+area to the northeast.[52]
+
+A relatively full account of the Tamaulipecan rite is extant:[53]
+
+    One of the Tamaulipecan tribes would usually hold feasts for
+    only those of its own community, or it would invite some
+    of those that were neighbors and friends. They took place
+    generally by night. Devoting two or three previous days to
+    the preparation of a sufficient quantity of peyote, and the
+    gathering of fruits of the season, and in allotting certain
+    fruits of the chase, which, broiled on the hearth that
+    illuminated the feast, were served at a common banquet. The
+    feast always had an object among these peoples. With feasts
+    they celebrated the beginning of summer, which was the season
+    least rigorous for these nude people, or the abundant harvests
+    of corn, or of forest fruits, or their victory in some attack
+    on their enemies. When these feasts were held for one tribe
+    alone they took place commonly in the rancherías where they
+    lived permanently. But when one who was promoting the feast
+    invited some of his neighbors, then he chose an intermediate
+    point between the two places that they inhabited, and that
+    was picked out generally in the most inaccessible or hidden
+    places in the mountains. As soon as everything was prepared for
+    the banquet and the guests had collected, a great bonfire was
+    lighted. They placed around it the fruits of the hunt prepared
+    before hand. Those that took part in the dance immediately
+    formed a circle around the fire, and to the measured beats of
+    the drum (the drum was made of an aro of wood over which they
+    attached the parchment of a deer or a coyote) which, united
+    with the voices, composed the music. They took part in the
+    dance alternately raising one foot and then the other, or the
+    whole circle started circling around the fire. During the dance
+    dancers and spectators broke out in discordant howls, each one
+    reciting in his own strophes, alluding to the cause that was
+    motivating the feast. Of this versification I have already
+    previously given you an idea: relative to the celebration
+    of some triumph gained in their skirmishes; and in the same
+    way they directed their phrases to the sun, to the moon, and
+    to the clouds, when they were enjoying good weather; to the
+    earth and to the rain when they had an abundance of fruit; and
+    finally to their strength and bravery when they recalled their
+    hunts in the mountains or their wars. The poetic enthusiasm
+    of the guests became more animated with the first fumes of
+    the peyote, which, placed on a counter that was improvised on
+    the trunk of a tree, was served to them by young Indian girls
+    and the old men, and in the same gourds, jars, or rude baked
+    clay vases. This class of feast always used to end with the
+    complete drunkenness of all the guests, who, exhausted moreover
+    by the dance, fell asleep around the almost burnt-out fire.
+    [As previously noted, prophecy was a feature of these rites].
+    In addition to these feasts that are called mitotes, they also
+    have other games and recreation during the hours of the day,
+    such as ball, fighting, and foot-racing; and these games are
+    often that which gives the motive for their mutual discontent,
+    and sometimes precipitates formal wars among them.
+
+We note in this account the connection of peyote with corn harvests, deer
+hunting and war; and dancing, racing and a morning ceremony are also
+mentioned. Regarding the ball-game:[54]
+
+    Among the Acaxee [peyote] was reported to have been placed on
+    one side of a ball ground during a game; its further use here
+    is unknown, but it is likely that it was taken in small doses
+    by the players during the game, as is done in the kicking race
+    of the Tarahumare in modern times.
+
+Chichimecan peyote-eating appears to be connected with war:
+
+    Those that eat it or drink it see frightening and laughable
+    visions. This spree lasts two or three days and then stops. It
+    is a common food of the Chichimecas, for it stimulates them and
+    it gives them sufficient spirit to fight and have neither fear,
+    thirst, nor hunger, and they say it guards them from all danger.
+
+The Zacatecan use of peyote seems likewise to pertain to war, since they
+eat it to learn the outcome of battles. The drugging and ceremonial
+wounding of the father of a new-born male child, further, is to augur its
+valor in war. The Caxcane used peyote ceremonially, with associations
+unknown to us, but the Tlaxcaltecan use points again, though uncertainly,
+to war. Preuss writes that “the god of the Morning-Star has a close
+relationship to this cactus, among the Huichol,” and the Morning Star has
+definite war associations.[55]
+
+Dancing is commonly associated with peyotism in the Mexican area, being
+recorded for the Comecrudo, Chichimeca, Cora, Huichol, Tamaulipecan,
+Tarahumari and Lipan.[56] Use in ritual racing is known for the
+Tarahumari, Huichol and Tamaulipecan tribes; and the Acaxee tied strips
+of deer-hide or -hooves (the word used means either) on the instep as
+an aid in climbing hills—a custom recalling the carrying of hikuli-deer
+in racing and the Wichita use of mescal beans. The ritualized journey
+for peyote is recorded for the Cora, Huichol, Tarahumari, Tepecano and
+somewhat doubtfully for the Tlaxcaltecan.[57]
+
+The ceremonial fire has no definitive association with peyotism in
+Mexico,[58] though it is a prerequisite of the Plains rite even on the
+hottest summer nights; nor has the copal incense of the Huichol and
+Tarahumari any relation to the Plains use of sage and cedar.[59] The
+corn shuck cigarette among the Huichol and Tarahumari is, furthermore,
+in a somewhat different context, though Plains ceremonial cigarettes
+are certainly Mexico-Southwest in origin.[60] The gourd rattle is Mayo,
+Tarahumari, Gila River Pima, Walapai, Havasupai, Pueblo, Mescalero,
+Lipan, Karankawa, Wichita, Seri, Chitimacha, Cherokee, Creek, Koasati
+and Yuchi (i.e., southern Mexico, the Southwest, peripheral Plains and
+Southeast) and therefore has no special association with peyote, though
+again, it may be the origin of the gourd rattle in the central and
+northern Plains.[61] Though the staff is a constant feature in the Plains
+ceremony, in Mexico[62] this is decidedly not the case. The shaman’s
+rasp among peyote-using tribes is noted only for the Cora, Huichol and
+Tarahumari—and has a far wider distribution among non-users of peyote,
+while being absent in the Plains rite.[63] The Tamaulipecan aro with
+drumhead of coyote- or deer-skin is unlike the peyote drum of the north,
+and further, the use of the drum is untypical in the Mexican rite.[64]
+
+On the other hand, the use of parched corn is more clearly a part of
+Mexican peyotism, as is also deer-hunting.[65] “Plant-worship” is most
+evident perhaps for the Tarahumari, who revere hikuli, bakánawa, mulato,
+rosapara, sunami, ocoyomi and dekúba; the Tepecano sometimes substitute
+marihuana or rosa maria (_Cannabis sativa_) for peyote in their worship,
+and elsewhere other plants are involved.[66] Birds are a recognizable
+feature in Mexican peyotism: the Huichol macao, humming-bird and swift
+are noted, and the Tarahumari humming-bird, green dove and owl.[67]
+
+Bennett and Zingg on the Tarahumari would as well apply to all Mexican
+peyotism:[68]
+
+    ... the use of peyote resembles an elaborate curing ceremony
+    rather than a cult. There is nothing to suggest a society
+    centered around peyote-eating.... The group of peyote-eaters
+    does not involve any exclusiveness, requirements, or ritual
+    pertaining to individuals. The peyote ceremonies are not given
+    for the pleasure of eating the plant, but to cure some disease.
+
+Properly speaking, then, Mexican peyotism is a tribal affair, centering
+around the shaman, on whose shoulders rests the whole tribal welfare
+as involved in abundant corn harvests, successful deer-hunting, and
+success in war (which he may prognosticate).[69] Shamanistic curing is
+conspicuous in both Huichol and Tarahumari peyotism. Beals,[70] writing
+of northern Mexico says that
+
+    the degree of shamanistic influence apparent at present is
+    greater than at some time in the past.... Possibly the use
+    of peyote also had some influence in extending and reviving
+    shamanistic concepts.... Visionary experiences reach their
+    highest development ordinarily in religions of the shamanistic
+    type.
+
+These remarks go far toward explaining the differential diffusion of
+peyotism. Peyote never penetrated the Yuman Southwest, perhaps because
+the _dream_ performed the psychological function of the peyote vision
+(which, moreover, was not very significant in Mexico). Again, the
+ritual use of peyote failed to penetrate the Pueblo Southwest or the
+Aztec, both strongholds of priestly religion; perhaps the stereotyped
+institutional rituals of these regions stifled such orgiastic individual
+emotional experiences as peyote is calculated to induce. On the other
+hand, peyotism entered the shamanistic Southwest (the Mescalero) and one
+Pueblo, Taos, where the kachina cult was weak, and once it reached the
+individualistic vision-valuing Plains, it fairly ran riot.
+
+
+MESCALERO APACHE AND TRANSITIONAL FORMS OF RITUAL
+
+Peyote came to the Mescalero[71] about 1870, in the same “general
+movement which resulted in its adoption by a large number of the tribes
+of the United States.”[72] Like other Apache ceremonies its origin was
+attributed to an individual’s encounter with a power, but the tribe
+involved was the Tonkawa, Lipan or “Yaqui.” Like the Plains groups,
+the Mescalero made a trip south to get peyote,[73] which was kept by
+the shaman for ceremonial use only, lest private individual users who
+did not “know” and have the right to use the power go mad. The primary
+purpose of meetings was for doctoring,[74] though “occasionally a peyote
+meeting was called for some other purpose—for peyote, like other sources
+of supernatural power, was believed to be efficacious for locating the
+enemy, finding lost objects, foretelling the results of a venture, etc.”
+
+The news that a peyote shaman is conducting a meeting for a sick person
+spreads rapidly, and all who are to attend bathe at noon of the appointed
+day.[75] At nightfall they enter the tipi, where the peyote chief is
+sitting west of the fire facing the door, with a gourd rattle in one hand
+and an incised wooden staff in the other.[76] The staff is his protection
+against witchcraft, and he “sings to it”; he exchanges the gourd for the
+drum of his assistant, but retains the staff in his left hand. In front
+of him on an eagle feather or piece of buckskin lies the large talismanic
+“chief peyote” or “Old Man Peyote.”[77]
+
+He is assisted by a door-keeper and a fire-tender, who builds a crescent
+mound of earth around the fire-pit with the horns east, and keeps the
+fire going all night.[78] Once having entered, one is not supposed to
+leave the tipi until morning save briefly, taking one of the eagle
+feathers lying on either side of the door, and replacing it as soon as
+possible. The peyote,[79] in a sack or on a woven tray, is first eaten by
+the peyote chief, who then administers their first buttons to novices,
+using two eagle-tail feathers as a spoon, with three ritual feints, after
+which these “fly” into their mouths. Then after smoking[80] the peyote
+is passed around by the assistants as the leader prays. Beginning at the
+southeast the drum is passed clockwise as each person sings four songs,
+his own ceremonial songs or songs received in visions, while the leader
+or his assistants shakes the rattle. The leader sings most of the songs.
+
+There was a mild bias against women[81] among the Mescalero; they
+received medicine power, but could not become a peyote chief, because
+the responsibilities of the office were too great—for a leader must
+prevent anything happening between even the greatest of rival shamans
+in meetings.[82] In this he was aided by the chief peyote which “he
+frequently consulted ... to ascertain whether anything were amiss; any
+evil thoughts or efforts at witchcraft were said to ‘show’ on this ‘chief
+peyote’.” A favorite device of witches to weaken the leader was to make
+his assistants vomit the peyote.
+
+Peyotism was readily accepted by the Mescalero, in whose older culture
+were patterns of receiving supernatural power from animals, etc. Indeed,
+Opler calls the Mescalero
+
+    a tribe of shamans, active or potentially active [and peyote
+    became another among many sources of power for them]. It will
+    be readily grasped, however, that since peyote leadership and
+    the conduct of peyote rites were open to any one who claimed
+    a supernatural experience with the plant, since, in other
+    words, an individualistic, shamanistic premise underlay the
+    utilization of peyote for religious purposes, centralized
+    leadership and definite organization could not be achieved. The
+    Mescalero use of peyote never developed into a cult or society
+    with a regular membership and place of meeting, with officers
+    and principals selected or agreeable to the entire body of
+    devotees ... [even with the] emphasis on curative rites....
+
+This, in Mexico, made the rite tend to be tribal in character,
+the shaman quasi-priest. Mescalero peyotism, therefore, is truly
+transitional between the Mexican all-inclusive rite of _tribal_ cure
+and the individualistic Plains _societal_ ceremony; no equilibrium
+was permanently reached between the two, and Opler adduces abundant
+evidence of the _rival_ nature of peyotism among competing shamans.[83]
+The concept was that everyone was to get in rapport with his power(s)
+via peyote, with the peyote shaman, however, remaining the figurehead
+leader—a multiple “working together” of powers, peyote being the power
+_par excellence_ that worked with other powers. The Mescalero, then,
+attempted to force the physiologically somewhat refractory individual
+peyote experience into the shamanistic mold. The leader remained the
+arbiter and mediator, and held special symbols of authority, the staff
+and the rattle, to compensate for his real loss of status as cynosure,
+when participants in the curing rite were enlarged beyond the patient and
+his relatives.
+
+Notable is the lack of Christian elements in Mescalero peyotism, in
+contrast with some Plains groups; indeed, “far from becoming a weakened
+and Christianized version of native beliefs, the Mescalero Apache
+acceptance of peyote resulted instead in an intensification of the
+aboriginal religious values at many points.”[84] On the other hand,
+when we recalled the history of their relations with Whites and such
+psychologically similar cults as the Ghost Dance of the Plateau, Great
+Basin and Plains, it is somewhat surprising that a warlike and predatory
+group like the Mescalero did not associate peyote and anti-White feeling.
+Opler has recorded a Tonkawa peyote ceremony with clear anti-White
+features; but the Mescalero had an aboriginal ceremony before peyote
+whose function was the consternation and defeat of enemies, and this,
+directed toward the whites, usurped the function of ritual opposition
+through peyote.[85]
+
+
+KIOWA-COMANCHE TYPE RITE
+
+Aside from the John Wilson, John Rave, and Church of the First-born
+variants, the basic Plains ceremony is remarkably homogeneous in various
+tribes. Since the Kiowa and the Comanche, historically considered, were
+the center of this diffusion,[86] in the interests of economy we choose
+their ceremony to detail as the “Plains type-rite.” In the following
+account care is taken that every statement be specifically true of the
+Kiowa and at the same time representative of the Plains; minor Comanche
+differences are shown in footnotes.
+
+Living beyond the habitat of peyote, all Plains tribes have to make
+pilgrimages for it or buy it. The journey is not ritualized, but there
+is a modest ceremony at the site: on finding the first plant, a Kiowa
+pilgrim sits west of it, rolls a cornshuck cigarette and prays, “I have
+found you, now open up, show me where the rest of you are;[87] I want to
+use you to pray for the health of my people.” He sings and eats green
+plants while harvesting them; only the tops are taken, that the root may
+regenerate buds, a fine large one being saved as a “father peyote” for
+meetings later.[88]
+
+Many groups, like the Kiowa, “vow” meetings as in the Sun Dance. They may
+be held in gratitude for recovery from illness, on a child’s first four
+birthdays, for doctoring the sick, to pray for the successful delivery of
+a child, or for the health of the participants in general. Present too
+is the possibility of instruction and power through a peyote vision; in
+the Plains this is the primary motive, with doctoring second. In the last
+twenty years “holiday meetings” have been introduced.[89]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 1. Arrangement of interior of tipi for peyote
+meeting. a, Kiowa “standard” peyote meeting; b, Comanche horseshoe moon
+variant.]
+
+In preparation, the Kiowa commonly take a sweatbath.[90] In the old
+days buckskin dress was prescribed, but nowadays a “blanket” or folded
+sheet for men and a shawl for women satisfies this requirement; buckskin
+moccasins are more comfortable than stiff-soled shoes during a night
+spent sitting cross-legged. Older men still paint for meetings; one
+leader for example had a yellow hair-part with a short red forehead line
+perpendicular to this, vertical red lines in front of the ears, and
+yellow around the eyes.[91]
+
+The sponsor selects his leader (ᴅωλḱi) or himself acts as one; a leader
+usually has his own drummer (o’ᴅ’asodeḱi) and fireman (ɢ’iɢ’uḱi), and
+some a “cedar man” also. The sponsor’s womenfolk erect the tipi, prepare
+and bring the food and water the next morning. The floor is carefully
+cleaned and plumes of sagebrush are spread around the inside of the
+tipi, as in a sweat-lodge, for a seat. The sponsor stands the cost of
+the meeting (from twenty-five to fifty dollars), or others may help
+in paying; he also supplies the peyote or pays the leader for it, but
+communicants often bring their own buttons also.
+
+The leader supplies the paraphernalia: the staff (ᴅo’ᴅę́ä, “brace-to
+hold-stick”) of bois d’arc, the gourd rattle, eagle wing-bone whistle,
+cedar incense, altar cloth, drum, and perhaps his personal “feathers”
+for doctoring. The drum (ᴅωä´ᴅω or ʙώλkωᴅωä`ᴅω) is a No. 6 cast-iron
+three-legged trade-kettle with the bail-ears filed off. The buckskin head
+is well soaked and tied over the kettle, a third- or half-filled with
+water into which ten or a dozen live coals (and sometimes herb-perfumes)
+have been dropped; the Kiowa say the drum represents thunder, the water
+in it rain, and the coals lightning. Seven marbles are put under the
+buckskin around the outside kettle rim to serve as bosses for the thong
+wound once-and-a-half times round them; the same thong is passed through
+each loop and laced criss-cross seven times under the kettle, unknotted,
+to tighten the head and form on the bottom the seven-pointed “Morning
+Star.” The single drumstick (ʙωλkωtωn) is straight, carved, beaded, and
+embellished with a buckskin tassel or fringe on the handle end. The
+gourd-handle is also beaded and fringed, and tufted with red horse-hair
+(ɢuλks’ǫgʸä) at the top end passing through the gourd, the neck of which
+is plugged with half a spool; the gourd itself may be covered with
+texts or symbolical drawings.[92] Participants are free after midnight
+to use the cult drumstick and gourd or their individual ones as they
+choose. Formerly “only the leader brought in the medicine fan with him,
+but now many young men bring them in who have no special business to.”
+These have a beaded and fringed cylindrical handle, with feathers loosely
+supported in individual buckskin sockets sewed around the shafts; often
+they are notched, tipped with horse-hair, or down feathers are added at
+the base—as individual “visions” dictate. The leader also supplies the
+fetish “father peyote,” but no Bible is used in the Kiowa or usual Plains
+ceremony.[93] Formerly only old men and warriors attended meetings, but
+now women and girls over thirteen come in, when not menstruating, though
+they may not sing the songs or use the paraphernalia.[94]
+
+The tipi is entered any time after nightfall, with a preliminary
+clockwise circuit outside as in the sweatbath (all circuits inside
+must be clockwise also). Sometimes several line up behind the leader,
+who prays briefly: “I am going into my place of worship. Be with us
+tonight.” Entrance however is often informal and made one by one, before
+the leader comes in with his rattle and staff in one hand, and his
+paraphernalia-satchel[95] in the other; he sits west of the fire, which
+has been started by the fireman, north of the door, who comes in first
+of all. His drummer is south of him, to his right, his cedar-man (if
+there is one) north and left. Others enter and informally take places,
+but after he is seated they kneel on the right knee at the door for a
+moment, looking to him for permission to enter and be assigned a place;
+the sponsor meanwhile may call out, “Come in! So-and-so,” to these,
+informally welcoming them. A tipi some twenty-five feet in diameter seats
+thirty people comfortably. In summer the sides are raised to allow a
+breeze to blow through.
+
+At the west center, horns to the east, is the crescent altar[96] (piέtᴅω)
+with a groove or “path” (ɢ’ωmhoṇ) along it from horn to horn, interrupted
+by a flat space in the center where the “father peyote” is later to
+rest on sprigs of sage. The “path” symbolizes man’s path from birth
+(southern tip) to the crest of maturity and knowledge (at the place of
+the peyote) and thence downward again to the ground through old age to
+death (northern tip). The crescent, carefully shaped beforehand by the
+fireman out of clayey earth, also represents the mountain range of the
+origin story where sęmąyi or “Peyote Woman” first discovered the plant.
+East of it in a shelving depression is a fire, constantly mended by the
+“fire-chief” during the night to keep it in a worm-fence arrangement, the
+closest approximation to the ritual crescent-shape possible with straight
+sticks. The accumulating ashes are shaped with great care into another
+crescent between fire and altar. A “smokestick”[97] is kept smoldering in
+an east-west position close to the fire to light all cigarettes.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 2. Peyote paraphernalia. _Left to right_, Mescal bean
+necklace; “peyote” necktie from a strip of trade-blanket with selvage
+stripes, and bead-work representing peyote buttons; beaded and fringed
+pheasant feather fan; black velvet, gold-fringed altar cloth; smokestick
+carved with water bird, etc., eagle bone whistle; drumstick; peyote
+buttons; corn husk cigarette “papers”; bundle of sage plumes; pile of
+powdered cedar incense; a beaded, fringed, and carved drumstick; mescal
+bean necklace.]
+
+All seated, the leader places the father peyote on the sage sprigs,
+orienting it by the thorn or mark made when he cut it.[98] After this the
+ceremony is considered begun, all informal talking and joking ceases,
+and others entering are late-comers. Everyone begins to stare at the
+fetish peyote and the flickering fire.[99] Then the leader leans his
+eagle-humerus whistle against the west outside of the moon, mouth end up,
+takes out his cedar incense bag, gourd, tobacco, etc., and arranges them
+conveniently near him.
+
+The first ceremony is smoking or praying together. The leader makes
+himself a cigarette of Bull Durham with corn husk “papers” dried and
+cut to shape, and passes the makings clockwise to the rest, including
+women.[100] His own made, the fireman presents the smokestick to the
+leader (who may first offer it courteously to his drummer) and this
+too is passed to the left. While all smoke, the leader prays: “beha´be
+sęį´ᴅɔki (smoke, peyote power). Be with us when we pray tonight. Tell
+your father to look at us and listen to our prayers.” He holds his
+cigarette mouth end toward the peyote and motions upward that it may
+smoke as he prays:
+
+    We are just beginning our prayer meeting. We want you to be
+    with us tonight and help us. We want no one to be sick at this
+    meeting from eating peyote. I will pause again at midnight to
+    pray to you. I will pause again in the morning to pray to you.
+    [Then he prays for the person who is sick or whose birthday the
+    meeting celebrates or for relatives and participants.] If there
+    are any rules connected with you, peyote, that we don’t know
+    of, forgive us if we should break them, as we are ignorant.
+
+All pray silently to ᴅómᴅɔki, “earth-creator” or “earth-lord,” and older
+men may add their prayers aloud after the leader. Then, following the
+leader, all snuff their cigarettes in the ground and place them on the
+west curve of the altar, outside, or at either horn; the fireman may
+gather those of women, old people or visitors.
+
+The incense-blessing ceremony immediately follows. The leader (or his
+“cedar-man”) sprinkles some dried and rubbed cedar on the fire; then he
+makes four clockwise motions of the peyote bag toward the fire, takes
+out four buttons and passes the bag. Kneeling on both knees, he reaches
+down beneath the hides or blankets of the seat, and bruises a tuft of
+sage between his palms, and smelling it with deep inhalations, rubs his
+hands over and down his head, breast, shoulders and arms, with outward
+downward movements, ending with the thighs. Though the peyote may not yet
+have reached them, the others follow suit, reaching out their palms to
+absorb the blessing of the incense and rubbing themselves.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 3. Peyote drum with lashing around bosses.]
+
+This done, all eat[101] their peyote, to the accompaniment of much
+spitting out of the woolly center of the buttons; hereafter during the
+night in the intermissions of singing, anyone can call for the peyote
+bag (the incense burning may or may not be repeated). Then more cedar is
+sprinkled on the fire and the leader makes four motions with the staff
+in his left hand and the rattle in his right toward the rising incense
+smoke.[102] The drummer motions similarly with the drumstick, pulling
+smoke from the fire to the drum. The leader takes a bunch of sagebrush
+from between the tipi-cover and pole behind him (previously prepared by
+the fireman), holds it with his staff and the singing begins.[103] The
+drummer shifts his left thumb over the drumhead or sloshes the water
+inside on it or blows on it to get the proper tension and tone, then the
+leader holds his staff and sage at arm’s length between himself and the
+fire and rattles for the Hayätinayo or Opening Song.[104] The leader
+exchanges his staff and rattle for the drum the latter always passing
+_under_ the staff,[105] and the drummer sings four songs of his own
+choosing. The paraphernalia, staff preceding drum, are then passed to the
+left; each man sings to the drumming of the man on his right, and then
+himself drums for the man on his left.[106] This singing, rattling, and
+drumming forms the bulk of the ceremony during the night. At intervals
+older men pray aloud, with affecting sincerity, often with tears running
+down their cheeks, their voices choked with emotion, and their bodies
+swaying with earnestness as they gesture and stretch out their arms
+to invoke the aid of Peyote. The tone is of a poor and pitiful person
+humbly asking the aid and pity of a great power, and absolutely no shame
+whatever is felt by anyone when a grown man breaks down into loud sobbing
+during his prayer.[107]
+
+About midnight the leader announces that he is going to put incense on
+the fire after the next four songs, and when he does, everyone blesses
+himself in the smoke. The announcement gives the fireman time to mend
+the fire and build up the ash moon[108] and sweep the cigarette butts
+into the fire. If the paraphernalia are north of the door they are passed
+backwards to the leader drum first, if at the south (i.e. past the door)
+clockwise and staff first as usual. Smoking stops, and the leader, to the
+drumming of his assistant, sings the Midnight Song.[109] When the first
+of the four is finished, the fireman (sometimes given a feather for
+this errand by the leader) leaves, gets a bucket of water, returns, sets
+it in front of the fire and unfolds a blanket on which he sits in line
+with it facing west. The leader, finishing the second song, blows four
+increasingly loud blasts on the eagle wing-bone whistle (to imitate the
+water bird) then replaces it by the peyote and sings the last two songs.
+While his assistant holds the staff and gourd, he spreads an altar cloth
+just west of the fetish, and places on this the staff, gourd, sage and
+his fan, together with the “feathers” of communicants passed to him for
+this purpose; the drum is to the south of this, the drumstick, etc., on
+the cloth.
+
+After cedar-incensing, the fireman makes a smoke, puffs four times
+and prays, thanking those responsible for the honor of being chosen
+fire-chief, and praying for the leader and his family, the sick and
+the absent. Next the leader prays, then the drummer, using the same
+cigarette, and to complete the figure of a cross, the man to the north
+or “cedar-man” prays. When the butt is placed by the altar, the fireman
+makes a circuit of the altar and passes the bucket to the man south
+of the door. Quiet conversation is permitted in the somewhat informal
+drinking period.[110] When the fireman has drunk, the leader passes back
+the fans and the paraphernalia to where the singing had been interrupted,
+and leaves the tipi. He goes about thirty feet east of the tipi,
+whistles four times and prays, repeating this at the south, west and
+north.[111] When four songs are completed, he returns, blessing himself
+in the incense smoke which the drummer throws on the fire.[112] Now is
+the preferred time to leave the tipi and stretch cramped legs. Singing
+continues as before until dawn.
+
+As the first grey light appears, the leader tells the fireman to waken
+or notify the woman who is to bring the water (she has no special seat,
+if she has attended the meeting). The fireman always brings the midnight
+water, a woman that at dawn.[113] The leader whistles four times, even
+in the middle of a song, when the fireman tells him she has arrived
+outside. When the singer finishes his four songs, the leader calls for
+the paraphernalia and sings the four Morning Songs; after the first of
+these the woman enters, arranges a blanket and sits as did the fireman.
+Finishing the three remaining songs, the leader calls for feathers and
+spreads them with the paraphernalia on the altar cloth, as at midnight. A
+smoke is made for the woman, who thereupon prays, after which the leader
+and his assistants smoke it. Doctoring[114] is best done at this time;
+the leader may do this, or he may ask an older man to fan the patient
+with consecrated feathers from the altar cloth.
+
+Then the fireman spills a little water before the fire, the woman drinks,
+and the bucket moves clockwise as before from south of the door. The
+woman makes a circuit of the altar, picks up her blanket and takes the
+bucket out. The feathers are passed out again, and the paraphernalia
+returned to the place of the next singers in the circle (because of such
+ritual interruptions, praying, passing of peyote, etc., a complete round
+of the drum requires two or three hours).
+
+While waiting for the ritual breakfast, the meeting is again somewhat
+informal. Several women may leave to help the water-woman prepare
+the food, and younger men may go outside for a stroll and a secular
+smoke. Old men often lecture younger members on behavior at this time,
+“preaching” directly to a relative, and more indirectly to others.[115]
+When he has finished another old man may exhort: “You must do as that old
+man has said. He’s had experience. What he’s telling you is good.” At
+this time too visitors are given opportunity to express gratitude for the
+hospitality of their host, who in turn thanks them for coming.
+
+When the food arrives outside, the fireman notifies the leader, who
+calls for the paraphernalia and sings four songs, the last of which is
+the Quitting Song. The food meanwhile is passed in and placed in line
+with the father-peyote and fire, west-to-east thus: water, parched corn
+in syrup, fruit and meat.[116] No one sits east of it as in the water
+ceremonies. The four songs completed, the leader tells the drummer to
+unlace the drum, and all the paraphernalia are passed around (between the
+food and the fire at the east) for everyone to handle,[117] as an older
+woman (“because food is their life-work”) or a Ten-Medicine keeper, who
+typically functions at such Kiowa group-prayers, asks a blessing. The
+leader then removes the father peyote from the altar, and when he puts it
+in his satchel with the rest of the paraphernalia the meeting is ended.
+
+Complete social informality now reigns as the food is passed to the man
+south of the door and thence clockwise. Much joking[118] goes on during
+this meal, which has none of the seriousness of the Christian partaking
+of the Host. When the fireman has finished eating, at the leader’s
+instruction, he leads the line out of the tipi.[119] The tipi may be
+taken down immediately, or moved bodily a little, but the older men
+drift back into its shade and lie around talking and exchanging peyote
+experiences.[120] As meetings are ordinarily held on Saturday nights,
+Sunday forenoon is free for such visiting, talking and dozing under
+arbors. Nearly everyone stays for a secular dinner at noon, and they
+take home what they cannot eat; sometimes other guests come who have not
+attended the meeting.
+
+
+COMPARISON OF MEXICAN, TRANSITIONAL, AND PLAINS PEYOTISM
+
+Having now characterized the Huichol-Tarahumari type-rite for Mexico,
+the Lipan-Mescalero for the transitional nomad Southwest, and the
+Kiowa-Comanche as the historical prototype for the Plains, we may attempt
+a comparison and contrasting of them.
+
+In Mexico as a whole “curing” is perhaps the most salient characteristic,
+while both curing and doctoring are conspicuous in Mescalero. In the
+Plains, while doctoring is an important feature it is by no means
+indispensable.[121] Peyotism in Mexico, therefore, has a tribal
+character, while in Mescalero the ceremony is a _forum for rival
+shamans_—a trait not altogether absent in early Plains rites—and in the
+Plains peyotism has a societal nature. These facts have an important
+bearing on the cultural manifestations of the physiological action of
+peyote. In Mexico visions are turned to the uses of prophecy;[122] in
+Mescalero they enable a shaman to detect rival witchcraft; while in
+the Plains, visions are a source of individual power. These categories
+should not be made too rigid, however, for clairvoyance, if not prophecy,
+as well as witchcraft anxiety are known for early Plains peyotism,
+and on the other hand, peyote medicine-power is a source of Mescalero
+shamanistic rivalry. Yet as indications of relative emphasis these
+statements might be allowed to stand.
+
+The Mexican symbolisms point to an association with hunting, agriculture
+and gathering activities, and the typical anxiety expressed in the
+religion is the desire for rain. In Mescalero, peyote is the focal
+point for the warfare of antagonistic powers, and expresses the mutual
+suspicion of formerly small local groups; the intense and ever-present
+anxiety is the fear of aggression and reprisal by witchcraft. In the
+early Plains peyote ceremonies, associations with warfare were prominent
+(influenced no doubt by a forerunner of peyotism there, the mescal bean
+ceremonialism), though in later times this element had become so nearly
+absent that Mooney could point quite properly to the “international”
+character of the cult in his time.[123]
+
+Areal contrasts in minor points are no less striking. Dancing was
+conspicuous in Mexico, less important transitionally, and on the whole
+lacking in the Plains. Painting of a symbolic nature was ritually
+significant in Mexico; in the Plains individual styles were dictated
+by peyote visions. Peyotism in Mexico is a seasonal matter, but in the
+Plains the rite occurs the year around (in the south the trip for peyote
+may have been associated more with the ritual salt pilgrimage, in the
+north with the ritualized war journeys; parallels are also suggested in
+the Maricopa ritualized mountain-sheep hunting and Navaho deer hunting).
+
+In Mexico peyote was a tribal affair and women participated on equal
+terms with the men in dancing, etc. In Mescalero, women were excluded
+from meetings, as in the Plains also originally. The rite was held
+principally outdoors in Mexico, and in a tipi transitionally and in the
+Plains—a patio arrangement in Mexico, and an altar centering around
+the “moon” in the Plains. Ritual racing and ball games[124] are part
+of Mexican peyotism, but not elsewhere. Smoking is inconspicuous in
+Mexico, but in the Plains it has been important enough to involve church
+schisms.[125] Huichol peyote had no drum, though elsewhere in Mexico a
+wooden drum was used, while in the Plains the water-drum (intrusive from
+the Southwest) is universal. The rasp is Mexican, but the Plains rite has
+the gourd rattle and eagle wing-bone whistle in addition to the drum. The
+“staff” is a special problem in the Plains.
+
+The Huichol and Tarahumari have a squirrel fetish in addition to the
+fetish plant; the Plains have only the latter. Ceremonial drunkenness
+with tesvino, etc., is an integral part of Mexican “curing”; in the
+Plains peyote and alcohol are so far mutually exclusive that the familiar
+propaganda calls the first a specific against the second. The alleged
+aphrodisiac virtue of peyote is a Mexican belief; but curiously enough
+in Mexico, where many “peyotes” were said by natives to be aphrodisiac,
+Lumholtz pronounced _Lophophora williamsii_ definitely anaphrodisiac;
+while in the Plains, where the natives most strenuously deny this virtue
+for peyote, enemies of the cult most consistently claim that it produces
+aphrodisiac orgies.[126]
+
+In Mexico the shaman alone sings, though his assistants may “spell”
+him; in the Plains all male participants drum and rattle. In Mescalero,
+though the drum circles the tipi, the staff and gourd remain with the
+leader. Finally, Mexican and Mescalero peyotism are almost wholly free
+of Christian elements; so too were the early Plains rites diffusing from
+the Kiowa-Comanche, though in the John Wilson rite, the Oto Church of
+the First-born (and its successor, the Native American Church) and the
+Winnebago Rave-Hensley variant, Christian symbolism and interpretations
+are frequent.
+
+Common elements are numerous: the ceremonial trip for peyote (more
+elaborate in Mexico, to be sure), the meeting held at night, the fetish
+peyote, the use of feathers and the abundance of symbolisms connected
+with birds, the ritual circuit, ceremonial fire and incensing, water
+ceremonies, the “Peyote Woman,” morning “baptism” or “curing” rites,
+“talking” peyote, abstinence from salt, ritual breakfast, singing,
+tobacco ceremonials, public confession of sins, Morning Star symbolisms,
+and (for northern Mexico) the crescent moon[127] altar. The fear of
+being blinded by the peyote-fuzz is Mescalero, Lipan and Plains, and the
+water-drum is shared by both non-peyote Southwestern groups and those of
+the Plains who have the peyote rite. The use of parched corn in sugar
+water, boneless, sweetened meat and fruit for the “peyote breakfast” may
+be regarded as universal for peyotism, wherever found.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Rouhier (_Monographie_, 91, n. 1) argues immense antiquity
+for peyotism, _circa_ 300 years B.C., among the Chichimeca on
+quasi-historical grounds. Our knowledge of peyote from Spanish documents
+goes back to the sixteenth century in Mexico. A manuscript in the
+Library of Congress reports the trial of a Taos Indian, February 3-8,
+1719, for having “taken peyote and disturbed the town” (cf. Twitchell,
+_Spanish Archives_, 2:188). See Bandelier, _Manuscript_; Mooney,
+_Tarumari-Guayachic_.
+
+[2] Adapted from Lewin, _Phantastica_, 96, and Nicolás de León in
+Brinton, _Nagualism_, 6.
+
+[3] Hernandez, _De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70.
+
+[4] Arlegui, _Crónica_, 2:154-55 in Urbina, _El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui_,
+26.
+
+[5] Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24, in Mooney, _Peyote
+Notebook_.
+
+[6] Alarcón, _Tratado de los supersticiones_, 195.
+
+[7] Lindquist, _The Red Man_, 70-71, is in error in stating that the Zuñi
+use peyote for religious purposes; moreover the document of 1720 cited
+refers to Taos, not Zuñi. Mr. An-che Li assures me that the Zuñi lack
+peyote even today. Lindquist has evidently confused peyote with datura;
+see for example Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 405, 406. Still other plants,
+e.g., datura, cohoba snuff, coca, yahé, aya-huasca, etc., were used in
+Middle America as prophetic aids; see for example Safford, _op. cit._,
+393; Gayton, _Narcotic Plant Datura_.
+
+[8] Bennett and Zingg (_The Tarahumara_, 135) write that “in a culture
+where animals are thought to talk and cattle are supposed to warn their
+masters of impending drought or plague, it is not surprising that plants
+also are imbued with personality and harmful or helpful attributes.
+The small ball of cacti is especially revered by the Tarahumara.” Some
+_Mammillaria_ spp. have a striking resemblance to a head of hair; one
+figured in Higgins with flowing white “hair” is called “Old Man Cactus”;
+again, natives have an intense fear of even touching these plants—an
+attitude recalling the Pima belief that even one drop of Apache blood
+falling on a person would make him ill (Hrdlička, _Physiological and
+Medical Observations_, 243). In this connection it is interesting to note
+that Spier has collected evidence bearing on the magical use of enemies’
+scalps. The magical malevolence of the enemy or his scalp is cited
+(_Warfare_) for the Maricopa, Yuman and Piman groups, Navaho, Jicarilla,
+and Pueblo. The Yumans and Pimans required stringent purification from
+contact with the enemy or his scalp; the Pimans, again, along with
+the Navaho and Pueblos turned this power to account in curing and
+rain-bringing. Spier states that for the Pima-Papago the scalp is turned
+into an ally against the enemy, and made a specific prophylactic against
+such enemy-engendered dangers as paralysis, swooning at the sight of
+blood or a violent death; the Maricopa, indeed, convert a scalp into one
+of themselves, much as a captive is ceremonially converted and purified.
+Further still, according to Spier, the Maricopa and Yumans received
+prophetic foreknowledge of the enemy from these scalps, which therefore
+they carried with them to war. Still more strikingly, scalps are thought
+to laugh and cry and babble incessantly, much as the noisily talkative
+peyote plant is supposed to do.
+
+[9] Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_, 452; also _Unknown Mexico_, 1:372-74.
+
+[10] Spier (_Warfare_) writes that “Clairvoyance on the part of the
+shaman who accompanied a war party is noted for Maricopa, Yuma, Pima,
+and Papago [as well as] in the Plains and Plateau.” Zuñi war chiefs, he
+adds, sought sound-omens on the eve of setting out on the war-path. In
+this last connection the detailed similarities in attitude and conduct of
+war-expeditions, peyote-pilgrimages, and salt-gathering expeditions in
+Mexico and the Southwest should not be overlooked. (The Huichol shooting
+of the peyote plant, however, is a hunting rather than a war symbolism,
+that of hunting the hikuli-deer of the peyote origin legend.) Information
+on the Comanche horse-raid is from E. A. Hoebel; unfortunately the
+Government took most of these peyote-given horses back again.
+
+In the 1850’s the only Kiowa who ate peyote was Big Horse. When he
+wished to know the whereabouts of an absent war party he would take a
+drum and a rattle into a tipi, saying “gʸägūṇboṇta” (I am going to look
+for medicine), eating peyote and afterward telling what he had seen;
+sometimes he made the sound of an eagle, the bird that flies high above
+the earth and sees afar.
+
+C. W., president of the Kickapoo Native American Church, often has
+prophetic peyote visions; Kishkaton says they are of “Judgment Day” when
+the “new world” will come, and makes them a proselytizing argument for
+peyote. The debt to earlier Kickapoo prophets is obvious. A specific
+Caddo prophecy among the visions collected would have prevented a serious
+industrial accident if it had been properly interpreted.
+
+[11] In the Plains the “father peyote” is often carried as a fetish.
+Kroeber (_Arapaho_, 406) cites a typical case: “The pouches used to
+contain the peyote plant have room for only one of the disks, which
+is usually carried more or less as a personal amulet, in addition to
+being the center of worship during ceremonies. A circular area of
+bead-work covering the front of the pouch itself, is said to represent
+the appearance of a peyote-plant while being worshipped. In the center
+a cross of red beads represents the morning star. Around the edge of
+this circular bead-work are eight small triangular figures, which denote
+the vomitings deposited by the ring of worshippers around the inside of
+the tent in the course of the night. The yellow fringe around the pouch
+represents the sun’s rays.”
+
+War Eagle, Delaware (Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_) told of a
+man gassed in the World War whom peyote cured after his case had been
+pronounced hopeless. Quanah Parker, the famous Comanche chief, used to
+carry a peyote on his chest as protection in battle. A Ponca story tells
+of J. W. and his wife returning home as a cyclone was coming up; when
+they finally arrived the house was destroyed, but in an undisturbed
+drawer they found four articles still intact: a “peyote chief,” a bag of
+peyotes, a Bible, and a peyote drumstick.
+
+[12] Sahagún, _Historia general_, 3:241; _Histoire générale_, 737.
+Lumholtz (_Unknown Mexico_, 2:354) adds marihuana to the list of plants
+which protect against witchcraft injury: the doctor comes on a Tuesday,
+Thursday or Friday, reverses the ill person’s sandals, shirt and drawers,
+recites the credo backwards to summon the owl, and burns a heap of
+marihuana and old rags in the house. Many persons also carry marihuana in
+their girdles as a protection against sorcery. The Cocopa and Yuma uses
+of an unidentified plant (awimimedje) to offset fatigue and give luck
+suggests peyote (Gifford, _Cocopa_, 268).
+
+[13] De la Serna, in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 390; Arlegui in
+Urbina, _El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui_, 26; Arias, in Urbina, _loc. cit._
+
+[14] See the modern Tepecano votive bowl altar used with peyote or
+marihuana (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:124-25).
+
+[15] Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:284-85. The Wichita use the “mescal bean”
+in racing, and the Kiowa as a prophylactic against stepping on menstrual
+blood. Peyote is associated with racing in Mexico by the Huichol,
+Tamaulipecans, and Tarahumari (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:49-50;
+Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24; Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:372;
+Bennett and Zingg, _Tarahumara_, 136-37, 295, 338).
+
+[16] A Wichita leader envisioned a flag three months before being drafted
+into the army; the fetish-peyote he carried over-seas miraculously
+escaped confiscation during an inspection and disinfection of clothing,
+and because of it he was only slightly wounded in battle. One meeting
+I attended was in performance of a vow if the Bonus legislation then
+pending would pass. This same leader prophetically dreamt of how peyote
+would protect him on a pilgrimage to Mexico and aid him through the
+customs with a supply of plants, and all happened as predicted.
+
+The Tarahumari dare not touch the dekúba (datura) plant lest they go
+crazy or die; this presents a problem since the plants are common in
+their winter caves. The peyote shaman, however, armed with the more
+powerful plant uproots the datura with impunity. Peyote is the only cure
+for the otherwise fatal disease which comes from touching dekúba (Bennett
+and Zingg, _op. cit._, 138, 294).
+
+[17] Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_; Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_. The
+Iowa Red Bean medicine bundle was used for war, horse stealing, hunting
+and horse racing (Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway Indians_, 245-47,
+_Societies of the Iowa_, 718-19). A similar mescal war bundle and cult
+was present among the neighboring and related Oto. The Red Medicine
+bundles of the Pawnee contained mescal beans likewise; indeed the Pawnee
+are thought to be the origin of the Iowa bundle and associated war-dance.
+The Pawnee “kill” the beans by breaking and stirring them in a large
+kettle, drinking the concoction toward morning until they vomit, to
+“clean out” the body. There is an unmistakable similarity to the “black
+drink” ritual vomiting here (see Appendix 4).
+
+[18] Mulato, sunami, and rosapara cacti, however, protect against Apache
+machinations; Mooney (_Tarumari-Guayachic_) cites a Chalája arroyo near
+Conaguchi (from chärä or chälä, “squirrel,” the epithet of witches)
+where witches were formerly burned; cf. the use of the squirrel-fetish
+in the Tarahumari peyote ritual. In Tamaulipas intertribal peace was
+so precarious that peyote mitotes were commonly held in remote and
+inaccessible intermediate mountain regions; the recital of war deeds was
+sometimes part of the rite (Prieto, in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_).
+De la Serna (in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 310) describes the use
+of teo-nanacatl in witching. For Tarahumari witching with hikuli see
+Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:314, 323-24, 371-72.
+
+[19] A favorite diversion of witches to weaken the leader was to make his
+assistants vomit (Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_). My Kiowa
+companion vomited in a Ponca meeting, the first he had ever attended
+in that tribe. He attributed it to their unfriendly feeling and felt
+considerably relieved when we visited next morning a meeting held by old
+friends among the Oto; but he himself had once witched a Comanche in a
+meeting (_Autobiography of a Kiowa Indian_). Tonkawa data is from Opler,
+_Autobiography of a Chiricahua Apache_. The exploits of the Kiowa witch
+Tonakat have already been mentioned. The Comanche “used it in the old
+times, but not rightly; the medicine men used it for sorcery, so people
+got scared and stopped using it” (Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_). Among
+the Cheyenne, Flacco and Cloud Chief strongly opposed the introduction
+of peyote; the former said “it was used to witch people and make them
+crazy.” The Northern Cheyenne (Hoebel, _Field Notes_) and Lipan (Opler,
+_The Use of Peyote_) and Winnebago “fear states” may have a physiological
+basis.
+
+Mrs. Voegelin (_Shawnee Field Notes_) quotes an informant: “Wilson showed
+them how to swallow mescal beads.... N. S. didn’t go; she was afraid of
+them. The Delaware had it too; she never wanted to go look. John Wilson
+also taught them how to shoot a person with red beads two inches long;
+the person would fall down, hard; then John Wilson doctored on them with
+medicine. [Several Shawnee] crept up in the grass when the Quapaws were
+holding a Ghost Dance once, at night. S’s wife got shot.... Finally some
+one spoke to John Wilson, ‘You men, you abuse the women.’ An old Peoria
+woman who went all the time, and swallowed those red beads—she was kind
+of crazy—told Wilson that. The agent finally stopped it.... When they
+were shot, John Wilson used peyote to bring them back.”
+
+[20] Alegre, _Historia de la Compañía_, 2:219-20; Prieto, _Historia y
+Estadistica_, 131. It is not proven that peyote applied externally has
+an anaesthetic or anodyne action (the Zacatecan use in the childbirth
+ceremony is internal); but natives recognize the ability of peyote to
+induce a stuporous state. The Aztec (Gerste, _Notes sur le médicine_,
+51) used peyote to stupify sacrificial victims. But peyote does not
+cause sleepiness, and the following Maratine Indian battle song (in
+Prieto, _op. cit._, 119-20; Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_) should perhaps be
+translated “become stuporous:” “The women and ourselves shouting with
+pleasure, Shall drink peyote and shall fall asleep.” For Opata data see
+Ensayo, in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; for Lipan see Opler, _The Use of
+Peyote_.
+
+[21] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 59; Flores, in Urbina, _El Peyote y el
+Ololiuhqui_, 26; Rouhier (_Monographie_, 96) adds the Caxcane use “for
+swellings and spasms”; Hernandez, _De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70; Safford,
+_An Aztec Narcotic_, 295; Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 294;
+Hrdlička, _Physiological and Medical Observations_, 173, 242, 244, 250,
+251; Lumholtz, _The Huichol_, 9; _Unknown Mexico_, 2:241-42.
+
+[22] Would pupil-dilation from peyote cause temporary “cures” satisfying
+the uncritical?
+
+[23] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 183, 196; Mooney, _The Mescal Plant_, 9.
+Lumholtz (_Unknown Mexico_, 2:157) himself confidently prescribed peyote
+for a scorpion-sting.
+
+[24] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 131 (Acaxee); Rouhier,
+_Monographie_, 12, fn. 3 (Tlaxcala). The Kiowa witch Tonakat fixed a
+fireplace in the form of a turtle, the source of his power, and used
+a meeting once for shamanistic display, being shot with a cartridge
+and remaining unharmed, etc. A Caddo-Delaware tells of a famous Kiowa
+doctor who used similar tricks in doctoring a woman. He held a black
+handkerchief over her to see the location of the disease, dipped a
+feather in water, cut the skin and removed two 1½″ bugs, the wound
+healing immediately. Both popped when thrown into the fire, thus
+prognosticating her recovery from a twenty years’ illness. Wild Horse
+(Caddo-Delaware) said doctors did “wizard sleight-of-hand tricks” in
+meetings; “some Indians can make you believe you see things.” Some
+Tonkawa who visited the Kiowa about 1890 performed tricks in meeting like
+eating fire (Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_).
+
+[25] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:241-42.
+
+[26] The suppression of peyote was sought under an act of Jan. 30, 1897
+(29 Stat. 506), Sect. 6 of the Food and Drugs Act of June 30, 1906 (34
+Stat. 768-72), Sect. 11 of the same act, and Service and Regulatory
+Announcement No. 13, Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry (issued
+May 3, 1915)—all without success. Specific Federal anti-peyote bills
+were next attempted: Senate 1862 (65th Congress 1st Sess. Apr. 17,
+1917), House of Representatives 10669 (64th Congress 1st Sess.), House
+of Representatives 4999 (65th Congress 1st Sess. June 12, 1917), House
+of Representatives 2614 (65th Congress 2nd Sess. May 13, 1918-Oct. 7,
+1918). These all failed of passing. An anti-peyote proviso attached as
+a rider to Appropriations bill House of Representatives 8696 of March
+28, 1918 was deleted before passage, under pressure from a powerful and
+alert Indian lobby. Later bills were House of Representatives 398 (66th
+Congress 1st Sess.), House of Representatives 2071 (about March 29,
+1924), House of Representatives 5057 (not passed by Senate, but amended
+as:) House of Representatives 5078 (about Jan. 24, 1924, 68th Congress
+1st Sess.)—all defeated. The Senate bill 1399 of Feb. 8, 1937 is pending
+at the present writing.
+
+State laws against peyote have been more successful. The Oklahoma law of
+March 11, 1899 was automatically repealed by omission in the codification
+of the state laws; the Darnell bill of 1927 was defeated April 13, 1927.
+The following states have anti-peyote laws: Colorado (before 1923),
+Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Montana (by 1925), Nebraska, Nevada (by 1918), New
+Mexico, North Dakota (before 1923), South Dakota, Utah (before 1918), and
+Wyoming (1929). The Native American Church is incorporated in Oklahoma
+and Montana, however, under state charters.
+
+[27] The trip is made after the rainy season and the corn harvest
+(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:127); the roasting of corn is of equal
+ritual importance with the hikuli-harvest and the deer-hunt: the three,
+indeed, deer, corn and peyote are symbolically the same (Lumholtz _op.
+cit._, 2:156, 279).
+
+[28] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:82, 126-27, 141, 157, 271, 272;
+_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:576-77; Klineberg, _Notes on the
+Huichol_, 449. For the gourd-symbolism see also Lumholtz, _op. cit_.,
+2:57-58, 129, 220; for the arrows, _Handbook of the American Indians_,
+2:663.
+
+[29] Cf. the universal corn shuck cigarette of Plains peyotism (a
+region of deep-rooted pipe ceremonialism), a remarkable case of
+culture-continuity.
+
+[30] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:129-35.
+
+[31] Lumholtz, _The Huichol_, 8; _Unknown Mexico_, 2:129-32, 141, 277-78;
+for the use of the water see 2:57-58, 220.
+
+[32] Cf. the Plains mode of preparing the meat, though the memory of the
+meaning of this feature (like the corn shuck cigarette and ritual parched
+corn) is long since gone.
+
+[33] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:132-35, 153, 156, 189, 271. The triple
+corn-deer-peyote symbolism is completed when the women grind peyote on a
+metate.
+
+[34] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:54, 272, 273-74. Cf. the Plains
+“fire-stick” and fire-arrangement.
+
+[35] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:29-31, 142-44, 149-50.
+
+[36] Spanish friars came in after 1722, but Huichol peyotism is almost
+wholly free of Christian beliefs (_Handbook of the American Indians_,
+1:576-77). Even the “baptism” rite is probably native.
+
+[37] Klineberg (_Notes on the Huichol_, 449) mentions special dances led
+by “angels” the next day—a boy and a girl dressed in their finest. It is
+not clear if this refers to the dance leaders or to the ceremonial “race
+for life” with the eating of cake-animals and spraying of the runners
+by the elders. But elsewhere Lumholtz describes a dance with carved
+bamboo serpent-sticks, deer-tails on short sticks, and whiskbroom “combs”
+(_Unknown Mexico_ 2:49-50).
+
+[38] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:272, 274-75.
+
+[39] But the whole peyote ritual might be divided into (1) the trip
+for hikuli, (2) the deer hunt, and (3) the roasting of corn, though
+peyote-deer-corn are symbolically identical.
+
+[40] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:279. Tamaulipecan peyotism is
+similarly a hunting and first-fruits ceremony.
+
+[41] “The idea of the antlers being arrows readily occurred to the
+Huichol, since they are the animal’s weapon of attack and defence”
+(Lumholtz, _Symbolism of the Huichol_, 69).
+
+[42] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:7-8, 56, 172-73, 201-203; _Handbook of
+the American Indians_, 1:663b; _Symbolism of the Huichol_, 42, 66, 71,
+174; _The Huichol_, 10.
+
+[43] Bits of deer meat, corn-tamales and strung peyote-plants are treated
+with exactly equivalent ritual. In the peyote dance serpent-sticks are
+thrust into the air (like prayer sticks, praying for rain?), and small
+whisks made of materials brought from the hikuli-country represent
+deer-tails. In the origin legend, peyote first arose in the tracks of
+a gigantic deer; indeed, when the gods first used peyote they ground
+deer-antlers on a metate with water to make an intoxicant, just as
+peyote is ground to make “tea” and corn to make tesvino. The fire is
+built in a special way suggesting deer-antlers or the god-chairs. Arrows
+as definitely symbolize prayer as the prayer sticks of the Southwest.
+The poker or fire-arrow of Grandfather Fire is smeared with blood and
+decorated with plumes; it is his “pillow” and the rest of the sticks
+are his “chair.” (One “appearance” of the god is a heart, modelled of
+the paste of the sacred wáve seed toasted and ground like corn, and
+renewed in the god-house every five years.) Facial paintings of the
+Huichol are called úra, “spark,” being made of a yellow root dug in
+the peyote country when the hikuli is gathered; yellow particularly
+symbolizes the fire gods, of whom there are two. Tatévali, “Grandfather
+Fire,” is the god of prophesying and curing shamans whose birds are
+the macao, royal eagle, cardinal bird, etc. The other, Tatótsi Mára
+Kwári, “Greatgrandfather Deer-tail,” is the god of singing-shamans,
+whose bird is the white-tailed hawk. Their relationship is peculiar:
+Greatgrandfather Deer-tail, the symbol of fertility, is the son of
+Grandfather Fire, from whose plumes he sprang. Lumholtz (_Symbolism of
+the Huichol_, 10-11) explains the difficulty by indicating that the
+former represents a spark, the latter a fire fed by wood.
+
+[44] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, ix, 136, 291-92; Mooney,
+_Tarumari-Guayachic_; Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_, 453; _Unknown
+Mexico_, 1:362.
+
+[45] Bennett and Zingg, _op. cit._, 292; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,
+1:363. The rasp is not used in the fiesta on returning from the trip, but
+in later ones.
+
+[46] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:171-72, 343-44, 363-64. The shaman’s
+women assistants are called rokoro, “stamens”; he is the pistil—a
+botanically erroneous symbolism, however.
+
+[47] The Tarahumari rasp is definitely associated with peyotism,
+indicating (Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 71) a Huichol
+provenience; but they list rasps for the Cora, Mayo, Pima (“rain
+sticks”), Hopi (in the kachina dance) and N. Paiute (to charm antelope
+into a corral). The rasp is not exclusively Uto-Aztecan however;
+it occurs for the Wichita, Hidatsa, Salinan, and archaeologically
+in Illinois. Tarahumari Brazil-wood rasps are brought from the
+hikuli-country.
+
+[48] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:313, 363-66; Bennett and Zingg, _op.
+cit._, 293; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_.
+
+[49] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:367-69, 371; Bennett and Zingg, _The
+Tarahumara_, 293. Near Eagle Pass a folk-Catholic saint is El Santo Niño
+de Jesús Peyotes, whose attributes are a staff, gourd, feathered hat and
+basket similar to but distinct from El Santo Niño de Atoche. In Mexican
+legend he is a little boy; his statue is in the cathedral or cathedral
+square at Rosales, Mexico. Another attribute is said to be the crescent
+moon.
+
+[50] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:292-93, 314, 344, 347-48, 371-72, 384;
+Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 294. The ceremony is called napítshi
+nawlíruga, “moving (dancing) around the fire” (Lumholtz, _Unknown
+Mexico_, 1:364). In the dry season the Tarahumari dance the yumari
+almost nightly to the Morning Star, and sacrifice tesvino to the sun; a
+man is often deputed to do the dance alone while the others work in the
+fields, to bring rain (Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:352). The Morning Star
+is important in the Cora rite too (Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:344; Preuss,
+_Nayarit-Expedition_, _passim_) as well as figuring in Plains peyotism,
+though somewhat vaguely.
+
+[51] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:357-58, 444; Bennett and Zingg, _The
+Tarahumara_, 360, 366-67, 379, 383.
+
+[52] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 131. He adds, though, that “This
+[use] may also be aboriginal, and very probably dates back to the
+separation of the Huichol from their peyote-using relatives, the
+Guachachiles.” He cites Thomas and Swanton (_Indian Languages_, 22) but
+evidence is meagre. For the Cora we have Ortega (in Safford, _An Aztec
+Narcotic_, 295, and _Narcotic Plants_, 402): “Close to the musician was
+seated the leader of the singing whose business it was to mark the time.
+Each of these had his assistants to take his place when he should become
+fatigued.... They began forming as large a circle as could occupy the
+space of ground that had been swept off for this purpose. One after the
+other went dancing in a ring or marking time with their feet, keeping
+in the middle the musician and the choirmaster whom they invited, and
+singing in the same unmusical tone that he set them. They would dance all
+night from five o’clock in the evening to seven o’clock in the morning,
+without stopping or leaving the circle. When the dance was ended all
+stood who could hold themselves on their feet; for the majority from the
+peyote and the wine which they drank were unable to utilize their legs or
+hold themselves upright.”
+
+[53] Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24.
+
+[54] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 131.
+
+[55] Sahagún, _Historia general_, 3:241 (Chichimeca); Prieto, _Historia
+y Estadistica_, 119-20, cites a Maratine Indian (Tamaulipecan) peyote
+song referring to war. Arlegui, in Urbina, _El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui_,
+26; see also Rouhier, _op. cit._, 12, note 3, 96, 331, note 3; Alegre, in
+Urbina, _op. cit._, 26; Preuss, _Die Nayarit-Expedition_, 39. The Morning
+Star is the principal Cora god (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:511, see
+also _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:348a). Elder Brother among
+the Huichol is the god of wind and hikuli (Lumholtz, _Symbolism of
+the Huichol_, 42). The Tarahumari dance yumari for the Morning Star
+(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:344). In the Plains the drum-lacing
+signifies the Morning Star. Spier (_Yuman Tribes_, 165) writes: “[The
+battle leader’s] song first described the morning star, ‘big star,’
+which in some unidentified way is connected with war. Just what was his
+function in battle was not ascertained.” He also dreamed he saw cacti
+fighting like men.
+
+[56] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; Sahagún, _Historia general_, 3:118;
+Ortega, _Historia del Nayarit_, 22-23; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,
+1:367-68, 2:274-75; Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24.
+
+[57] Racing (Tarahumari, Huichol, Tamaulipas, Acaxee): Lumholtz, _Unknown
+Mexico_, 1:284-85, 2:49-50; Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24;
+Beals, _The Acaxee_, 8.
+
+[58] Beals (_Comparative Ethnology_, 127, 141, 211-12) lists it for
+Southern Mexico, Jalisco-Tepic, Southwest.
+
+[59] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:362, 2:54; Bennett and Zingg,
+_The Tarahumara_, 295. See also Wissler, _The American Indian_, 213;
+_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:604b. In the Plains some tribes
+differentiated twigs and leaves as male and female.
+
+[60] The Tarahumari feast for the moon involves smoking to make clouds
+(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:130; _Tarahumari Dances_, 441). The
+Huichol carry “tamale” cigarettes in their gourds and offer them to
+Grandfather Fire.
+
+[61] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 67; Beals, _Aboriginal
+Survivals_, 32; Russell, _The Pima_, 168; Spier, _Havasupai Ethnography_,
+272; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:313; Opler, _The Influence of
+Aboriginal Pattern_, _The Use of Peyote_; Sayles, _An Archaeological
+Survey_, Table 2; Oliver, in Gatschet, _The Karankawa Indians_, 18;
+Gatschet, in Swadesh, _Chitamacha Texts_; Kroeber, _The Seri_, 14, 42;
+Roberts, _Musical Areas_, 21; Paz, _Koasati Field Notes_; Bartram,
+_Travels_, 502; Speck, _Yuchi_, 61.
+
+[62] Tarahumari officials are called igúsuame, “stick-bearers” (Bennett
+and Zingg, _op. cit._, 375-76) but this may be an Hispanicism. However,
+Aztec merchants (Sahagún) carried staffs. But so far as the peyote
+ritual is concerned, the staff is not mentioned for the Cora-Huichol or
+Tarahumari; and the various names for the peyote staff in the Plains
+suggests either an indigenous or a Southwestern, not a Mexican, origin.
+
+[63] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumari_, 71, 293-94; Lumholtz, _Unknown
+Mexico_, 1:366-67. The Tarahumari hunter used a notched deer-bone rasp.
+The Cora, Mayo, and Pima, Hopi and Northern Paiute suggest a general
+Uto-Aztecan occurrence of the trait, but the rasp, is also Wichita,
+Hidatsa.
+
+[64] Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24. See the Plains section for
+discussion of drums.
+
+[65] A little white flower, tōtó, of the wet corn-producing season
+symbolizes corn for the Huichol and is a prayer for it, being plastered
+on women’s cheeks, woven in girdles, etc. (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,
+229-30). The Tamaulipecan rite celebrates the harvest and deer-hunting as
+well as war; the Tepehuane all-night rite with a mimicry of deer-hunting
+ends with a feast on the first “toasted corn” of the season (Lumholtz,
+1:479). Acaxee corn toasted on the ear was the usual food on war-parties
+(Beals, 10). Concerning the standardized parched-corn in sugar-water of
+the Plains, note that the Aztec made offerings of toasted corn (sometimes
+with honey), and to the culture-hero Opuchtli offered mumuchtli “a sort
+of corn which when toasted opens up and shows the white marrow [popcorn]
+forming a very white flower. They said this represented hail, which is
+attributed to the water gods.” (Sahagún, _A History of Ancient Mexico_,
+1:36, 40, 87.)
+
+[66] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 138, 295; Lumholtz, _Unknown
+Mexico_, 1:357-58 (wherein all but the last named are cacti), 2:124-25
+(Tepecano). The accepted etymology of teo-nanacatl, “divine mushroom,”
+suggests the same attitude; in the Antilles “among the most prominent
+of the plants worshipped ... [are] mushrooms, pines, opuntias, zapos,
+and zeybas.” (Rafinesque, cited in Bourke, _Scatological Rites_, 91; but
+Rafinesque is an undependable authority). The Cherokee called casine
+yapon (the “black drink”) “the beloved tree” (Bartram, _Travels_, 357).
+It is also said that in Virginia toadstools were an object of worship
+because of their mysterious growth (Bourke, _ibid._). In Peru coca was
+looked on with veneration and suppliants must approach priests only with
+some in their mouths. Compare the use and attitudes toward tobacco,
+mescal beans, datura, guarana paste, cohoba, chocolate (_Theobroma
+cacao_), aya-huasca, yahé, etc.
+
+[67] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:172-73, 207, 263 ff. The Huichol had
+hikuli-shields; curiously, Crow-Neck (Kiowa) about 1860 made a peyote
+shield according to a vision he had at Mescalero, but he threw it away
+when he was captured on his first fight in Mexico. The Kiowa, however,
+had heraldic shield-societies before peyote, of which this is probably
+an aberrant example. (For the bird and arrow equation see Spier, _Yuman
+Tribes_, 331, Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 2:201-202.) See also Lumholtz, _op.
+cit._, 1:313, 323-24, 371-72; _Tarahumari Dances_, 452.
+
+[68] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumari_, 294.
+
+[69] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:311, writes: “Without his shaman the
+Tarahumare would feel lost, both in this life and after death. The shaman
+is his priest and physician. He performs all the ceremonies and conducts
+all the dances and feasts by which the gods are propitiated and evil is
+averted, doing all the singing, praying, and sacrificing. By this means,
+and by instructing the people what to do to make it rain, and secure
+other benefits, he maintains good terms for them with their deities, who
+are jealous of man and bear him ill-will. He is also on the alert to
+keep those under his care from sorcery, illness, and other evil that may
+befall them ... the Tarahumare ... keeps his doctor busy curing him, not
+only to make his body strong to resist illness, but chiefly to ward off
+sorcery, the main source of trouble in the Indian’s life.”
+
+[70] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 128.
+
+[71] This entire section is summarized from data collected by M. E.
+Opler. I gratefully acknowledge the courtesy and generosity of his
+lending me the article _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_ before
+publication, as well as _The Autobiography of a Chiricahua Apache_,
+and unpublished notes on Lipan, Tonkawa and Carrizo peyotism; it would
+be difficult to establish Mexican-Plains continuities without these
+invaluable data and the warm coöperation of Dr. Opler.
+
+[72] The Mescalero are listed neither in Shonle (_Peyote: The Giver of
+Visions_, 53-75) nor in Newberne and Burke, _Peyote_. Mescalero peyotism,
+like Tarahumari, is on the decline.
+
+[73] The Lipan make a smoke and pray when the first plant is found; they
+are hard to find unless one eats one, then “a noise like the wind” comes,
+and one by one the plants appear “just like stars.” Only the tops are cut
+off.
+
+[74] Though this was general in Mescalero ceremonialism, they also
+controlled the weather thus, found lost objects, located the enemy,
+etc.; a Chiricahua prayed for health, in the name of Yuan and Child of
+the Water. The Lipan formerly did not use it for doctoring apparently.
+The Tonkawa, according to Mooney, performed shamanistic tricks in
+peyote meetings; and a Carrizo chief, for example, filled the tipi once
+with down-feathers blown from his mouth, then sucked them all in save
+one which he gave to a Lipan visitor. Others made a bear, turtle, and
+buffalo, etc., appear.
+
+[75] The Lipan wash themselves with yucca or soapweed and perfume
+themselves with mint, and use the same kind of sage in meetings as they
+wear in their hats against lightning. The Tonkawa wore G-string, leggings
+and blanket, and preferably long hair and face paint; native perfumes
+were proper but white men’s were forbidden. The Carrizo entered barefoot,
+wearing only a G-string. Some Lipan fasted the day before.
+
+[76] The Lipan leader “is supposed to stop all arguments in there; he has
+to watch all the men.” Unlike the Mescalero, the Lipan staff and gourd
+were passed around clockwise (both preceding the drum); the retention of
+these by the leader is probably an aspect of his special authority among
+the Mescalero, since the Lipan lacked the rasp, retained by the leader,
+which might have been transmitted from Mexico. The Tonkawa sometimes used
+a lard-can drum covered with buckskin, and passed the rattle (aberrantly)
+after it; the leader never drummed.
+
+[77] Some shamans trace a cross of pollen on the chief peyote. The
+Tonkawa use the largest one they can find, put some red paint on the top,
+and surround it with smaller buttons on a fine buckskin; they claimed to
+be able to see far off with the aid of peyote and to detect witchcraft.
+Some Lipan like the Mescalero put peyote buttons in a circle around the
+fire pit and the chief peyote (cf. the Comanche placing of them in a sage
+horseshoe west of the altar).
+
+[78] The Lipan fire-tender, like the Carrizo and some Mexican groups,
+made simply a fire-pit, with no crescent altar; this form originated with
+the Mescalero or in northwestern Mexico, not around the lower Rio Grande.
+The Carrizo, like the Tamaulipecan, held the ceremony in the open.
+
+[79] The Lipan used peyote green or dry or pounded up in a wooden bowl,
+which was passed like the drum from the southeast. The Carrizo made a
+peyote “tea” (compare the neighboring Karankawa “black drink”). The
+Tonkawa used a flat basket. Among the Mescalero (also Lipan and Kiowa),
+“Care was taken to keep the ‘fuzz’ from the top of the peyote button from
+coming in contact with the eye, for it was thought to cause blindness.”
+
+[80] Not all Mescalero leaders do this; oak-leaf cigarettes are usually
+used but one leader has a red stone Sioux pipe, which is passed
+clockwise. The Lipan smoke oak-leaf or corn husk cigarettes at the
+beginning and at the end. Their eagle wing-bone whistle in peyote is
+recent, and not all Mescalero leaders use it.
+
+[81] The Carrizo on each side of the door had a woman wearing a red
+blanket; the one at the south had hers fastened with a red flicker
+feather, the other with a woodpecker. This non-exclusion of women is
+Mexican. But the Lipan allow no women around; they may not even erect the
+peyote-tipi. The Tonkawa originally allowed no women in peyote meetings;
+but doctoring gradually broke down this restriction.
+
+[82] “The virulence of these rivalries and attempts to harm others at
+peyote meetings led to the development of a number of protective measures
+and safeguards.” For these see Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal
+Pattern_.
+
+[83] In the old shamanistic curing, the shaman was the performer and the
+others merely onlookers, but in peyotism the inevitable physiological
+effects of the drug made all present potential receivers of power, and
+shamanistic display and rivalry was correspondingly increased. This had
+not wholly disappeared even in early Plains peyote-using groups: the
+Tonkawa, Lipan, and Kiowa had shamanistic displays of power in peyote
+meetings, and we have recorded considerable witchcraft anxiety in early
+Kiowa, Comanche, Caddo, and Tonkawa meetings.
+
+[84] The reasons for this are several: a nomadic people presents few
+opportunities for the establishing of missions; the Apache were one
+of the American Indian groups last subjugated; they are notoriously
+suspicious and unfriendly toward innovation, and recognized the alien
+origin even of peyotism; and further, the rite they received from Mexico
+had few or no Christian elements in it. It might be suggested that the
+“baptism” ceremonies in the morning or the ritual breakfast are Christian
+in origin; but this is thoroughly doubtful, since it occurs in pre-White
+peyotism (e.g., Lipan).
+
+[85] In the Plains, peyotism largely followed the Ghost Dance frustration
+of anti-White sentiment and preached conciliation instead; such Christian
+elements as were added had a largely propagandist function in this
+direction.
+
+[86] Wagner, _Entwicklung und Verbreitung_, 74; Shonle, _Peyote: Giver of
+Visions_, 55.
+
+[87] As told, this seemed to have reference to the miraculous
+proliferation of the Biblical loaves and fishes, but it is sufficiently
+similar to aboriginal hunting beliefs.
+
+[88] The Comanche and others usually had a meeting on the spot, eating
+green peyote.
+
+[89] The Kiowa now have five Easter meetings, six on New Year’s Day, four
+to six on Thanksgiving, and two or three on Armistice Day (by World War
+soldiers and sailors). Bert Crow-lance vowed to eat a hundred if all the
+Kiowa boys returned safely from the War (but this is an enormous quantity
+actually to have eaten). The Kiowa differ from other groups in having
+no funeral meetings; mourners commonly abstain for several months from
+meetings. Meetings have been held for heyoka-like display. The Comanche
+formerly held meetings before a war journey to invoke peyote’s protection
+from the enemy, and to prophesy the outcome of the battle.
+
+[90] “A sweatbath was always undergone by warriors preparing for war ...
+and perhaps generally, before any serious or hazardous undertaking....
+Sweating was important in medical practice for the cure of disease....
+Sometimes the friends and relatives of the sick person ... assembled in
+the sweathouse, sang and prayed for the patient’s recovery” (_Handbook of
+the American Indians_, 2:661b). The peyote meeting and sweating present
+many such analogies.
+
+[91] Painting is commonly dictated in visions: a Kiowa saw a red-bird
+after a meeting once as a red-blanketed man who told him to use red paint
+thereafter. Comanche formerly went in wearing only breech-clout and
+“blanket,” being painted white or yellow all over the body. One Comanche
+had an all-over body yellow with blue zigzags up the arm and down the
+side and leg, with a red zigzag paralleling this (on the outside of
+the arm and therefore on the inside of the leg); on each cheek a small
+blue-bordered red spot, and a large three-inch red spot on the breast
+under the throat. The Tonkawa painted the top of the fetish-plant red
+also. Leaders often wear otter skin braid-coverings, and at certain
+points in the ritual fur headdresses. Mescal beans as necklaces or on
+moccasin- and gourd-fringes are common (the Kiowa wear them on their
+moccasins as protection against stepping on menstrual blood). The
+“blanket,” or sheet (in the summer), is invariable.
+
+[92] Mooney (_A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_, 64-65) describes a Kiowa gourd with
+the Peyote Woman, peyote, moon, ash crescent, and Morning-Star under her
+feet heralding her morning approach with water.
+
+[93] The basic rite is practically free from Christian symbolism. Some
+call the sage under the fetish a “cross”; some leaders make a cross
+under the water-bucket or in the water with feathers at midnight. Mooney
+wrote that “many of the mescal eaters wear crucifixes ... the cross
+representing the cross of scented leaves ... while Christ is the mescal
+goddess.” But all crosses are not necessarily Christian. See Appendix 8.
+
+[94] Older men carry real “feathers,” but younger ones often bring small,
+ribbed, commercial, folding ladies’ fans—an interesting compromise. The
+Comanche nácihita “resting-stick, to walk,” was formerly a bow, according
+to Hoebel, on war-party meetings, while the drum was formerly of wood.
+The Lipan formerly used a bow, hit with a stick.
+
+[95] Following a suggestion of Dr. Wissler, I made a special note of this
+and found that the ubiquitous satchel is as much a “trait” of the peyote
+leader’s paraphernalia as his staff or gourd or feathers.
+
+[96] The Kiowa moon is crescent-shaped, the Comanche horseshoe-shaped—a
+significant point in tracing provenience of altars in other tribes. Some
+Comanche garland the entire west side of the altar with sage, in which
+the fetish rests. In war the Comanche used a shield as an altar. A cement
+moon made by a Choctaw adopted by the Kiowa was an innovation much in
+disfavor, as was a Seminole altar made among the Caddo; the symbolical
+interior of the latter was removed to make a simple crescent. Indeed,
+many Caddo are moving away from the John Wilson symbolic cement moon.
+
+[97] Cf. the Huichol “pillow” for Grandfather Fire.
+
+[98] Belo Kozad’s (Kiowa) father peyote had been Quanah Parker’s
+(Comanche) and was handed around after the meeting almost as an heirloom.
+Mumsika (Comanche) still preserves a famous peyote button of Kutubi’s
+(Hoebel). Howard White Wolf (Comanche) has a peyote he addresses as
+“older brother” since it had cured him as a baby. Clyde Koko (Kiowa) quit
+peyote one Christmas night and gave Charley two father peyotes to take
+back to Laredo and plant with smoke and prayer; uncertain, the latter
+brought them back to find Koko had completely changed his mind: “I never
+made such a mistake in my life. If you’d done that it sure would have
+ruined me. I’ve learned a lesson!”
+
+[99] “The neophyte is constantly exhorted not to allow his eyes to
+wander, but to keep them fixed upon the sacred mescal in the center of
+the circle.” (Mooney, _The Mescal Plant_, 11). Changing the cross-legged
+position too often, leaning backward on one elbow or the like to rest is
+considered frivolous, indicating lack of seriousness. One may leave the
+meeting at any time with permission, but it is best to try to wait till
+after midnight, unless there is the emergency of nausea from peyote. In
+leaving and entering the leader is always consulted to see if the path
+to one’s seat is “clear,” i.e., that no one is eating peyote or smoking;
+as smoking or eating peyote is conceptually praying, it is extremely bad
+manners to pass between a person doing either and the altar fire, hence
+the need for instruction from the leader. This is old Plains etiquette
+(_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:442b). Thus, to avoid his having
+to pass before smokers, the brand might be passed backwards to the
+fireman; his movements in tending the fire never entail passing before
+anyone, and the feather given him by the leader symbolizes delegation
+of power to enter or leave as necessary for wood. But no one may pass
+between him and his seat while tending the fire.
+
+[100] Corn shucks are standard, but Comanche and Shawnee sometimes use
+black-jack oak-leaves (just so the materials are native). Interestingly,
+the elbow pipe is never used in the Plains, but at Mescalero a pipe was
+used instead of the usual Southwestern cigarette—a case of reverse or
+reciprocal borrowing.
+
+[101] There are many individualized modes of eating peyote. Hoebel
+describes a Comanche way: chew into a ball, spit into palm of hand, rub
+in clockwise circle, swallow bolus. On the war-path one spits in his
+hands again and rubs his head and ears, the better to hear. Belo said
+he once ate a button when each person sang. Kiowa often make several
+clockwise motions of buttons toward the fire before eating, to prevent
+nausea, or hold the palms out toward it and rub themselves. One may
+request another to chew peyote for him if he has bad teeth or is sick,
+and swallow the bolus so prepared. The number of buttons eaten ranges
+from four to about thirty.
+
+[102] Mooney (_Miscellaneous Notes_) mentions an odorous root from New
+Mexico, but is unclear about its use; cedar incense was universal in the
+writer’s experience. The sage may be passed around also; some chew, eat
+it.
+
+[103] Cf. the whisk of sage used in sweat-bathing; in view of other
+parallels, this otherwise functionless item in the peyote meeting should
+not be overlooked.
+
+[104] This is the first of four sets of four songs each, sung at stated
+times in the ritual; the others are: Yáhiyano (midnight water song),
+Wakahó (daylight song for morning water) and Gayatina (Closing Song). All
+are Esikwita (Mescalero); all end with a fast unrhythmical shaking of the
+gourd. The two Kiowa groups sęįhoṇ (Peyote Road) and Goihoṇ (Kiowa Road)
+differ in that in the former only the initial song of each group is set,
+in the latter all songs of all four groups are set.
+
+[105] There are specific and detailed rules about passing the
+paraphernalia. Ordinarily, save in the case of the leader and his
+assistant at the opening song, etc., the paraphernalia (here the staff)
+never move counter-clockwise. The drum always passes inside the staff,
+i.e., proximally, the staff at arm’s length in the left hand, the drum
+being passed under it with the right, when for any reason this occurs.
+The symbolism of this is perhaps obvious. A man may not be the singer
+more than once in a round, but he may be successively drummer, singer and
+drummer. (Though the staff may not go backward, the drum may, and in this
+case A receiving the staff, passes the drum with his right hand under
+his outstretched left, from the man on his right to the man on his left,
+B. A then sings to B’s drumming; the staff is then passed forward from A
+to B, and the drum exchanged or passed backward from B to A, this time A
+drumming and B singing. Still going clockwise, the staff may be passed
+from B to C, and the drum from A to B, C singing this time and B drumming
+a second time.)
+
+[106] At the east door the drum may be passed as stated to the second man
+so that the first man south of the door gets a chance to sing (because
+the fireman is too far away to drum for him) then an exchange and normal
+passing again, staff first. If a person right of the singer is old, sick,
+a woman or a visitor, he may request a friend to drum for him of the
+leader; the friend moves clockwise and sits by him temporarily. Women
+neither drum nor rattle nor sing (but like other participants they tend
+to sing softly favorite songs or the universally known set songs). Men
+try to make their four songs different from those previously sung, but
+favorites may be repeated.
+
+[107] Kutubi (Comanche) in a war-party peyote meeting once visioned that
+they would be killed, and wept and upbraided peyote for doing this. H. H.
+(Wichita) during a meeting wept with total unrestraint for his brother
+and nephew, who had been hurt in an auto accident.
+
+[108] The Kiowa sometimes make a humming-bird of the ashes (a prominent
+Kiowa family is called Hummingbird); cf. the Comanche, Oto, Shawnee,
+Yuchi and (?) Ute ash-birds.
+
+[109] Peyote Road cultists: one fixed song, three optional; Kiowa Road:
+four fixed songs. The words of the standard song are unintelligible. Many
+tribes use their own language for these set songs (e.g., one Winnebago
+group). The schism in the Kiowa, if such it may be called, is excessively
+minor and communicants of one are freely welcomed in the other; though it
+purports (probably wrongly) to be the original and more pure rite, the
+Kiowa Road (led by Atape) is felt to be an uncalled-for variant.
+
+[110] Mooney (_The Mescal Plant_, 8) writes: “At midnight a vessel of
+water is passed around, and each takes a drink and sprinkles a few drops
+upon his head.” We believe Mooney has slipped into error here, for this
+“baptismal” ceremony comes in the morning when the contents of the drum,
+not the bucket, are used. Non-Kiowa data likewise agree on this point.
+According to Mooney, the leader drinks first among the Comanche. The
+Caddo drink no water at this time: “One must suffer to peyote.” Such
+abstemiousness with a thirst-producing substance like peyote suggests
+the psychological flavor of the vision quest. Note that Anhalonium means
+“without salt.” “If there is suffering, this is the time. That’s the
+reason I took a good rest so I could stand it. Many a time I have fallen
+over at this time. The hour of the Crucifixion. Everyone is suffering now
+... the dark hour” (Simmons, in _Peyote Road_).
+
+[111] “The four whistles at midnight by the leader outside the tipi are
+to notify all things in all directions that they were having a meeting
+there at the center of the cross ... calling the great power to be with
+us while we were drinking so that it could hear our prayers and bless us”
+(Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_).
+
+[112] Others may be incensed when they reënter too, and everyone holds
+out his fan for the blessing. If a communicant is smoking when another
+reënters, it is good manners to place the cigarette on the ground
+temporarily that he may pass in front of him.
+
+[113] There is a suggestion that this woman, usually the wife of the
+sponsor, symbolizes sęįmąyi or “Peyote Woman”; the Morning Star heralds
+her approach (see Mooney, _A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_).
+
+[114] Doctoring is second only to the vision for individual knowledge
+and power in the Plains. Kiowa peyote doctors have special prestige
+among other tribes. In 1936 I sponsored a Kiowa meeting near Stecker,
+Oklahoma, for Belo Kozad to doctor Ernest Kokome who was suffering
+from tuberculosis. (Ernest had given me his trade-blanket beaded
+peyote-necktie in 1935 on the morning after a meeting at which I had
+admired it.) After midnight, Belo chewed four peyote and gave them to
+Ernest, fanning him with feathers and cedar incense; then he made a
+cross in front of the patient with a glowing coal, and, putting it in
+his mouth, blew all over the face and chest of the sick young man, who
+unbuttoned his shirt for the purpose. Next Belo fanned or batted him with
+his feathers, the patient holding up his palms to absorb the medicine
+virtue. Finally he took a mouthful of water and blew it on Ernest’s head,
+praying and beseeching in the name of Jesus Christ for him to get well.
+Peyote gave Belo the power to doctor thus and not be burned by the coal.
+
+Peyote was brought to the Creek, indeed, for doctoring by Jim Aton
+(a famous Kiowa peyote doctor). Much in demand, he has doctored in
+peyote meetings of the Yuchi, Shawnee, Kickapoo, Creek, Caddo, Osage,
+Comanche, Kiowa Apache, Kiowa, Mescalero Apache and Quapaw; also whites
+and Mexicans. His methods of doctoring have been described previously.
+The well-known Comanche peyote doctor, Jim Post-oak, “hollers like a
+bear in doctoring.” (People often imitate the animal-sources of their
+power in the morning, in the midst of others’ singing, either from
+peyote-“euphoria” or in praise of particularly good singing.) Peyote
+doctoring by Old Man Horse (Kiowa) influenced the Oto rite of the Church
+of the First-born too. Peyote can perform cures unassisted outside
+meetings also, as shown by the case of Tommy Cat who ate peyote over the
+protests of his nurse in a hospital and was cured.
+
+[115] Polonian obviousness is usually the note in these harangues (sit up
+straight and keep awake in meetings, wear clean clothes and bathe before
+coming, wear a blanket, keep your mind on good things in the ceremony,
+don’t look around the tipi, don’t drink whiskey, don’t lie to your wife
+or show off, but pray for your wife and children, respect old people,
+humble yourself, go home again if you come to a crowded meeting)—but
+occasionally specific admonitions are made. A Kiowa jokester, J. S., had
+had trouble with his wife, and was plainly talked to in meeting. Quanah
+Parker used to lecture young people in the morning. Long prayers are
+another means of making psychological transactions. Some tribes make
+individual public confessions at this time.
+
+[116] Mooney, _The Mescal Plant_, 8.
+
+[117] Some rattle the marbles of the drum, put them in the mouth and
+spit them into the palm. Members commonly “baptize” themselves with the
+drum-water, using the drumstick to moisten the palm and rubbing the
+hair, face, chest, arms and thighs as in blessing with cedar incense;
+some paint themselves with the charcoal in the drum. The remaining water
+in the drum is poured along the moon. The sage under the peyote may be
+passed to the patient, if there is one, or it may be requested for absent
+ailing relatives.
+
+[118] Sometimes the stories have a moral point; the following was told
+by O. W. (Comanche) to E. R. (Delaware): the leader of a Wichita Easter
+meeting had a fine watch, costing from $150 to $200. At daylight, before
+water time, wanting to display it, he put it down by the feathers. A man
+to the north was singing and making vigorous punches toward the peyote.
+When he looked at his watch later, “it was just a mess of works in there
+loose, and the hands dropped off,” though nobody had touched it. “It
+don’t pay to go in there and then try to show off.”
+
+[119] “The first shall be last and the last shall be first.” Hoebel says
+the Comanche fire-chief takes one step outside, turns completely around
+once, and continues his way, the others exiting in a straight fashion.
+Cf. the Huichol turns.
+
+[120] A Comanche told me a Kiowa ate a lot of peyote once and tried to
+sing a Comanche song. He sang the wrong words, which meant “Mentula
+exposita est, Mentula exposita est!” (Cf. the Oto jokes about songs.)
+A typical experience of Belo Kozad involves the hearing of a new
+peyote song, psychological anxiety, a moral, and an explanation about
+power-getting: A peyote song, without words, once came to him in a
+vision. He seemed to be in the south, in soft grass. In the distance he
+saw a man, whom he followed. He did not know it, but this man represented
+Temptation. Belo followed the man, who was leading him off somewhere.
+Suddenly the man kicked backwards with his foot [a familiar folkloristic
+element] and went on. When Belo approached he found apples there; he
+refused to take one. Further on the man kicked back with his other foot.
+This time Belo found dollar bills and playing cards; these he refused
+too. A third time he found pictures of beautiful girls in various poses,
+but he withstood temptation. Finally he came to the top of a hill, over
+the brow of which the man had disappeared ahead of him. Then he heard the
+man talk to him from behind: “The apples, the cards, and the pictures all
+meant temptation. You have withstood them all. Upon the top of this hill
+you will find good fortune if you take this peyote.” Belo went up and saw
+there a terrible chasm, crossed by a bridge of a single tipi pole. The
+man said that the pole had to be crossed with four steps; if he did this
+he would have great curing power. The man danced forward and backward
+across the pole to show Belo, singing this song the while. But Belo was
+afraid to cross the chasm and turned back thus not acquiring the curing
+power.
+
+[121] Indeed, among some groups like the Caddo, doctoring is expressly
+absent.
+
+[122] In Mescalero, too, “prophecy and advice were no small part of the
+performance. It was rarely that his power did not vouchsafe the shaman
+some reassuring information concerning the longevity of his patient, the
+number of grandchildren with which he would be blessed, and the future
+state of his fortunes.” They also controlled the weather thus, found lost
+objects, located the enemy, etc., but doctoring was the main feature of
+Mescalero peyote meetings.
+
+[123] Shonle (_Peyote: Giver of Visions_, 57) notes that peyote was
+latterly a reservation phenomenon, when tribal enmities were gone. The
+Ghost Dance had been anti-White; peyotism was a compromise, and the
+friendly intertribal contacts growing out of the Ghost Dance could now be
+exploited.
+
+[124] Cf. Tamaulipecan rites and the black-drink ball-game of the
+Southeast. (The black drink was as nearby as the Karankawa.) The
+Southwest-Southeast connections are more than superficial; Beals
+(_Comparative Ethnology_, 142) believes there is a probable connection of
+Southwest-Mexican alcoholic drinks with the Southeastern black drink.
+
+[125] Curiously the cigarette of the region farther west is universal in
+the intrusive Plains peyote rite, while at Mescalero the stone elbow pipe
+is passed around in the calumet fashion of the Plains in one leader’s
+ceremony.
+
+[126] Is this a culture-environmental problem?—for the same substance
+which was spectacularly aphrodisiac in Lame Deer, Montana, was stubbornly
+anaphrodisiac in Philadelphia. Unfortunately for the accusing school
+of thought, Bennett and Zingg’s trait-distribution tables indicate a
+negative association of sexual promiscuity and the ritual use of peyote
+in Mexico.
+
+[127] Opler says that “in no other Mescalero ceremony is a mound of earth
+in the shape of a crescent found. On the other hand, crude earth tracings
+did grace a Mescalero rite occasionally, and the moon was much in
+evidence in ritual song and design. The staff of the peyote shaman seems
+an innovation at first thought; yet it has a counterpart in the ‘old
+age stick’ held by the singer in the girl’s puberty rite.” The gourd in
+Mescalero has exclusively peyote associations. On the whole, the standard
+Plains ceremony appears to have taken shape among the Lipan-Mescalero.
+But Curtis (_North American Indian_ 19:199-200) says that the White
+Mountain Apache were the first United States users and that “the ritual
+[in the United States] is obviously copied from the Wichita ceremonial
+form.”
+
+
+
+
+COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PLAINS PEYOTISM
+
+
+We have now compared the basic Plains rite with that of Mexico and the
+transitional Lipan-Mescalero. Yet an independent development of this
+basic rite in the Plains and a multiform flowering of the cult there,
+influenced by older cultural concepts of a different nature, necessitates
+a discussion of more minute variants within the region. In other words,
+we have determined in the previous section the major variations of the
+peyote ceremony as aboriginally constituted, and now trace the fate of
+the cult as it invaded a different cultural terrain and came under the
+influence of other culture patterns, including the Christian.[1]
+
+_Trip for Peyote._ A typical nine-day trip was made by the Cheyenne
+in 1914 from Watonga, Oklahoma, to Laredo, Texas. Ten “peyote boys”
+contributed the total cost of $61.85, and several suitcases full
+of buttons were brought back (about 1,400 each); these were bought
+from a White dealer in Laredo.[2] Another time a Southern Cheyenne,
+then President of the Native American Church, brought back a special
+trailer full of peyote from Romer, Texas. The northern Plains tribes
+make infrequent pilgrimages for the plant, depending largely upon
+supplies shipped from Texas or bought from Indians nearer the source.
+One Wichita leader sold 40 acres of land to buy a car in which to make
+a trip to Mousquis, his fourth or fifth such trip in about ten years.
+An early Comanche party going for peyote in the Apache region had much
+the character of a war journey; as described by Hoebel it involved a
+clairvoyant discovery of the enemy, prophecy of the outcome, and a
+horse-raid. Typically, however, the Kickapoo “chip in” money for peyote
+pilgrimages, and precede this with prayers for the safe-keeping of the
+travellers.
+
+_Rite at Site._ The Lipan[3] say that
+
+    peyote is pretty hard to find when you are looking for it ...
+    a person who is not used to it doesn’t recognize it though he
+    is in the middle of a whole clump of peyote. Once he sees one,
+    another appears and so on until they all come out just like
+    stars. If you are having a hard time finding them you do this:
+    when you find just one by itself you eat it. When it takes
+    effect, when you get a little dizzy, you will hear a noise like
+    the wind from a certain direction. Go over there ... from the
+    place where the noise is coming you will get many peyote plants.
+
+Mrs. Voegelin[4] reports an interesting Shawnee concept:
+
+    You can get power by visiting the peyote patch in Texas, and
+    telling it at evening that you want help to cure people and get
+    medicine. You sprinkle tobacco there. The next morning, when
+    the Morning Star comes up, the person goes to the patch where
+    he put the tobacco and when he comes close he hears a rattler
+    rattling. If he has nerve enough to go over there, likely
+    he does not find a snake there, but just something to scare
+    him. If he does find a snake there, he grabs the rattlesnake
+    (which is coiled up on top of the medicine) and takes it off
+    and then he picks one peyote button from that place. Then he
+    goes to another bunch and picks another button.... Perhaps at
+    the fourth spot where he picks his fourth button, the snake
+    is there again and he must remove it.... Jim Clark related
+    this defying of a rattlesnake to the obtaining of another very
+    powerful herb in the old days.[5]
+
+The typical Plains gathering ceremony has been described to the writer
+for the Kiowa, Wichita, and Kickapoo: one sits west of the first peyote
+found and makes a smoke-prayer before orienting the plant with a thorn or
+mark that it may be properly used as a “father peyote” later; this first
+plant shows the gatherer where to find more.
+
+_Vowing of Meetings._ Spier has traced the pattern of “vowing” the Sun
+Dance in the Plains and it is interesting to note the persistence of
+this trait in the peyote ceremony. It is particularly a pattern of the
+Algonquian-speaking peoples; but we have recorded it for the Kiowa and
+Wichita as well as the Shawnee, Kickapoo, and Northern Cheyenne.[6]
+
+_Time of Meetings._ Peyote meetings are generally held Saturday nights
+so that the forenoon of the following Sunday may be spent relaxing and
+talking under a “shade”; but the Comanche and Seminole sometimes set
+theirs for Sunday night, following the White pattern for religious
+meetings.[7] The Caddo, Tonkawa and Lipan often had four meetings on
+successive nights, particularly for sick persons; the Caddo sometimes
+mark four birthdays with meetings a year apart. Holiday meetings on
+Easter, New Year’s, Thanksgiving and Christmas are common; an Arapaho
+meeting was once held with a Christmas tree. Many tribes like the
+Northern Cheyenne drink tea outside meetings, when practising songs or
+“to sharpen one’s mind” when solving some particularly knotty personal
+problem, but some groups maintain that it is forbidden to use peyote
+outside meetings, for it would be useless then, even for doctoring.
+The frequency of meetings throughout the year would be difficult to
+ascertain, though there is no seasonal restriction as in Mexico; perhaps
+one or two meetings a month in each tribe might be an average number when
+the whole year is considered.
+
+_Purpose._ Doctoring of the sick is the commonest reason given for
+calling a meeting; but though infrequently expressed as an official
+motive, the vision-producing physiological effect of peyote is probably
+the major reason. However, so various are the stated purposes of
+meetings, that one is led to conclude that when a man wishes to have one,
+he ordinarily finds little difficulty in discovering a reason for it. A
+Lipan Apache said,
+
+    In the early days they just had a good time for one night. It
+    was not used as a curing ceremony then.... At first they wanted
+    to have good visions, that’s what they were after. But then,
+    recently, they began to use it as a medicine for sick people.[8]
+
+The Kickapoo and Caddo do not doctor in meetings; the latter pray for the
+sick, however, and commonly have four meetings in close succession for
+this purpose, as well as on the first four anniversaries of a child’s
+birth or a man’s death.
+
+The primary reason for Northern Cheyenne meetings is social, with
+doctoring second; they knew of meetings held for rain, but despite
+prolonged droughts in their region never made them themselves. Comanche
+formerly held meetings to exercise clairvoyance about the enemies’
+position, to obtain protection from them[9] and to ascertain by prophecy
+the outcome of battle; like the Mescalero they also held meetings to
+divine and combat sorcery, and one meeting was held to celebrate the
+surveying of their lands. Delaware meetings were for the welfare of the
+community in general, to show hospitality to visiting friends and to mark
+the first four anniversaries of a death.[10] Kickapoo hold meetings to
+obtain rain, in consolation for a death, to name a child[11] and for a
+dead person.[12]
+
+Mescalero ate peyote to locate the enemy, to find lost objects and to
+foretell the future as well as for curing.[13] The Osage have funeral
+meetings, and meetings to “see the face of Jesus” or the faces of their
+dead relatives;[14] the Oto say they can see the deceased in meetings
+too. In the Oto Church of the First-born, Jonathan Koshiway baptized,
+married, and conducted funerals; the Pawnee have no funeral meetings but
+celebrate birthdays, New Year’s Eve, Christmas and Easter.[15]
+
+A typical Ponca meeting attended at White Eagle was to doctor a sick
+child with peyote tea. Another, a Shawnee meeting at McCloud, had been
+vowed if the soldiers’ bonus legislation passed Congress. One Shawnee
+held meetings for his eldest daughter yearly for thirteen years;
+sometimes they hold purely social meetings and for health and doctoring,
+but not for rain. Wichita, on the other hand, set up meetings to pray for
+rain and good crops, on anniversaries, and for doctoring; and a Wichita
+“bonus” meeting was held in 1936. Prophecy has been present in Wichita
+meetings also. The Winnebago[16] have death-consolation meetings,
+death-anniversary meetings and meetings to doctor the sick. At Taos[17]
+meetings are for curing, or simply when “someone thinks they ought to
+have a peyote meeting.”
+
+_Participants._ The Carrizo had two women by the door to bring water
+into the meeting, but the Lipan permitted no women to be present or even
+erect the tipi. In the early days the Kiowa, Comanche, Tonkawa, Sauk,
+and Oto prohibited women from attending, and only old men used peyote,
+but forty or fifty years ago women started coming in to be doctored and
+gradually came in for other reasons, though they could not use the ritual
+paraphernalia; under no circumstances may a menstruant woman enter.[18]
+The restriction against women appears to apply only to groups who early
+had peyote, when it still had much of the flavor of a warriors’ society
+about it; for example, the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Ponca, Kickapoo, Mescalero,
+Shawnee, Taos and Wichita apparently always allowed women to attend.[19]
+In the Iowa meeting the women formed the outer of two concentric circles,
+the men the inner, and the former were allowed only two buttons.[20]
+Women never use eagle feather fans.
+
+Some tribes, like the Caddo, still have a strong objection to the
+presence of White men in meetings, but other groups do not object to
+White men as such.[21] A number of tribes have a bias against the
+attendance of Negroes, but this is not the case at least with the Kiowa,
+Wichita, and Kickapoo.[22]
+
+_Visiting._ All Indians, however, of whatever tribe, are welcome in the
+meetings of all other tribes.[23] For example, at a Shawnee leader’s
+meeting at McCloud there were 12 Kickapoo, 6 Shawnee, 3 Caddo, 2 Kiowa, 2
+Whites, a Wichita, a Seminole, a Sauk-and-Fox, an Oto, a Potawatomi and
+a Negro—a not untypical aggregate.[24] Individual users visit around a
+great deal in trying to “learn about peyote”; an old Kickapoo user had
+been in meetings of the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Caddo, Delaware, Wichita,
+Apache, Kiowa, Osage, Yuchi, Sauk-and-Fox, Oto, Iowa, Shawnee, Comanche,
+Pawnee and Ponca. Indeed, the very origin legend of peyote indicates a
+period of beginning intertribal contacts, and peyotism in later days
+became the specific vehicle of intertribal friendships, when mutual
+warfare disappeared.
+
+_Place of Meeting._ The typical place of meeting for the Plains, as well
+as Taos, Mescalero, and Lipan, is the tipi. The Arapaho-Winnebago peyote
+tipi has twelve poles, symbolizing the earth.[25] The Pawnee have special
+painted tipis for peyote, as in the Ghost Dance; and, like the Pawnee,
+the Wichita and Winnebago dismantle the tipi immediately at the end of a
+meeting.[26] The Osage, Quapaw, Omaha, Northern Winnebago and others[27]
+have special peyote churches, or “round houses” (really polygonal), and
+many, like the Taos, hold winter meetings in the home of some member.
+
+But meetings were held elsewhere too in the past. The Carrizo had
+meetings in the open within a circle of sticks. The first Kiowa meetings
+took place within a circle of upright poles with canvas stretched around
+it, open to the sky; Comanche also used simple wind-breaks as do even now
+the Northern Cheyenne, who sometimes also hold the ceremony on a hill-top
+in the open.[28] The Caddo have held meetings in a canvas-covered
+subconical “stick house” holding over forty people in two rows; and
+the Bannock of Idaho, on account of opposition to peyotism, have held
+meetings in backwoods log-houses—in short, the holding of the meeting in
+a tipi, while common and typical, is not ritually required.
+
+_Bathing._ The Lipan customarily washed their hair in yucca suds before
+a meeting, and perfumed themselves with mint. In the Plains and at
+Mescalero they take a sweatbath or a bath with water; the Arapaho[29]
+plunge once against the current and once with it, then rub themselves
+with teaxuwineⁿ or waxuwahan and other scented plants. The Osage build a
+sweat lodge as an integral part of their church, in a direct line east of
+it. A man in Hominy specializes in giving Osage old-style sweat baths,
+but some of them somewhat ostentatiously travel to Claremore, a hundred
+miles away, to take “radium baths” before meetings.
+
+_Painting._ Face and body painting is recorded for the Arapaho, Comanche,
+Delaware, Kiowa, Oto, Shawnee, Tonkawa, Wichita and Winnebago, yellow
+being the commonest color used by the Arapaho and Comanche.[30] A Kiowa
+story tells of the acquiring of an individual paint design in a vision
+of a red bird which turned into a man. The Tonkawa even painted the fuzz
+on the top of the fetish peyote red, according to Opler. Painted stripes
+symbolize for the Wichita the extent of one’s experience with peyote: a
+beginner paints the part of the hair yellow and puts one blue line on his
+face, adding up to four finally: “He’s supposed to know something then.”
+Both men and women painted for Winnebago meetings.[31]
+
+_Clothing and Headdress._ Formerly native dress was prescribed for Plains
+peyote meetings, and even now a blanket (in summer a folded sheet)
+among male communicants and a shawl among female is common—to symbolize
+affiliation with “blanket Indians.” Younger men, otherwise in ordinary
+White dress, often wear a “peyote-necktie” made of an old-fashioned
+trade blanket, beaded, and with the selvage-stripes as a design; soft
+neckerchiefs drawn through rings with “water-bird” and “Morning-Star”
+designs are also common. The Arapaho[32] water woman wears a symbolically
+painted buckskin dress; men wear special wrist-bands and headdresses of
+yellow hammer and woodpecker feathers. Carrizo men wore only a loincloth
+in meetings, not even moccasins; the women attendants wore red blankets,
+the one to the north with woodpecker feathers and the one to the south
+with a red flicker feather.[33] Iowa wear Kiowa-Comanche style leggings,
+the thongs of which are knotted with “red medicine” or mescal beans.[34]
+
+A turban or head-scarf has been observed among the Delaware, Shawnee,
+Kickapoo, Wichita and Winnebago,[35] but the otter-skin cap of the Kiowa
+and Winnebago is optional. At Taos the variant dress of the “peyote boys”
+has become a symbol of the strife of the old and the new. The young men
+who use peyote cut out the seats of their trousers, thus converting them
+into a G-string and leggings and necessitating a blanket, and let their
+hair grow in Plains fashion.[36] Among older Osage men the “roached”
+style of scalp lock was formerly still in vogue, but the younger men who
+have adopted the peyote religion wear their hair long, parted and braided
+on each side with ribbons and yarn.[37] Among the Winnebago, on the other
+hand, the progressivism of the peyote cult demands that long hair be
+cut, and Crashing Thunder discovered that it was a “shame to wear long
+hair.”[38]
+
+_Ritual Restrictions._ Salt may not be eaten on the day that peyote is
+consumed among the Huichol, Tarahumari, Arapaho, Comanche, Kickapoo,
+Wichita, etc.; the distributional gaps are more likely gaps in our
+information than lack of the taboo, which is probably universal at
+least among the early Plains users of peyote.[39] It is also considered
+hygienically if not ethically unwise to use peyote in connection with
+alcoholic drinks; indeed, many insist that the former cures addiction to
+the latter. The Arapaho[40] did not bring sharp instruments into a peyote
+meeting, a taboo elsewhere unreported.
+
+_Officials._ The “road chief” is the most important individual in a
+meeting. Kroeber writes of the Arapaho leader in a manner which might
+apply to any Plains leader:[41]
+
+    The leader of each ceremony is sole director of it. He may
+    ... base [his ceremony] partly on visions during previous
+    ceremonies. In other cases, he follows ceremonies that he
+    has participated in, changing or adding details to suit his
+    personal ideas. No two ceremonies conducted by different
+    individuals are therefore exactly alike; but the general course
+    of all is quite similar.
+
+We do not agree with Petrullo that the leader is a mere “figurehead.”
+Indeed, as we shall see later, the variation in ceremonies is a function
+of leadership far more than of tribal affiliation. The leader has full
+authority to change the ceremony in any way he wishes, and his permission
+must be asked and secured even in such little matters as leaving the tipi
+temporarily; even the fireman, his chief assistant, constantly consults
+with him and receives directions.[42]
+
+In fact, peyote leadership is a matter bringing much prestige, and in
+these days is a major means of advancement among one’s fellows. John
+Rave, Albert Hensley, Jonathan Koshiway, Quanah Parker and John Wilson
+find parallels to a less degree in all peyote leaders, and rare is the
+man who does not seize the opportunity presented by his authority to
+introduce some change, however trifling, into the ceremony.[43] Each
+tribe has a limited number of recognized peyote leaders which can be
+named. The Shawnee, for example, have nine only and the Pawnee have only
+eight recognized leaders in a population of eight hundred. In the case
+of the Osage the number of leaders is further limited by the number of
+permanent “churches” available; Murphy lists eighteen “East Moons” on the
+reservation and three “West Moons.”
+
+Originally the officials in a peyote meeting appear to have been limited
+to the “road-chief,” drummer, and “fire-chief.”[44] The “cedar-chief”
+is a later development. Among the Winnebago the leader, drummer and
+cedar-man symbolize respectively the Father, the Son and the Holy
+Ghost, and the leader gives the drummer his staff even as God delegated
+authority to Jesus.[45] In the Quapaw “Big Moon” the officials number
+eight: three firemen north of the door (required since every person must
+be fanned with feathers every time he reënters the tipi), the leader,
+drummer and cedar-man west of the altar, and in addition “one good man”
+at each arm of the altar-crucifix cross-piece.
+
+_Economics._ On the basis of 13,300 peyote users in 1922 (and the number
+has since substantially increased) in the United States alone, it is
+clear that the cult is of economic significance in a number of ways. The
+price of peyote from dealers in Laredo, who supply most of the northern
+Plains and Great Basin users, is from $2.50 to $5.00 a thousand buttons;
+it is said that “the inhabitants of the small town of Nuevo Laredo,
+on the Mexican side of the Rio Grande, derive their livelihood almost
+exclusively from the peyote trade.” Schultes estimates $20,000 as the
+annual commercial transactions involved north of the Rio Grande.[46]
+
+The Tarahumari used to combine their peyote journeys with trading and
+other commercial transactions, but the trip was otherwise profitable
+since peyote itself commanded a good price; Lumholtz says one plant cost
+a sheep at one time in Tarahumariland, and he himself was asked $10 for
+a dozen plants.[47] The Huichol sold part of their harvest sometimes to
+non-pilgrims.[48]
+
+In the Plains the sponsor usually meets the expense of a meeting himself,
+but some groups like the Oto pass around a vessel in the morning for a
+“free-will offering.” At Taos the peyote chief bears the expense, though
+others may make contributions to help defray the cost. The chief expense
+at Tarahumari, as elsewhere, is the sacrificial beef. The total cost of
+a meeting varies considerably, according to the number of persons fed
+at the secular meal the next day. Meetings that Mooney attended in 1918
+cost $15, $58 (including a beef costing $35), and $80 respectively, but
+these amounts seem excessive. The writer has sponsored an average meeting
+costing only about $15, and Hoebel has supplied “groceries” for meetings
+at from $6 to $10 only.[49]
+
+Considering their importance and authority, it is not surprising that
+the peyote chiefs come in for some financial recompense. The Tarahumari
+peyotero was given a quarter of the slaughtered beef, and one peyote
+doctor at Narárachic made his entire living by peyote cures. Several
+Kiowa doctors nearly or completely match this. A Sioux doctor at Taos was
+given a silk dress of the patient’s wife, a belt and $5 cash. Indeed,
+one of the complaints against Wilson, the Caddo-Delaware peyote messiah,
+was that he over-exploited the financial opportunities afforded by
+peyote leadership.[50] Victor Griffin (Quapaw) claims to be the only man
+authorized by Wilson to make Big Moons, and for the building of a small
+Quapaw “round house” near Miami, Oklahoma, he and his assistant, Charles
+Tyner (Quapaw) received $750. There was and is considerable exchanging
+of gifts in connection with peyote meetings and intertribal visiting;
+feathers, drum sticks, etc. are common gifts, as well as “father peyotes”
+which have become heirlooms.[51]
+
+_Amount of Peyote Eaten._ The minimum number of buttons eaten by each
+participant is usually four. Several persons claim to have eaten 75 to
+100 or more, but the average is nearer a third or a fourth of this.[52]
+Personal observations tend to confirm Mooney’s estimate of 12 to 20 as a
+night’s average consumption; he said that 90 was the most any Kiowa had
+ever eaten, and he believed this was possible since the individual was
+powerfully built—although that number would amount to about a pound and
+a half. This may be so, but one is skeptical of alleged consumptions of
+more than 30 or 40 average-sized buttons in the dry form. For the green
+form we should set the maximum at considerably fewer, perhaps 15 or 20
+good-sized plants, which even so is a liberal estimate. About 300 each
+was the average for two Winnebago meetings, and assuming an ordinary
+group of 20 communicants this amounts to only 15 buttons apiece. We
+should call this a fair estimate of the average for beginners and old
+users combined in a meeting; before accepting larger estimates it should
+be recalled that there is a certain prestige in eating and retaining
+large amounts of peyote, a fact which may color statements somewhat.
+Peyote is also consumed as tea, especially by the old and the sick; in
+one case 24 discs made 15 cups of tea, and in another 30 made 2 quarts of
+the infusion. A pneumonia patient drank the latter, one cupful every two
+hours, to induce perspiration deemed necessary for his cure.
+
+_Peyote Paraphernalia in General._ Typical Plains peyote paraphernalia
+includes minimally the leader’s satchel, gourd rattle, water drum, drum
+stick, staff, feathers, eagle wing-bone whistle, corn shucks and loose
+tobacco, bags for peyote and cedar incense, altar cloth, sage, water
+bucket and ritual-breakfast containers. The rasp is not used by the
+Lipan or Mescalero or in the Plains, and the whistle is recent for the
+two former. The Lipan previously used a bow struck with a stick in place
+of the later one-sided tambourine drum; the kettle drum, from Mexico,
+is still more recent.[53] Mescalero shamans sometimes added the use of
+pollen, which they used to trace a cross on the father peyote, and like
+the Tonkawa, occasionally served the peyote on woven trays instead of
+in bags. Taos paraphernalia is standard Plains in type. A common color
+for Arapaho peyote objects is yellow; Skinner thought the bead-work on
+Iowa gourds and magpie feather fans indicated a Kiowa or Kiowa-Apache
+provenience. Among the Delaware and others each devotee has his own gourd
+rattle, but this (like personal drum sticks and feathers) may not be used
+until after midnight.[54]
+
+_Staff._ From ancient times, and possibly before Columbus, the cane or
+staff was a symbol of authority in Mexico,[55] and for this reason we
+should hesitate before labeling this feature of peyote an Hispanicism.
+Again, Opler equates the staff of the Mescalero shaman (which he holds
+throughout the ceremony, not passing it around with the drum) with the
+“old age stick” held by the singer in the aboriginal girl’s puberty rite.
+
+Similar syncretism with older patterns seems to have occurred also in the
+Plains. The Comanche used a bow for a staff when holding peyote meetings
+on the war path, but the term naci-hιta means literally “resting stick-to
+walk,” according to White Wolf. In the Iowa Red Bean war bundle ceremony,
+the rattle was held in the left hand [sic] while the bow and arrow were
+waved in the right as the person sang. The Delaware call the leader’s
+staff “arrow,” and so also do the Osage, Quapaw and Oto; the Ponca,
+on the other hand, call it a “bow.” The Kiowa suggest that a bow was
+formerly used, but the term ᴅo’ᴅęⁱä means “brace-to hold-stick”; it must
+be of bois d’arc (_Maclura pomifera_ C. K. Schneider), however, and some
+are nocked at the top and bottom like a bow. The Lipan “cane” was called
+ilkibenatsi´e or “ram-rod.”[56]
+
+The Shawnee, according to Mrs. Voegelin, called the peyote staff the
+walking stick of the old, but the red tassel at the top symbolized the
+headdress worn with a single feather at the war dance. The t’owayennemö
+of Taos was held in the left hand “for the strength of life,” and the red
+and white horse-hair tufts encircling the top (so Dr. White was told)
+were there “because the White man is above the Indian.” A Delaware staff
+which Dr. Speck saw contained designs representing a tipi, water, the
+door of the lodge, the blue sky and fire, symbolized by the colors of the
+bead-work.
+
+Reinterpretations of the meaning of the staff are common. A Wichita
+called it the “staff of life.” The Iowa staff represents the staff of the
+Saviour, while the Winnebago variously interpret it as a shepherd’s crook
+and the rod with which Moses smote the rock (in obvious reference to the
+leader’s calling for water in the ceremony). Differences in the staff
+have even come to symbolize a schism in the Winnebago church: that used
+by Rave was decorated, as elsewhere in the Plains, but Clay used a simple
+undecorated staff, lacking even feathers, calling attention to the fact
+that Moses staff was undecorated.[57]
+
+_Gourd Rattles_. Rattles made of gourds (_Lagenaria_ spp.) have become
+universal in the Plains since the spread of peyotism; but the Iowa had a
+small gourd rattle with beaded handle in their Red Bean war bundle dance,
+and the peripheral-Plains distribution of this trait in pre-peyote times
+has been traced elsewhere. Some groups (Delaware, Osage, Ute, etc.) have
+individual rattles for each participant.[58] A large one seen at Apache,
+Oklahoma, made by Spotted Crow (Cheyenne) had drawn on it a moon with a
+fire and a Morning Star in negative, together with the following “Jesus
+talk:”[59]
+
+    Help me O Lord
+    My God O save me
+    According to thy Mercy
+    O God my heart is
+    fixed. I will sing
+    And give praise
+    Even with my glory.
+
+A Wichita gourd was said by one informant to represent the world or sun;
+the beads are “people talking” and the bead-work in general is “things on
+the earth,” while the horse-hair tuft dyed red on the top represents the
+rays of the rising sun. A Delaware gourd of Dr. Speck’s has bead-work on
+its handle symbolizing morning (blue), fire (red) and a row of X X X’s
+(the songs sun).[60]
+
+_Drum._ The standard peyote drum, already described for the Kiowa, made
+of a small iron kettle with seven bosses in the lacing, is found also
+among the Arapaho, Comanche, Iowa, Cheyenne, Lipan, Pawnee, Ute, Shawnee,
+Kickapoo, etc.[61] The Kickapoo say the seven marbles represent the days
+of the week, just as the twelve eagle feathers of the fan symbolize the
+twelve months of the year; the four coals which are dropped into the
+water of the drum are lightning, the water rain and the drumming itself
+thunder.[62]
+
+In drumming, the vessel is given an occasional shake to wet the head
+with the contained water, and the left thumb is used to test the tone
+and tighten the head: sometimes too the head is sucked or blown upon, so
+that the water is forced to ooze through the skin. The Ponca, however,
+do not permit the drum head to be touched—“peyote makes the sound, not
+the hand,”[63] they say—and hence make a handle of the lacing-rope
+twisted upon itself. Old Man Sack (Caddo) also forbade blowing on
+the drum, “even when it cups up and sounds like a tin can,” a Kiowa
+peyote-boy said; in the stricter Caddo moons no water is drunk until the
+drum has made four rounds, with the result that some of their meetings
+consequently last well into the forenoon of the next day—a genuine
+ordeal according to informants. Among the Iowa, and possibly also in
+some Caddo Delaware “Big Moons” the drum chief accompanies the drum
+around the circle, drumming for each singer. The Jesse Clay style of
+drumming among the Winnebago, described by Densmore, is common among the
+southern tribes: a rapid unaccented beating before the beginning of the
+singing, gradually slackening to match the speed of the voice. Another
+mannerism may be noted at the end of each song, when the rattle is shaken
+unrhythmically as fast as possible during the last few bars of the song,
+then suddenly stopped with the last drum beat.[64] The water drum is
+typically Southeastern in distribution, but its presence in the Plains
+peyote cult must be accounted another Southwestern feature, inasmuch as
+it was standardized and diffused over the Plains before Southeastern
+groups in Oklahoma received peyote and hence could have introduced the
+trait into it.[65]
+
+_Feathers._ Feathers are important in peyote symbolism. In the original
+Comanche rite only the leader brought in a medicine fan with him; “now
+many young men bring them who have no special business to.” Skinner wrote
+that eagle feathers were “badges of the society” among peyote-using Iowa;
+women were never allowed to use eagle feathers in meetings, however.
+Younger Oto men carry modern ribbed folding-fans, older ones commonly an
+entire wing. The individual fans of the Northern Cheyenne, as elsewhere,
+are not produced until the full effects of the peyote come on, some time
+after midnight. The eagle feather fans of the Winnebago represent the
+wings of birds mentioned in Revelations, while the Kickapoo state that
+the twelve feathers of the eagle fan symbolize the twelve months of the
+year; twelve is a common Delaware ritual number also.[66]
+
+The Arapaho hang bunches of feathers on the northeast, northwest,
+southeast and southwest tipi poles to brush off the bodies of tired
+worshippers. The Mescalero use eagle feathers as a spoon to feed their
+first peyote to neophytes. The Winnebago, like other tribes, pass a
+feather around with the staff in its circuit. The Kiowa, Ponca and others
+use feathers in the water rites: the former make a cross in the midnight
+water with the feathers of all present, held in a bunch, while the latter
+place a single feather across the top of the bucket and whistle along
+the feather. The use of feathers among the Ponca, where cedar incensing
+is not a strong trait, is especially conspicuous: a feather is passed
+to the fireman as a symbol of authority, allowing him to leave the tipi
+without express permission each time from the “road-man,” and there is
+a “baptism” with feathers in the water ceremonies too. The vanes of
+Ponca feathers are often notched. The red blankets of the two Carrizo
+women helpers were fastened with a woodpecker and a flicker feather
+respectively.[67]
+
+Feathers are common in visions too. A Kiowa envisaged his barred
+hawk-feathers as a ladder rising through the smoke hole of the tipi
+to heaven, like a Jacob’s Ladder, and another time as rippling water.
+Feathers are commonly arranged and cut, colored and tufted, etc., in
+accordance with visions seen during meetings.[68] Jonathan Koshiway
+(Oto) had assembled a favorite fan from individual gift feathers, each
+of which had a different history—one from an old Osage woman who wished
+for him her long life, two from Hunting-horse (Kiowa), and the like. An
+interesting development in the Big Moon ceremony is the ritual necessity
+for each person to be fanned at the fire by the fireman or others every
+time he re-enters the tipi. This trait is Delaware, Caddo, Osage and
+Quapaw[69] in distribution, the latter having two special “guards” at
+the north and south arms of the altar cross who are charged with fanning
+each entrant; ordinary incensing with cedar has been reported even among
+the Ute and is probably universal in peyotism. Perhaps with the same
+purpose in mind, protection from dangerous influences, the Mescalero
+takes an eagle feather from either side of the door as he makes his exit,
+returning as soon as possible.[70]
+
+_Birds._ We have already noted the importance of birds in Huichol and
+Tarahumari peyote symbolism, and are to discover that they are equally
+significant in the Plains. Here the “water-bird” somewhat ambiguously
+suggests a bird that lives in the water or the bird involved with the
+whistling for the midnight water. Arapaho songs refer to peyote and the
+birds which are its messengers, and sparrow hawk, yellow hammer and other
+woodpecker feathers are common in their meetings. When the fireman goes
+to get the water he carries an eagle wing, and the whistling which he
+makes is said to imitate the cry of a bird in search of water (the end of
+the eagle wing-bone whistle is finally dipped into the water bucket, as
+though it were the bird drinking).[71]
+
+The Comanche peyote bird is the “sun-eagle,” said to be just under
+the rising morning sun; “Comanches always mention that bird in their
+meeting.” This bird, the kʷina-óhap (literally, “eagle-yellow”), which is
+represented in the shaped ashes west of the peyote fire, “flashes like
+the sun; ... water bird feathers are used just because they are pretty.”
+In this connection it is interesting to recall the Tarahumari place name
+Couwápigóchi, “place of the wapigóri,” from the name of a fishing bird,
+“a cross between an eagle and a hawk, with feet like an eagle,” which
+the Mexicans call aquillala, and the brilliantly colored macao and other
+birds belonging to the Huichol “Grandfather Fire.”[72]
+
+The Kiowa represent their “water-bird” on peyote tie-slides as a
+long-necked bird like a kingfisher or crane; these have been traded all
+over the Plains. If a Kiowa peyote-user sees an eagle in a vision, he
+thereafter carries his eagle-feather fan in his left hand as a sign of
+this.[73] The peyote bird is prominent in symbolic Kiowa paintings also.
+Jonathan Koshiway, the Oto peyote teacher, said:
+
+    The peyote spirit is like a little humming bird. When you are
+    quiet and nothing is disturbing it, it will come to a flower
+    and get the sweet flavor. But if it is disturbed, it goes quick.
+
+Hence the admonitions to sit quietly in meetings and “study” to see if
+you can “maybe learn something.” Tom Panther, a Shawnee leader, called
+the ash-bird
+
+    a holy bird; it drinks as well as we do of the holy water
+    [_i.e._ some of the ritual water is poured on the ash-figure in
+    the morning] and it gets alive a little when people drink, and
+    from then on is lively until morning.
+
+The martin is said to be the Shawnee peyote bird, as indicated perhaps
+in the “scissors-tail” shape of some ashes. A Mexican who had long lived
+with the Wichita had an interesting vision during the water-ceremonies
+of an Arapaho meeting, when he saw a white feather of the leader “turn
+into Christ and boss the bald-eagle feather of the fireman around.” The
+association of birds with peyotism, therefore, appears to be universal in
+the Plains and Mexico alike.
+
+_Fetish Peyote._ Peyote is the only plant toward which the Kiowa and
+other typical non-agricultural Plains tribes have a religious attitude
+and from which they can get “power.” Yet the fetishistic attitude as
+a psychological phenomenon is not unknown in the Plains of pre-peyote
+times; the Kiowa taime or Sun Dance image and the “Ten-Medicine” bundles
+have widespread parallels in the Plains—the Cheyenne fetish-arrows
+and sacred heart, the Iowa red bean war-bundles, and the ubiquitous
+medicine-bundles of which the Blackfoot are a type.[74] The Arapaho wore
+the fetish-plant in an amulet pouch covered with beads, and when placed
+on the altar a head-plume was sometimes put nearby. The Cheyenne also
+carry exceptionally large specimens in beaded buckskin cases,[75]
+
+    the bead-work being in the form of a star to represent the sun
+    [?] and the case being suspended from his neck by four strands
+    of beads “to represent the four thoughts that lead to peyote.”
+
+A Wichita informant carried a peyote button with him to France in the
+late War, and the fetish miraculously escaped detection during the
+sterilizing of uniforms; it protected him until he could return to
+collect his soldier’s bonus in 1936, when a special meeting was held to
+thank peyote for these boons.
+
+Some Shawnee call the hogimá or “peyote chief” the messenger between
+humans and God; others call it the “interpreter” or the Holy
+Ghost. Crashing Thunder addressed the most holy peyote medicine as
+“grandfather,” but the usual designation of the fetish is “peyote chief”
+or “father peyote.” While Wolf (Comanche) called it “elder brother”
+because as a child one specific plant had protected him during an illness.
+
+The Winnebago are evidently influenced by an older tribal pattern in
+their use of two sacred peyotes, one “male” and the other “female.” John
+Wilson in an early Caddo meeting near Fort Cobb, Oklahoma, “before the
+country opened,” placed three peyote buttons on the moon (symbolizing the
+Trinity of leaders?); his drummer saw one of these turn into a person he
+had known in life. The Lipan usually had only one hucdjiya´isia, or “big
+peyote lying,” but sometimes put buttons in a circle around the fire pit,
+somewhat like the Comanche who placed them in the sage crescent west of
+the fire.[76]
+
+The Osage, with their usual flair for ostentation, place the “chief
+peyote” “within the marked outline of a heart and set upon a beaded
+cylinder support,” according to Dr. Speck. Iowa father peyotes are
+notable for their size. The Tonkawa sometimes painted the fuzz on the
+plant red, as though it were a person. The Taos addressed the peyote
+chief as “Father Ear,” probably carrying over to peyote a common Pueblo
+fetishistic attitude toward corn. Lipan and Mescalero father peyotes
+were an active ally of the shaman leading the meeting, as any attempt at
+witchcraft would “show” on it and inform him of something amiss.[77]
+
+Some individuals particularly cherish and prize their “father peyotes.”
+A well-known Wichita leader showed the writer his private collection of
+them one forenoon after a meeting.[78] Some famous “peyote chiefs” are
+almost heirlooms. Belo Kozad, a prominent Kiowa peyote leader, has one
+which once belonged to the famous Comanche chieftain, Quanah Parker. This
+was passed around at the end of the meeting and handled with the utmost
+reverence.[79]
+
+_Bible._ Peyote-users have also taken over the typical Protestant
+fetishism of the Bible, but this Christian element in peyote meetings
+is confined exclusively to Siouan-speaking groups. Radin states
+categorically that “the use of the Bible is an entirely new element
+introduced by the Winnebago,” but there is good reason to believe that
+Hensley borrowed this trait from more southerly Oklahoma groups which he
+visited in the early days of Winnebago peyotism. The Omaha placing of
+an open Bible near the father peyote may indeed have been influenced by
+the Winnebago (who put the peyote directly on the open book), and so too
+the Iowa, but the Oto use of the Bible in the Church of the First-born
+probably preceded it in Oklahoma, where, indeed, John Wilson’s Big Moon
+cult embodied Christian elements. Further, the reading of the Bible is a
+feature of the Rave rite only, not of the Clay version, a more aboriginal
+form.[80]
+
+The Winnebago use the New Testament, especially Revelations. Hensley used
+to have the singing stop at intervals, so that the younger educated men
+might translate and interpret portions for non-reading members. For some
+individuals at least, the Bible was the touchstone of behavior:
+
+    Then we went home [says Crashing Thunder] and they showed me a
+    passage in the Bible where it said that it was a shame for any
+    man to wear long hair. I looked at the passage. I was not a
+    man learned in books, but I wanted to give them the impression
+    that I knew how to read so I told them to cut my hair. I was
+    still wearing it long at the time. After my hair was cut I took
+    out a lot of medicines, many small bundles of them. These and
+    my shorn hair I gave to my brother-in-law. Then I cried and
+    my brother-in-law also cried. He thanked me, told me that I
+    understood and that I had done well.
+
+Another time, in a peyote vision, his body deserted Crashing Thunder and
+turned the leaves of the Bible until it came to Matthew 16 and read[81]
+that “Peter did not give himself up”; this meant that the peyote was
+troubling him because he was stubborn and would not acquiesce to its
+power.[82]
+
+The Bible was also used to support rationalizations after the fact:[83]
+
+    At first our meetings were started without following any rule
+    laid down by the Bible, but afterwards we found a very good
+    reason for holding our meetings at night. We searched the Bible
+    and asked many ministers for any evidence of Christ’s ever
+    having held any meetings in the day-time but we could find
+    nothing to that effect. We did, however, find evidence that he
+    had been out all night in prayer. As it is our desire to follow
+    as closely as we can in the footsteps of Christ, we hold our
+    meetings at night.
+
+The Bible is said to mention peyote in several places:
+
+    And they shall eat the flesh in that night, roast with fire,
+    and unleavened bread; and with bitter herbs they shall eat it
+    (Exodus 12.8).
+
+    And this day shall be unto you for a memorial; and ye shall
+    keep it as a feast by an ordinance forever (Exodus 12.14).
+
+Mrs. Voegelin cites a Shawnee belief in a Bible reference to peyote, but
+it is somewhat ambiguous and obscure.[84]
+
+_Altars or “Moons.”_ Peyote altars range in complexity from the simple
+war-shield of a Comanche war-party leader on which the peyote was laid,
+to the elaborate permanent symbolic concrete altars in the Big Moon
+round-house churches. All the Plains variants are built on the standard
+crescent altar, grooved from tip to tip by the “peyote road” which
+devotees must follow to a knowledge of peyote.[85] Interpretations of the
+moon symbolism are almost as numerous as individual users; for, given
+the physiological effects of peyote and the acceptance in Plains culture
+of the individual vision “authority,” standardized meanings are not to
+be expected. One Shawnee, for instance, said the mound represented the
+mountain of the origin story where “Peyote Woman” first found peyote;
+another that the place of the peyote on the moon represented the space
+between Jesus Christ’s eyes, just over the brain, and the arms of the
+crescent his arms as he lay face downward on the cross: “If we eat the
+peyote which is on his brain, maybe it will make us think too.”
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 4. Peyote altars or moons. a, Basic Caddo-Delaware
+moon with a mound at the east of the cross; b, the Caddo Big Moon altar;
+c, Enoch Hoag (Caddo) moon, as drawn by Elijah Reynolds (probably the
+same as Petrullo, Plate 5 B).]
+
+Again, given these factors and the nature of peyote leadership, it is
+not surprising to find variations run riot; sometimes even the same
+leader does not conduct two meetings exactly alike, or construct the moon
+precisely the same (changing the ashes, etc.) Three Osage leaders, for
+example, change the tribal altar by simply turning everything through
+180° to make a “West Moon.” John Elcare (Delaware) is said to have a
+unique “fish moon,” north of the fire and facing east, which he feeds
+and gives to drink. The Omaha[86] dug a heart-shaped fireplace eight to
+twelve inches deep to represent the heart of Jesus. We were unable to
+discover the exact nature of Leonard Taylor’s (Cheyenne) “Heart Moon,”
+no longer conducted, but it appears rather to resemble a Winnebago altar
+figured by Densmore: a heart superimposed on a cross in the fireplace,
+under the fire, with a small mound to the east representing the earth.
+
+This mound opposite and to the east of the crescent appears to be of
+Caddoan origin.[87] Jimmy Hunter’s moon shows this in perhaps its
+earliest, and certainly its simplest form: a line joining the mound and
+the center of the crescent, with another crossing this from horn to
+horn of the crescent. Bob Dunlap’s moon has a further minor addition, a
+heart at the juncture of the crossed lines. The moon of Ernest Spybuck,
+pictured in Harrington, is Shawnee rather than Delaware-Caddo, but shows
+definite Big Moon influence; it is intermediate in complexity, perhaps,
+between the Caddoan small moons and the elaborately symbolic John Wilson
+Big Moon. The Enoch Hoag moon[88] (a favorite among the Caddo nowadays)
+shows features parallel with the Wilson moon: it has a star and a
+heart at the hair-parting or forehead of the altar “face,” ash mounds
+simulating eyes, an inverted heart at the crossing of the altar-lines as
+a nose, four concentric lozenges for an oracular mouth, and another heart
+east of this resembling a cleft chin; the moon itself is the figure’s
+hair. Moonhead’s (i.e. John Wilson’s) altar similarly represents a man’s
+head, and contains the leader’s initials or “foot-prints” and his “grave”
+alongside that of Jesus. The Black Wolf moon is another elaboration of
+the Big Moon type.
+
+It must not be thought, however, that the bold innovations begun by John
+Wilson and others have resulted in a complete chaos of individualism.
+It requires considerable prestige and force of personality to vision
+a moon impressively enough to gain an adequate following. In recent
+years leaders in the Native American Church have expressed themselves
+unfavorably on the growing variety and profusion of rival moons, and
+have urged a return to the standardized simplicity of the older more
+deeply entrenched forms. Perhaps for this reason, and personality factors
+as well, several new “moons” have been considerably less than complete
+successes. A case in point is that of Albert Stamp (Seminole). His design
+is not strikingly original or different from the moons of the Caddo among
+whom he lives: he has six concentric lozenges to Hoag’s four and has
+added three concentric triangles. That is all. But his moon has not found
+acceptance, and he has dismantled his cement altar, removing the entire
+central symbolic portion, leaving only the crescent and simple polygonal
+apron.[89]
+
+This is only a single instance of a general movement back to more “pure”
+original forms, stimulated perhaps by the standardizing influence of
+the Native American Church. This sentiment has had its effect even
+upon followers of the Wilson Big Moon rite, which is apparently dying
+out among the Caddo-Delaware (though still strong among the Osage and
+Quapaw), in favor of the “more Caddo” Hoag moon. If a generalization
+might be made about the influence of the three tribes most important
+in the diffusion of Plains peyotism—the Kiowa, the Comanche and the
+Caddo (who because of their southerly position first received the new
+religion)[90]—we might call the Kiowa the original standardizers and
+teachers, who have departed only in the most minute ways from earlier
+forms; the Comanche the proselytizers and missionaries of the new
+religion; and the Caddo[91] the innovators.
+
+_Fire._ Nowhere is the kind of wood for the fire ritually prescribed.
+Mulberry, slippery elm, cottonwood and black jack are said not to be good
+because they pop and give off sparks, tending to scatter the carefully
+piled-up ashes. Red bud, which gives off much light and little heat,
+is a favorite for summer use, while box alder is considered good for
+winter. But “Grandfather Fire” (as the Delaware, Winnebago, Kickapoo and
+Shawnee address it) is built in a ritually prescribed way, like the angle
+of a worm-fence with the apex to the west. The Shawnee say the first
+four sticks represent tipi poles. The ritual number of peyotism, seven,
+appears in the number of sticks prescribed for the Northern Cheyenne and
+Taos.[92]
+
+The fire stick at a Kickapoo-Shawnee meeting attended near McCloud,
+Oklahoma, was elaborately carved with a crescent, a bird, a father peyote
+on a rosette, the word “Christ” and crossed sticks.[93] The Caddo say
+this fire stick is the “heart,” while the twelve interlacing sticks of
+the fire are the “ribs” and the two ash mounds the “lungs” of Jesus; in
+some Caddo moons two fireman put sticks on alternately.[94] The Wilson
+moon of the Quapaw and Delaware has three firemen who sit by the door
+to fan entrants. The Arapaho[95] leader chooses his hictänäⁿtcä or
+“fire chief” by silently pointing an eagle wing-feather at him, which
+the latter uses as a fan during the ceremony; the feather of the Ponca
+fireman is a symbol of authority. The ceremonial fire as a trait is
+Mexican, Southwestern, Southeastern and southern Plains (e.g., Caddo
+and Hasinai), but as involved in peyotism it is a Mexican-Southwestern
+borrowing rather than Southeastern.[96]
+
+_Ashes._ An interesting feature, remotely suggesting the Southwest,
+is the building up of the ashes of the peyote fire into a figure. The
+commonest form is a crescent, smaller than and parallel to the crescent
+of the earthen moon, which is nearly universal in the Plains. At an early
+date the Comanche began making the ashes into the shape of a “sun eagle”
+and the Kiowa into a “humming-bird.” The Shawnee and Kickapoo call it
+a “water bird”; one Shawnee leader occasionally makes buffalo heads. A
+Pawnee leader, Good Sun, makes an “eagle” in the ashes. Jonathan Koshiway
+(Oto) says the bird is “the holy spirit when Jesus was baptized; it’s got
+good eyes like an eagle—you can’t fool it.”[97]
+
+The separation of the ashes into two piles in the Big Moon rite comes in
+for similarly varying interpretations. A Delaware informant said that
+on one’s journey in life toward the peyote “if you’re the right kind of
+fellow you can pass the fire and everything opens up” like the Red Sea.
+Some say the two ash piles are the lungs of Jesus; others that one is the
+grave of John Wilson and the other the grave of Jesus Christ. Some Osage
+say the whole interior of the altar represents a grave.
+
+_Smoking._ Most of the variations in this ceremony are rather minor.
+In some groups like the Kiowa only the leader or an older man prays;
+in others like the Oto all pray aloud at the same time with individual
+prayers. The Kickapoo ask permission of the leader to make a smoke
+prayer. The Caddo stop the singing while a prayer is going on, but this
+is not universal elsewhere. The rule not to pass a smoker or a person
+chewing peyote appears everywhere, save in the Wilson rite; in this only
+the leader smoked, and “show-offs” who made requests for tobacco were
+frowned upon. This descriptive fact is minuscule in importance, save in
+pointing out the authority of the leader and personality traits of Wilson
+himself. The original ceremony, as indicated by the Lipan, was a communal
+smoke at the beginning. The Osage are said to smoke cigars in their
+peyote meetings, but the usual insistence is on native materials, the
+corn shuck or, occasionally, the oak leaf cigarette.[98]
+
+In view of the nearly universal ritual use of tobacco in the Americas,
+the negative cases which occur are interesting. This is traceable to the
+influence of White Protestantism of the “Russellite” sect in Kansas upon
+the founder of the Church of the First-born, Jonathan Koshiway. Persuaded
+by the Kiowa, however, Koshiway and the Oto later abandoned this
+prohibition, but meanwhile it had spread to other groups. The Iowa[99]
+“threw away” smoking along with liquor, and did not smoke in peyote
+meetings. The conjectured Oto origin of Winnebago peyotism is seemingly
+confirmed by their rejection of smoking in the Jesse Clay meetings:[100]
+
+    My elder brother [says Crashing Thunder upon conversion to
+    peyote] hereafter I shall only regard Earthmaker as holy. I
+    will make no more offerings of tobacco. I will not use any more
+    tobacco. I will not smoke, nor will I chew tobacco. I have no
+    further interest in these things.
+
+The non-use of tobacco in peyote meetings appears to be Pawnee[101] as
+well. Nowadays, as though in compensation for his earlier defection from
+the pure native rite, Koshiway uses extraordinarily long six-inch corn
+shucks.
+
+_Sage._ Sagebrush is used in several ways in peyote meetings: around the
+periphery of the tipi as a seat, in a cross or rosette under the father
+peyote on the altar, and in the perfuming ceremony before eating peyote,
+when it is rubbed between the palms, smelled and rubbed over the head
+and arms, body and legs.[102] Sometimes a bunch of sage tied together is
+passed around with the singing-staff also.[103] Dr. Parsons says that at
+Taos[104] the perfuming is done “to keep the smell of it [on us] so we
+won’t feel weak or dizzy”; and as a similar protective function of sage
+is reported by Opler for the Lipan and the “Sun Dance weed” by Mrs. Cooke
+for the Ute, it is evidently widespread. The Ute sometimes place a willow
+rope around the tipi, about four feet in from its circumference.
+
+_Passing of Objects._ The standard clockwise circuit of tobacco,
+sage, peyote, paraphernalia, water, food and persons has already been
+described. This trivial ritual has nevertheless been made the vehicle of
+expression of the leader’s authority to change it. Sometimes the circuit
+begins at the door (Lipan), sometimes at the leader or cedar chief
+(Iowa), and elsewhere smokes may begin at the leader but food and water
+at the southeast.[105] In the morning after the untying of the drum the
+ritual paraphernalia and the father peyote are commonly passed around for
+participants to handle (Kickapoo, Kiowa, Ponca, etc.) The Ponca make a
+point of passing the water between the fire and the paraphernalia at the
+altar-cloth in the midnight ceremony.
+
+The obsessive, involutional quality of ritualism is nowhere better
+illustrated than in the minutiae of these rules for passing. We
+have particularized for the Kiowa the standard modes of passing
+paraphernalia,[106] but even experienced “peyote boys” are in need of
+instruction concerning the “way” of an unfamiliar leader when they visit
+other tribes. The Northern Cheyenne, for example, may not pass the drum
+in his clockwise circuit to leave the tipi, save in grave emergencies
+when permission is asked of the leader through the fireman. One may
+not pass a person praying or smoking or eating peyote, and must again
+consult the leader to see if the way out is clear; there is still another
+obstacle in the fireman, for no one may exit between him and his seat
+while he is fixing the fire (the smoker may temporarily put his smoke on
+the ground before him, or the fireman temporarily take his seat in these
+cases).
+
+The Clay rite of the Winnebago has a unique method of passing objects:
+clockwise along the north from the leader to the fireman at the east,
+then counter-clockwise back to the leader and around along the south
+to the door, and again clockwise to the leader. The Caddo meticulously
+observe another rule in entering and leaving the tipi, as though the
+interior were divided into north and south sides: those on the south
+enter clockwise and exit counter-clockwise, while those on the north
+enter counter-clockwise and exit clockwise.
+
+These sometimes complicated “rules” are not the least part of “learning
+about peyote,” and the ordering of them by the leader reflects similarly
+complex psychological transactions among individuals. For instance, the
+simple matter of leaving the tipi at recesses is involved in schism among
+the Caddo. Translating the terms, they cite the full-blood Caddo, Enoch
+Hoag’s, as the “systematic way,” or “pure tribal way,” to which they
+are currently returning (because the leader must be consulted before
+leaving); the half-Caddo, John Wilson’s, is “any kind of way” (because
+he is said to have abrogated some of these rules). The Seminole, Stamp,
+attempted a compromise, allowing persons to exit without permission if
+they observed the rules about not passing in front of a smoker or eater
+of peyote; “I’m right in the middle,” he said. But Elijah Reynolds says,
+“The older men were skeptical. He just made it up to gain influence among
+others. It’s a kind of racial feeling there.”
+
+_Praying._ Minor variations occur in this procedure too. The Cheyenne
+are said to pray at great length—“an hour or more sometimes,” a Comanche
+told me. The Oto use cedar incense instead of tobacco when they pray.
+The Ponca pray in unison and audibly before the meeting, seated. The
+Winnebago stand up together to pray, and the leader stands up to pray
+with a confessant west of the altar. The Shawnee pray on getting the dirt
+for the “moon,” getting the sage, making the moon, putting a cross on it,
+cutting the corn shucks, when the food is brought in, etc. The door-man
+in Pawnee meetings makes a special prayer of dismissal. Often, as with
+the Kiowa and Oto, the “tribal priest” or curator of the tribal palladium
+is asked to make an official prayer at some time in the meeting. At Taos
+the chief prays before the line of worshippers enters inside, and all
+pray inside. Murie says all the Pawnee pray after the closing song, when
+the sun’s first rays strike the altar through the opened door.[107]
+
+Mrs. Voegelin gives a typical Shawnee prayer:
+
+    My prayer is that of a pitiful man. And also these people here,
+    visitors, I wish my creator to answer my prayer to take pity
+    on those visitors. They came to my daughter’s meeting for some
+    good reason to learn something about my daughter’s meeting. So
+    each of us give blessing, and bless the water that was brought
+    in this morning. So let our friendship purify it, that we might
+    drink this water, to give us long life, and a better life; and
+    I ask our father to bless all my children, and my wife, and all
+    of us who are in this meeting tonight. I am glad my friends
+    came here to help me with my prayer tonight, my daughter’s
+    birthday meeting, and we thank thee for this food she brought
+    in, that our friends who are going to eat this food, that they
+    might feel better from now on in everyday life. We ask in the
+    name of Jesus, Amen. (He then cried ceremonially at the finish
+    of the prayer; a few tears ran down his cheeks.)
+
+Praying in peyote meetings appears to have much of the psychological
+flavor of the old vision quest. The speaker’s voice becomes louder
+as he proceeds, earnest and quavering as he sways with the fullness
+of his emotion and stretches out his hands toward the peyote and the
+fire. Sometimes his speech is wholly interrupted by uninhibited broken
+sobbing as he cries out for the pity of the supernaturals. John Rave,
+the Winnebago teacher, said that “only if you weep and repent will you
+be able to attain knowledge.” Several of the Delaware face-paintings
+collected by Dr. Speck represent “crying for repentance.”
+
+_Incense._ Cedar incense is invariably placed on the fire at the
+beginning of the ceremony to purify the paraphernalia and to “bless”
+the participants before they eat peyote. A patient or one sick from
+eating peyote is incensed and fanned with an eagle wing, and incense is
+burnt for the fireman at midnight when he returns with the water, for
+the leader on returning from the whistling ceremony outside, and for
+the water woman in the morning. Others extend the incensing and fanning
+to every person who re-enters the tipi after a recess, and the Wilson
+rite[108] has special officials to perform this duty. Many leaders about
+midnight provide for the cedar smoking of personally-owned feathers,
+drum sticks, gourds, etc., and permit individuals to use their own after
+midnight until morning in place of the equipment provided by the leader.
+
+_Method of Eating._ Peyote is most commonly eaten in the raw dried state
+as “buttons,” but when obtainable, in the green form also, which is said
+to be more potent in action. Sometimes both are provided in the same
+ceremony, as well as peyote “tea,” a dark-brown infusion made of soaked
+and boiled buttons. For the old and sick the buttons may be soaked and
+softened in water, or pounded dry in mortars and molded into small moist
+balls; the latter form is reported for the Arapaho, Caddo, Delaware,
+Lipan, Osage and Winnebago. In chewing the dry buttons the Kiowa,
+Mescalero and others take care to pick off the fuzz on the top lest it
+cause sore eyes and blindness.[109]
+
+_Singing._ The leader always sings the four sets of Esikwita or Mescalero
+Apache songs as his assistant drums: Hayätinayo (Opening Song), Yáhiyano
+(Midnight Song), Wakahó (Daylight Song) and Gayatina (Closing Song). All
+the other songs, sung by the participants during the rounds of the drum,
+are entirely optional. But the standard set songs are not everywhere
+used: those of the Ponca are said to be Comanche. The ritual songs of the
+Pawnee are in the Pawnee language, and those of the John Rave rite are
+in Winnebago (though the followers of Jesse Clay still use the Apache
+songs.) The circumstances of the origin of some famous songs by Quanah
+Parker, John Wilson (e.g., Heyowiniho) and Enoch Hoag (e.g., Yanahiano)
+are widely known.[110]
+
+Many show Christian influence. The Iowa, for example, sing the following
+songs with Indian vocables, but in a high-pitched style which makes the
+English words nearly unrecognizable:
+
+     i. Jesus’ way is the only way.
+     ii. Saviour Jesus is the only Saviour.
+    iii. Oh, Lord, Lord, Lord! It is not everyone who says that who
+           shall be saved.
+     iv. I know Jesus now.
+      v. You must be born again.
+
+The closing song of the Winnebago varies; Yellowbank gave this one:
+
+    This is the road that Jesus showed us to walk in.
+
+The followers of Rave close with the Lord’s prayer and a song about wings:
+
+    There are many wings [repeated five times]
+    It is God’s will that there should be many wings.
+
+The first of these is said to have come from the Arapaho, the second from
+Isaiah 6.2, although a New Testament explanation is offered.[111] The
+last song of the Pawnee meeting refers to Christ.[112]
+
+Other Winnebago songs (with repetitions omitted) are as follows:
+
+    God, I thank you for all you have done for me through Jesus’ name.
+
+(This is an opening song, according to Yellowbank. Another opening song:)
+
+    God’s Son says, “Get up and follow Me.” Jesus said, “You shall
+    enter into the kingdom of God.”
+
+The following are two morning songs:
+
+    Jesus said, “Whoever asks Me for water, I will give him the water of
+      life.
+    If I give him water he will never thirst again.”
+
+    The sun is coming up now. God made that light for us.
+    We are living now. God made us. To God is the glory.
+
+Other peyote songs are not sung at ritually-set times:
+
+    Jesus, how do we know, Jesus, how do we know [him]?
+    We think about Jesus wherever we are.
+
+    How did I know, How did I know Jesus?
+
+    When I die I will be at the door of heaven and Jesus will take me in.
+
+    God said in the beginning, “Let there be light,”
+    He meant it for you.
+
+    Son of God, have pity on us [repeat]
+    Son of God, when you come again,
+    Where your people (the angels) are, let us be.
+
+    This is God’s way [repeat]
+
+    Whosoever believeth in Him will have everlasting life.
+    This is God’s way.
+
+    We are living humbly on this earth [five times]
+    Our Heavenly Father, we want everlasting life through Jesus Christ.
+    We are living humbly on this earth.
+
+    He is the only way, Christ is the Way of Life,
+    He is the only way.[113]
+
+Radin[114] adds the following Winnebago songs:
+
+    Ask God for life and he will give it to us.
+
+    God created us, so pray to him.
+
+    To the home of Jesus we are going, pray to him.
+
+    Come ye to the road of the son of God; come ye to the road.
+
+_Midnight Ceremonies._ The whistling outside the tipi at the four
+quarters is variously rationalized. The Kickapoo say the leader’s circuit
+follows that of the singing inside, the Shawnee that he whistles at the
+cardinal points “on account of the four different winds.” The Northern
+Cheyenne, according to Hoebel, say they are following the instructions
+of their culture-hero Sweet Medicine in this, while the Comanche say the
+whistling is to “notify all things in all directions that we are having
+a meeting here in the center of the cross, and calling the great power
+to be with us while we drink so that it could hear our prayers.” The
+Winnebago “flute” blown at this time is to “announce the birth of Christ
+to all the world”; it also represents the trumpet of the Day of Judgment,
+and the leader’s otter skin hat symbolizes Christ’s crown of glory. Other
+Winnebago[115] say the whistling symbolizes the song of praise of the
+birds in heaven whom God created. The Arapaho say the whistling is an
+eagle’s cry when it is searching for water, and imitates its coming from
+a great distance until it dips its beak into the water.[116]
+
+The midnight songs of the Pawnee are said to be for the protection of
+the man who fetches the water. Old-time Comanche used a paunch for the
+water, but a bucket is everywhere now used; Comanche and Iowa drinking
+begin at the cedar chief, rather than south of the door as is usual.
+The Ponca leader dips a feather in the water and sprinkles patients and
+those nearby with it; and Shawnee sacrifice a cupful to the earth before
+drinking. The Kickapoo and others drink directly from the bucket when the
+fireman brings the midnight water, but use a cup when the woman brings
+the morning water, in graceful symbolism. Some say the woman represents
+“Peyote Woman”; others, like the Wichita, identify her with older native
+powers.[117]
+
+The Lipan have no midnight water ceremony. The Hoag (Caddo) rite has
+no water ceremonies until the drum has made four rounds of the tipi,
+but water is brought in for visitors who might call for it or provided
+outside to be drunk at recesses.[118] In Moonhead’s meeting the fireman
+gets a feather from the leader on leaving and touches the peyote on his
+return as he is fanned and incensed with cedar.
+
+_Recess._ After the midnight water ceremony anyone can leave on
+permission of the leader when he has returned from the whistling ritual
+outside and been incensed with cedar smoke. People usually leave in
+twos and threes, as the meeting continues, but they return promptly
+since others may wish to go out. The Pawnee are apparently unique in
+their midnight recess: after the water ceremony all leave for a ten to
+twenty-five minute period, the paraphernalia meanwhile resting on the
+altar cloth.
+
+_Doctoring._ Doctoring in peyote meetings (save those of the Kickapoo,
+Caddo and possibly the Osage)[119] is of prime importance, and in a
+majority of cases is the expressed purpose of calling a meeting. The
+supposed therapeutic virtues of peyote, or in the less technological
+view, its “power,” have been important in the history of the cult. Quanah
+Parker, the great Comanche proselytizer of peyote, at first opposed to
+it, was cured of a stomach ailment in 1884 and became one of the most
+enthusiastic proponents of the herb. Peyote doctoring has been the
+occasion many times of the spread of peyotism from tribe to tribe (e.g.,
+the Kiowa bringing it to the Creek). Kiowa doctoring was also probably
+influential in modifying the Church of the First-born on Koshiway’s visit
+in their country, and in bringing it into the fold of the Native American
+Church.
+
+The motives for the spread of peyotism in the Plains could perhaps be
+equally divided between doctoring and power-seeking, but the dichotomy
+is somewhat artificial in terms of native ideologies: indeed, the chief
+“power” one gets in meetings is for doctoring.[120] Winnebago attitudes
+recorded by Radin[121] find parallels elsewhere:
+
+    The first and foremost virtue predicated by Rave for the peyote
+    was its curative power. He gives a number of instances in which
+    hopeless venereal diseases and consumption were cured by its
+    use; and this to the present day is the first thing one hears
+    about it. In the early days of the peyote cult it appears that
+    Rave relied principally for new converts upon the knowledge
+    of this great curative virtue of the peyote.... Along this
+    line lay unquestionably its appeal for the first converts. Its
+    spread was due to a large number of interacting factors. One
+    informant claims that there was little religion connected with
+    it at first, and that people drank the peyote on account of its
+    peculiar effects.
+
+Densmore[122] says that prayer during Winnebago peyote doctoring “are
+petitions to God for the recovery of the sick person, not affirmations of
+his recovery.”
+
+Opler quotes a Lipan informant on doctoring:[123]
+
+    In the early days they just had a good time for one night.
+    It was not used as a curing ceremony then.... At first they
+    wanted to have good visions, that’s what they were after. But
+    then, recently, they began to use it as a medicine for sick
+    people.... If a sick person comes in the tipi, they see what
+    is the matter with him. Perhaps a witch has shot something
+    into him, a bone or something like that. It is seen. Then the
+    sick one rolls a cigarette and gives it to someone there who
+    he thinks can cure him. Perhaps some man says, “I think I can
+    take that out with the help of peyote and these other men.”
+    So he does his ceremonial work in there and extracts what is
+    bothering the patient.... He sucks it out usually with his own
+    lips, not with a tube. It is nasty work right there. It might
+    be dirty and full of pus. But the medicine man doesn’t think of
+    it in that way. To them it is just as if they were sucking nice
+    juice out of something. Yet it will look terrible to others....
+    All the bad things have to go into the fire and burn down to
+    ashes.... Sometimes they suck out things like insects which
+    have been shot into people and these things pop. Sometimes when
+    they throw the evil object in the fire it blazes up blue but
+    does not pop.
+
+Northern Cheyenne and Shawnee patients sit in special places in the
+peyote tipi, as in the sweat lodge, suggesting that older patterns of
+doctoring are involved; as we have seen, the sweat lodge is an integral
+part of the Osage peyote round-house plan. That associations of curing
+by peyote and curing in the sweat lodge lie close to the surface finds
+affirmation in an interesting Arapaho case:[124]
+
+    One of the recent modifications of the peyote ceremonial
+    was devised by a firm devotee, to cure a sick person. The
+    originator of this new form of the worship believes himself
+    to have been cured by the drug. In this ceremonial, which was
+    repeated four times, the tent seems to have represented a sweat
+    house, and a path led from the entrance to a fire outside, as
+    before a sweat lodge. The ritual, while remaining a peyote
+    ceremony, conformed more or less to the ordinary processes of
+    doctoring a sick person.
+
+One could easily over-emphasize the novelty of such a procedure,
+considering the widespread use of peyote in doctoring, yet even the
+Caddo, who do not doctor with peyote, often have four meetings to pray
+for the recovery of the sick person; certainly cures by peyote do not
+rest entirely on the “technological” procedure of the patient’s eating
+and drinking peyote, but others present “help” by eating in the name
+of the sufferer and praying. This is not at all unlike the presence
+of relatives and others in the sweat bath praying for the patient’s
+recovery; the various uses of sage, the fire pits in some altars, and the
+ritual necessity for a fire even on the hottest summer nights further
+suggest sweat bath parallels.[125]
+
+Peyote is a panacea in doctoring. A Cheyenne woman was cured of a cancer
+of the liver which had been pronounced hopeless at a White hospital. Such
+invidious distinctions between White and peyote doctoring are common; for
+the former represents merely human skill, and is not the unmodified herb
+the direct creation of God? Belo Kozad, himself a well-known Kiowa peyote
+doctor, spoke as follows:
+
+    When my sick wife was in there I chewed peyote for her. Her
+    skin got like wood bark—the hair come out. The doctors couldn’t
+    make it. We give it up, can’t do anything. [It was] diabetes,
+    and we shoot him every time she eats. That spoils the people;
+    they lose the mind and the skin gets bad. That morphine for
+    Howard [Sankadote, who was ill the night of the meeting and
+    could not be present] make him talk funny. It just ruin the
+    people in the mind. _Come_ to peyote! God knows more than any
+    people!
+
+Perhaps Belo had every “pragmatic” right to talk thus: had he not himself
+cured a boy’s hemorrhage by eating one hundred green peyotes for him?
+Peyote indeed is a famous cure for tuberculosis and respiratory diseases.
+
+John Bearskin (Winnebago) knew of two cures by “Sister Etta” in meetings:
+one a woman with goitre, the other a boy who had previously been
+dumb.[126] Pneumonia also readily yields to peyote, producing beneficial
+perspiration when thirty buttons are drunk over a period of hours in two
+quarts of water. The writer has seen doctoring with peyote for a crushed
+thigh, tuberculosis, and malnutrition (?) in a two-year-old child; this
+last cried fretfully in the early part of the meeting, but was fed “tea”
+until it was blue and quiet in strychnine tetanus by morning. The wife of
+our Quapaw host had also been “operated on in church.”
+
+A Sioux doctor, who had gotten his power from a vision in which peyote
+turned into a man, doctored at Taos; but an acquaintance of Dr. Parsons
+imputed his trachoma to witchcraft on the part of “foreigners” who came
+to large meetings. He found that peyote water prevented the inflammation
+of his eyes. Another boy’s leg was “all gone, rotten,” and the boy
+himself emaciated. Peyote men prayed over him for a month, whereupon he
+became well and fat, though his leg remained drawn up because he had
+taken too much White man’s medicine. The wife of a peyote man, herself
+cured of neck sores by the plant, asserted that witch sickness is lacking
+nowadays in Taos because of the power of peyote in exorcizing witchcraft;
+a peyote chief, however, holding a button in his hand, had had to remove
+a porcupine quill which some witch had shot into her nose. At Taos even
+anti-peyotists consider it good for cures, and Dr. Parsons, no doubt with
+some reason, makes the query: “Will peyote find its character of witch
+prophylaxis an introduction to the southern pueblos?”[127]
+
+Peyote is equally successful in treating mental cases. An Oto informant
+told of four successive meetings held for a man who had “gone crazy”
+when his wife left him. Formerly under observation at Norman, he was
+afraid people were coming for him during the meeting; he could hardly
+talk, wanted to run out and people had to wrestle with him. Old Man White
+Horn gave him a peyote and told him it would protect him; finally, in
+the third successive meeting the man “came to” and asked what had been
+happening. Another Oto patient chopped wood incessantly, rolled and
+unrolled strings, etc., and used to have “meetings” by himself, drumming,
+singing and eating peyote all alone. An Oto told me of a Taos boy who
+had “gone crazy”; some said it was peyote that was doing this. But a
+doctor from west of Albuquerque came and pulled a snake and a dead water
+dog out of him; these had been his medicines, taught him by his father,
+and it was decided that he had clearly broken some taboo surrounding his
+father’s medicine.
+
+“_Preaching._” An interesting feature of peyotism, probably deriving
+from earlier patterns, is the moral lecture in the morning. In one Caddo
+“moon” the leader “talks to the boys, teaches them, just like a preacher,
+telling them to do the right thing through life, and the consequences
+if they didn’t do the right things.” White Wolf (Comanche) says Quanah
+Parker lectured younger people in the morning; so too did Kickapoo,
+Carrizo, Shawnee and Wichita leaders.
+
+After passing peyote, the Delaware leader “addresses the peyote and the
+fire, prays, and often delivers a regular sermon or moral lecture.” In
+the Iowa meeting:[128]
+
+    The peyote chief ... leads in the preaching and Bible
+    reading.... The leader (or, as the writer understands it)
+    perhaps some visiting preacher of the faith, gets up and
+    delivers a sermon, while the cedar chief casts some more
+    incense on the fire. [He commonly exhorts them to confession.]
+    The leader then calls on other preachers to talk, and then
+    asks the fire chief [to pass the peyote again].... Meanwhile
+    he continues to read the Bible and exhort all sinners to
+    repent. He points out that all the old ways have been given
+    up, and with them their “idols,” such as the great drum of the
+    religious dance.
+
+John Wilson ordinarily began his meetings with a talk by himself; the
+Oto are commonly addressed in meetings by their “tribal priest.” The
+estrangement of the lively J. S. (Kiowa) and his young wife was composed
+through moral homilies delivered by older relatives in a peyote meeting—a
+typical occurrence.
+
+At the end of the Pawnee meeting[129]
+
+    the members ... sit in their places and talk over their
+    experiences.... The leader closes the meeting at noon with a
+    lecture, or sermon, on ethical matters, speaking especially
+    against the use of alcohol.
+
+Possibly Osage “testimony” may have some relation to this.[130] The
+Winnebago[131]
+
+    ceremony is opened by a prayer by the founder and leader, this
+    being followed by an introductory speech.... During the early
+    hours ... speeches by people in the audience [are made], and
+    the reading and explanation of part of the Bible.
+
+The midnight sermon, after the midnight water, also occurs:[132]
+
+    Then the leader asks anyone he desires to make a speech. This
+    may emphasize any point in regard to peyote.
+
+The moral harangue is no doubt derived from earlier Plains patterns,
+though it is a Southwestern feature as well, among the Rio Grande Pueblos
+and elsewhere.[133]
+
+_Prophecy._ The gift of prophecy has often been claimed by individuals in
+native America. The first well-known such was Popé of the Pueblo Revolt
+in 1680, but his successors were many: Wabokieshiek, or “White Cloud,”
+the Winnebago-Sauk prophet of the Black Hawk War; the Delaware prophet
+of Pontiac’s Conspiracy (1762); Tenskwatawa, twin brother of Tecumseh,
+and the well-known “Shawnee Prophet” (1805); Kanakuk, the Kickapoo[134]
+reformer (1827); Smohalla, the Sokulk dreamer of the Columbia
+(1870-1885); Tavibo, the Paiute; Nakaidoklini, the Apache (1881); Wovoka,
+or Jack Wilson, the Paiute prophet of the Ghost Dance of 1889 and later;
+Skaniadariio, or “Handsome Lake,” the Seneca teacher, etc.[135]
+
+Save for the revelations of the Caddo-Delaware John Wilson, and the
+teachings of John Rave and Jonathan Koshiway, this tradition has become
+much attenuated as regards peyotism. Large-scale prophecies can no longer
+be made to skeptical and disillusioned audiences, but prophecy in minor
+matters still occurs via peyote (e.g., the Delaware case in which a
+serious industrial accident might have been avoided if he had only been
+able to interpret correctly a warning peyote gave him). Old-time Comanche
+could hear the enemy while still away off when they ate peyote, and in
+making raids could discover the whereabouts of horses, etc. White Wolf,
+again, visioned Charley Seminole’s face all bloody at a peyote meeting,
+but was unable to interpret the prophecy; somewhat later, sure enough,
+the Seminole accidentally shot himself under the eye.
+
+In the origin story of peyote, when the Kiowa or Comanche were on the
+war-path, the Apache leader knew of their leader’s approach to the tipi
+where they were having a meeting, and told his fireman to invite him in,
+whence the visitor brought peyote back to his tribe; this story is known
+all over the southern Plains. Around 1870 the only Kiowa who ate peyote
+was Pabo, or Big Horse. When he wished to find the whereabouts of an
+absent party he would go into a tipi and say “gʸäʰgūṇboṇta” (I am going
+to look for medicine), and would drum and rattle and eat peyote, and tell
+the results of his inquiry afterward. Pabo’s power was from the eagle,
+but Kiowa owl-doctors had clairvoyant powers in pre-peyote times. Another
+Kiowa user miraculously predicted the coming of telegraph lines and the
+railroad to Anadarko, having previously never seen either, and a Wichita
+predicted the World War.
+
+_“Baptism” and Other Morning Ceremonies._ The “curing” ceremonies of
+Mexico and the Southwest still find a reflex in the Plains “baptism” in
+the morning ceremonies. The leader in the tipi whistles for the water
+as in the midnight ceremony, and a smoke is made for the bearer, the
+only difference being that this time it is a woman, often symbolically
+costumed,[136] who some say represents Peyote Woman of the legend. Many
+groups, however, have a ritual “baptism” in this morning ceremony, which
+is lacking at midnight.[137] The Arapaho,[138] for example, untie the
+drum and pass it around the circles; each man wrings out the wet drum
+head, makes a loop of the lacing-rope and throws it lasso-fashion over
+his foot to symbolize the roping of horses, presses the seven marbles of
+the drum to various parts of his body, and drinks a little of the drum
+water. The worshippers then wash the paint from their faces, and comb
+their hair, a towel, a mirror, a comb and water making the round of the
+tipi; then finally the drinking water is passed around.
+
+The Delaware file out behind the fireman to greet the rising sun with
+prayer, and, standing in the same relative positions they occupied in
+the tipi, wash their faces with the water which the fireman pours on
+their hands; those who fall down at this time are said to be visiting
+heaven. The rest re-enter for the ritual breakfast. The Caddo similarly
+file out to wash and comb their hair, and preserve the same order even
+at the secular meal at noon. The Iowa wash with soap and water as they
+sit in the tipi; “the peyote chief himself carries the water to show his
+humility, because of Biblical references to the washing of feet.” The
+Shawnee are marshalled outside in two lines at sun-up to wash their faces
+and “do arm exercises.” The Kickapoo, Wichita, Oto, Northern Cheyenne and
+others pass the drum and sometimes all the ritual paraphernalia around to
+be handled; some lick the drum stick dipped in the water and touch it to
+various parts of their bodies. The Ponca leader, using a feather, shakes
+water on participants both at midnight and in the morning, and as in some
+other groups, waters the drum also.[139]
+
+The ritual “quitting songs” are sung by the Pawnee just at dawn, as the
+first rays of the sun strike the altar through the opened door; the last
+song is sung five times, and each member then prays in turn to God. The
+“baptism” ceremony of the Winnebago John Rave cultists (derived from
+the Oto) is more Christian in tone than that of the Jesse Clay rite (of
+Arapaho origin). Rave dipped his fingers in a peyote infusion, and passed
+them over the forehead of a new member saying, “God, His holiness,” (or,
+as some say, “God, the Son, and the Holy Ghost”).[140] A little water is
+also poured on the ground as a sacrifice. The well-nigh universal mode
+of disposing of the remaining water in the drum is to pour it along the
+earthen “moon.”
+
+_Peyote Breakfast._ The foods in the ritual breakfast in the tipi are
+so standardized as scarcely to allow comparative treatment. They are
+merely minor variations on the theme: water, parched corn in sweetened
+water, fruit and dried sweetened meat.[141] From the Lipan (roasted
+corn, yucca fruit, wild fruit and meat, according to Opler) to the Ute
+(canned corn, canned peaches and corned beef, as reported by Mrs. Cooke)
+the uniformity is striking. These foods are eaten from a common set
+of four vessels,[142] which are passed around with a single spoon in
+each. Sometimes ground hominy or parched corn mush is substituted, and
+Hoebel reports the Northern Cheyenne use of Cracker Jack for the parched
+corn. Beef is the usual meat, in boneless chunks or dried, pounded and
+sweetened, but pork (tabooed for the Comanche) is reported for the Ponca
+and Northern Cheyenne.[143] Wild fruits are somewhat preferred to canned
+varieties, but are not always obtainable. Although the original meanings
+and connections with agricultural, gathering and hunting ceremonies
+have long since been lost sight of, the feeling for the proper foods in
+a peyote breakfast is still quite strong in the Plains, a remarkable
+instance of culture continuity.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] For convenience of reference I have followed with all possible care
+the sequence of the development and appearance of elements laid down in
+the Kiowa-Comanche type-rite (above), of which the following paragraphs
+are largely comparative discussions.
+
+[2] Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 40.
+
+[3] Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_.
+
+[4] Erminie Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_.
+
+[5] Ritual gathering of plants is not unknown elsewhere; see Mooney, _The
+Sacred Formulas_.
+
+[6] See G. A. Dorsey in _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:650a (Sun
+Dance), as well as Spier’s _The Sun Dance of the Plains Indians_.
+
+[7] Hoebel says the Comanche formerly did not have all night meetings
+because of the danger of attack while under the influence of the drug.
+
+[8] Opler’s data suggest that even the vision-seeking motive is recent
+among the Lipan.
+
+[9] The Lipan prayed for protection from their enemies as well as for
+health and long life.
+
+[10] Petrullo, 48. The mourning council meeting was not unfamiliar in
+pre-peyote times. One such council was held for Tarhe, chief priest
+of the Wyandot, at Upper Sandusky, in the old days, attended by all
+the tribes of Ohio, the Indiana Delaware and the Seneca of New York
+(_Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:294).
+
+[11] Four older men pray and the child is passed clockwise around the
+tipi as every one present calls out its name.
+
+[12] Meetings are held _for_ the corpse, which is present “facing east”
+(head west) in the meeting; at the funeral next day he faces west. The
+writer omitted to attend an Osage meeting at Hominy because it was a
+funeral meeting.
+
+[13] Cf. the uses of datura.
+
+[14] La Flesche, _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 21.
+
+[15] A favorite Indian holiday in Oklahoma is Memorial Day, when graves
+are lavishly decorated.
+
+[16] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.
+
+[17] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 12 ff.
+
+[18] Only two cases are known of women who fully participated in
+meetings: Dog-woman (deceased), wife of John Red-turtle (Cheyenne) sang
+and beat the drum; a woman at Taos, Apekaum says, sings in meetings like
+men.
+
+[19] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 398-99; Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal
+Pattern_; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_; the rest field investigation.
+
+[20] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725.
+
+[21] One William Richard Nebuchadnezzar West ate peyote with the Kiowa
+for years. Petrullo mentions one Pat Noonigan who ate with the Delaware,
+and the Shawnee had a white participant for some twenty years. Early
+white familiarity with peyote in Texas must be postulated to account for
+its use by Texas Rangers in the Civil War (Lumholtz, 1:358).
+
+[22] A Negro brought by the Kiowa drummed and sang along with the rest in
+a Shawnee meeting; the former existence of a Negro “peyote” church near
+Tulsa argues for a considerable amount of such contact.
+
+[23] Again excepting the Caddo, who are over-suspicious for reasons
+discussed later.
+
+[24] The most homogeneous meeting I attended was a special tribal Wichita
+one which, nevertheless, was attended by three Kiowa, four Comanche, and
+two Whites, beside fourteen Wichita.
+
+[25] Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 415.
+
+[26] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 638; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.
+
+[27] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 2; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388.
+
+[28] Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_.
+
+[29] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 399; Smith (Mrs. Maurice G.), _A Negro
+Peyote Cult_, 452, note 10; see also _Handbook of the American Indians_,
+2:661.
+
+[30] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404-405; see also Petrullo, _The Diabolic
+Root_, 101. Shawnee sometimes paint their temples; Oto use red bars
+below side burns. Delaware examples from Speck: red hair-part,
+red-blue-red-blue-red horizontal lines over the bridge of the nose and
+cheeks (Wilson’s Big Moon meetings); red and blue lines below and at
+corners of eyes (“crying for repentance”); green zigzags in yellow cheek
+spots, two red and one blue line at corner of eyes; all red chin bounded
+by a blue semilunar arc on the upper lip and up the cheeks (representing
+the altar “moon”); and blue red-bordered dots on each cheek-bone and
+forehead representing peyote-buttons (a woman’s design).
+
+[31] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 182.
+
+[32] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403, 405.
+
+[33] Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_.
+
+[34] Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway Indians_, 261.
+
+[35] Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_.
+
+[36] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 119.
+
+[37] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology of the Osage_, 163.
+
+[38] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 186-87.
+
+[39] Anhalonium means “without salt.” The salt-taboo is a common
+Southwestern one, unconnected with peyotism there (e.g., Kroeber,
+_The Seri_, 45) but associated in Plains peyotism with such borrowed
+Southwestern traits as the water-drum.
+
+[40] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 400.
+
+[41] _Idem_, 398. “The slight variations in pattern,” writes Opler of
+the Mescalero, “... undoubtedly owe their existence to the fact that
+there are a number of peyote shamans, each eager to assert his own
+individuality and ‘way’ by some minor departure or ‘rule’.”
+
+[42] The peyote shaman in Mexico was certainly no figurehead, and
+the peyote leaders of the Carrizo, Tonkawa, Lipan and Mescalero were
+important in preventing rivalry.
+
+[43] The authority of the leader finds ritual reflection throughout the
+John Wilson “moon”: e.g., only the leader might smoke and pray, and
+others calling for smokes were frowned upon as presumptuous. Further,
+John Wilson’s “moon” contains his “grave” alongside that of Jesus Christ,
+and his initials W. (Wilson) or M. (Moonhead). The altar, indeed,
+represented Moonhead’s face; he even prescribed face-painting styles
+with his initials in them. A man equated with Jesus Christ is scarcely a
+negligible person. Koshiway (Oto) performed marriages and baptisms and
+conducted funerals in the Church of the First-born. The point is just as
+well demonstrated by the negative cases of those who aspired to peyote
+leadership and failed. Even the local Pawnee President of the Native
+American Church, James Sun-eagle, does not lead meetings.
+
+[44] Delaware meetings appear to have had only road-man and fire-guard
+(Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 188) but this may be an error
+of omission. The Kiowa, Pawnee, Cheyenne, Iowa, and Taos all have the
+“cedar-man” in addition.
+
+[45] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 3; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388.
+Densmore (_Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_), lists only three
+leaders but may not be counting the fireman. See Skinner, _Societies of
+the Ioway_, 724; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 62 ff.
+
+[46] Schultes, _Peyote and Plants Used_, 129-31.
+
+[47] Excessive prices for peyote have been reported elsewhere. Mooney
+says (_Miscellaneous Notes_, 30) an Oklahoma White dealer once charged 25
+cents a button, though they cost him only $5.00 a thousand. Hoebel says a
+Comanche once traded a fine horse for five hundred buttons. See Bennett
+and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 291-92; Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_,
+453-55.
+
+[48] Diguet, _Le Peyote et son usage_, 28.
+
+[49] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 60; Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_,
+293, xiv; Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 60 ff.
+
+[50] Big Moon leaders apparently required fees; Speck (Peyote MSS.)
+says the Seneca were too poor to pay more than the leader’s carfare
+when the cult was brought to them. Wilson himself met his death when
+some horses given him by the Quapaw and tied to the back of his wagon
+pulled backward at a crossing as a locomotive approached, and some of his
+enemies assert that this was in punishment for his avariciousness and
+economic exploitation of peyotism. He even charged money for sweatbaths
+he prepared in connection with meetings.
+
+[51] Cf. Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 410. A Shawnee gave the meeting-tipi to
+two old men the next morning, and the writer has exchanged gifts with
+several tribes, notably the Oto and the Kiowa.
+
+[52] Koshiway said he ate 100 once: “I was like a Ford, all broken down,
+connecting rods loose. The next day I was overhauled and hitting on all
+four, and went to work.” Belo Kozad, well-known Kiowa leader, said he
+ate 100 green peyote once but had a “hard time keeping it down.” Big Bow
+(Kiowa) claims to have eaten 75 at the time of his prophetic vision of
+the World War. One Oto sometimes eats 40 to 50 at which a man comes and
+instructs him. Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) for eight years President of the
+Oklahoma N.A.C. said he ate 84 green ones once. Densmore (_Winnebago
+Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_) says Winnebago ate 40 to 100, and many of
+them ate 60; elsewhere (_The Peyote Cult_) she states a Winnebago usually
+ate 15, but some ate up to 40. Lipan (Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_)
+ate 12 to 50. A Tonkawa leader (Opler, _Chiricahua Apache_) ate 40. Users
+at Taos (Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 66) ate as many as 60, but usually about
+20 or 30. Mescalero (Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_) ate
+from 4 to 40, with 12 as a “generous amount.” Iowa (Skinner, _Societies
+of the Iowa_, 724-25) considered 16 a good amount, women being restricted
+to 2. Huichol (Lumholtz, _The Huichol Indians_, 9) rarely ate more than 4
+or 5 daily, but at times consumed up to 20. An Arapaho stated under oath
+(_Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 49) he had eaten 12-30 peyote
+at different times, agreeing with Kroeber’s average of 12, with amounts
+of more than 30 eaten sometimes. A White observer in a Comanche meeting
+said he had seen them eat 30 or 40 apiece (Simmons, _The Peyote Road_).
+An Osage, on the other hand, stated before an official group that 5 was
+the upper limit for women and 7 for men (_Peyote as Used in Religious
+Worship_, 31), a statement open to doubt.
+
+[53] Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_.
+
+[54] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; _Chiracahua Apache_;
+Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 3; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 402, 405; Skinner,
+_Ethnology of the Ioway_, 249 (but the Christian symbolism here is
+Plains); Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 187-88; Petrullo, _The
+Diabolic Root_, 53.
+
+[55] The cane was the symbol of the Aztec merchant, and his friends did
+this utlatl or otate great reverence at a feast on the return from his
+travels; it symbolized Yiacatecutli, the god of merchants. Slaves were
+also sacrificed at a temple rite involving the canes (Sahagún, _A History
+of Ancient Mexico_, 1:41-42). Among the Huichol the staff of the judges
+in the native courts are accorded “a superstitious reverence” as symbols
+of authority (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:250). And although Governor
+Valdes had visited most of the pueblos to appoint native governors and
+captains by the year 1642, in Tarahumari the native term for leaders
+is igúsuame, “stick-bearers” or selfgame, “lance-bearers” (Bennett and
+Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 375-76).
+
+[56] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 718; Harrington, _Religion and
+Ceremonies_, 187-88; Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_.
+
+[57] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65; Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725;
+Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 4, 21; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_
+(but there is no biblical authority for this in Exodus 7. 19, 20. or
+concerning Aaron’s rod in Exodus 8 or 10.13).
+
+[58] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724; Cooke, _Ute Field Notes_.
+
+[59] Winnebago gourds often have on them pictures of Christ, the cross
+and “crown” of thorns, the shepherd’s crook and other Christian symbols
+(White Buffalo, in Blair, _The Indian Tribes_, 282; see also Harrington,
+_Religion and Ceremonies_, 188; _Handbook of the American Indians_,
+2:355b; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 400, 405; Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 20).
+
+[60] The best gourds are relatively small, not more than 3″ in diameter,
+somewhat flattened on the top rather than spherical, and elongated toward
+the handle. A hole is made through the gourd opposite the neck, cut off
+an inch or so from the round part; a stick is thrust through these, the
+neck hole being reinforced and made smaller by whittling down half a
+spool and glueing it in. There is no peg transversely through the portion
+emerging through the top, but both this and the handle part are usually
+covered with tightly-sewn buckskin to which bead-work is attached; some
+handles are carved or left plain. A tuft of red-dyed horse-hair is often
+put on the top and a buckskin fringe at the bottom; shot or pebbles make
+the sound.
+
+[61] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 400; Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 249;
+_Societies of the Iowa_, 724; Hoebel, Voegelin, Opler, and Cooke, _Field
+Notes_; Mooney (_Miscellaneous Notes_) says Comanche drums had eight
+marbles sometimes, as had also the Shawnee, according to Mrs. Voegelin.
+
+[62] The Kickapoo once tried a four-legged brass kettle instead of the
+regulation three-legged iron one, but soon discarded it, having decided
+that the tone was not right (this probably rationalizes some criticism
+of their ostentation). The Caddo had a 10-marbled crock drum with a deer
+skin head; the Oto, who have the kettle drum, sometimes use a crock, as
+do the Omaha (Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 166; _Uses of Plants_). The
+Delaware sometimes used otter skin instead of deer skin, with four bosses
+tightened with a sharp stick or deer-horn (Harrington, _Religion and
+Ceremony_, 188; Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 50).
+
+[63] Cf. the Mexican belief about the peyote under the gourd-resonator.
+Such taboos in regard to drums are also Iroquoian I believe, and possibly
+Southeastern.
+
+[64] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 726; Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of
+Peyote Ceremonies_.
+
+[65] The Chickasaw beat on a wet deer skin tied over the mouth of a large
+clay pot (Adair, _History_, 140). The Choctaw beat with one drumstick on
+a deer skin stretched over an earthen pot or kettle (Swanton, _Social and
+Religious Beliefs_, 222); they used the goat skin covered cypress knee
+drum as well (Bushnell, _Choctaw_, 22), and also bear skin and deer skin
+(Swanton, _op. cit._, 224). The Koasati older drum was deer skin over a
+cypress knee, and later the small iron kettle (Paz, _Field Notes_). The
+Taskigi Creek used a hollow vessel partly filled with water (Speck, _The
+Creek Indians_, 137). The Yuchi, besides the log drum, had the pot drum,
+containing water, about 18″ high; the hide was usually decorated with a
+wheel-like design and the privilege of beating the drum was invested in a
+certain individual (Speck, _Yuchi_, 61, cf. the Caddo, in some respects a
+peripheral Southeastern group and who have the “crock” drum). The Catawba
+and Quapaw also had the pot-drum (Speck, _Catawba Texts_; _Handbook of
+the American Indian_, 2:335b). It is not known if the Tonkawa water-drum
+is pre-peyote, but the Lipan pottery drum is late according to Opler. The
+water-drum of the Southeast is continuous through the Antilles into South
+America (Wissler, _The American Indian_, 154).
+
+Wissler makes no mention of Mexican or Southwestern occurrences of the
+kettle-drum or water-drum, but the trait is common in these regions.
+The Aztec had the kettle-drum (Sahagún, _A History of Ancient Mexico_,
+1:87, 91). Beals (_Comparative Ethnology_, 112, 188, Table 71) lists the
+atabale or kettle-drum in Tehueco, Culiacan, Tepic (Zentispac), Tarasco,
+and Mexico. The pottery drum is Lacandone, Natchez and Chitimacha also
+(Swanton, _Aboriginal Culture_, 708, in Beals, 188). Stevenson (_The
+Zuñi_, 39) mentions a Tepehan pottery drum struck loudly at certain
+ceremonies to insure the presence of beings who would keep the singing of
+songs correct. The Western Apache have “male” and “female” water drums
+(Henry, J., _Cult of Silas John Edwards_). The Huichol use no drum in the
+peyote ceremony; the Tamaulipecan peyote-drum is the wooden type, as is
+also the Tarahumari drum (Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 67-68) and
+the Huichol drum, which is “alive” (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:32-34).
+The Taos is the standard peyote drum; but the pottery drum is found among
+non-users of peyote: e.g., Navaho, Chiricahua, W. Apache, Jicarilla,
+Yavapai and Pueblo in general (Spier, information).
+
+[66] Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_; Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_,
+724, 758; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65; Speck,
+_A Study of the Delaware_, _passim_.
+
+[67] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 405-409; Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal
+Pattern_; Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 176; Opler, _Carrizo Field Notes_.
+The feather as a symbol of delegated authority is also found in the Ghost
+Dance.
+
+[68] Cf. Boas, _Anthropology_, 91, “... the feathers of the Dakota
+Indians ... by the way they are cut and painted, express warlike
+exploits.”
+
+[69] Hills, _Eating Medicine with the Quapaws_.
+
+[70] Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 188; Opler, _The Influence of
+Aboriginal Pattern_. _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:455-56, “The
+downy feather was to the mind of the Indian a kind of bridge between the
+spirit world and ours.” Note the Ponca whistling along the water bucket
+feather.
+
+[71] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403, 405, 407.
+
+[72] The Oto and Arapaho wear tufts of down feathers on their hair in
+meetings; cf. the Tarahumari shaman’s feather headdress which tells him
+all the bird knew and protects him by preventing air from entering his
+head and making him ill (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:313).
+
+[73] Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_, 28. Crashing Thunder visioned an eagle
+with outspread wings in a meeting once (Radin, 188-89).
+
+[74] Huichol peyote fetishes include the squirrel, skunk, birds and the
+shaman’s fetish plant; the Tarahumari have the squirrel, birds and peyote
+plant; the southern Plains birds and the peyote plant; and the northern
+Plains the plant only—an interesting degeneration in complexity of
+symbolism, a sort of diffusionist law of inverse squares.
+
+[75] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 401, 406; letter of L. L. Meeker to Mooney.
+
+[76] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 181-82; _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_,
+21; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 389, “They are regarded by a number of
+people, certainly by Rave, with undisguised veneration [i.e., the peyote
+‘chiefs’].”
+
+[77] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724; Opler, _Chiricahua Apache_;
+_The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; _Lipan Apache Field Notes_;
+Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64-65. Cf. the Anadarko Delaware phrase
+“ear-eating” for peyote-eating (Speck, _Notes on the Life of John
+Wilson_, 552).
+
+[78] An especially handsome and regular one, oriented with a thorn on
+its “north” side, had fifteen full radial lines of hair-tufts. Of three
+others, one was kept in a woman’s small mirrored vanity-case, a pomade
+jar, and a silk handkerchief, all carefully wrapped up. Another very old
+one was given his brother-in-law, Yellow Bird, by a Comanche. A cracked
+one was kept in a beaded buckskin pouch along with a Catholic medallion
+dated 1890; it had been given him by an Apache. He has also preserved
+one given his wife by Mexicans at El Rio on their first peyote trip in
+1926, and tied up with the mother’s he keeps two little ones which helped
+his little girl. And finally, there were seven which he laid behind the
+whistle one New Year’s meeting to represent the seven days of the week;
+his daughter drank the water in which they were soaked and became well
+in seven days. She is a grown woman now and he still keeps these peyotes
+which have so well demonstrated their power.
+
+[79] The Comanche leader Mumsika still preserves a famous peyote button
+formerly belonging to Kutubi which performed prophecies on an historical
+war party into Texas (Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_). The anxiety of
+Clyde Koko (Kiowa) when he thought he had lost his “father peyotes” after
+changing his mind about sending them back to their original country, well
+demonstrates the psychological reality of these fetishisms.
+
+[80] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 169, note; Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_,
+165-66; Speck (manuscript); Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724;
+Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_.
+
+[81] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 200. This is indeed a miracle if he read
+it in Matthew 16.
+
+[82] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 186-87; _Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5;
+_The Winnebago Tribe_, 394-95.
+
+[83] Radin, _Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 6; _The Winnebago Tribe_,
+395-96. The reference to John 1.4 indicates nothing of relevance.
+
+[84] Romans 11.16-18. No native with whom the writer is acquainted has
+to date noted the obvious Shakespearean reference to peyote, in the
+speech of Banquo as the three witches vanish incorporeally into thin air
+(Macbeth I, iii): “Were such things here as we do speak about, or have we
+eaten on the insane root that takes the reason prisoner?”
+
+[85] The Carrizo-Lipan had no crescent mound, which is probably of
+Mescalero origin.
+
+[86] Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 165-66.
+
+[87] Cf. _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:2b, 661: “Formerly among
+the southern Plains tribes a buffalo skull was placed on a small mound
+in front of the sweat house, the mound being formed of earth excavated
+from the fireplace.” The original Comanche and Caddo moons appear to have
+been more horseshoe- than crescent-shaped, and the apron of the Caddoan
+Big Moons obviously developed from an elongation of the horns. The
+introduction of the heart is apparently Caddoan also, influenced probably
+by the Catholic “Sacred Heart” of Jesus.
+
+[88] Enoch Hoag was at one time John Wilson’s assistant or drummer.
+
+[89] A Comanche told Hoebel of a “moon” with the entire tipi-floor of
+cement; if this is identical with one I was told about, it has been
+subsequently destroyed. The rationalization given was that the cement
+floor distorted the sound of the drum, and a return to an earthen floor
+was made.
+
+[90] The Kiowa and Caddo are therefore at opposite extremes; the Kiowa
+were the leading spirits in the institutionalizing of peyotism in the
+Native American Church, which gathered to itself even the earlier Church
+of the First-born. In this respect they are the “Catholics” of the
+movement, and, tired of the warring rival Protestantisms let loose by
+Caddo visionaries, many groups are undergoing an “Oxford Movement” back
+to the simplest earlier native forms, sans Bible and sans elaborate
+altars, which after all have been the vehicles for prestige and wealth of
+ambitious individualism.
+
+[91] Several of Petrullo’s examples (Hoag, Black Wolf, etc.) are Caddo
+rather than Delaware. His Hoag moon (_The Diabolic Root_, pl. 5, B, p.
+181) was given to the writer with a half-ellipse joining the moon-tips
+to form the lower part of the “face,” and the ash-mounds in position as
+“eyes,” and the two eastern hearts reversed.
+
+[92] Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64.
+
+[93] This specimen is figured in Schultes, _Peyote and Plants Used_,
+7. Is this a reflex of an older Kickapoo pattern? The prophet Kanakuk
+furnished his followers with a chart showing a path through fire and
+water, and gave them prayer sticks graven with religious symbols. See
+_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:650b, “Kanakuk.”
+
+[94] Petrullo, _Diabolic Root_, 50, 101, 113. The symbolism of twelve of
+the Caddo here is clearly a Delaware borrowing; cf. the twelve panels in
+the Big Moon altars, the twelve eagle feathers, and the twelve sticks of
+the fire. See Speck, _Delaware Big House_, for the symbolism of twelve
+(twelve “heavens” etc.; cf. the twelve steps in the altar apron of the
+Wilson moon). Petrullo says the twelve sticks represent the months of the
+year or the tail-feathers of the eagle.
+
+[95] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 401. See also Speck, _A Study of the
+Delaware Big House_, 47, 51. Cf. the Arapaho, Sitting Bull, the Ghost
+Dance prophet giving feathers to his assistants.
+
+[96] The ceremonial fire we have seen is Huichol and Tarahumari (cf.
+the “pillow of Grandfather Fire” of the Huichol with the “heart” of the
+Caddo-Delaware peyote fire: both are used as a “smoke stick”). The Caddo
+ceremonial fire, however, was pre-peyote (_Handbook of the American
+Indians_, 2:2b; Swanton, _Aboriginal Culture_, 701). Beals (_Comparative
+Ethnology_, 127) lists the ceremonial fire for the Tarahumari, Caddo,
+Hasinai, Chitimacha, Houma, Natchez, Tunica, Taënsa, Jalisco (Cutzalán),
+Mexico, and Maya (Lacandone); it is lacking in Tepic-Culiacan, Old
+Sinaloa, Old Sonora, Southern Sierra and Tamaulipas (whence a southern
+Plains provenience for the ceremonial fire in peyotism is implausible).
+See also Beal’s map 26, 209; table 121, 211-12.
+
+[97] It is believed that the Yuchi example figured by Petrullo in Plate 2
+is erroneous in the placing of the ash eagle and in the presence of the
+redundant ash crescent.
+
+[98] Interestingly, though the bulk of modern peyotists are Siouan,
+Caddoan and Algonquian groups, none used the elbow pipe in the
+ceremony—only Taos. See Wissler, _The American Indian_, 26, fig. 6.
+
+[99] Skinner thought peyote destroyed the appetite for tobacco
+(_Societies of the Iowa_, 694, 726).
+
+[100] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_. See Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 401;
+Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64, for standard form.
+
+[101] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 640-41.
+
+[102] The importance of taking a comparative viewpoint is indicated by
+the statement of Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 165, “... the Omaha, of
+Nebraska, have interjected the use of wild sage, _Artemesia gnaphalodes_,
+in connection with mescal ceremonies, that plant having been an
+immemorial symbol of sacredness among the Omaha.” But see Kroeber, _The
+Arapaho_, 399, 401; Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 415 and others.
+
+[103] In view of other peyote parallels, note the sweat bath sage-whip.
+
+[104] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65. The Arapaho (Kroeber, 402), Kiowa, and
+others chew bits of sage.
+
+[105] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 722.
+
+[106] Harrington (_Religion and Ceremonies_, 189) may be in error in
+stating that the staff is passed to the drummer’s _right;_ the native
+painting contradicts this; cf. Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 402, for the
+standard method; concerning passing persons, see Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_,
+65.
+
+[107] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 171, 175-77, 185-87; cf. _The Winnebago
+Tribe_, 394-95; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64. Murie, _Pawnee Indian
+Societies_, 637.
+
+[108] Cedar was used to purify the Delaware Big House (Speck, _A Study of
+the Delaware_, 171), which may account for the special cedar-man in the
+Delaware rite of Wilson. But the pattern may have been reinforced by the
+censer of the Catholics, by whom Wilson is known to have been influenced.
+The Mescalero ascribe sickness after eating peyote to witching by
+rival shamans. Mooney mentions an odorous root from New Mexico used
+protectively perhaps, in Kiowa or Comanche meetings. See Kroeber, _The
+Arapaho_, 402-403; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65, 105; Densmore, _The Peyote
+Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_.
+
+[109] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; cf. Parsons, _Taos
+Pueblo_, 63, 65.
+
+[110] Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 8; _Peyote Notebook_, 12, 14. Dr.
+Maurice G. Smith collected a number of peyote songs near Anadarko in
+1930 (see Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_) as did
+Richardson in 1935 (Kiowa largely); see also Klineberg, _Notes on the
+Huichol_, 458. Radin (_A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 3; _The Winnebago
+Tribe_, 388) implies that the paraphernalia circulate only among the four
+leaders and others sing only occasionally. Songs are best in the morning
+when the unpleasant effects of the peyote have worn off (cf. Mooney, _The
+Mescal Plant_; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404-405; Rouhier, _Monographie_,
+344). Koshiway (Oto) told a joke in the morning about a partially deaf
+man’s misunderstanding the song “Jesus in the glory now, he ya na ha we,”
+and singing “Jesus in Missouri now.” Jack said, laughing, “He must be
+getting close, He’s just over the river now!” Opler’s informant said the
+Lipan can sing songs of a personal ceremony such as bear songs in peyote
+meetings, but not masked dancer songs.
+
+[111] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 728. Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_:
+“The greatness (power) of God is made manifest through seven beasts,
+as prophesied. One beast is in power now, as seen by the troubles of
+the present time, all of which are according to prophecy. There is some
+spirit [the seraphim] praising God constantly, which signifies that we
+also should do that in order to inherit eternal life.”
+
+[112] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637.
+
+[113] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote
+Ceremony_.
+
+[114] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 395.
+
+[115] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 416-17.
+
+[116] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403. A more concrete physiological reason
+for the leader’s exit was suggested in the preceding section.
+
+[117] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725, 727. Murie (_Pawnee Indian
+Societies_, 637) misplaced emphasis in stating that midnight ceremonies
+as such are peculiar to the Pawnee, yet he was correct, I believe, in
+implying that their special midnight recess was unique.
+
+[118] Cf. Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 116. Spybuck follows this
+Caddo-Delaware custom (Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_.) Cf. the painting
+in Harrington (_Religion and Ceremonies_, pl. 9); but Spybuck is Shawnee
+not Delaware.
+
+[119] The Osage case is offered thus tentatively as it was in answer to
+a leading question in a public hearing. See Office of Indian Affairs,
+_Discussion Concerning Peyote_, 44.
+
+[120] Certainly doctoring was the most important element in the
+Southwest; cf. Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 294: “The use of
+peyote resembles an elaborate curing ceremony [among the Tarahumari]
+rather than a cult.” Opler (_The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_) writes
+that “Apache ceremonialism had for its primary object the curing of
+disease,” and peyotism came within this framework.
+
+[121] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 12-13; _The Winnebago Tribe_,
+423.
+
+[122] Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_, 3.
+
+[123] To be sure, diagnosis of illness by clairvoyance, etc., is resorted
+to, but this is to be expected when witchcraft is the main cause of
+sickness. (Cf. the combination of doctoring and divination with cohoba
+snuff in Haiti. Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 393.) Obsessive elements of
+interest to psychiatry are found both in the witchcraft fear and in the
+methods chosen to cure the ill.
+
+[124] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 405.
+
+[125] Kiowa and Comanche parallels with older doctoring methods have been
+collected also. One of the latter involves a 2 foot mound in the tipi
+with a cedar sprig on it, a fire, a woman assistant, smoking of tobacco,
+and blowing on the patient.
+
+[126] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote
+Ceremony_.
+
+[127] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 60, 67-68.
+
+[128] Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 189; Skinner, _Societies of
+the Iowa_, 725.
+
+[129] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637.
+
+[130] “[At] 5 o’clock in the morning, when suddenly the singing ceased,
+the drum and the ceremonial staff were put away, and the leader,
+beginning at the door, asked each person, ‘What did you see?’” (La
+Flesche, in _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 33).
+
+[131] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 3; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388.
+
+[132] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 176; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.
+
+[133] Wissler, _The American Indian_, 189: “One prominent feature of
+Nahua life was the elaboration of the moral lecture. In the Pueblo region
+of the Rio Grande the chiefs and head men were given to daily moral
+lectures.... Perhaps we are again dealing with a general characteristic
+of New World society.” Cf. the Tamaulipecan harangue (Prieto, _Historia y
+Estadistica_, 123-24).
+
+[134] The prophecies and predictions of C. W. (Kickapoo president of the
+Native American Church) on the basis of his visions have an old-time
+flavor, though colored by Christianity and proselytizing for peyote: he
+prophesied the “Judgment Day” and the “new world” to come; “it will be
+too late to go in [the peyote tipi] when the time comes—you’ve got to
+start now,” Kishkaton reports him as saying.
+
+[135] _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:65a, 309-10, 401-402, 650;
+2:371a, 587a, 885-86. Cf. the elaborate Quichua and Aztec Messiah legends.
+
+[136] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403-404; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.
+
+[137] Mooney (_The Mescal Plant_, 8) errs, we believe, in citing a Kiowa
+midnight baptism.
+
+[138] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404.
+
+[139] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 93; Harrington, _Religion and
+Ceremonies_, 190; Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 727; Voegelin,
+_Shawnee Field Notes_; Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_. “Baptism”
+is Lipan also.
+
+[140] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637; Radin, _A Sketch of the
+Peyote Cult_, 3, 5; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 389; Densmore, _The Peyote
+Cult_. It is said that “the peyote-eaters wanted to get baptized and
+unite with the church in Winnebago, but the clergyman in charge would
+not permit them, so they went and did their own baptizing through their
+leader John Rave.”
+
+[141] Some add cookies and candy. The use of sweet foods and the
+sweetening of others recalls the eating of teo-nanacatl with honey,
+and the eating of sweet-meats while smoking “grifos” or marihuana. See
+Maillefert, _La Marihuana_, 6-7.
+
+[142] Mopope (Kiowa) painted a special set of white enamel-ware vessels
+for Kozad’s meetings: water-bucket (tipi and “water-bird”), parched-corn
+pan (ear of corn and four-direction feathers), fruit-pan (thunderbird,
+fruit within a crescent design) and meat-dish (cooking fire, buffalo
+horns and sun design).
+
+[143] A recurrence of an old custom ascribed to Sweet Medicine appears
+in the Northern Cheyenne peyote breakfast, when an individual takes five
+pieces of meat across the lodge to a visitor (Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne
+Field Notes_).
+
+
+
+
+PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTISM
+
+
+A descriptive account of a ritual pattern, however meticulously detailed
+it be, must always fall short of reality unless supplemented by further
+information regarding its functioning in terms of individuals. The older
+descriptive ethnography and the newer interest in the dynamics of culture
+are as necessary to each other as anatomy and physiology, of which,
+indeed, they are the anthropological parallels. We accordingly embark
+upon the somewhat anecdotal filling in of the pattern sketched in the
+preceding section.
+
+Every student of peyote has been met with a sometimes odd mixture of
+suspiciousness and candor, an ambivalence in attitude derived primarily
+from the native attitudes toward peyotism itself. Most of the younger
+adherents of the cult have had White schooling of a sort, but though
+the express intent of this schooling has been the deculturation of the
+Indian, on returning to their tribes old loyalties are characteristically
+reestablished and old ways of thinking fallen into; the total effect of
+Christian teaching on peyotism, therefore, has not been particularly
+profound.
+
+But all peyote adherents are aware of the efforts, both religious and
+secular, to suppress the movement, and most of them are familiar with
+the arguments advanced against peyote as an allegedly harmful drug.
+They have commonly met this with the counter-propaganda that peyote is
+a specific cure for alcoholism, but nevertheless this attitude on the
+part of bearers of the powerful and prestige-full White culture has not
+left them unimpressed, and there is a consequent lack of psychological
+security in their belief and practice of peyotism. Though the cult is
+a compromise solution between Christianity and older native religions,
+there is still a large number of persons whose attitude toward peyote is
+thoroughly precarious—as evidenced by the vacillations, defections and
+rationalizations we are about to list.
+
+Save for the Caddo (and there are perhaps historical reasons for this)
+ordinary sincerity and interest are met by the Plains practitioners with
+corresponding candor and friendliness toward the ethnographer. There
+is no very great difficulty in a sympathetic White man’s attending a
+peyote meeting nowadays. Indeed, some groups, out of naïve faith in the
+plant’s power, seem even to invite attendance in the hope of producing
+a propagandist for the cult to counteract the unfriendliness which they
+feel, and not unrightly, has arisen from ignorance and prejudice. An
+instance of this good faith and even naïveté occurs in an Osage petition
+to Congress that in the event of a law being passed to regulate the
+use of peyote, an exception be made for the “Indian lodges using it as
+a sacrament,” and they promised to use it only under the supervision
+of reservation superintendents![1] And a sincerity not open to doubt
+was evidenced by a Cheyenne, one time president of the Native American
+Church, who sent 200 peyote buttons on his own initiative through his
+agency-superintendent to a chemist at Stanford University, requesting a
+thorough and disinterested scientific analysis, and offering his further
+services if necessary.[2]
+
+Another factor making for insecurity of belief and practice has been the
+intense opposition on the part of some leaders of older cults in the
+tribe itself. We will recur to this subject in discussing the history of
+peyote in specific groups, but cite here the rather accentuated example
+of hostility at Taos.[3] Dr. Parsons tells of a lawsuit between a “peyote
+boy” and one of the Mexican Penitentes which was resolved by both paying
+the costs, to prevent the betrayal of native customs. Thereafter the
+chiefs said:
+
+    [Peyote] does not belong to us. It is not the work given to us.
+    It will stop the rain. Something will happen.
+
+But as desire for rain is the typical anxiety reflected in native ritual
+in the agricultural Southwest, the peyote boys retorted in the same vein.
+In the drought of 1922 they said:
+
+    “Now it is so dry this summer because the peyote boys can’t
+    have their meetings; they used to bring so much rain.” [Indeed,
+    nowadays,] the townspeople are given to referring all their
+    inclination to feud to the peyote situation.
+
+But there is ample evidence that this tendency existed before peyote ever
+came to Taos. On the other hand, the wife of one peyote-user asserted
+that there was no more “witch sickness” in the town because of the
+peyote people, who were able to exorcize witches; nevertheless, one man
+attributed his trachoma to witching by “foreigners” in peyote meetings.
+
+Such intense seriousness is in marked contrast to the situation in some
+Plains tribes, where peyote jokes are told at times in the forenoons
+after meetings, when sufficient rapport has been established. A Comanche
+story tells of a leader who took his expensive watch into a meeting and
+laid it on the altar cloth near the father peyote to “show off.” A man
+shaking the gourd vigorously on the north side was making motions toward
+the father peyote, and miraculously the watch became broken up; “it
+was just a mess of works there loose, and the hands dropped off.” The
+informant was highly amused at this story. An Oto told the tale of a man
+whose jaw became stiff as he was singing, a contretemps which upset the
+whole meeting. Though this effect was apparently due to peyote, the story
+was greeted with much laughter. People laugh at the incorrect singing
+of peyote songs too. We have already mentioned the one involving the
+alarming proximity of the Messiah just across the river in Missouri.
+Another story is told of a visiting Kiowa who attempted to sing a
+Comanche song in meeting. He mispronounced the words and sang, “_Mentula
+exposita est! Mentula exposita est!_” All the auditors of this story
+laughed at this further proof that the Comanche have “no shame.”
+
+The attitudes surrounding the plant itself are interesting. Perhaps the
+Tarahumari[4] attitudes are most accentuated:
+
+    Those who have never eaten peyote fear it most. Should they
+    touch the plant, they believe they would go crazy or die. Those
+    who have once eaten it at a fiesta need have no fear of it,
+    providing they treat it properly.
+
+At Tarahumari feasts of the dead peyote protects the living from the
+ghost of the deceased, quite as eating it prevents bears from attacking
+the hunter or deer from running away from him; it confers invulnerability
+from the Apaches and warns of their approach, and likewise foils the
+machinations of sorcerers and robbers. In short, “hikuli is a powerful
+protector of its people under all circumstances.”
+
+The Lipan well represent the attitude of early users in the United States:
+
+    If a fellow is not scared, is not afraid of it, he will surely
+    have a good time. A fellow who is afraid of it just gets dizzy
+    and frightened. He sees things that frighten him. What he sees
+    is not true, but is just playing a joke on him.... When a
+    fellow is honest and good natured it is easy for him. But when
+    a fellow is rough and ill tempered he will have a hard time
+    learning from peyote. It will scare him and make it hard for
+    him.... The chief peyote is pretty tough. It watches what is
+    going on. It keeps everything straight. It is a plant, but it
+    can see and understand better than a man. If someone has wrong
+    thoughts, he had better look out or he will go crazy....
+
+    When they first start eating peyote they put their thoughts on
+    something good, something they want, for they say that whatever
+    you are thinking about when you start is what you will see all
+    during the night in your vision.... Sometimes a man sees a
+    vision and it scares him and he goes out running. But he is all
+    right the next day. The thing that frightened him won’t happen
+    unless he thinks about it all the time and it frightens him
+    continually. Then he begins to be afraid of it and thinks it
+    will happen. But if he holds it off—holds off the bad thoughts
+    that frighten him—nothing will occur.... Sometimes it makes
+    you dream something pleasant, sometimes it makes you dream
+    something dangerous.... In the morning, just after the meeting
+    is over, you can tell others what you saw.
+
+Hoebel writes that
+
+    the trickiness of peyote is emphasized by the Cheyenne. They
+    constantly reiterate that a man must keep hold of himself and
+    also that he must live straight or peyote will shame him.
+
+A Delaware rationalized the unpredictable effect of peyote somewhat
+differently:[5]
+
+    I had the feeling once that it was going to make me foolish,
+    but that happens to everybody, and is a test of one’s faith in
+    peyote.
+
+Vomiting of peyote is a punishment for one’s sins, but it cleanses the
+body of its impurities in the process and purifies the blood. Part of the
+symbolism in the bead-work on an Arapaho fetish-pouch is the “vomitings”
+deposited in a ring around the inside of the tipi.[6]
+
+It would be naïve to suppose that peyote tastes any less unpleasant to
+natives than it does to Whites. But we should remember that peyote is
+eaten by Indians influenced by strong motives and deep belief, and the
+consequent physiological state is easily and adequately rationalized. It
+is not surprising that a man addicted to alcohol and shamed by it before
+both Indians and Whites believes that “whiskey and peyote fight in a man,
+and usually peyote wins and brings it out.” No doubt such a cure _ad
+nauseam_ is as good as any, and more effective than some. The depressing
+effect of peyote is also well recognized and measures are taken to
+overcome it. The Arapaho have feathers at four corners of the tipi to
+brush persons who tire during the meeting, and the “smoke” at Taos is
+made to overcome the depression of the early stages of eating, as sage is
+similarly used in the Plains.[7]
+
+But suffering is counted even a positive virtue among people who had the
+“vision quest” in the old days. A crippled Indian at Miami told me that
+“to get power from peyote a man must suffer to it.” The four rounds of
+the drum without water among the Caddo suggests an intention of making
+the meeting an ordeal, and Mrs. Voegelin’s Shawnee informant emphasized
+that the Spybuck moon modelled on the Caddo was “hard.” Most informants
+would consider the Osage, who have “beds” in their meeting-houses
+sometimes, not merely ostentatious but also “soft”; one old man said that
+sage under the blankets of the seat as a cushion indicated a decadent
+generation, for did not they sit on the bare ground in the old days? A
+Kickapoo informant said Quanah Parker used to warn them that the taste of
+peyote wasn’t good, though “it would keep you on the right path.” About
+2:10 in the morning a Comanche informant of Simmons said:
+
+    If there is suffering, this is the time. That’s the reason
+    I took a good rest: so I could stand it. Many a time I have
+    fallen over at this time. It’s getting on to what they call
+    the dark hour, the hour of the Crucifixion. Everyone here is
+    suffering now.
+
+The Winnebago[8] elaborated into a dogma the physiological effect of
+peyote in producing occasional vomiting:
+
+    If a person who is truly repentant eats peyote for the first
+    time, he does not suffer at all from its effects. But if an
+    individual is bull-headed, does not believe in its virtue, he
+    is likely to suffer a great deal.... If a person eats peyote
+    and does not repent openly, he has a guilty conscience, which
+    leaves him as soon as the public repentance has been made....
+    If a peyote-user relapses into his old way of living, then the
+    peyote causes him great suffering.... The disagreeable effects
+    of the peyote varied directly with a man’s disbelief in it.
+    This explanation [Rave] persistently drummed into the ears of
+    beginners, who otherwise become terrified and give up too soon.
+
+We have already noted the Huichol-Tarahumari belief that peyote sees and
+punishes evil deeds. Similarly, when as an old man Kutubi (Comanche)
+became sick he gave his father peyote to Mumsika, reasoning that he had
+“probably eaten something peyote didn’t allow”; this is probably the
+same father peyote which years before had predicted a bad fate for a war
+party. The leader had wept and strenuously upbraided peyote for this and
+may later have felt some guilt for his presumptuousness. In any case he
+held peyote responsible both times for his bad fortune.
+
+But if peyote is blamed for bad fortune, it is also accredited with
+the liquidation of manifold anxieties. Fear of death is perhaps the
+most conspicuous anxiety in Plains culture. It is not surprising,
+therefore, that doctoring plays a major part in the cult. But the power
+and authority of peyote are relied upon in other ways too. In a number
+of tribes peyote or peyote tea is used whenever the individual finds
+himself confronted with any important personal problem. To be sure, it
+is the individual’s _total wishes_ which ultimately find expression in
+the course of action followed, but the consultation with peyote composes
+conflicts and gives an authority to the decision which the “unaided”
+individual might not have been able to summon.[9]
+
+The protective function of the father peyote is most highly
+patterned, perhaps, among the Mescalero Apache.[10] In this culture
+the aggressions arising from the particular socio-economic system of
+marriage find expression in intense witchcraft activity. But for the
+typical aggressions which a culture engenders, a culture often has a
+patterned solution to offer. For though the means used were magical, the
+aggressions and counter-aggressions were _real_ in the psychological
+sense, and peyote had a real function in witch-prophylaxis. Shamanistic
+rivalry was most virulent and witchcraft-anxiety was correspondingly
+as intense as the projected hatreds. One never knew what dangerous and
+powerful supernatural possessions a hated rival possessed, hence a
+number of protective devices were developed in Mescalero peyotism.[11]
+Yet characteristically in this uncomfortable culture, the power of peyote
+was itself dangerous, and elaborate care had to be exercised in removing
+the fuzz from the top of the buttons before eating. Should it touch the
+eyes, it would cause blindness!
+
+In the Plains the fear is often expressed, not without justification,
+that the white man is ever about to take away the peyote religion
+from the Indian, as he has taken almost everything else material and
+immaterial. But the frequency of this asserveration, sometimes in
+contexts which the writer thought were unrealistic, indicates that
+Indians view peyote in a sense as a protector from the Whites. Peyote
+is rather confidently thought to be able to take care of itself—which
+accounts for the comparative ease with which a white man can obtain
+entrance to a meeting, where he will be exposed to “proof” of peyote’s
+power. We need not emphasize this function of peyote beyond its true
+proportions, but it may be recalled that peyote enabled a native to
+escape from a white man’s jail; that it aided peyote pilgrims to bring
+plants undeterred through the white man’s customs; that it is the
+sovereign remedy for the evil of the white man’s whiskey; that peyote
+has so far protected itself against the white man’s attempted sumptuary
+legislation; that it miraculously escaped detection and confiscation in
+a white man’s war, through which it protected its bearer; and, not least
+in psychological importance, that peyote characteristically succeeds
+(because it is of God, not man) in cures which the white doctor has long
+since given up as hopeless.
+
+This function of peyote as protector is rooted in earlier history:
+it sees from afar the approach of the enemy, predicts the results of
+battle and protects one in battle from the hazards of war. Peyote would
+have prevented a gun accident, and an accident with a mechanical saw,
+in instances collected, if the persons involved had only been able to
+understand its warning. And in another case, when a serious automobile
+accident had already happened, peyote quelled the anxiety of worrying
+relatives in assuring an ultimate cure. Again, Mary Buffalo, White Wolfs
+mother and Belo Kozad’s wife had all lost many children, until they took
+their sons into peyote meetings and prayed to the power that they be
+spared; in each case the son grew to manhood. Peyote is the comforter in
+the event of death also; a funeral meeting is often held as the last rite
+of respect to the deceased, and some groups hold anniversary meetings for
+four years after the death.
+
+But peyote punishes as well. An inconstant result of its physiological
+action is the production at times of an intense fear-state. Rave, for
+example, (Winnebago)[12] in a period of mental stress experienced his
+fear:
+
+    Suddenly I saw a big snake. I was very much frightened.
+    Then another one came crawling over me. “My God! Where are
+    these snakes coming from?” There at my back there seemed to
+    be something also. So I looked around and saw a snake about
+    ready to swallow me entirely. It had arms and legs and a long
+    tail. The end of its tail was like a spear. “Oh God! I am
+    surely going to die now,” I thought. Then I turned in another
+    direction and I saw a man with horns and long claws and with a
+    spear in his hand. He jumped for me and I threw myself on the
+    ground. He missed me. Then I looked back. This time he started
+    back but it seemed to me that he was directing his spear at
+    me. Again I threw myself on the ground and he missed me. There
+    seemed to be no escape for me.
+
+A similar experience of Crashing Thunder (Winnebago) is noted elsewhere;
+and in a story told of Bear Track (Cheyenne) and his Osage wife on their
+visit to the Holy Land, the parents seem to have communicated some of
+their anxiety and fear surrounding mysterious experiences there to their
+small daughter, who awoke screaming one night at a presence she saw in
+the room.
+
+The peyote meeting of many groups has incorporated in it a powerful
+mechanism for the liquidation of individual anxieties in the practice
+of public confession of sins. It is difficult to over-estimate the
+importance of this feature.[13] On the exhortation of the leader, many
+members rise and accuse themselves publicly of misdemeanors or offenses,
+asking pardon of persons who might have been injured by them. How large
+a part peyote has in the production of such states is an open question
+(for the pattern of public confession is widespread aboriginally in the
+New World); but that confession to the father-peyote and his authority,
+and repentance before the group is of profound significance cannot be
+doubted. More than ritual tears stream down the confessant’s cheeks as he
+acknowledges his faults and asks aid to keep his promise to mend his ways.
+
+Peyote often figures in matters of personal adjustment. The story of John
+Rave is too well known to require more than mention here. The somewhat
+similar history of Jonathan Koshiway (Oto) is likewise interesting in
+showing how a compromise was struck between the older pagan culture and
+Christianity, to whose influence this individual had been exposed. The
+personal solution in Koshiway’s case seems to have been a perfectly
+satisfactory one: in the Church of the First-born he doctored and
+“hollered” like the source of his power in good old Indian fashion, and
+on the other hand baptized, conducted funerals and married couples just
+as in white churches. The statements of Crashing Thunder’s father[14]
+indicate a somewhat less happy and inclusive solution, which involved the
+sacrifice of the old customs:
+
+    The peyote people are rather foolish for they cry when they
+    feel happy about anything. They throw away all the medicines
+    that they possess and whose virtues they know. They give up
+    all the blessings they received while fasting, give up all the
+    spirits who blessed them. They stop giving feasts and making
+    offering of tobacco. They burn up all their holy things,
+    destroy the war-bundles. They stop smoking and chewing tobacco.
+    They are bad people. They burn up their medicine pouches, give
+    up the Medicine Dance and even cut up their otter-skin bags.
+
+Crashing Thunder, as we have seen, was himself persuaded by peyote
+cultists that it was disgraceful to have his hair long, and he gave his
+shorn hair with his medicine bundles to his brother-in-law, as both wept
+and as he received the thanks of his relatives. Clothing and headdress
+are also symbols of conflict between the old and the new for Taos and
+Osage.
+
+A dramatic solution of a life-long problem was offered Crashing
+Thunder in peyotism. He had lied about having gotten power from a
+vision-experience in connection with the the older native religion: so
+important for personal prestige was this experience that he was betrayed
+into fabrication to obtain it. But he never lied to himself. All his life
+he was aware of the deception, and being a man of marked fundamental
+honesty, he keenly felt the fraud. Finally at the age of forty-five
+he did achieve through peyote the experience which he had missed in
+his youth. His conversion to the peyote religion was consequently most
+profound: “It is the only holy thing that I have become aware of in all
+my life,” he said simply, after this experience.
+
+Jack Thomas (Delaware) solved a problem of major importance to himself
+through peyote. He had been appointed a Government policeman, and found
+considerable conflict between his duty and his sympathies. Finally he
+became gravely ill, and a meeting was put on by his brother and another
+relative to pray for his recovery. In this meeting the answer came to him:
+
+    The others in the tipi did not like me. Peyote told me this. I
+    had been a man-catcher. That was the reason. The two persons
+    that loved me prayed for me and I got well. I did not go back
+    to my job of man-catcher. Peyote showed me that it is wrong.
+
+The mechanisms for social control afforded by the public and communal
+nature of the cult (as opposed to the individualism of the older
+religions in the Plains) are on the whole very effective. The speeches
+of the leaders and old men give ample opportunity for the expression of
+opinions concerning the conduct of younger members in peyote meetings and
+out. We have already noted the case in which a Kiowa marriage was saved
+from destruction by timely advice and reprimand addressed to the husband
+in a peyote meeting. The prayers, too, which almost any individual may
+make by calling for a smoke, are further vehicles for quite various
+psychological transactions.
+
+Peyote leadership carries with it much prestige, and the great
+road-chiefs like Quanah Parker, Belo Kozad, Old Man Horse, White Horn,
+John Rave and Jonathan Koshiway are spoken of with considerable respect.
+In the case of John Wilson peyote was further made the vehicle of
+economic success. But the negative instances are just as interesting. We
+have already mentioned A. S., a Seminole who lived and married among the
+Caddo. He built a moon of the general John Wilson-Enoch Hoag type, which
+differed from these in only minor details. His bid for personal prestige,
+however, received so little support on the part of his group that he
+removed the inner symbolic part of his altar to the woods nearby, and
+left only the crescent and apron of a “small moon.”
+
+Another case is that of H. B., a Kiowa. This group has been unimpressed
+by any major changes in the rite, and success in leadership lies along
+rather conventional lines since they regard themselves as the repositors
+of the original native rite. H. B. aspired to be a peyote leader and to
+increase his prestige through the cult. His wife’s brother was the leader
+of the minutely variant “Kiowa Road,” his mother’s brother, further,
+was one of the two original users of peyote among the Kiowa and his
+step-father was an owner of one of the “Ten Medicine” bundles. All in all
+his chances might have seemed good in the beginning. But a train of bad
+luck befell him: his wife died, his step-son fell sick, and his mother’s
+brother died, all within a year. His mother quarreled with the rather
+well-to-do wife of her nephew, C. A., who among the middle-aged men is
+perhaps the most promising and widely accepted peyote leader (though he
+still modestly confines himself to the job of “fire chief”). Then, as C.
+A. said—and he was not above sabotaging his rival H. B.’s chances—“he
+couldn’t quite make the grade, because people wondered why all these
+things had happened to him; some fellows are like that.”
+
+There is much therefore that is psychologically precarious in peyotism.
+Personal histories and happenings to the individual determine his
+attitude toward the cult, and the attitude may change as new anxieties
+arise and old ones are solved. A typical conversion perhaps is that of
+John Bearskin (Winnebago), described by Densmore:[15]
+
+    The parents of John Bearskin belonged to the medicine lodge and
+    he belonged to that organization until 1912. The mother of John
+    Bearskin became sick in 1905 and told him that she was near to
+    death. He was so distressed that he went to town and became
+    drunk. The next morning they wakened him and said that his
+    mother was dead. His father died in 1909. At that time he had
+    a little girl two years old and his sister had a little girl
+    five years of age. Both children died a week after his father’s
+    death. Bearskin’s father left him a farm with house, stock and
+    implements. He disposed of these, spent part of the proceeds
+    and with the remainder bought a house in Winnebago [Nebraska]
+    but later sold that and spent the money. He was drifting from
+    place to place and working as he had opportunity when a cousin
+    wrote him about peyote, advising him to return and use it. He
+    went back and on January 19, 1912, he and his two daughters
+    joined the peyote organization, being baptized by John Rave.
+    His wife joined later, during an illness. Since that time he
+    has not wavered in his attachment to the peyote cult, neither
+    has he gambled nor used liquor nor tobacco.
+
+But there are skeptics who do not join. Michelson[16] quotes a Sauk
+informant, who first belonged and later quit the cult:
+
+    I do not believe in it because it gives you the same effect
+    as whisky when you are drunk four or five days; only peyote
+    will affect you when you eat it once. I have eaten so there is
+    nothing in it. I quit five years ago. And another reason why I
+    do not believe in it is because the man did not know who the
+    manitou was who did the talking [in the Peyote origin legend];
+    because the men pitied by manitous, among us Sauks, knew who
+    they were, such as Wolf, Wisake, Turtle, or such as that.
+
+An Oto informant was skeptical at first about the power of peyote, and
+experimented with it: for two days he drank tea to test its virtues,
+and then went to a meeting. There he was converted or “saved” when he
+realized that he was “pitiful like a stick.”
+
+Delos Lonewolf (Kiowa) quit peyote and became a preacher again, though
+he had been an important peyote leader and one-time president of the
+Oklahoma Native American Church; he had had “family troubles” and
+was apparently persuaded thereto by his wife. Cecil Horse and Albert
+Cat (Kiowa) have also recently quit peyote. When Kiowa Jim lost his
+son, he gave his staff, gourd and feathers to Baptiste Derond (Oto),
+a brother-in-law of Jonathan Koshiway. Derond was later killed in an
+automobile accident. His younger brother Frank now has the paraphernalia,
+but according to Koshiway, “they are afraid of them, and want to return
+them,” since they are associated with misfortune.[17]
+
+Sometimes Christianity itself is invoked in defence of peyote. Old Man
+Green (Oto) used arguments from the Bible to confound a Protestant
+minister who had been unfriendly to the native religion. He quoted from
+Genesis 1.12 an opinion from God Himself upon His completing the creation
+of green herbs: “and God saw that it was good.” Said Green, “Peyote
+was there then. If you condemn peyote, you condemn God’s work.” On the
+whole, however, peyotism and Christianity are mutually exclusive in the
+southern Plains at least, so far as membership in the one or the other
+is concerned. This is partly due to the usual time peyote meetings are
+held (i.e., Saturday night and Sunday forenoon), but partly also to the
+intransigence and stubbornness to native overtures on the part of white
+Protestant ministers.
+
+Bert Crow-lance (Kiowa) is an interesting case of a man who has tried
+both the old religion and peyote, and found both unsatisfactory. In
+1935 he attempted the vision quest, fasting and praying on a hill west
+of Anadarko. A hernia had partially incapacitated him for work, and he
+was seeking means to support his large family. He went out to fast and
+pray in the hope (so he told the writer) of finding gold and diamonds in
+Oklahoma through a vision, and failing that, oil, which would make him
+rich. But before he had completed the required four days, his deceased
+mother appeared to him in a vision and told him that there were snakes
+around which endangered him, and that he must return later with a pipe,
+which he had forgotten. But the second attempt was no more successful
+than the first.
+
+Crow-lance had gone to a number of peyote meetings. In one of them he
+prayed that his sick daughter be made well. She later died. Crow-lance in
+disgust threw his peyote feathers into the Washita River. A friend who
+heard of this was horrified:
+
+    Only when a Kiowa _dies_ do you throw things in the river. Your
+    children and grandchildren are living. That’s a mistake, and he
+    must right it now. We’re getting after him now—he threw away
+    all his good feathers!
+
+The articles were recovered in part, and selections of gourds and
+feathers were made by other peyote-users. Another anecdote we have
+already recounted of a father peyote which was almost returned to the
+place where it had been gathered. Again, Timbo (Comanche) formerly had
+many cattle and horses. He has lost all of them now, and this he blames
+on the displeasure of peyote. In short, all manner of happenings are
+attributed to the approval or ill favor of peyote, and rare is the event
+which may not be rationalized on this basis.
+
+From these data, then, it may be well seen that peyotism functions
+in all ways as a living religion: peyote christens the new-born and
+protects their early years, teaches the young, marries young men and
+women, rewards and punishes the behavior of adult years, and buries the
+dead—offering throughout consolation for troubles, chastening for bad
+deeds or thoughts, and serving as the focus for tribal and intertribal
+life. Peyotism is without question the living religion of the majority of
+Plains Indians today. Perhaps the statement of a Delaware may make this
+clear:[18]
+
+    The old Delaware religion is too heavy for us who are
+    becoming few and weak. It is too difficult; Peyote is easy
+    in comparison. Therefore we who are weak take up this new
+    Indian religion. This is the very objection raised by the old
+    men, taking it up. But Peyote knows that the Indian’s burden
+    of becoming educated and at the same time keeping up the old
+    religion is too heavy, for he said that to the old woman who
+    was the first to discover our new religion. Peyote is to be the
+    Indians’ new religion. It is to be for all the Indian people
+    and only for them.
+
+The intent of the present section was to give the reader some sense of
+the emotional immediacy of peyotism to the present-day Plains Indian.
+Such a study might properly be termed “functional,” and in biological
+analogy corresponds to the physiology or dynamic aspect of the anatomy or
+descriptive morphology attempted in our preceding discussion of cultural
+traits and patterns. But we must at once abandon our analogy, lest like
+some others we extrapolate illegitimately terms which have meaning in
+one universe of discourse into another where they serve only to produce
+confusion. In biology and medicine, anatomy may perhaps be understood
+wholly divorced from palaeontological and physical-anthropological (i.e.,
+historical) considerations, but this is peculiarly not the case with any
+attempt to discuss a culture-pattern functionally or psychologically.
+Here the immediacy and the momentum of past history, that is the
+functioning of culture-patterns in terms of individuals, is precisely the
+point at issue. And here the aggregation of traits into a complex is less
+the result of organismic-biological factors than of “historical accident”
+(e.g., the use of parched corn in the Plains ritual breakfast—its
+function in the religious pattern of an agricultural economy having
+long since been in abeyance). The traits of a complex do not gain
+their relatedness or their adhesiveness from any biological-organismic
+“function”; culture-traits are not chromosome-linked genes, and change of
+one trait of a pattern need not organically change the rest. Indeed, if
+we can speak of “the peyote cult” at all, it is only after demonstrating
+its historical continuity as such.
+
+For Bert Crow-lance and Homer Buffalo, we maintain, judged from the
+vantage-point of any other culture than their own, would remain enigmas
+or examples of inexplicably bizarre behavior if we did not fall back on
+history—on the decadent pattern of the vision-quest, and on patterns
+now almost vanished of prestige and power-seeking, etc. But the problem
+of the ethnologist as we see it is not the reporting of the outlandish
+and the picturesque; it is the discovery of plausible motivations in
+terms of native meanings, the discovery of the essentially humane in its
+to us often disguised manifestations. In practice, then, _we can never
+know enough history_ either biographical or cultural, in explaining a
+present culture as it functions in individuals acting in such and such
+a (historically-conditioned) way. We feel the more free, therefore, to
+trace in the next section the history of a pre-peyote Plains narcotic
+used ritually, inasmuch as it affords an insight into the historical
+problem.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 11, lent through the courtesy
+of Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne).
+
+[2] Letter of Mack Haag (Cheyenne), Calumet, Oklahoma, to Dr. R. W.
+Miles, San Francisco, California, Sept. 16, 1925, and reply Oct. 2,
+1925. What unfriendliness the writer met was largely the projection
+of individual suspiciousness, e.g., that of a Caddo who concocted a
+preposterous story out of his own imagination. When I returned to
+Anadarko in 1936 with a White companion who remained for several weeks,
+this man circulated the story that James Mooney’s son and the son of the
+Commissioner of Indian Affairs had arrived to make a thorough check-up on
+peyote, that to obtain an “absolute lowdown” we had a man stationed on
+every corner in the town to check up on every Indian who took a drink of
+beer in a saloon, picked up a woman, or was overheard swearing—in any of
+a dozen Indian languages!
+
+[3] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 66-68.
+
+[4] Datura or Jimsonweed was also greatly feared; it killed or drove
+crazy anyone who touched it. Only shamans armed with the more powerful
+peyote dared uproot it. Bakánori was used by runners to rub on their legs
+or to carry in the girdle to counteract witchcraft in the ritual races;
+but if kept too long this plant also would drive a man crazy or kill him.
+See Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 136-38, 292, 338, 347; Lumholtz,
+_Unknown Mexico_, 1:359-60, 372-74; also Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_.
+
+[5] Opler, _The Use of Peyote_; _Lipan Apache Field Notes_; Hoebel,
+_Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_; Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 71.
+
+[6] Can this be a reflex of an older pattern? Spier (_The Sun Dance_,
+473) lists as a part of the Sun Dance of the Arapaho, Kiowa and Southern
+Cheyenne a prepared drink and the induction of vomiting. Kozad (Kiowa)
+believed peyote had a good effect whether vomited or not—the virtue being
+in the quantity eaten. Cf. the emetic rites in connection with the “black
+drink.”
+
+[7] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 406-407; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65.
+
+[8] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5-6, 19-20; _The Winnebago
+Tribe_, 395.
+
+[9] E.g., Charles Lonewolf (Kiowa) in _Peyote as Used in Religious
+Worship_, 53; Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_. Again, all the prestige
+of the culture itself was behind Old Man White Horn’s pronouncement to
+the psychotic Oto, R. E., that peyote would protect him. This individual
+suffered apparently from an obsessional neurosis (stereotyped actions,
+collecting string, rolling and unrolling balls of it, persecutory fears,
+avoidance of people, fear of being pursued etc.). If his difficulties
+had originally arisen from real or supposed aggressions upon him of
+members of his group, the therapeutic value of the assertion that the
+fetish would protect him is obvious. For the belief that it would protect
+him was shared by all the others present, and he had the support of the
+enormous impetus a deep-seated culture-pattern possesses. The importance
+of the fetish plant as a psychic “authority” should likewise not be
+minimized.
+
+[10] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_, _passim_.
+
+[11] For one matter, the shaman’s staff never left his hand to be passed
+around as in the Plains; and each individual had some prophylactic fetish
+in his hand which he never dared relinquish throughout the meeting.
+Note, too, the fetish peyote on the altar: on this the leader could
+detect evil thoughts and acts, such as the magic intrusive “shooting” of
+water-beetles and feathers by rival shamans into each other.
+
+[12] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 180, see also 193-94, 198-99; _A Sketch
+of the Peyote Cult_, 8-9; Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote
+Ceremony_.
+
+[13] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725; Radin, _Crashing Thunder_,
+177; _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5-6, 19-20; _The Winnebago Tribe_,
+395; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote
+Ceremony_. Confession is present in Iowa, Oto, and Winnebago peyotism.
+But I have noted non-peyote instances of public confession among Aztecs,
+Aurohuaca, Carrier, Chichimeca, Crow, Dogrib, Eskimo, Guatemaltecans,
+Huichol, Ijca, Inca, Iroquois, Maya, Nicarao, Plains Cree, Plains Ojibwa,
+Salteaux, Shawnee, Slave, Tahltan, Western Apache, Yellowknife, and
+Yucatecans. Related practices are reported for the Arikara, Blackfoot,
+Southern Cheyenne, Oglala, and Sarsi.
+
+[14] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 171, 186-87; Petrullo, _The Diabolic
+Root_, 111.
+
+[15] Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_.
+
+[16] Michelson, _Sauk and Fox Myths_.
+
+[17] A Wichita told an anecdote which he thought evidenced his own
+very good fortune. During a storm he was trying to get to a meeting
+at Red Rock in his old car, which failed him. A tragedy occurred in
+this meeting: Riley Fawfaw (Oto) was killed by lightning. A supporting
+wire had been put on the tipi and along this the lightning apparently
+traveled, for money in his pocket was melted, his neighbors made
+unconscious and others thrown about the tipi by the force of the bolt.
+Unfortunately it seemed inexpedient to inquire more deeply into detailed
+attitudes about this incident.
+
+[18] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 76.
+
+
+
+
+HISTORICAL INTERPRETATIONS
+
+
+THE PRE-PEYOTE MESCAL BEAN CULT
+
+As we have noted in the section on the botany of peyote, the use of
+the term “mescal” is surrounded with considerable confusion, and is
+persistently used in the older literature to designate _Lophophora
+williamsii_ or peyote. The true mescal is the _Agave_ spp. whose
+cabbage-like center is baked by the tribes of the Southwest and
+northern Mexico as a food; “mescal” also refers to the brandy distilled
+from mescal beer or pulque. No doubt it is due to their intoxicating
+properties that two other distinct plants, _Sophora secundiflora_
+and _Lophophora williamsii_, have been called, respectively, “mescal
+bean” and “mescal button.” A further confusion of these last has been
+contributed to by the fact that both have been involved in Plains cult
+uses.
+
+_Sophophora secundiflora_ is an evergreen shrub bearing two or three
+tough-shelled red seeds in a bean-like pod. Known in Mexico as “toleselo”
+and elsewhere as mescal-bean, coral-bean,[1] frijolito, frijolillo and
+mountain laurel,[2] it contains the extremely toxic narcotic alkaloid
+sophorine or cytisine,[3] the physiological action of which accounts for
+its ceremonial use by natives. This is a powerful poison causing nausea,
+convulsions and finally death by asphyxiation; it is said[4] to resemble
+nicotine closely in physiological action. A more complete botanical and
+physiological account appears in an appendix, and we are here concerned
+only with its ethnographic aspects.
+
+Havard says that the Indians near San Antonio
+
+    formerly used the seed as an intoxicant, half of a seed
+    producing a delirious exhilaration followed by a deep sleep
+    lasting two or three days.
+
+Opler tells a Chiricahua Apache coyote story in which the trickster
+pounded up a number of the beans and gave them to the people to eat:
+
+    So while the people were out of their minds, Coyote cut out
+    their hair in patches the way Indians cut their hair. So there
+    they were, crazy.
+
+Lumholtz says that the Tarahumari added the root (?) of the frijolillo
+to their maguey wine “as a ferment,” and Bennett and Zingg report
+an archaeological occurrence at a Rio Fuerte site in Chihuahua on a
+Basket-Maker horizon:
+
+    Containers found here and in another site held nothing but
+    a few seeds of the poisonous wild “bean,” which may have
+    ceremonial significance.
+
+This inference is not implausible when we recall the Mexican mode of
+keeping peyote.[5]
+
+The use of peyote in racing and in ball games is noted for the Tarahumari
+and Tamaulipecan groups, and in this connection it is interesting to
+learn that the Wichita used to eat mescal beans before they ran a race.
+A Cheyenne informant said that his tribe used the “red-berry” as an
+eye-wash long before they knew of peyote, though he never heard of their
+eating it; “it’s poison,” he said. The Comanche used to get mescal beans
+from near Fort Stanton, apparently for ornamental purposes only.[6] Like
+most of the Plains tribes, the Kickapoo used mescal beans chiefly as
+beads, but in common with the Cheyenne they used them medicinally: for
+earache they boiled, mashed and strained the beans through a cloth.
+
+The Kiowa use the ḱɔnḱoλ or mescal beans typically, as beads in peyote
+meetings, much as they formerly wore bandoliers of them on the war-path.
+One Kiowa is said to have chewed the inside of a mescal bean before
+breaking a bad wild horse bareback. A Kiowa peyote chief had several of
+the beans on his moccasin heel-fringe, to protect from the dangers of
+inadvertently stepping on menstrual blood, and another Kiowa “peyote boy”
+had a mescal bean attached to the thong of his gourd rattle. Mescal beans
+are clearly thought to possess great medicine-power.
+
+The Iowa had leggings which Skinner thought might have been of a modified
+Kiowa-Comanche type, with a perforated scarlet mescal bean (Iowa, maka
+shutze, “red medicine”) knotted on each thong of the fringe. The Omaha
+used as beads and good luck charms bright red beans which Gilmore thought
+were _Erythrina_, and which they called makaⁿ zhide or “red medicine”
+likewise. In adopting the use of chinaberries (_Melia azerdache_ L.) as
+beads, they likened them to mescal beans and called them, curiously,
+makaⁿ-zhide sabe, “black red-medicine.”[7] Pawnee informants said that
+long ago they used bat or mescal beans for medicine “to strengthen the
+body,” but now use them only for decoration. The Oto used to eat “liar(?)
+berries” or mescal beans in one of their lodges; they had the interesting
+superstition that they breed (recalling the sex attributed to peyote):
+
+    Tie two or three in a bundle, leave it a year or so, and when
+    you open it again you’ll have a dozen.
+
+The inference that the Pawnee and Oto used the mescal bean ritually is
+borne out by the Iowa, who had a full-fledged ceremony called the “Red
+Bean Dance:”[8]
+
+    This is an ancient rite (maⁿkácutzi waci) far antedating the
+    modern peyote eating practice but on the same principle. The
+    society was founded by a faster who dreamed that he received it
+    from the deer, for red beans (mescal) are sometimes found in
+    deer’s stomachs.[9] There are four assistant leaders, besides
+    the leader, and it is their duty to strike the drum and sing
+    during ceremonies.
+
+    In this society members were obliged to purchase admission from
+    some one of the four assistant leaders. This was done in the
+    regular ceremonial way. A candidate brought gifts and heaped
+    them on the ground before the assistant leader and begged for
+    the songs, etc., which he taught them and was then a leader.
+    There was no initiation ceremony. During performances the
+    members painted themselves white and wore a bunch of split
+    owl-feathers on their heads. Small gourd rattles were used and
+    the members while singing held a bow and arrow in the right
+    hand which they waved back and forth in front of the body while
+    they manipulated the rattle with the left.
+
+    This ceremony was held in the spring when the sunflowers were
+    in blossom on the prairie, for then nearly all the vegetable
+    foods given by wakanda were ripe. The leader, who was the
+    owner of a medicine and war bundle called maⁿkácutzi warúhawe
+    connected with this society, had his men prepare by “killing”
+    the beans[10] by placing them before the fire until they
+    turned yellow. Then they are taken and pounded up fine[11] and
+    made into a medicine brew. The members then danced all night,
+    and just past midnight they commenced to drink the red bean
+    decoction. They kept this up until about dawn when it began to
+    work upon them so that they vomited[12] and prayed repeatedly,
+    and were thus cleansed ceremonially, the evil having been
+    driven from their bodies. Then a feast of the new vegetable
+    foods[13] was given them and a prayer of thanks was made to
+    wakanda for vegetable foods and tobacco.
+
+    The connection of the maⁿkácutzi warúhawe, or red bean war
+    bundle with the society is not altogether clear to me, save
+    that it was a sacred object possessed by the society which
+    brought success in war, hunting, especially for the buffalo,
+    and in horse-racing.[14] Members of this society tied red
+    beans around their belts when they went to war, deeming them a
+    protection against injury.[15] Cedar berries and sagebrush were
+    also used with this medicine.[16] Sage was boiled and used to
+    medicate sweat baths on the war trail.
+
+Further information is afforded by Harrington,[17] who collected a
+typical red bean bundle figured by Skinner, indicating a Pawnee parallel
+to the Iowa cult:
+
+    In addition to the two varieties of Ioway war bundles before
+    described, a third sort was found, Maⁿkaⁿshudje oyu, or Red
+    Medicine Bundles.... This was not discussed with the others,
+    for the reason that the Ioways claim that it did not originate
+    with them, but was derived from the Pawnee, who, in return for
+    many presents, gave them authority to use it, and instructed
+    them in its preparation and ritual. The legend of its origin
+    among the Pawnee was not known to my informants.
+
+    The bundle, says Chief Tohee, belonged to a society, whose
+    annual meeting was held about the time corn is ripe.[18]
+    There was but one main bundle, but each member had a “flute”
+    or whistle, and a small package of medicine. When the time
+    approached for the meeting, the member who was to give the
+    feast sent a crier or “waiter” around to the different members,
+    calling them to meet at a certain night in his bark house
+    or tipi, whichever he was using at the time. All painted
+    themselves and fixed themselves up in their best style for the
+    occasion. Music was furnished by a number of singers, who kept
+    time to the sound of drumming upon a tight bow-string,[19] and
+    the sound of small gourd rattles. During the ceremonies the
+    singers seated themselves in four different places at the side
+    of the lodge, corresponding to the four directions, and sang in
+    each one the verses prescribed by tradition, the order being:
+    east, south, west, and north.[20] The dance is said to have
+    consisted of peculiar jumping movements.
+
+    Now, the “Red Medicine” which forms the basis of the bundle, is
+    the sacred red Mescal bean (_Erythrina flabelliformis_) which
+    seems to have narcotic or perhaps intoxicating properties when
+    taken internally.[21] Formerly widely used by the Indians of
+    the Southern Plains[22] to produce dreams or visions at certain
+    ceremonies, it has now been supplanted by the more powerful
+    “button” cut from the Peyote cactus, which is sometimes wrongly
+    also called “mescal,” thus taking the name of its predecessor.
+
+    When morning put an end to the dances of the ceremony under
+    discussion, a large number of the red beans were broken up,
+    or “killed” as the Indians say (regarding the beans as alive)
+    and stirred up with water in a large kettle, together with
+    certain herbs which are said to make the decoction milder in
+    action. Then all the participants drank a cup or two of the
+    mixture. The only description of the action of the drug was
+    that everything looks red to the drinker for a while, when he
+    vomits, and evacuates the bowels, which the Indians say, cleans
+    out the system, and benefits the health, even in the case of
+    children. The medicine drinking, and the stupor and purging
+    consequent upon it end the ceremony.
+
+    It is said that the bundle has been handed down for a number
+    of generations, since it was obtained from the Pawnee, all
+    in one family, which must have benefited considerably, one
+    would think, from the valuable presents necessary to join the
+    society.... The [bundle’s] taboo was very strict, forbidding
+    its owners to break the bones[23] of any animal under any
+    circumstances. They must never allow the bundle to touch the
+    ground either....
+
+    When not in use, it was kept carefully wrapped in hides or
+    canvas so as to exclude the weather, hanging on a pole standing
+    just east of the owner’s lodge, in front of the doorway. In
+    addressing the bundle, they called it “Grandfather,” and made
+    offerings to it by throwing tobacco on the ground near the pole
+    where it hung. On festal occasions the sweet smoke of burning
+    cedar twigs was wafted upon it as an offering.
+
+    In time of war, a special man was appointed to carry it, as was
+    the case with most war bundles. Like them, too, it was opened
+    when the enemy was sighted, when its enclosed amulets were put
+    on by the warriors. Tooting their war-whistles, they rushed
+    gaily into battle, confident of the Red Medicine’s protection.
+
+Mrs. Voegelin[24] quotes an informant on a Shawnee use of mescal in a war
+connection:
+
+    Čalikwa’s grandfather gave him one of these mescal beans
+    (manitowimskočii’Oa). This old man knew prayers about these
+    beans.... He had four grandsons. He made a prayer to give each
+    of these boys a bean—one apiece.... He made a prayer about
+    how the Creator made these beans and how they’re used, using
+    tobacco ... out in the woods; he built a fire, where he offered
+    prayer. This old man wanted his grandsons to be warriors. So he
+    told the first grandson to swallow one of those beans.
+
+    When the first boy swallowed the bean, the bean came out. He
+    told the boy, “You can never be a powerful man or anything;
+    there’s something in the way, that that bean didn’t want to
+    stay (inside you).” This happened to three of the boys. The
+    last grandson to take the bean was Čalikwa; when he took it,
+    the bean didn’t come out. So when he saw his grandson keeping
+    that bean, the old man was thankful. He told him, “Now you
+    have a power; any time you see a battle you’ll be the leader.”
+    [And so he was in 1865, when the Shawnee almost wiped out the
+    Tonkawa in battle.]
+
+
+HISTORY OF THE DIFFUSION OF PEYOTISM
+
+Far too little is known—or probably ever will be known—about peyotism in
+Mexico to attempt to reconstruct its history; but our earliest Spanish
+sources indicate its pre-Columbian presence among the Aztec, and probably
+also the Cora-Huichol.[25] But the latter do not live in the region of
+growth of the plant, whence Beals argues that they must certainly have
+borrowed the cult. Rouhier claims immense antiquity for Huichol peyotism,
+but unconvincingly. If, indeed, as Beals with great plausibility argues,
+peyote is historically associated with shamanism, then it may have been
+involved in a late reinvigoration of shamanistic elements, at the expense
+of the priestly-sacerdotal elements of an older, impoverished culture
+stratum. Evidence is even less conclusive for other Mexican groups, but
+on the whole it appears that the ritualization of the use of peyote was
+already vigorous in many parts of Mexico at the time of the first Spanish
+contact.
+
+The approximate age of the peyote cult among the Tarahumari is likewise
+unknown to us. It is not so integrated into their culture as in the case
+of the Huichol, and in nearly all respects the southern cult is more
+complex than the northern. Furthermore, Tarahumari peyotism has for
+some time been in decline, indicating perhaps a borrowing which was not
+sufficiently rooted—the neighboring Tubar, for example, did not use
+hikuli, though their customs otherwise much resembled the Tarahumari.
+Both Lumholtz and Bennett and Zingg consider Tarahumari peyotism a
+diffusion from the Cora-Huichol; certainly the Tarahumari themselves show
+very little indication of being a center of diffusion in Mexico in their
+lack of characteristic traits[26].
+
+Despite our comparative ignorance of the region, a much better case could
+be made for northeastern Mexico as a center of diffusion, for the region
+immediately south of the Rio Grande is one of the abundant growth of
+peyote. The oldest use in the United States is in this region, rather
+than in the Southwest as represented by the Mescalero. Tonkawan peyotism,
+for example, may be quite old: Velasco wrote in 1716 that many of the
+Indians of Texas drank “pellote” in connection with their dances. The
+Lipan got peyote from the Carrizo before white contact, according to
+Opler’s informants. The Lipan used to go to a place called Biγaguɫgai,
+which was “wide grass country beyond the Pecos in Texas,” where the
+Mescalero came sometimes to meet them. Wagner says the Mescalero got
+peyote from the Lipan about 1880, but later Plains history of the cult as
+evidenced by the Kiowa leads us to accept the date 1870 set by Opler, as
+more plausible. Opler has well accounted for the ready acceptance by the
+Mescalero of this shamanistically-colored complex, and its integration
+into their pattern of aggression by witchcraft; he believes that peyotism
+was brought to their door by the same movement which brought it to the
+Plains, though Mescalero peyotism is appreciably older.[27]
+
+From Dr. Parsons’ careful account, it is clear that Taos practises the
+classical Plains rite. Contact with the Arapaho-Cheyenne version dates
+at least as far back as 1907, and tentative beginnings of this sort
+continued in later years.[28] Interestingly, Cozio recorded in 1720 the
+prosecution of a Taos Indian who had taken peyote and disturbed the
+town.[29] In any case the history of peyote at Taos has been a stormy
+one.[30] About 1918 the hierarchy became bitterly opposed to peyote,
+and turned three men out of their kiva membership in an attempt to
+rout it out. Dr. Parsons[31] believes that the weakness of the kachina
+cult at Taos accounts perhaps for peyote getting any foothold there at
+all. It is no coincidence that the Water Kiva, which has to do with
+the main elements of the kachina cult, the pilgrimage, is the one most
+outstandingly opposed to peyote. Considerable political activity has
+erupted over the issue, and Dr. Parsons surmises that the protective
+influence of a recently deceased political figure in the pueblo was also
+of significance. It may well be that recent Federal legislation will so
+strengthen the hand of the civil authorities at Taos that the suppression
+of peyote can be accomplished; in 1923 the number of “peyote boys” was
+only 52 in a population of 635.
+
+In the Plains the most important tribes in the diffusion of the peyote
+cult were the Kiowa, the Comanche, and to a lesser degree perhaps, the
+Caddo. Most Kiowa agree that they got peyote and the accompanying ritual
+from the Mescalero Apache. The usual story is that a raiding party came
+to the Apache country, and that during an Apache peyote meeting being
+held at the time, the leader by clairvoyant means was made aware of the
+approach of the war-party leader. He told his fireman to invite the man
+in, enemy though he was. In this manner the man learned the ceremony, and
+at the end he was presented with peyote and ritual paraphernalia to take
+back to his tribe.[32]
+
+Pabo, or Big Horse, was the only user among the Kiowa about 1868 or
+1870, and Mooney began to notice Kiowa peyote only around 1886, so the
+vigorous activity of a cult proper may be said to date from about this
+time (though friendly contacts with the Mescalero in his opinion dated
+as far back as 1850 or before).[33] But the introduction of peyote was
+not exclusively the doing of one tribe, any more in the case of the
+Kiowa than of other groups. Tribal contacts have been multiple since
+the cessation of intertribal warfare, and one is not at all inclined
+to discount the vague information from Kiowas that they knew of peyote
+from the Cáγeso, the Zé·bakiɛni or “Long Arrows,” the Yæk’i (a loose
+designation for various north Mexican tribes) and the Kωɔnhęɢo. These
+last so-called “bare-footed” people are probably the Carrizo, who
+ranged within the region of growth of peyote. The Tonkawa[34] also made
+visits to the Kiowa around 1890 and performed shamanistic tricks in
+peyote meetings. We therefore set the date of Kiowa peyotism somewhat
+earlier than Shonle’s[35] “before 1891” (her data were based on official
+Government sources which might not have become cognizant of the cult
+until late in its history), for Kiowa were holding meetings by 1880 or
+before. The Kiowa probably contributed little or nothing definitive to
+the general shape of the ceremony, most of whose features were already
+standardized among the Lipan and the Mescalero.[36]
+
+At one time, however, there was intense opposition to peyote on the
+part of some Kiowa. In the winter of 1887-88 Bąįgʸä had a revelation
+on the strength of which he claimed to be the successor to Pate’te
+or “Buffalo-Bull-Coming-Out” (the “Buffalo Prophet” of 1881-82 who
+had promised to bring back the buffalo if his followers joined him in
+resisting the Whites and returning to the old customs). He organized a
+group of about thirty into an order called Baiyui or “Sons of the Sun,”
+with a special costume, singing of guedωgʸä, or old “going-to-war”
+songs, smoking ceremony and dance. These he commanded to resume the old
+costume, weapons and customs, and distributed to them a sacred new fire
+made with a drill to take the place of fires kindled with flint-and-steel
+or matches. The Sons of the Sun were bitterly opposed to peyote on the
+ground that it was in conflict with the Ten Medicine Bundles, though
+since its introduction some years before there had been no special
+opposition to peyote. One of their rules was to drink always from an
+individual cup or bucket, in pointed contrast to the peyote custom.
+
+Bąįgʸä predicted that a great whirlwind would come in the spring,
+followed by a four-day prairie-fire in which the Whites and all their
+works would be destroyed and the buffalo and the old Indian life
+restored. He ordered all the Kiowa to gather at Elk Creek, where they
+would be safe when the catastrophe came. He claimed that his followers
+would be invulnerable to the white soldiers’ bullets, and that he himself
+could kill the latter with the glance of his eye as far as he could see
+them. As the time grew near there was intense excitement and the whole
+tribe, save for a few skeptical chiefs and medicine men, assembled at
+the appointed spot. When the holocaust failed to materialize the people
+lost faith in him. He held his original group together until the coming
+of the Ghost Dance in the fall of 1890. Shortly before this his son had
+died, and when the Ghost Dance came he claimed to have seen the fresh
+tracks of this son on his grave, resurrected, and through this revelation
+attempted to identify his group with the Ghost Dance, without, however,
+any success. His disciples continued to ride around together in a group,
+and maintained their bitter hostility to peyote, but were not taken
+seriously. Finally, indeed, Lone Bear and other Sons of the Sun, became
+staunch peyote-users themselves and opposition vanished.
+
+The first Comanche user of peyote was Buigʷat, who married an Apache
+woman and is said to have learned it from the Mescalero. Other early
+users were Dešode (“Smart Man”) and Tašipa, but by far the most important
+peyote leader among the Comanche was Quanah Parker. Previously opposed
+to it, he later changed his mind when peyote cured an illness of his.
+One of the earliest Comanche meetings was held east of Fort Sill in
+1873 or 1874, about the time Kicking Bird was imprisoned there. Quanah
+subsequently visited the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Ponca, Oto, Pawnee and Osage
+among others[37] and conducted meetings among them in the early 1890’s.
+The Comanche origin legend is similar to that of the Kiowa, except that
+the White Mountain Apache were involved.
+
+Regardless of priority, the prestige of both these tribes as teachers of
+peyote is considerable.[38] Due to their influence, peyote spread rapidly
+in Oklahoma until it assumed the proportions of an “international”
+religion such as the Ghost Dance had been. Distinctly a reservation
+phenomenon in the days following the cessation of intertribal warfare,
+peyotism was able to exploit the friendly contacts growing out of the
+Ghost Dance. As Opler writes, “The spread and increased prominence of
+peyote ceremonies coincided suggestively with the final triumph of white
+civilization over the tribes of our western plains, those very groups
+upon whom peyote obtained so strong a hold.”
+
+The express intention of Indian policy of the period was the
+deculturation of the natives, to be obtained by sending the children
+to white schools, away from the influence of tribal life.[39] But this
+policy prepared the way for peyotism in several ways: it weakened the
+tradition of the older tribal religions without basically altering
+typical Plains religious attitudes, and multiplied friendly contacts
+between members of different tribes. Friendships made as school-boys
+account for considerable visiting and revisiting from tribe to tribe, and
+nearly ideal conditions for the diffusion of the cult were established.
+When Eagle Flying Above (Pawnee) got peyote from White Eyes (Arapaho)
+the sign language was the vehicle used, but in modern times the use of
+English as a lingua Franca is an enabling factor of great importance
+in the diffusion of the cult. Thus, ironically, the intended modes
+of deculturizing the Indian have contributed preëminently to the
+reinvigoration of a basically aboriginal religion.
+
+Among the groups of considerable secondary importance in this
+diffusion, the Caddo are perhaps outstanding. The variations which the
+Caddo-Delaware messiah John Wilson began, and taught to the Quapaw,
+Osage and other “Big Moon” worshippers, is a somewhat special historical
+development and is treated in an appendix. The significance of the Oto in
+the development of the Christianized version among the Omaha, Winnebago
+and other Siouan groups is shown in another appendix on the history of
+the Church of the First-born and other peyote churches.
+
+In the diffusion of the standard rite the Arapaho and the Cheyenne
+perhaps come next after the Kiowa and the Comanche. Jock Bullbear was
+one of the earliest Arapaho users, learning it from the Comanche when he
+returned from Carlisle[40] in 1884, and by 1891 Arapaho peyotism came to
+the attention of Mooney. A Cheyenne and Arapaho custom in connection with
+peyote meetings is the giving of presents to friends and visitors the
+next morning after a meeting.[41] The sweat lodge doctoring modification
+of Arapaho peyotism has been described previously.
+
+The Bannock of Idaho have used peyote since 1906-1911, apparently
+against considerable opposition. They formerly met in log-houses in the
+backwoods, and did not use the plant openly until the Oklahoma Native
+American Church was organized. The Cheyenne are believed by the writer to
+be the source of their cult.
+
+The Blackfoot in 1913 were said to lack[42] the peyote religion, but
+Wissler states that he heard them singing peyote songs within a hundred
+yards of the very agent who denied the existence of the cult among them.
+Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne), who as president of the Native American Church
+has occasion to know, says that the Blackfoot have peyote, though they
+were officially[43] listed as non-users in 1922.
+
+The Five Civilized Tribes received peyote at a very late date. Wagner[44]
+in 1932 said that the Creek, Choctaw and Chickasaw do not eat peyote;
+this agrees with the statements of Jim Aton (Kiowa) who said the Cherokee
+did not have it when he himself took peyote to the Creek in 1931. The
+Seminole have also taken it up recently, but some acquaintance with the
+plant must be postulated as early as 1922, since Newberne and Burke[45]
+list 40 users among the 101,506 population of the combined Five Tribes.
+The influence involved here is probably the Yuchi, who in turn got it
+from the Cheyenne.[46]
+
+The Cheyenne are currently a source for peyote among the Blood in Canada,
+who were being organized in the summer of 1936. The Canadian Cree and
+Chippewa are very recent partial converts too; the latter received it
+from the Chippewa of Minnesota.[47]
+
+The Cheyenne in Oklahoma used peyote before 1885, the date of the first
+Government census. The Government scout Flacco was violently against it
+and said that it was used “to witch people and make them crazy.” Cloud
+Chief, of the Snake Clan, also opposed the coming of peyote, as he had
+previously opposed the Ghost Dance. But Leonard Tylor and John Turtle
+went to the Kiowa country in 1884-85 and learned the ceremony. A little
+later, in 1889-90, Henry White Antelope and Standing Bird visited the
+Comanche and learned Quanah Parker’s “way.” Tylor later got a “heart
+moon” of his own (Caddo influence?) some time after the allotment of
+lands.
+
+Northern Cheyenne peyotism is largely parallel in its history to that of
+the Southern Cheyenne. It began among them around 1900 or before, some of
+them having learned it at Haskell; recently they have become affiliated
+with the Native American Church. Hoebel writes:[48]
+
+    There has been a limited amount of friction between the
+    religious conservatives and the Peyote worshippers, and a
+    distinction is drawn between a Peyote leader and a medicine
+    man. For example, a ranking Peyote leader volunteered to give
+    me much esoteric information on old cultural ways, explaining
+    that he could talk to me about sacred things because he is not
+    a medicine man. The Peyote people have taken over the entire
+    leadership of tribal life. All members of the tribal council
+    are Peyote worshippers and probably 80 per cent of the adults
+    in the tribe are affiliated with the Peyote cult. Only the very
+    old men abstained from Peyote and held to the old medicine
+    beliefs. Among the Northern Cheyenne, Issiwin or the Sacred Hat
+    is still revered and is under the care of an old medicine man.
+    The Peyote leaders took a sacred button to the hat keeper and
+    asked him to put it in the ancient bundle with the old hat but
+    they claim not to know whether the keeper had done so or not.
+    My guess is that they did know but did not care to tell.
+
+There is a tendency to separatism between the sections on the
+reservation, but nothing suggesting a schism in Northern Cheyenne
+peyotism; there is interparticipation in meetings of the various groups,
+though there is a mild rivalry between the Muddy Creek and the other
+territorially-defined groups.
+
+The Delaware got peyote from the Kiowa and Comanche about 1886, the
+earliest users including Chief Charles Elkhair, Joe Washington, James
+C. Webber, George T. and John Anderson, Benjamin Hill, Reed and Frank
+Wilson, Mrs. Allie Anderson, Mrs. Ora Spybuck and Mrs. Little Tethlies.
+Washington’s family still has the original articles given them by the
+Comanche.[49]
+
+Iowa peyote[50] was in full swing in 1914, but is said to have died out
+since 1922. In this tribe the introduction of peyote
+
+    has driven out of existence almost all the other societies
+    and ancient customs of the tribe; almost all of the Iowa in
+    Oklahoma are ardent peyote disciples, and only ... a few ...
+    still follow the older customs.
+
+Peyotism has relaxed the rules of secrecy about the older medicine
+ceremonies also, and may perhaps be ultimately responsible for the final
+deculturation of the Iowa.
+
+Kansa[51] peyotism came from the Ponca about 1907. It was very strong
+among them by 1915, “having apparently superseded all of the old Kansa
+beliefs.”
+
+Henry Murdock (Kickapoo) brought the new religion from Quanah Parker
+and the Comanche in 1906; but he had personally known of peyote before,
+having gone to Mexico in 1864. Quanah had known Murdock before the peyote
+religion began spreading and invited his friend by letter to visit him.
+He put on a meeting in his honor, taught him the ceremony and presented
+him with peyote paraphernalia. The set songs in the Kickapoo rite are
+Comanche, and the custom of making the ashes into a bird likewise
+indicates a Comanche provenience for the ceremony. The Kickapoo were
+originally much against peyote.[52]
+
+Peyote began to have a limited adherence among the Menomini a little
+before 1914, owing largely to marital ties with Winnebago and Potawatomi
+users.[53] The ritual has the Christian character of the Winnebagos’ and
+membership in the peyote society not only precludes any in all the other
+societies, but also demands the abandonment of all ancient practices and
+destruction of their paraphernalia. Skinner believed that
+
+    its success will mean the death-blow to all the ancient customs
+    of the tribe, already decadent, without the compensation of any
+    advantageous or progressive substitute.
+
+The spread of the cult has been met with determined opposition among the
+Menomini, and some peyote users later sought and received reinstatement
+in the older tribal rites.
+
+One Modoc in Oklahoma, Sam Ball, married a Quapaw woman and took up
+peyote as a result. At present he is the only one,[54] but such marital
+ties have often before been the source of the spread of peyote.
+
+Peyote was introduced to the Omaha[55]
+
+    in the winter of 1906-07 by an Omaha returning from the Oto
+    in Oklahoma. He had been much addicted to alcoholics, and was
+    told by an Oto that the plant and the religious cult practiced
+    therewith would be a cure. On his return he sought the advice
+    and help of the leader of the Mescal Society of the Winnebago,
+    next door neighbors tribe of the Omaha. He and a few other
+    Omaha, who also suffered from alcoholism, formed a society
+    which has since increased in numbers and influence against much
+    opposition, till it includes about half the tribe.
+
+The medicine-men were particularly opposed to the use of peyote; one
+native Omaha, Thomas L. Sloan, prepared a bill against peyote and
+presented it to the Nebraska State Legislature, but later suffered a
+change of heart.
+
+The Osage are a typical example of the multiple origins for peyotism in
+one tribe. Chief Lookout testified[56] that the Osage had peyote about
+1896, and in a petition to Congress signed by him and Eves Tailchief,
+Edgar McCarthy and Arthur Bonnecastle, it was stated that Chief Black
+Dog and Chief Clermont established lodges among them in 1898. The source
+was Caddo, and nearly all the 800 full-bloods were ultimately peyote
+users; the Quapaw ceremony may also have had an influence upon them.
+The Caddo-Delaware messiah, John Wilson, came to the Osage in 1902,
+after most of them around Hominy and elsewhere had known of it.[57] The
+younger Osage who embraced the new religion could be distinguished from
+the conservatives in their wearing of braids decorated with ribbons and
+colored yarn, in place of the older reached style of headdress. In the
+last year or so an Osage named Morell has invited the Caddos Alfred
+Taylor and Ben Carter to bring the “Enoch” (Caddo) moon to his home; he
+already had a Wilson moon on his place, but his sons wanted to have the
+more basic Caddoan moon.[58]
+
+The Tonkawa first brought peyote to the Oto very long ago; Koshiway
+places this as far back as 1876 (which is not implausible in view of the
+earliest Kiowa and Comanche contacts with the plant). This must not be
+regarded, however, as the date of the vigorous functioning of the cult,
+but it is well to recall here the Oto mescal bean cult which may have
+facilitated the borrowing of the later narcotic.[59]
+
+We have elaborated in an appendix the origin of the Christian elements in
+Oto peyotism, which spread to other Siouan groups (Omaha and Winnebago).
+The Church of the First-born embodied Russellite doctrines familiar
+to the Oto teacher Koshiway.[60] It was incorporated in 1914, though
+its roots may have gone back as far as 1896, apparently with some
+consultation with the Shawnee,[61] and the consent of White Horn (Oto)
+leader of the older and already established native peyote ceremony. Its
+influence on the Native American Church and the Negro Church of the
+First-born is elsewhere discussed, as are also the specific Christian
+elements in peyotism as a whole. The famous meeting 14 miles east of Red
+Rock at which the Kiowa leaders Belo Kozad and Jack Sankadote and an
+Apache named Star visited the Oto, was responsible for the amalgamation
+of the Church of the First-born and the Native American Church. Dugan
+Black, leader of the first Oto meeting attended, is stated to have gotten
+his “road” from Little Henry (Kiowa) and uses Kiowa songs; another Oto
+leader uses Conklin Hummingbird’s fireplace.
+
+The Ponca are said by Shonle[62] to have gotten peyote from the Southern
+Cheyenne in 1902-04, but native information indicates that there were
+Comanche sources too (Ponca songs, e.g., are frequently Comanche). The
+Cheyenne, White Horse, brought them the cult in September, 1904, but
+when they heard that it was recent among this group, they went to Quanah
+Parker among the Comanche “to get to the bottom of it.” The late Robert
+Buffalo-head was the earliest leader of the Cheyenne rite. A suggestion
+of Caddo influence appears again in the rules surrounding the drum; the
+typical Ponca peyote drum has a handle made of the twisted rope-end of
+the lacing. “The old people are strict, and you’re not allowed to put
+your hand on the drum [head],” we were told.
+
+Eagle Flying Above, who later became oil-wealthy, was the first Pawnee
+user of peyote, obtaining it from White Eyes, an Arapaho friend, about
+1890 or a little later. Several months later Sun Chief, the writer’s
+informant, took it up. At the death of Eagle Flying Above, Sun Chief
+was the only Pawnee leader, and all the others learned the rite from
+him; he has eaten peyote since 1892-94, but only later became a leader.
+A still earlier source appears to be the Quapaw,[63] whom two Pawnee
+youths visited in 1890, but the cult became vigorous only after further
+instruction from the visiting Arapaho. There was some opposition to
+peyote among the Pawnee in the early days: “they didn’t understand
+it.” The leaders of the opposition were Sky Chief, head of the Kuγau
+or “Doctor Dancers,” and Good Buffalo, leader of the Buffalo Dance
+ceremonialists; later, however, both joined the peyote-users. The cult
+is found chiefly among the Pítahauírata, where the form originated, but
+found a later following among the Chauí, then the Kítkaháxki and a few
+Skidi.
+
+It is interesting to note that, as with the Shawnee and others, Pawnee
+peyote was early involved in the Ghost Dance excitement. The leader
+claimed from peyote the same sort of revelations acquired in the Ghost
+Dance trance, and taught that while under the influence of peyote one
+could learn the rituals belonging to bundles and societies; in this
+manner he himself amassed considerable star lore. One unusual Pawnee
+feature was the use of a special Ghost Dance form of painted tipi for
+peyote meetings; minor changes were made in the type of drum and rattle
+also.[64]
+
+The Potawatomi first had peyote sometime between 1908 and 1914, but
+little else is known about it there. Quapaw peyotism derives from the
+Caddo-Delaware. The Ree[65] [Arikara] were strongly against the cult, and
+it apparently died out among them by 1924. Ed Butler brought Sauk[66]
+peyote directly from the Tonkawa:
+
+    In the early days women were not allowed to be members, and the
+    manitou who gave the man this medicine made it a rule that it
+    should be used [only] in war-time.... It is only a war-bundle
+    among other tribes.
+
+But the Sauk have been tenacious of their older religion and its
+fetishes,[67] though peyotism is now strong among them; indeed, about
+1923, attempted affiliation with the Native American Church failed
+because five rival chiefs ran different meetings.[68]
+
+The Seminole have started the religion only recently, about the same time
+as the Cherokee; they have learned it through the Yuchi, Caddo and Kiowa.
+George Anderson (Delaware) brought the Wilson moon to the Seneca in 1907,
+when eighteen men and women became members. One of the Seneca had a
+Quapaw wife, who gave him the idea of obtaining the moon; they were too
+poor to pay Anderson’s usual fee, and merely gave him carfare home.[69]
+
+The Shawnee Jim Clark received peyote from the Comanche in the late
+1890’s. Informants say the Shawnee have had peyote as a plant for a long
+time, using it to keep from getting tired on the march, for moistening
+the mouth when dry-camping and to relieve hunger. The first Absentee
+Shawnee meeting was held by the Scotts in 1900, under the tutelage of
+the Kickapoo. John Wilson was among the Shawnee about 1894, and George
+Fourleaf (Delaware) brought peyote to White Oak from Mexico about 1898.
+Ernest Spybuck got his moon from the Delaware near Dewey, while the
+Panthers are said to use the Yuchi manner. The majority of the Shawnee,
+however, use the standard Kiowa-Arapaho moon. Some Shawnee liken the
+leader’s staff to the staff in the Green Corn Dance, and there is a
+legend of getting power from peyote which some say was not peyote but
+another plant which preceded it.[70]
+
+A Sioux introduced peyote to the Uintah and Ouray Agency.[71] The Ute
+around Fort Duchesne have used peyote “on the sly” since before 1916; the
+cult was vigorous around Randlette, Utah, by the spring of 1916. Mrs.
+Cooke attended a Ute meeting in 1937 about ten miles from Whiterocks; an
+informant told her that
+
+    sometimes they have a half moon instead of a crescent—depending
+    on the size of the moon in the sky at that time.... They had
+    twice had a moon which had eyes and a mouth made in it—this is
+    “God peeping.”
+
+This last suggests a Caddoan “Big Moon” influence, but the motif of
+the changing moon must be Ute, as it is not encountered elsewhere. The
+Gosiute near the Salt Lake Desert began about 1921, as did the Paiute
+west of Salt Lake City. Little is known of these groups, but possibly
+Cheyenne teaching is responsible; Southern Ute visited Oklahoma peyote
+groups as early as 1910 according to information of Dr. Parsons.[72]
+
+The Wichita, like the Shawnee, claim to have had peyote long before they
+learned to eat it in meetings. In one of their rain ceremonies they used
+a medicine bundle containing four objects: feathers, a little buckskin
+doll, a piece of flint and peyote. The ceremony was called hä·ctiaš,
+“fire-people-around,” and they sang all night for four nights to bring
+rain. The coming of the peyote ritual, therefore, aroused no hostility:
+
+    No Wichita was ever against it [Sly Picard says]; they couldn’t
+    be, as all our medicine men and women had peyote in their
+    medicine—the whole tribe.
+
+Yellow Bird (Wichita-Kichai) may have eaten peyote as early as 1889,
+before the Washita bridge between Anadarko and Gracemont was built, and
+Sly’s father used it in 1892, learning it from the Caddo. But they were
+dissatisfied with the Caddo moon, and invited Frank Moitah (Comanche) and
+Salo (Kiowa) to teach them. Old Man Horse (Kiowa) is usually credited,
+however, with bringing peyote to the Wichita about 1902.
+
+In 1893 and 1894 the Winnebago John Rave visited peyote eaters in
+Oklahoma (though he had eaten it as early as 1889,) and again in 1901.
+On the return from his second trip he tried to introduce the religion,
+but without success save among a few of his own relatives. In 1903 or
+1904 Rave went to South Dakota, Minnesota and Wisconsin to preach the
+new religion; he had been visiting the Kiowa and Comanche, as well as
+the Oto. Somewhat later Jesse Clay was taught the rite at Winnebago
+by a visitor called Arapaho Bull, and Dick Griffin learned another
+version from the Osage at Pawhuska, at a time when John Wilson was
+there. Yellowbank said that the Winnebago of Nebraska got peyote from
+the Arapaho, and thence it came to the Winnebago of Wisconsin. Thunder
+Cloud was among those opposing it, but by 1914 nearly half the tribe were
+adherents.[73]
+
+The Yankton of South Dakota by 1916 had a peyote cult strong enough to
+warrant the sending to Congress of a petition to pass an anti-peyote bill
+signed with ninety-two names. The Yuchi affiliated with the Creek around
+Sapulpa and Kellyville, received peyote from the Cheyenne. Shonle cites
+three additional groups we have not yet included. These are the Shoshoni,
+who received peyote in 1919, the Sioux (1909-10) and the Crow (1912).
+Comparisons of the present list with Shonle’s gives on the whole earlier
+dates, yet this need not be considered in any sense a discrepancy.
+Shonle’s data were based on government sources, and should stand as
+indicating the dates when the various cults became virile enough to
+attract official notice. Our own data, based on native sources, give on
+the other hand what are probably the earliest contacts and introductions
+of the rite, without reference to the number or percentage of adherents
+in any tribe. It is evident from them too that tentative starts and
+multiple origins are the rule rather than the exception, and Shonle’s
+information and our own should be regarded as supplementary rather than
+contradictory.[74]
+
+Although peyotism is gone or decadent among the Tarahumari and the
+Mescalero, it is still vigorously spreading in the United States and
+southern Canada. Conceivably it could spread until it embraced all
+Plains, Basin and Woodlands groups whose earlier culture is sufficiently
+consonant with its concepts, and it may have some slender chance
+of spreading in the southern and eastern Pueblos and Plateau, but
+scarcely elsewhere, for both geographical and cultural reasons. The
+cult may be expected to spread for some time in the future, but when
+its inevitable decadence and probable ultimate disappearance will have
+been accomplished, we may have witnessed in it the last of the great
+intertribal religious movements of the American Indian.
+
+The present section sums up the external history of the diffusion of
+peyotism so far as it can be known from our Mexican sources, and in the
+Plains, where it appears that the pre-peyote mescal bean cult prepared
+the way somewhat for the use of the narcotic cactus.
+
+The Plains rites are basically derived from the Kiowa, Comanche and Caddo
+peyote ceremonies, which in turn derive from the Mescalero Apache (whence
+the diffusion traces back to the Lipan and Tonkawa through the Carrizo
+perhaps to Tamaulipecan groups). The Kiowa and the Comanche led in the
+diffusion of the standard aboriginal ceremony, but the Caddo variant was
+powerfully influenced by the individual, John Wilson, and diffused to the
+Osage, Quapaw, Delaware and others in a somewhat modified form. This is
+the subject of a special appendix.
+
+The Oto are probably the crucial group in the diffusion of the later
+Christianized version of peyotism among such Siouan groups as the
+Winnebago and Omaha. Here again an individual gave a new turn to the
+ceremony by summing up in himself two streams of culture, the aboriginal
+and the Christian. Jonathan Koshiway is discussed in an appendix on the
+Native American Church, and a special appendix is devoted to the matter
+of Christian elements in the cult. The diagram on the opposite page sums
+up the external history of peyotism succinctly.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 5. Chronological outline of the diffusion of
+peyotism.]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] “These beans are often confused with those of a certain species of
+_Erythrina_, which are sometimes sold in their place in the markets of
+Mexico, but which are not at all narcotic” (Safford, _Narcotic Plants_,
+397).
+
+[2] Not to be confused with the “mountain laurel” _Kalmia latifolia_.
+
+[3] Henry, _The Plant Alkaloids_, 395, 398.
+
+[4] Henry, _op. cit._, 397; cf. Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 397.
+
+[5] Bellanger, in Havard (Bulletin 519:6); Opler, _The Autobiography_;
+Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:256; Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_,
+358. The use of frijolillo in maguey liquor (which equates with mescal)
+probably accounts for the usage “mescal bean.” Since the text was written
+further Apache material has appeared (Castetter and Opler, _Ethnobiology
+of the Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache_, 54-55).
+
+[6] Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 6. Schultes figures a Kiowa necklace
+of true mescal beans (_Sophora secundiflora_ Ortega, Lag. ex DC.) strung
+on buckskin, with a piece of red ribbon, beaver fur and a child’s
+ring enclosing a bundle of dried beaver-testis “medicine” in a lace
+handkerchief, as trinkets or amulets.
+
+[7] Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 261; Gilmore, _Uses of Plants_, 99.
+
+[8] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 718-19.
+
+[9] Cf. the origin of peyote in deer’s foot-prints or hooves.
+
+[10] “The maⁿkácutzi beans were supposed to be alive. Those I have seen
+in the possession of various Iowa were kept in a buckskin wrapper which
+was carefully perforated that they might see out.” Cf. the ability of the
+father peyote to see.
+
+[11] Cf. the preparation of peyote by grinding on metates like corn.
+
+[12] Cf. the black drink ceremony to the east, and the Plains Sun Dance.
+
+[13] Early peyotism was likewise an agricultural “first-fruits” rite.
+
+[14] The Wichita used mescal beans in horse-racing too. Cf. the use of
+peyote in racing and deer-hunting, and the use of datura in deer-hunting.
+
+[15] Cf. the fetishistic use of the father peyote in war.
+
+[16] Cedar and sage are likewise involved in peyotism.
+
+[17] Harrington, quoted by Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 245-47.
+
+[18] Compare note 13.
+
+[19] The Delaware, Osage, Quapaw and Oto call the leader’s peyote staff
+an “arrow,” the Ponca a “bow.”
+
+[20] Cf. peyotism’s four ritual songs, and the whistling outside at
+midnight at the four points of the compass.
+
+[21] But _Erythrina flabelliformis_ contains no toxic alkaloids; see
+Appendix 2.
+
+[22] Did that truculent and little-known group, the Caddo, have the
+mescal cult?
+
+[23] Has this taboo any reference to the boneless meat of the peyote
+ritual breakfast?
+
+[24] Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_.
+
+[25] The Huichol, for whatever such evidence is worth, in the
+mythological songs of their shamans, recite how the world began and
+how they were taught to hunt deer, to seek hikuli and to raise corn
+(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:8). The route they take in gathering
+peyote is from beginning to end full of religious and mythological
+associations, and they meet their deities on the way in the shape of
+mountains, stones, springs, etc. (_idem_, 2:132). According to their
+traditions, they originated in the south, but got lost under the earth
+as they wandered northward, reappearing in the country of the hikuli
+(_idem_, 2:23). Such deep-rooted symbolisms as theirs argues age.
+
+[26] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 360, 366-67, 379, 383, 386;
+Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:357-358, 444 (but see 1:378).
+
+[27] Velasco, _Dictamen Fiscal_, 194; Opler, _The Autobiography_; _Lipan
+Field Notes_; _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; Wagner, _Entwicklung
+und Verbreitung_. Opler says that peyote was introduced within the memory
+of the oldest living Mescalero; after 1910 it was in decided decline.
+
+[28] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 62-63. The origin legend is Kiowa. Mooney
+received a letter dated July 18, 1921 from the Taos Indian, Star Road,
+relative to trials of “peyote boys.”
+
+[29] Cozio, _Proceso_.
+
+[30] In 1921 on the orders of the Governor, Manuel Cordova, a peyote
+meeting was raided and the blankets and shawls of all participants
+somewhat highhandedly confiscated. Prominent medicine-men refused to
+doctor “peyote boys” because the new religion was prejudicial to their
+vested interests. In 1923 two adherents of the cult were whipped, one
+twenty-five lashes, by the Lieutenant-Governor. Three men were fined
+$700, $800 and $1000, and the case ultimately reached the American court;
+the judge decided that the Governor had no right to impose such heavy
+fines, reversed the judgment and ordered the return of the property.
+This done, the officers resigned from office, and for a time there
+were no secular officers at Taos because no one wanted to take up the
+controversy. In 1931 the confiscated property taken ten years before had
+still not been returned, the Council refusing even to consider a $10
+fine in compensation; $25 was demanded for the return of each shawl and
+blanket.
+
+[31] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 80, note 64; 99, note 166; 118; John
+Collier, in _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_.
+
+[32] This widespread origin legend of the Plains is also Mescalero and
+Lipan, and from certain indications I suspect that it is Tamaulipecan
+also.
+
+[33] Mooney, in _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:701, “Kiowa Apache.”
+
+[34] Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_, 14.
+
+[35] Shonle, Peyote; _The Giver of Visions_, 54. Jack Sankadote, for
+example, was carried into a meeting as a baby by his father, and he is in
+his fifties.
+
+[36] Several older Kiowa patterns parallel peyote usages (e.g. the
+smoking ceremony of the Old Women’s Society: leader west of central fire,
+lieutenants on either side of the door, five dishes of food from the fire
+eastward; the Buffalo Medicine Men’s Society bundle-repair meeting with
+a sage “stage,” etc.), and the Kiowa-Comanche had the all night singing
+and beating on a rolled-up hide on the eve of departure on the war-path.
+But such parallels from the tribes one knows best lead to often naïve
+particularistic explanations and should be guarded against. As a matter
+of fact it is the wide distribution of sweat bath doctoring and society
+meetings which accounts for the ease with which peyotism made its way
+in the Plains. The following two paragraphs are partly based on data
+gathered by Donald Collier, a colleague of the Laboratory of Anthropology
+Kiowa trip.
+
+[37] In judging the relative importance of the Kiowa and the Comanche
+in the diffusion of peyotism, one should recall that Comanche was
+historically the lingua Franca of the southern Plains. Quanah took peyote
+to the Caddo and Wichita it is said, though he was not the first to do
+so; he led meetings among the Cheyenne and the Arapaho in 1884. Petrullo
+(_The Diabolic Root_, 129) says he learned peyote about 1868 in Arizona,
+New Mexico and Old Mexico.
+
+[38] “It is desirable to eat with the Comanche or the Kiowa because they
+are reputed to have learned of Peyote many years before the others.”
+(Petrullo _op. cit._, 33.)
+
+[39] _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:870b; cf. Mooney, in _Peyote
+as Used in Religious Worship_, 13-14, 15; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 102.
+
+[40] Jock Bullbear’s and Mooney’s testimonies in _Peyote as Used in
+Religious Worship_, 40, 48, 57.
+
+[41] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 410. The practice apparently is also Kiowa
+and Oto.
+
+[42] Wissler, _Societies and Dance Associations_, 436; the statement was
+made in conversation.
+
+[43] Newberne and Burke, _Peyote: An Abridged Compilation_, table.
+
+[44] Wagner, _Entwicklung und Verbreitung_, 84, footnote.
+
+[45] Newberne and Burke, _op. cit._, 33 ff.
+
+[46] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 71-72.
+
+[47] Wilson said that one Smith had been in Oklahoma from a group on
+the Yukon River in southern Alaska; they were said to have used it for
+fifteen years. Jenness (letter to Schultes) reported a rumor that a
+little peyote had filtered into Salishan groups of British Columbia but
+Gunther (letter to Schultes) reported its absence among the Flathead and
+Kutenai.
+
+[48] Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_.
+
+[49] Letter from Fred Washington to Dr. F. G. Speck, April 21, 1932.
+Petrullo (_The Diabolic Root_, 165) says the Delaware got peyote from the
+Kiowa; there is obvious Caddo influence too, via John Wilson.
+
+[50] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 693-94, 724; _Medicine Ceremony of
+the Menomini_; _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 190, 217, 248-49.
+
+[51] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 758.
+
+[52] “We the undersigned members of the Kickapoo Tribe of Indians in
+Kansas most earnestly petition you to help us keep out the pellote, or
+mescal, from our people. We realize that it is bad for us Indians to
+indulge in that stuff. It makes them indolent, keeps them from working
+on their farms, and taking care of their stock. It makes men and women
+neglect their families. We think it will be a great calamity for our
+people to begin to use the stuff.... We most urgently petition you that
+immediate action must be taken before the stuff gets hold of our people”
+(Seymour, _Peyote Worship_, 183).
+
+[53] Skinner, _Medicine Ceremony of the Menomini_, 24, 42-43, 97.
+
+[54] Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_.
+
+[55] Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 163-67; _The Uses of Plants_,
+104-106; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; Speck, _Delaware Peyote
+Symbolism_; testimony of Sloan in _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_,
+35. Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637.
+
+[56] _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 10-11, 30-31, 43, 44-45.
+This booklet was compiled after 1911, giving for “twenty years [ago]” a
+maximally early date of 1891; but other internal evidence indicates a
+publication date of 1916, giving the date 1896 as quoted.
+
+[57] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology_, 171.
+
+[58] No doubt with the memory of the fate of Albert Stamp’s attempted
+“moon” among the Caddo, Taylor exhibited considerable modesty when this
+flattering offer was made. “I appreciate that offer,” he said, “but I’m
+just Alfred Taylor, that’s all I am, and I never did run a meeting, and
+I would rather you’d get somebody else from down home who runs meetings
+to do it for you.” Several weeks later my informant said he didn’t think
+Taylor would accept, though he might drum or build the fire “like a
+servant”—“He’s afraid the Caddos will think he is pushing himself ahead
+too much, but he has even drummed for Enoch Hoag; he just don’t like to
+jump ahead of everybody too much away from home.” This abnegation is all
+the greater when it is understood that the Osage are accustomed to make
+handsome money gifts on such occasions.
+
+[59] Koshiway compared the smoke-meeting before the war path to peyote:
+“They have a meeting and smoke the pipe together and leave the next day.
+This clears up the enemies, and you can prophesy then. Peyote is similar
+to this—all night.” Another older pattern interestingly survives among
+the Oto: in the informal morning period in the tipi, joking relationship
+seems to function.
+
+[60] One wonders if the Russellite eschatology was not made more
+acceptable historically among the Oto because of an approximation to
+certain Ghost Dance notions. In any case, the curious prohibition on
+smoking may have symbolized, on the one hand, the rejection of older
+patterns of religious smoking, reinforced by the prohibition of secular
+smoking too.
+
+[61] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_, 38.
+
+[62] Shonle, _Peyote: The Giver of Visions_, 55.
+
+[63] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 636-37. Wagner (_Entwicklung und
+Verbreitung_, 75) disputes Shonle’s statement that they got it from the
+Quapaw, on the ground of the greater complexity of the Quapaw rite. His
+argument is unimpressive and a priori: John Wilson was the source of that
+complexity. Cf. Opler, _The Autobiography_.
+
+[64] There may be Doctor Dance parallels in peyotism (e.g., an earthen
+altar, a fire in a round hole in the center of the tipi, doctoring at
+night with coals, fan or sucking horn, presence of the relatives of the
+patient in the meeting, etc.); another older Pawnee pattern in peyote may
+be the special morning prayer-maker south of the door.
+
+[65] “PEYOTE FAILS. It is a good thing that peyote is stopped for it
+was doing more harm than good. Our young men of the reservation were
+just beginning to start in eating the devil’s root.... Peyote fails
+because it has no mouth so can not speak to its followers of their origin
+and destiny, nor as to sin, repentance, forgiveness, salvation nor of
+anything else. It has no ears, so can not hear prayer; it has no eyes,
+so it can not see a person’s needs; no hands so can not help; no mind,
+so can not think. It is therefore unable to ask God for the thing which
+its worshipers need, and which they plead with it to implore God for. Our
+boys tried to make others believe that peyote is a God and a religion,
+but if one wants to believe in mysterious things it must be Christ or
+peyote.” (Sam Newman, Ree [Arikara], in _The Indian Leader_.)
+
+[66] Michelson, _Sauk and Fox Myths_.
+
+[67] Skinner, _Observations on the Ethnology_, 10, 85.
+
+[68] Native American Church, President’s Report, 1925.
+
+[69] Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_.
+
+[70] Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_.
+
+[71] _Peyote, An Insidious Evil_, 3-4; Office of Indian Affairs,
+_Discussion Concerning Peyote_, 13.
+
+[72] Much of this information is from Alfred Wilson, a Southern Cheyenne.
+His presidential report for 1925 (Sixth Annual Convention of the Native
+American Church) cites “locals” for the Caddo, Wichita, Pawnee, Arapaho,
+Yuchi, Kiowa, Oto, Shawnee, Ponca, Sauk and Fox, Cheyenne, and Omaha.
+Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 62; Willard Park informed me in 1936 that the
+Paviotso lacked peyote.
+
+[73] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 4-5, 7; _The Winnebago Tribe_,
+394, 400, 415, 423; _Crashing Thunder_, 169-70, 179, 185; Lowie, _Notes
+Concerning New Collections_, 289; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult; Winnebago
+Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_; Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_.
+
+[74] Seymour, _Peyote Worship_, 184; Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_,
+71-72; Shonle, _Peyote; The Giver of Visions_, 55.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX 1: PEYOTE IN MEXICO
+
+
+The connotative etymological implications of the term “peyotl” become
+valuable when an understanding of its wider denotative applications is
+sought. In Hernandez’ original description, _Lophophora williamsii_ is
+called “Peyotl Zacatensi, seu radice molli et lanuginosa”[1]—that is to
+say, the whitish flocculence which gains the plant both its Aztec and
+modern botanical names, is again pointed out in Hernandez’ Latin synonym,
+“soft and lanuginous root.”
+
+But Hernandez distinguished two peyotes, “Peyotl Zacatensi” and “Peyotl
+Xochimilcensi,”[2] the latter not even one of the Cactaceae, and one
+wonders at the classification until the plant is botanically described:
+
+    This peyote, a rather excellent medicine, has a heavy round
+    root covered with woolly rootlets, in addition to other roots
+    which resemble acorns, because of their form and size, growing
+    out in every direction.... It has few stems ... with yellow
+    flowers at their extremities.
+
+From even this brief characterization it is clear that the term
+“peyotl” was extended to this non-cactus (later identified as _Cacalia
+diversifolia_ or _C. cordifolia_)[3] because of its balanoid lanuginous
+roots. The latter species is sold in the drug markets around Guadalajara,
+Jalisco, as “peyote”; specimens from Alvarez, San Luis Potosí, locally
+known as “cachan,” are valued as an aphrodisiac and remedy for sterility,
+the rhizic-orchic pubescence of the plant being evidently viewed in terms
+of sympathetic magic.
+
+Dr. Alfonso[4] applies the term peyote or piote further to _Cacalia
+sinuata_, La Llave, and _Etchevarria coespitosa_ Dec., the former
+Compositae, the latter one of the Crassulaceae. One of the Compositae,
+_Senecio_ spp., ranging from Cerro del Pino to the Valley of Mexico is
+thus described:
+
+    The tap-root is tuberous-ovoid, size of a small hen’s egg, a
+    little curved above, carrying almost all [its bulk] in the
+    heavy extremity.... All the surface is covered with a nap
+    formed of long matted hairs of the color of cannel, and a
+    number of long roots.
+
+The “Peyote of Tepic”[5] (_Senecio hartwegii_) is smaller and more
+globular than the above, and contains no alkaloid, the gluey, sticky
+sap having no effect on the dove or the rat. The “Peyote of Querétaro”
+(_Echinocactus turbinatus_ Henning), said to be distinguished from
+_Anhalonium_ only by the spiral disposition of the hair-pencils, is a
+common form of _Lophophora williamsii_.
+
+In the case of all these non-cacti to which the term peyote has been
+applied, the plants have exhibited descriptively either a lanuginous or
+pubescent surface-nap, or balanoid, orchitic, or nut-like root-nodules,
+and in some cases both; in one case there was a cocoon-shaped pod in
+addition. But Schultes[6] lists other “peyotes” which may not fit this
+explanation: Compositae: _Senecio calophyllus_ Hemsl., _S. Hartwegii_
+Benth., _S. ovatiformis_ Sch. Bip., _S. Petasitus_ DC and _Cacalia_ spp.
+(e.g., _C. cordifolia_ HBK); Leguminosae: _Rhynchosia longeracemosa_
+Mart. & Gal.; and even one of the Solanaceae, _Datura meteloides_ DC.
+
+All the above are non-cacti, but many Cactaceae have also been called
+“peyote.” These include: _Anhalonium Englemannii_ Lem., _A. prismaticum_
+Lem., _A. furfuraceum_ Wats., _A. pulvilligerum_ Lem., _A. areolosum_
+Lem., _Lophophora williamsii_ Lem., _Ariocarpus fissuratus_ (Englm.)
+K. Schum., _Astrophytum myriostigma_ Lem., _A. asterias_ (Zucc.) Lem.,
+_Pelecyphora aselliformis_ Ehrenb., and _Strombocactus disciformis_ DC.
+The diminutive “peyotillo” has been applied to _Dolichothele longimamma_
+Britton and Rose, and _Solisia pectinata_ Britton and Rose.[7]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Hernandez, in Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 295; _Peyotes, Datos para
+Estudia_, 204.
+
+[2] In simpler Mexican cultures, peyote was in the hands of shamans;
+this other peyote appears to derive its name from the priests of
+a certain class in the higher Aztec culture: “According to some
+authorities, the highest grade of these native hierophants bore among
+the Nahuas the symbolic name of ‘flower weavers,’ Xochimilca, probably
+from the skill they had to deceive the senses by strange and pleasant
+visions (Xochimilca, que asi llamavan á los mui sabios encantadores)”
+(Torquemada, in Brinton, _Nagualism_, 298).
+
+[3] A specimen in Mooney, Peyote Notebook, 56, was so identified.
+Schultes viewed this and identified it as _C. cordifolia_ which in
+addition has cocoon-shaped pods. Cf. the use of _Lophophora_ as an
+aphrodisiac.
+
+[4] Alfonso, in Rouhier, _Monographie_, 3; Santoscoy, _Nayarit_, 32.
+Schultes (_Peyote and Plants Used_, 135) lists _Cotyledon caespitosa_
+Haw. as a Crassulaceous “peyote.”
+
+[5] _Peyotes, Datos para Estudia_, 111, 206, 208. This non-cactus
+“peyote” of Tepic may have been the false clue leading Rouhier to believe
+an earlier range of peyote into Tepic.
+
+[6] Schultes, _Peyotes and Plants Used_, 135. The Reko etymology
+preferred by Schultes (p. 136) so far as botanical evidence goes
+derives peyotl from Aztec pi- (small) and -yautli or -yolli (herb with
+narcotic odor or action), making “peyotillo” a double diminutive.
+Schultes has accepted, at the instance of the present writer, the thesis
+that _Cacalia_ spp. might well enough fit the “velvety, cocoon-like”
+etymology, but argues nevertheless that “this etymology does not seem to
+explain the application of the same name to the great array of plants
+which possess no soft or silky parts whatsoever.” Schultes is undoubtedly
+right on this point in terms of descriptive botany; yet may not some
+items be included in our lists illegitimately? _Anhalonium prismaticum_
+Lem., for example, is called hikuli, not peyote, and is only partly its
+terminological equivalent. And does the “little narcotic” etymology
+explain all these instances?
+
+[7] Urbina, in Harms, _Über das Narkotikum_, 31; Schultes, _op. cit._,
+135.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX 2: PEYOTE AND THE MESCAL BEAN
+
+
+Far the commonest designation for peyote in the older literature is
+“mescal bean,” a curiously persistent misusage, since either in the dried
+or the green state _Lophophora williamsii_ resembles a bean even less
+than a mushroom, Safford’s teo-nanacatl. On probing more deeply into this
+confusion, a widespread pre-peyote narcotic cult of the southern Plains
+was discovered. The ethnographic results of this study are presented in
+the text, but a brief characterization of the “mescal bean” proper is
+essential as well.
+
+Collected specimens of the old Plains “red bean” (= mescal bean proper)
+have been identified by authorities at the Harvard Botanical Museum
+as _Sophora secundiflora_ (Ortega) Lag. ex DC.[1] Variously known as
+“mescal bean” (southern Plains), “colorín” (Coahuila, Nuevo León, Texas),
+“frijolillo” (Nuevo León, Texas), “frijolito” (Texas), “evergreen
+coral-bean,” “coral-bean” and “mountain laurel” (southern New Mexico),
+this plant grows from Coahuila to San Luis Potosí, western Texas and
+southern New Mexico, being specially characteristic of the dry limestone
+hills. It is not, however, the “mountain laurel” _Kalmia latifolia_,
+being a true member of the Fabaceae or Bean Family; the term “coral-bean”
+is likewise applied to two other legumes of Texas, both, however,
+_Erythrina_ spp., not _Sophora_.[2]
+
+_Sophora secundiflora_ contains the highly toxic narcotic alkaloid
+sophorine, C₁₁H₁₄ON₂, which is identical with cytisine (= ulexine, =
+baptitoxine). Resembling nicotine closely in physiological action, the
+contents of one bean are said to be able to produce nausea, convulsions
+and even death by asphyxiation in man.[3] _Sophora secundiflora_ (=
+_Broussonetia secundiflora_) itself is a handsome evergreen shrub or
+small tree, eight to thirty-five feet high, bearing thick, leathery,
+dark glossy green leaves. The violet-blue bunches of flowers appearing
+in the spring give off a strong rank fragrance, and from these develop,
+in the summer, woody pods, satiny outside, two to four inches long, and
+containing one to four hard-shelled bright red beans.[4]
+
+Safford[5] states that “these beans are often confused with those of
+certain species of _Erythrina_, which are sometimes sold in their place
+in the markets of Mexico, but which are not at all narcotic.” It is
+therefore possible, and indeed probable, that the beans used as necklaces
+and bandoliers in the Plains were both _Sophora_ spp. and _Erythrina_
+spp.; Mooney[6] for example had specimens of red bean necklaces
+identified as _S. secundiflora_ and _E. fruticisa_. The confusion of
+the two closely related groups is understandable when the beans alone
+are available for diagnosis; the bean of _Sophora secundiflora_ differs
+from that of _Erythrina flabelliformis_, for example, in little more
+than the shape of the hilum, or scar of attachment, that of the former
+being rounded and of the latter more linear, while the beans of _E.
+corraloides_ are more elongate than those of _Sophora_. Gilmore’s[7]
+identification of the Omaha “red-medicine” with _Erythrina_ spp. may
+possibly be wholly correct since he mentions only decorative and
+magic uses for the beans; but in view of the chemical composition of
+the two, any ritual narcotic use must _a fortiori_ refer to _Sophora
+secundiflora_, the “mescal bean” proper.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] There is no problem of identifying the old Plains “red bean” with the
+“mescal bean”; both Schultes and I obtained Kiowa specimens in the field.
+The problem is the correct botanical classification of the specimens, and
+the widespread misusage of their name for peyote.
+
+[2] Standley, _Trees and Shrubs_, 435; Dayton, _Important Western Browse
+Plants_, 87; Boughton and Hardy, _Mescalbean_, 5; Opler, _Autobiography_.
+The Chiricahua “Mountain laurel” is _S. secundiflora_.
+
+[3] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 395; Dayton, op. cit.,
+89. Havard (_Report on the Flora_, 500) says the alkaloid sophoria
+[sic] was isolated by Dr. H. C. Wood in 1877 as a whitish, amorphous
+substance producing convulsions, temporary loss of voluntary movement,
+and distressing vomiting; again (_Drink Plants_, 39) he says sophorine
+[sic] is an irritant-narcotic. Another alkaloid, matrine, is found in
+_Sophora_ spp. (Nagai, Plugge, Kondo et al. in Henry (T. A.), _The Plant
+Alkaloids_, 398). Havard, citing one Bellanger, says the Indians near San
+Antonio formerly used the seed as an intoxicant, half of one producing
+a delirious exhilaration followed by a deep sleep lasting two or three
+days; a whole bean, according to Dr. Rothrock’s informant, would kill a
+man. Dayton, 89, says children have been known to die from the effects
+of eating seeds of _S. secundiflora_; in any case, a rupture of the
+hard, leathery coat of the bean would be required for the release of the
+alkaloid in the bean-flesh.
+
+Cattle and sheep appear to be more affected by the leaves of the plant,
+which also contain the alkaloid, than by the beans. The effect on them
+is marked: sheep fed about one percent body weight of the leaves were
+paralyzed in the legs for days and calves fed as little as .25% of body
+weight of fresh leaves died in 45 hours; one fed 1.0% died in 1¾ hours.
+Recovery in sheep sometimes required 12 days, in calves up to 16 days
+(Boughton and Hardy).
+
+[4] Condensed and synthesized from Boughton and Hardy; Havard, _Report on
+the Flora_, 458, 500; _Drink Plants_, 39-40; Standley, 435; Dayton, 87-89.
+
+[5] Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 398.
+
+[6] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_ (quoting Safford?).
+
+[7] Gilmore, _Uses of Plants_, 99 writes: “The Omaha traveling into
+Oklahoma have found them [chinaberry] there, and have taken up their use.
+They already had employed for beads as well as for a good-luck charm the
+bright red seed of a species of _Erythrina_. They say it grows somewhere
+to the southwest, toward or in Mexico. They call it ‘red medicine,’ makaⁿ
+zhide (makaⁿ, medicine; zhide, red). When the seeds of Melia (azerdache
+L.) [chinaberry] were adopted for use as beads, they likened them to
+makaⁿ zhide, and so call them makaⁿ-zhide sabe, ‘black red-medicine’.”
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX 3: PEYOTE AND TEO-NANACATL
+
+
+The already sufficiently intricate ethnobotanical problem of peyote has
+been further complicated by an erroneous identification of a narcotic
+mushroom used by the Aztecs with the cactus peyotl. Safford[1] identifies
+the two by a somewhat casual use of his evidence, and mystifies himself
+with the consistent contradiction offered by all the early Spanish
+writers to his assumption. He composes the contradiction by assuming
+that the Aztecs did not recognize the dried discoidal button as the same
+plant as the green cactus; despite overwhelming etymological evidence he
+supposes they called the former teo-nanacatl and the latter peyotl. Only
+a complete review of the evidence can clear up this misapprehension.
+
+The Spanish writers consistently describe the two separately,
+with detailed circumstantial distinctions which leave no room for
+misunderstanding. Sahagún,[2] says
+
+    [The Chichimeca] had a great knowledge of herbs and roots
+    and knew their qualities and their virtues. They themselves
+    discovered and first used the root that they call peiotl and
+    those that used to gather and eat them used them in place of
+    wine, and they did the same with those that they call nanacatl,
+    which are toadstools [hongos malos] that also make one drunk
+    like wine.
+
+Again, in a special chapter on intoxicating plants, Sahagún distinguishes
+the two:
+
+    There is another herb like tunas of the earth [the Spanish name
+    for the fruit of the prickly pear, _Opuntia opuntia_] which
+    is called peiotl. It is white. It grows in the northern part.
+    Those that eat it see frightening and laughable visions. This
+    intoxication lasts two or three days and then stops....[3]
+
+    There are some little mushrooms in their land that they call
+    teo-nanacatl. They grow under the grass of the fields or
+    pastures. They are round. They have a sort of high stem [pie],
+    thin and round. They are eaten with great relish, but they harm
+    the throat and make one drunk.[4]
+
+Still further to emphasize the point, Sahagún in the next section of
+this chapter[5] goes on to speak of edible mushrooms:
+
+    The cone-shaped mushrooms (mushrooms or nanacatl) _genus campos
+    agrorum_ in the mountains are good to eat. They are cooked
+    because of this, and if they are raw or badly cooked, they
+    produce vomiting or diarrhea, and they kill one,
+
+and he continues to list and describe a number of other edibles.
+
+The naturalist Hernandez[6] is even more explicit. He describes
+teo-nanacatl under the heading “De nanacatl seu Fungorum genere”; and
+from the harmless white mushrooms, iztacnanacame, the red mushrooms,
+tlapalnanacame, and the yellow-orbicular mushrooms, chimalnanacame, he
+distinguishes teo-nanacatl as “teyhuinti,” that is, “intoxicating.”
+Siméon’s Nahuatl dictionary even uses nanacatl as an illustration:[7]
+
+    Teo-nanacatl, espece de petit champignon qui a mauvais gout,
+    enivre et cause des hallucinations; il est medicinal contre
+    les fievres et la goutte.... Teyuinti, qui enivre quelqu’un,
+    enivrant; teyhuinti nanacatl, champignon enivrant.
+
+Safford quotes this evidence himself!
+
+Padre Jacinto de la Serna[8] records for us another compound of the
+Nahuatl word for mushroom, and describes the fungus while likewise
+specifically distinguishing it from peyote and ololiuhqui:
+
+    To this meeting had come an Indian ... who had brought some of
+    the mushrooms that are gathered in the monte, and with these
+    he had performed a great idolatry. But before proceeding with
+    my story I wish to explain the nature of the said mushrooms,
+    which in the Mexican language are called Quahtlananacatl, “wild
+    mushrooms.” ... These mushrooms were small and yellow and ...
+    were collected by priests and old men, appointed as ministers
+    for these impostures, who would proceed to the place where
+    they grow and remain almost the whole night in prayer and in
+    superstitious conjuring; and at dawn, when a certain little
+    breeze known to them would begin to blow, then they would
+    gather the narcotic,[9] attributing to it deity, with the same
+    properties as ololiuhqui or peyote, since when eaten or drunk,
+    they intoxicate those who partake of them, depriving them of
+    their senses, and making them believe a thousand absurdities.
+
+In Safford it appears that de la Serna distinguished these from Picietl,
+tobacco, also. There is an implied confusion, to be sure, in Alarcón,
+but he supplies confirmation of this last point, along with interesting
+ethnographic details:[10]
+
+    One should notice that in almost every case that they are moved
+    to offer a sacrifice to their imagined gods, there comes to
+    take charge of it and preside over it some quack, medicine-man,
+    seer or diviner from among other Indians, the majority of them
+    falling back on their crazy ceremonies, or on whatever whim
+    arises when they are deranged from the drinking of what they
+    call ololiuhqui or pezote [sic] or tobacco, whatever it might
+    be called in particular localities.
+
+The Franciscan Fray Toribio de Benvento mentions teo-nanacatl, to which
+he gives an erroneous etymology:[11]
+
+    They had another kind of drunkenness ... which was with small
+    fungi or mushrooms [hongos ó setas pequeñas] ... which are
+    eaten raw, and, on account of being bitter, they drink after
+    them or eat with them a little honey of bees, and shortly after
+    that they see a thousand visions, especially snakes. They went
+    raving mad, running about the streets in a wild state [bestial
+    embriaguez]. They called these fungi “teo-na-m-catl,” a word
+    meaning “bread of the gods.”
+
+Tezozomoc,[12] again, related that at the coronation of Montezuma the
+Mexicans gave wild mushrooms [hongos montesinos] to the strangers to eat;
+that the strangers became drunk, and thereupon began to dance. Diego
+Durán[13] gives further particulars of the coronation of Montezuma II;
+he says that after the usual human sacrifices had been offered, all went
+to eat raw mushrooms (hongos crudos), which caused them to lose their
+senses, more than if they had drunk much wine. In their ecstasy many
+of them killed themselves with their own hands, and by virtue of the
+mushrooms had visions and revelations of the future.
+
+The conclusion from all this evidence is obvious: the peyote of the
+Plains, _Lophophora williamsii_, is identical with the peiotl, peyotl,
+pellote, peyote, pejori, peyori or bejo of the Aztec and other Mexican
+tribes, but this cactus is wholly distinct from the little yellow
+thin-stemmed fungus teo-nanacatl, and Safford’s identification of the two
+is erroneous.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_ 294; _Identification of Teo-nanacatl,
+Narcotic Plants; Peyote_, 1278-79.
+
+[2] Sahagún, _Historia general_, Lib. 10, cap. xxix: “... ellos mismos
+discubrieron, y usaron primero la raíz que llaman peiotl, y los que
+comian y tomaban la usaban en lugar de vino, y lo mismo hacian de los
+que llaman nanacatl que son los bongos malos que emborrachan tambien
+como el vino.” The authoritative edition of Jourdanet and Siméon, 661-62
+translates nanacatl as “champignon vénéneux.”
+
+[3] Sahagún, _Historia general_, 3:241-42: “Hay otra yerba como tunas
+de tierra, se llama peiotl, es blanca, hacese ácia la parte del norte,
+los que la comen ó beben vén visiones espantosas ó irrisibles.” (Lib.
+11, cap. vii, pt. i, “De ciertas yerbas que emborrachen.”) Jourdanet and
+Siméon, 737, unfortunately describe tunas as “une ... plante qui rapelle
+la truffe,” which is a mushroom. Sahagún’s work is virtual dictation from
+Aztec informants, later translated with painstaking care into Spanish. It
+is difficult to assume, as did Safford, that such able herbalists did not
+know the difference between a cactus and a fungus.
+
+[4] “Hay unos honguillos en esta tierra que se llaman teo-nanacatl,
+críanse debajo del heno en los campos ó páramos; son redondos, tienen
+el pie altillo, delgado y redondo, comidos son de mal sabor, dañan
+la garganta y emborrachan.” (_Idem_, 3:241-42.) To be sure our own
+best scientific knowledge must always be the touchstone for the data
+of the various folk-sciences; yet one is not entitled to a lofty and
+comprehensive _á priori_ distrust of native knowledge, particularly when
+detailed with such clarity as this.
+
+[5] “Las setas (hongos ó nanacatl) hacen genus campos agrorum en los
+montes, son buenas de comer....” (Sahagún, _Historia general_, 3:243).
+
+[6] Hernandez, in Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 293. The very word
+itself means “mushroom!” Reko’s etymology for teo-nanacatl, “divine
+nourishment,” is unsound according to Whorf; and indeed, there is nothing
+of the edible _par excellence_ about fungi (see Schultes, _Peyote and
+Plants Used_, 136-37).
+
+[7] Siméon, in Safford, _Identification of Teo-nanacatl_, 400, 412.
+
+[8] de la Serna, _Manual de Ministros_, 261.
+
+[9] Cf. the Huichol peyote-gathering ritual and the wind which arises.
+
+[10] Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 291. Indeed in this short sub-chapter,
+Sahagún distinguishes and describes coatlxoxouhqui = ololiuhqui
+[its seeds] peyotl, tlapatl, tzintzintlapatl, mixitl, teo-nanacatl,
+tochtetepo, atlepatli, aquiztli, tenxoxoli and quimichpatli! Alarcón,
+_Tratado_, 131; also in Urbina, _El Peyote y el Ololhiuqui_, 27.
+
+[11] _Ritos Antiquos_; in Kingsborough, 9:17. Jourdenet and Siméon,
+translators of Sahagún, _Histoire général_, 738, have: “[Teo-nanacatl]
+c’est-à-dire: champignon dangereux. Le terme générique est nanacatl qui
+se met en composition avec d’autres mots pour désigner les diverses
+espèces de champignons.”
+
+[12] _Crónica Mexicana_; in Kingsborough, 9:153. The fact that _raw_
+mushrooms are mentioned disposes of Safford’s supposition that _dried_
+peyote buttons are meant.
+
+[13] Durán, _Historia de las Indias_, 564, quoted from Kingsborough’s
+_Mexican Antiquities_ by Bourke, _Scatological Rites_, 90.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX 4: “PLANT WORSHIP” IN MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES
+
+
+Peyote is only one of several narcotics in the southern United States
+and Mexico which because of their physiological action find ritual and
+other uses. Since, in many of these, uses are related, there arises the
+problem of their possible historical relationship. In any case, it is
+illuminating to study the general background of attitudes out of which
+peyotism grew.
+
+
+CACTI
+
+The Tarahumari of northwestern Mexico, though their hikuli cult is less
+elaborate than that of the Huichol, have a complex of “worship” and
+use of several varieties of cacti. Besides hikuli wanamé (_Lophophora
+williamsii_) Lumholtz[1] lists the following:
+
+    Mulato (a _Mammilaria_), believed to make the eyes large and
+    clear to see sorcerers, to prolong life, and to give speed to
+    runners who eat it.[2]
+
+    Rosapara (a more advanced vegetative form of the same, but
+    with many spines) which has very keen eyes for Tarahumari
+    wrong-doing; it punishes by driving the offender mad, or
+    throwing him down a precipice; “it is therefore very effective
+    in frightening off bad people, especially robbers and
+    Apaches.”[3]
+
+    Sunami (_Mammilaria fissurata_),[4] rare, but even more
+    powerful than wanamé, for it calls soldiers to its aid. The
+    drink produced from it is strongly intoxicating. Deer cannot
+    run away from you, nor bears harm you when carrying this
+    cactus.[5]
+
+    Hikuli walúla sälíami, “hikuli great authority,” is the
+    greatest of all; it is extremely rare, and Lumholtz never saw
+    a specimen, though it was described to him as “growing in
+    clusters of from eight to twelve inches in diameter, resembling
+    wanamé with many young ones around it.”[6]
+
+    Ocoyome, unlike the preceding hikuli which are good, is used
+    only for evil purposes. It has long white spines or “claws,”
+    and comes from the Devil. If accidentally touched with the
+    foot, it would break one’s leg; it also throws offenders
+    over precipices.[7] Lumholtz says it was very rarely used,
+    and Mooney says the Tarahumari used it not at all—though the
+    “Apaches” did—since it was “poison.” Mooney describes the plant
+    as having a reddish down, root and surface, which may account
+    for the Apaches’ tying it around their waists to make them
+    brave, in their battles.[8]
+
+Bennett and Zingg are perhaps referring to the same plant under the name
+“peyote cimarrón,” which is “small, red, and ineffective; it is not used
+or even touched, since the abuser might die.” “Peyote christiano” (hikuli
+dewéame), a larger, green variety, apparently Lophophora, is considered
+the “most efficacious.”[9]
+
+Bennett and Zingg give two other kinds of cactus used by the
+Tarahumari:[10]
+
+    Witculíki (Mex. _biznaga_, _Mammillaria hyderi_), a ball cactus
+    of the gorges, is roasted about four minutes in ashes, after
+    being split and divested of its spines; the soft center is
+    squeezed into the ear in case of earache or deafness. (This
+    curiously echoes of the talking peyote stories.)
+
+    Bakánawa or bakánori, a small ball cactus, is used by the
+    Indians of the barrancas. Shamans, not peyoteros, carry small
+    bits of the root in their bags; it can be kept only three
+    years, after which it must be sold or hidden, lest the owner
+    go crazy. The shaman chews and anoints the patient with it. So
+    powerful is it that runners use it three days before racing;
+    one man died of fear after having offended this plant.
+
+
+NON-CACTI
+
+Of the ritually used narcotics of this area we have already discussed
+the “mescal bean,” or _Sophora secundiflora_, and teo-nanacatl, the
+sacred mushroom of the Aztec and Chichimeca.[11] The use of marihuana
+(_Cannabis_ spp.) in counteracting sorcery, and other beliefs surrounding
+its employment are also elsewhere discussed.[12] The use of the
+mescal-bean of the southern Plains and the various alcoholic drinks[13]
+of Mexico and the Southwest are perhaps related to the “black drink” made
+of the leaves and twigs of the “beloved tree” (_Ilex cassine_), which
+is distributed continuously from the Carolinas to the Rio Grande, with
+a continuation of the trait across the Antilles into northeastern and
+central South America.[14]
+
+But the narcotic exhibiting perhaps the most numerous parallels in
+usage with peyote is datura.[15] Gayton lists as datura-users in the
+Southwest[16] the Pima, Zuñi, Navaho, Hopi, Havasupai, Walapai, Mohave,
+Yuma and Cocopa, and in California the Akwa’ala, Southern Diegueño, Pass
+Cahuilla, Gabrielino, Luiseño, Serrano, Chumash, Salinan, Miwok, Eastern
+and Western Mono, and the Foothill and Southern Valley Yokuts. This
+distribution is continuous with that in northwestern Mexico among the
+Opata, Tepehuane, Cora, Tepecano and Aztec.[17]
+
+The parallel uses of peyote, cohoba snuff and datura in prophecy and
+divination have been summarized elsewhere,[18] but there are further
+interesting uses of datura. The Aztec of Mexico[19] had special officials
+who took ololiuhqui (the seeds of datura) to discover cures for
+illnesses, to find lost or stolen property, to ascertain the origin of
+long sickness due to witchcraft, etc., receiving pay for their services.
+Sometimes they prescribed the drug for their patients; datura was also
+used empirically as an anodyne in setting fractures, and it may have
+been one of the drugs employed to stupefy sacrificial victims, though
+peyote is the only one identified. Ololiuhqui was also mixed with tobacco
+and the ashes of venomous insects to make the sacred ointment of the
+priesthood; set on altars it was called Divine Meat.[20] The Cora[21]
+refer to daturas in their songs and myths, but their use of it is not
+known.
+
+In northern Mexico, the Tepehuane used toloache [datura] in place of
+peyote.[22] Tepecano prayers refer to datura as the husband of Corn
+Daughter and the son-in-law of Father Sun; having taken two mistresses,
+he was punished for this by being stuck head downward in the ground and
+commanded to give mortals whatever they begged of him. They believe him
+to have great riches, which they pray for and “borrow.” Datura is one of
+the five narcotics whose flowers decorate a love charm.[23]
+
+In the Southwest, the Pima had a jimsonweed song which brought success
+in deer-hunting[24] and cured vomiting and dizziness. The White Mountain
+Apache[25] mixed the root of _D. meteloides_ with their corn beer to
+make it more intoxicating. The Apache of Bourke[26] credited datura
+with the power of making men crazy, but denied using it medicinally or
+ceremonially. The Havasupai[27] eat datura leaves occasionally apparently
+for purely secular pleasure, and also use the drug in their arrow poison.
+At Zuñi[28] datura was one of the medicines formerly belonging to the
+gods, and only the rain priests and directors of the Little Fire and
+Cimex fraternities could use it; the rain priests propitiated birds with
+the powdered root, or a man ate it to bring rain. They also administered
+it to clients who had been robbed, to discover the thief, and to patients
+with broken bones; the pulverized root and flower were also used with
+corn meal for all types of wounds. In myth the daturas were once brother
+and sister who walked the earth and saw who committed thefts, but the
+Divine Ones said they knew too much and caused them to disappear into the
+earth forever; perhaps for this reason it is also used to communicate
+with the dead. The Navaho[29] eat the root of _D. meteloides_, and
+sometimes “the Indians under its influence, like the Malays run amuck and
+try to kill everybody they meet.” There is a record of Hopi doctoring
+with datura.[30]
+
+Nearly all the tribes of southern California used datura. The Akwa’ala,
+Yuma, Mohave and Eastern Mono took it to acquire gambling luck; the
+Central Miwok did not eat it, but considered that a dream about datura
+aided one’s gambling fortune.[31] Of the remaining tribes of the region
+who used it ceremonially, some features were held in common: (1) it
+was not taken before puberty,[32] (2) it was usually administered to
+a group,[33] and (3) a supernatural helper, sometimes an animal, was
+sought.[34]
+
+In southwestern California the use of datura is strongly ritualized in
+the Chungichnich cult of the Luiseño, and Northern and Southern Diegueño.
+According to Kroeber the ritual is comparatively recent and overlies an
+older, simpler use of the plant over a wider area. In the Chungichnich
+ceremony datura is given to boys as a preliminary ritual in puberty
+observance; its use is not seasonal, nor do women ever partake of it.[35]
+
+The Mountain Cahuilla[36] are typical of groups who had the simpler
+datura rite in puberty ceremonials before the addition of Chungichnich
+ritualism.
+
+    Manet (datura) was given to boys of 18-20 in a ceremony lasting
+    3 to 6 days in which other younger boys of 6-10 years were
+    taught clan and “enemy” songs by their fathers. The paha or
+    leader prepared strings of reed, eagle and flicker feathers
+    which were worn by the dancers, who practiced away from the
+    village. The drinking ceremony or kiksawel took place inside
+    the ceremonial dance house, and women and children were warned
+    away by the manet-dancer’s bull-roarer.[37] Each boy was
+    given a drink of a decoction of datura pounded in a mortar
+    by the clan chief. The men in the enclosure took each boy by
+    the waist, and they all danced around the fire, led by the
+    manet-dancer. The boys remained unconscious in the house all
+    night when the effect of the drug became manifest, and were
+    removed the following afternoon to a secluded cañon where for
+    a week they were taught songs and dances nightly. The last
+    afternoon a sand-painting was made and its symbolism explained.
+    After an ant-ordeal and a fire-dance they were regarded as men
+    and full-fledged members of the clan.
+
+A second group of tribes in the San Joaquin basin and Sierra Nevada
+foothills had a datura-drinking ceremonial every spring for both sexes
+shortly after the age of puberty.[38]
+
+    The participant’s social status was not changed and the
+    rite alone constituted a ceremonial unit, the tananhibina
+    or tanabi-drinking of the Western Mono. Dancing to clappers
+    took place until the children fell unconscious, whereupon
+    they were carried away to special camps by relatives. If
+    a person appeared to be covered with blood or maggots and
+    vermin (the causes of sickness), they were brushed off with
+    an eagle-feather brush.[39] In discovering the sickness the
+    seer used an eagle-bone whistle which enabled him to “hear”
+    the sickness; if a man had poison, one could see where it was.
+    One could also see things at very great distances, as well as
+    discover what medicine-man had caused the death of people by
+    witchcraft. The seer could likewise find lost articles and
+    discover wealth by means of datura. The drinkers were guarded
+    during this time lest they harm themselves or be harmed.
+    Some men did not have any datura-visions; this was because
+    some medicine-man feared his bad deeds would be discovered,
+    and hence rendered the drink harmless by magic and “covered
+    up” those persons. If a medicine-man wanted to become very
+    powerful, he took tanabi on ten successive seasons. Datura
+    leaves were placed on the forehead of a dead person to drive
+    out the spirit,[40] and people boiled tanabi leaves so the
+    steam filled their house that the spirit of the dead man would
+    not return to them in dreams.
+
+In view of these repeated parallels in the attitudes and usages
+surrounding both peyote and datura, it is certainly not without
+significance that their distribution, while contiguous, is mutually
+exclusive in northern Mexico and the southwestern United States: peyote
+is generally central and northeastern in Mexico, whence it spread
+northward and eastward into the Plains, while datura is northwestern in
+Mexico and extends through the Pueblo and nomadic Southwest to southern
+California. And if the “black drink,” native American beers in Mexico and
+the Southwest, and the mescal bean be all counted with peyote and datura
+as part of one general distribution, we have a large continuous area or
+“narcotic complex” across the whole southern United States and northern
+Mexico. Such large general distributions are not unknown (e.g., bear
+ceremonialism), and datura (via Central America), ilex drinks (via the
+Antilles) and aboriginal alcoholic liquors (continuous from the Southwest
+through Mexico and Central America to include the entire northern
+three-quarters of South America) are surely connected ultimately with the
+same traits in South America—more particularly since not alone are the
+plants involved the same, but also detailed “superorganic” attitudes and
+ritual manifestations.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:372-74. These short paragraphs are
+summaries, not direct quotations.
+
+[2] Cf. the physiological action of peyote-alkaloids, discussed
+elsewhere (dilation of the pupil, increased reflex excitability). The
+use of narcotics in this area in connection with racing appears again
+with peyote in northern Mexico, and with the “mescal bean” (_Sophora
+secundiflora_) among the Wichita. The Acaxee used peyote in their
+ball play, much as the “black drink” (_Ilex cassine_) was used in the
+Southeast. Cf. Mooney’s (_Tarumari-Guayachic_) “Muräto,” apparently
+identical with Lumholtz’ Mulato, that “is used mostly in races, not
+ground up, but tied whole around waist, at back.”
+
+[3] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:373. In this region narcotics in
+general are much employed in connection with war, and the magical
+“witching” of the enemy—whose power is not merely physical but
+magically malevolent too. “Mescal beans” were part of the war-bundle
+in some southern Plains tribes, and both peyote and datura were used
+clairvoyantly and prophetically in war connections. The attitude that
+the enemy is a witch, Dr. Spier informs me, is widespread among both the
+Yumans and Athapascans of the Southwest. Cf. also peyote and captured
+scalps (e.g., Maricopa) talking, and being danger-ridden.
+
+[4] This is an instance where it is rewarding conscientiously to
+respect native categories and ethnobotanical statements for hordenine
+(= anhaline, one of the alkaloids of Lophophora) was discovered in
+_Anhalonium fissuratum_ in 1894 by Heffter (see Appendix 5, fn. 5).
+
+[5] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_, says sunami is very much respected, and
+is used only by doctors. Women doctors grind them on metates, placing
+the plant upright and crushing it with one blow (cf. the “killing” of
+mescal beans in the Plains). Doctors assemble for this feast, which
+requires the sacrifice of a beef. Special rites attend its gathering,
+and it must be gathered in a black blanket and bleeds red blood. It
+must be kept in a double basket in a cave, lest it hear quarreling in
+the house. It dislikes fire, and after ten or twenty years it loses its
+virtue and must be replanted with copal incensing where originally found.
+Doctors rub tizwin-and-sunami over the heart and rest of the body, for it
+makes one win races. _Anhalonium fissuratum_ has a striking resemblance
+to deer-hooves; it is likely the hikuli referred to in this and other
+Tarahumari-Huichol tales—but it should be recalled that peyotism in
+Mexico is also connected with deer-hunting.
+
+[6] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:373-74; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_,
+says this variety is as big as a man’s hat. The description probably
+refers to an occasional polycephalous specimen of _Lophophora williamsii_
+(hikuli wanamé).
+
+[7] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ 1:374; _Tarahumari Dances_, 253, 452-54;
+cf. Mooney’s (_Tarumari-Guayachic_) kókoyómi. Mooney thought Lumholtz’
+“walulasahane” was Tepecano, not Tarahumari.
+
+[8] The resemblance of some _Mammillaria_ spp. to a head or scalp of hair
+is quite striking; Higgins, in fact, figures an “Old Man Cactus” with
+long flowing white “hair.”
+
+[9] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 290.
+
+[10] Bennett and Zingg, _op. cit._, 137, 295. The users of bakánawa
+believe it to be even more powerful than peyote. One can more easily
+believe that the ataxic gait of a peyote-intoxicated person would “throw”
+him over a cliff or break a leg, than that it would result in any
+conspicuously superior racing ability.
+
+[11] Dorman, in Bourke, _Scatalogical Rites_, 91, says mushrooms
+were “worshipped” in the Antilles, in Virginia, and possibly also in
+California. The Siberian use of _Amanita_ spp. is well-known, but no
+doubt these sporadic uses are all independent of each other.
+
+[12] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:354; see also notes 41, 45, 48 in
+Appendix 6.
+
+[13] The writer has published elsewhere on the subject of the numerous
+native American beers (see _Native American Beers_). So far as a
+cactus-source of these is concerned, the following groups make use of
+_Cereus giganteus_ Englm. and _C. Thurberi_ Englm. for their sahuaro
+drink: Huichol (?), Pima, Maricopa, Yuma, Papago, Halchidoma (?), and San
+Carlos Apache.
+
+[14] The ilex “black drink” is Catawba (_Handbook of the American
+Indians_, 1:150a, 2:1000-1001); Alibamu (Forster, _Bossu_, 254, 261,
+294, 354-55); Creek (Swanton, _Social Organization and Social Usages_,
+307, 445; Adair, in Swanton, _Social and Religious Beliefs_, 265; Speck,
+_The Creek Indians_, 110, 117-18, 134; Bartram, _Travels_, 449, 507),
+both Taskigi and Mikasuki; Cherokee (Bartram, _Travels_, 357); Chickasaw
+(Swanton, _Social and Religious Beliefs_, 240); Koasati (Paz, _Koasati
+Field Notes_); Yuchi (Speck, _Ethnology of the Yuchi_, 122-24, 135);
+Natchez (Charlevoix, _Histoire de l’Isle_, 166; du Pratz, _Histoire_,
+2:46, 3:13); Atakapa (Forster, _Bossu_, 1:354-55), Chitamacha (Gatschet,
+in Swadesh, _Chitamacha Texts_) and Karankawa (Oliver, in Gatschet, _The
+Karankawa Indians_, 18-19). Also in Florida (de Laudoniére, in Lewin,
+_Phantastica_, 279; Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 417; Romans, _A Concise
+Natural History_, 94), and also possibly in Virginia (Beverly, _History
+of Virginia_, 175-80; Ribault [1666], Dominique de Gourages [1567],
+McCullough, Le Moyne—all in Havard, _Drink Plants_, 41-42; Lawson,
+_History of Carolina_, 380-82 [1860 ed.]; Adair, _The History of the
+American Indian_, 108). A similar emetic rite is also found among the
+“Cutalchich” of Texas (Cabeza de Vaca, in Safford, _Narcotic Plants_,
+416-17), the Tainan or Greater Antilles Arawak (Gower, _The Northern and
+Southern Affiliations_, 39-40), the Lesser Antilles Carib and Guiana
+(Dixon [R. B.], _Some Aspects_, 1-12), the Amazon Basin (Wissler, _The
+American Indian_, 213), Jivaro and Canelo of Ecuado (Karsten, in Lewin,
+_Phantastica_, 279-81; Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 413, 416); Guarani of
+Northern Bolivia (Safford, op. cit., 413; Spruce, _Notes of a Botanist_,
+2:419-20). See also Thurnwald, _Economics_, 65; Harrington, _Cuba
+Before Columbus_, 295, 388-89; Spier, _Yuman Tribes_, 181; _Handbook
+of the American Indians_, 2:32a, 145-46; Sapir, _Kaibab-Paiute_.
+An interestingly parallel distribution (which may have historical
+relevance) is that of fish and arrow poisons. Fish poisons are reported
+for northeastern South America, the Orinoco valley, the upper Amazon,
+the Antillean Carib; the Tarahumari, Acaxee, Opata and in California;
+the Catawba, Taskigi Creek, Cherokee, Koasati, Yuchi and Iroquois (cf.
+the blow-gun of the Creek, Cherokee, Choctaw, Iroquois, Yuchi, central
+Carib, Florida Key-dwellers, natives of Hispaniola and of northeastern
+South America). Arrow poisons are found in Sonora, Central America,
+the Guianas, the Antilles (Carib), Florida Arawak (?) and, in historic
+times, the Tarahumari, as well as in South America. The Opata, curiously,
+used yerba de fleche to poison deer at water-holes. Beals (_Comparative
+Ethnology_, 115, 193) also lists poison arrows for the Southern Diegueño,
+Chumash, Cahuilla, Yavapai, Havasupai, Navaho, Western Apache, Lipan,
+Natchez (?), Seri, Mixtec and in Sinaloa and Culiacan. Spier adds the
+Blackfoot and perhaps other Plains groups to this list. The group with
+poison arrows south of the Great Lakes (_Jesuit Relations_, 8:302, in
+Gower, 21) one would guess is Iroquois.
+
+[15] We ignore for our purposes the South American area of the use
+of datura, though it is surely connected with the Mexican culturally
+and historically, as well as the South American use of coca, tobacco,
+cohoba snuff (_Piptadenia peregrina_), guarana (_Paullinia cupana_ or
+_P. sorbilis_), chocolatl (_Theobroma cacao_), aya-huasca (_Banisteria
+caapi_) and yajé (_Haemadictyon Amazonicum_ Spruce). Many of the uses of
+these plants in war, prophesying, divination, ordeals, and doctoring are
+strikingly similar to the Mexican uses of marihuana, datura, teo-nanacatl
+and peyote.
+
+[16] The sources for these are cited in Gayton, _The Narcotic Plant
+Datura_, a manuscript to which I am much indebted.
+
+[17] Note the parallel uses of datura in South America found among the
+Inca, Matacuna, Chancay, Sipibo, Cocoma, Omagua, Jivaro, Canelo, Quijo,
+Zaparo, Guanes (Guanuco?), Chibcha and in Darien (after Gayton). The
+“wysoccan” used by the Pamunky (Beverly, _History of Virginia_, 2:24) is
+said to be a datura (Safford, _Daturas_, 557-58); the sporadic use as a
+medicament in Jamaica (Beckwith, _Notes on Jamaica_, 9, note 5, 28) may
+not be aboriginal.
+
+[18] The writer hopes in due time to publish further data on New World
+narcotics.
+
+[19] De la Serna, in Safford, _Daturas_, 551, Arlegui, _Crónica_, 144;
+Rouhier, _Monographie_, 331.
+
+[20] Gerste, _Notes sur la médicine_, 51. This may be the source of
+Reko’s erroneous teo-nanacatl etymology.
+
+[21] Preuss, _Nayarit-Expedition_, 1:231.
+
+[22] Diguet, _Le Peyote et son Usage_, 21, note 1.
+
+[23] Mason, _Tepecano Prayers_, 138, 139, 142, 143. Cf. the supposed
+aphrodisiac effects of peyote, teo-nanacatl, and marihuana.
+
+[24] Russell, _The Pima_, 299-300. Cf. sunami of the Tarahumari for deer
+hunting, and the mescal bean for buffalo hunting.
+
+[25] Hrdlička, _Physiological and Medical Observations_, 28; cf.
+_Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:837b.
+
+[26] Bourke, _The Medicine-Men_, 455.
+
+[27] Spier, _Havasupai_, 249, 269.
+
+[28] Stevenson, _Ethnobotany of the Zuñi_, 46, 47, 88; _The Zuñi
+Indians_, 385; Parsons, _A Zuñi Detective_, 168-70. Every single instance
+in this paragraph finds parallels in the uses of peyote: the powdering of
+the root, rain-getting, discovery of robbers, as an anodyne, for wounds,
+etc., differentiation in sex and communication with the dead. Note also
+in connection with rain-making the “water-bird” of peyotism.
+
+[29] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:4; _The American Cave-Dwellers_, 389;
+cf. the running amuck with peyote.
+
+[30] Robbins _et alii_, _Ethnobotany of the Tewa_, 55, note 1.
+
+[31] References from Gayton, _The Narcotic Plant Datura_.
+
+[32] Cf. the use of peyote formerly only by adult warriors.
+
+[33] Cf. the group use of marihuana, teo-nanacatl and peyote in Mexico.
+
+[34] Again compare peyote, particularly in the Plains.
+
+[35] Kroeber (_Handbook_ 462, 589, 593, 609, 613-14) lists tribes who may
+lack it. See also Kroeber, _Anthropology_, 309-311.
+
+[36] Summarized from Gayton, citing W. D. Strong, _Aboriginal Society_.
+
+[37] Cf. the preparation of peyote in Mexico.
+
+[38] Summarized from Gayton.
+
+[39] Cf. this and the following elements with peyote usages.
+
+[40] Cf. the Mexican use of peyote.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX 5: CHEMISTRY OF PEYOTE
+
+
+Alkaloids are found in a number of cacti: _Cereus peruvianus_, _C. pecten
+aboriginum_, _Pilocereus sargentianus_ Orcutt, _Phyllocactus ackermanii_,
+_P. russelianus_, _Echinocereus mamillosus_, _Mammillaria cirrhifera_,
+_M. uberiformis_, _M. centricirrha_, _Anhalonium prismaticum_, _A.
+fissuratum_,[1] and _Lophophora williamsii_. _Lophophora_ in its mature
+state, however, is notable for the number of alkaloids which it contains,
+nine being known at present.
+
+The long and hotly-disputed botanical question of _Anhalonium williamsii_
+versus _A. lewinii_, beyond its ethnographic significance in accounting
+the plants “male” and “female,” has a chemical aspect for a time
+obscuring their botanical identity. _A. williamsii_ (young specimens of
+_Lophophora_) contains only the alkaloid Pellotine,[2] while _A. lewinii_
+(the mature _Lophophora_) contains at least nine, as follows:[3] Anhaline
+(C₁₀H₁₅ON), Anhalamine (C₁₁H₁₅O₃N), Mescaline (C₁₁H₁₇O₃N), Anhalonidine
+(C₁₂H₁₇O₃N), Anhalonine (C₁₂H₁₅O₃N), Lophophorine (C₁₃H₁₇O₃N), Pellotine
+(C₁₃H₁₉O₃N), Anhalinine and Anhalidine. Lophophorine is an oily colorless
+liquid; mescaline crystallizes only in the presence of atmospheric CO₂;
+and anhalonidine crystallizes imperfectly; the rest are crystalline.
+Their physiological activity appears to increase with their chemical
+complexity.[4]
+
+Hordenine was first isolated from _A. fissuratum_ by Heffter in 1894 and
+shown to be identical with Späth’s anhaline from _Lophophora_ in 1920;
+Heffter isolated pellotine in 1894, mescaline, anhalonidine, anhalonine
+and lophophorine in 1896, Kauder adding anhalamine in 1899. Capellman
+collaborated with Heffter on mescaline in 1905. If Heffter first isolated
+the _Lophophora_ alkaloids, Späth is to be largely credited with
+establishing their chemical constitution and synthesizing them: mescaline
+in 1920, anhalamine in 1921, and anhalonidine and pellotine in 1922.
+Röder in 1922 and Gangl in 1923 collaborated in establishing the chemical
+constitution of others of the alkaloids.[5]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Tschirsch, _Handbuch_, 680.
+
+[2] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 194; Moureu, _Review_, 519;
+Heffter, _Ueber zwei Cacteenalkaloïde_, 2977; _Ueber Pellote_, 309 ff.;
+Späth, _Über die Anhalonium_; I, _Anhalin und Mezcalin_, 129; Kunkel,
+_Handbuch_, 836; Schumann, _Über giftige Kakteen_, 106.
+
+[3] Henry (T. A.), _loc. cit._ The more recently discovered anhalinine
+and anhalidine are cited from Schultes, _Peyote and Plants Used_, 134.
+
+[4] Rouhier, _Monographie_, 196, 201, 205, 212.
+
+[5] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 194-95; Moureu, _Review_,
+520; Heffter, _Ueber zwei Cacteenalkaloïde_, 2976; _Ueber Pellote_,
+69-73; Späth, _Ueber die Anhalonium_; I, _Anhalin und Mezcalin_, 129,
+138-39; II, _Die Konstitution_, 97, 263. Anhalonine has been found in
+_A. jourdanianum_ (Henry, _op. cit._, 194; Heffter, _Ueber Pellote_,
+427) which is identical with _Lophophora_. See Heffter, _Ueber zwei
+Cacteenalkaloïde_, 2976-77, also vols. 29:216, 223-25, 227; 34:3005,
+3008, 3013; Heffter and Capellman, _Versuch zur Synthese_, 38:3634-40;
+Kauder, _Über Alkaloide_, 190-98. Späth, with Gangl and Röder, _Über de
+Anhalonium_, IV, VI; Kunkel, _Handbuch_, 836.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX 6: PHYSIOLOGY OF PEYOTE
+
+
+ACTION OF THE INDIVIDUAL ALKALOIDS OF LOPHOPHORA WILLIAMSII
+
+Since the alkaloids of peyote fall into two classes with regard to
+physiological action, the strychnine-like (increased reflex-irritability
+to the point of tetanus) and the morphine-like (sedative-soporific) and
+since there are important ethnographic considerations concerning the
+supposed “sex” of peyote, we discuss the action of each alkaloid before
+characterizing pan-peyotl physiologically. The two groups are somewhat
+antagonistic in action; ethnographic indications seem to point to the
+earlier action of the strychnine-like alkaloids, and a delayed reaction
+of the morphine-like. However, the size of the dose and the continued
+ingestion of buttons during the night cause variations in the length of
+the different periods of intoxication.
+
+The peyote-alkaloids might be arranged in a scale, with mescaline at the
+morphine-like extreme and lophophorine at the other: (morphine-like)
+mescaline, peyotline, anhaline, anhalamine, anhalonidine, anhalonine,
+lophophorine (strychnine-like). Peyotline, however, has a variable effect
+on different individuals, while anhalonine has been accounted of the
+morphine-like group by Rouhier.[1] The color-visions so conspicuous in
+peyote-intoxication are chiefly produced by mescaline.[2] Lophophorine
+is the most toxic.[3] Physiologically the effects of the individual
+alkaloids are:[4]
+
+    _Mescaline_: slowing of pulse, slight headache, sensation of
+    heaviness in the limbs lasting one to several hours; heavier
+    doses, feeling of discomfort and fullness of stomach (even when
+    injected intravenously) in addition to the above symptoms;
+    still heavier doses, accentuation of symptoms and appearance of
+    color-visions.
+
+    _Peyotline_: in about an hour reduces the pulse approximately
+    one-quarter the normal number of beats; two hours after
+    ingestion, heaviness of eyelids, sensation of fatigue, aversion
+    to all physical or mental effort; has no marked analgesic
+    action but is a fairly good sedative and has a very appreciable
+    hypnotic and anodyne action.
+
+    _Anhaline_ [= hordenine]:[5] exercises a paralyzing effect on
+    the central nervous system.
+
+    _Anhalamine_: this has not been adequately studied
+    physiologically. Nor have _Anhalinine_ and _Anhalidine_.
+
+    _Anhalonidine_: only slight sleepiness and dull sensation in
+    head; pulse not affected.
+
+    _Anhalonine_: produces no sensible effect, except perhaps a
+    slight sleepiness.
+
+    _Lophophorine_: the most toxic, has no narcotic action; a
+    quarter-hour after ingestion an accentuated sickening feeling
+    in the back of the head, with hotness and blushing of face,
+    slight pulse diminution; symptoms disappear after 40 minutes.
+
+    “In short,” says Rouhier,[6] “save for anhalonidine which,
+    in strong doses, provokes in the frog paralysis of the
+    motor nerve-ends (which is not observed otherwise in
+    mammals), the alkaloids of peyote act on the central nervous
+    system.... [Mescaline] acts on the brain, which it paralyzes.
+    [Lophophorine] is antagonistic in action to this, augmenting
+    the irritability of the spinal cord and its elongations....
+    Peyotline, anhalonine and anhalonidine hold a middle place
+    between the two preceding. They produce in the frog a soporific
+    effect (due to the paralysis of the brain or central nervous
+    system), followed by an effect of tetanus. Anhalonidine and
+    anhalonine have identical physiological effects. The paralyzing
+    effect of the former is of long duration. That of the second is
+    much reduced and is lacking in warm-blooded animals.”
+
+
+ACTION OF PAN-PEYOTL
+
+The native use of peyote, however, involves of course the whole series
+of alkaloids, and we must discuss the physiological effect of pan-peyotl
+preparations. Since antagonistic alkaloids are at work, it is not
+surprising to find several stages of physiological action with the whole
+plant. Dixon writes:[7]
+
+    The action may be divided into a preliminary stage and a stage
+    of intoxication. In the former there is excitement, a feeling
+    of exhilaration, and diminished kinaesthetic sensations,
+    performances involving effort being hardly noticed; the face
+    is flushed, and the pupils dilated; there is a tendency to
+    talkativeness, which may become wandering later, when the
+    patient begins to feel “lightheaded.”
+
+    This stage quickly passes away, and is followed by one of
+    intoxication, in which there is a great inclination to lie
+    down, although there is never any tendency to sleep. The
+    pupils are now widely dilated, but act sluggishly to light.
+    On attempting to walk, the gait closely resembles that in
+    alcoholic intoxication, and in all bodily movements requiring
+    precision, the incoördination is evident. The body is generally
+    in a tremulous condition, the tremors showing well when the
+    attention is fixed on anything held in the hand. Reflexes over
+    the whole body are much increased, including the skin reflexes,
+    although there is considerable blunting of painful and tactile
+    sensation. Twitching of muscles occurs in various parts of the
+    body, especially noticeable in the face, and there is a curious
+    feeling as if the face, lips, tongue, etc., were much swollen.
+
+    As in _cannabis indica_, time is over-estimated, possibly as a
+    result of the rapid flow of ideas[8] and the inability to fix
+    the attention. Perception of space is also modified,[9] on one
+    occasion giving the impression that the ground sloped away in
+    all directions.
+
+    Perception may be considerably delayed; for example, one
+    may look at a person one knows well, and it is only after
+    scanning his features for what appears to the experimenter
+    a considerable time, that recognition occurs;[10] it is
+    possible, however, that this may be explained by the increased
+    time-relation. The attention cannot be fixed, as the least
+    stimulus is sufficient to alter the train of thought; thus it
+    was found impossible to fix the attention on a book, and a
+    subsequent examination of notes attempted during intoxication
+    showed incoördination both as regards language and writing.
+
+    On two occasions when deeply under the influence of the drug,
+    there was an indescribable feeling of dual existence; thus
+    after sitting with closed eyes subjectively examining the color
+    visions, on suddenly opening them for a brief space one seems
+    to be a different self, as on waking from a dream we pass into
+    a different world from that in which we have been. This may be
+    to some extent comparable to the rhythmical rise and fall of
+    the “physical waves” in Indian hemp intoxication.[11]
+
+    But by far the most remarkable of these subjective phenomena
+    are the sensory hallucinations,[12] especially visual. These
+    arise gradually, and are at first only seen with closed
+    eyes.... The visions rapidly become more marked, until on
+    closing the eyes a regular kaleidoscopic play of colours can be
+    seen with either eye, precisely the same; hence the condition
+    must be central.
+
+    These colours may assume all kinds of fantastic shapes; they
+    are never still, but constantly in motion, sometimes in a
+    circular or to-and-fro manner, but more generally there
+    is a kind of pulsation somewhat similar to that in the
+    cinematograph.[13]
+
+Both native visions and white observations testify abundantly to the
+phenomena of synaesthesis, or the perception of the data of one sense in
+terms of another. Rouhier figures a painting made by an experimenter in
+which the sound of a bell is seen as a surréaliste aggregate of flowing,
+pulsating lines; and a subject of Havelock Ellis had a “curious sensation
+of tasting colors.” Crichtly mentions a color-taste synaesthesia
+also.[14] All these phenomena are physiological constants, as indicated
+by comparison of native visions with white experimenters’ observations.
+
+After visual hallucinations far the commonest are auditory ones. The
+writer, with a number of other observers, has noted the preternatural
+resonance, hollowness, discreteness and far-away quality of one’s own
+voice; if vocal disfunction were involved one would expect a raising of
+pitch here, hence it is probably auditory. On this point Dixon bears
+critical evidence:[15]
+
+    The whole effect of the sound of the piano was most curious
+    and delightful, the whole air being filled with music, each
+    note of which seemed to arrange itself around a medley of
+    other notes which appeared to me to be surrounded by a halo of
+    colour pulsating to the music. Nasal hyperaesthesia was also
+    present, though less evident than either the visual or auditory
+    phenomena.
+
+The more strictly physiological effects may be summed up as follows:[16]
+
+    _Skin_: no local irritation on injection of pan-peyotl; one
+    observer reports partial skin anaesthesia, but this does not
+    affect cutaneous reflex-excitability, which is much increased.
+
+    _Respiration_: moderate amounts in Rana esculens produce no
+    effect, but in toxic doses respiration becomes quicker and
+    shallower, death ultimately occurring from paralysis of the
+    respiratory center. In man respiration is ordinarily not
+    affected, but some observers report shallower and more rapid
+    breathing with “occasional long-drawn and deep sighs, and a
+    painful feeling of suffocation.” Still another observer states
+    that “respiration slows immediately after injection but is not
+    influenced in a durable manner.”[17]
+
+    _Circulation_: in the frog a marked effect on heart-beat:
+    diminished rapidity, but increased duration; in the dog a
+    small dose causes a slight rise in pressure, stronger doses
+    considerable depression on the heart and vasodilation; in the
+    cat mescaline causes initial lower pressure, slowly rising, and
+    with a larger dose a greater initial fall, more marked slowing
+    in beat, with variable promptness in recovery. In man .05 gr.
+    of lophophorine causes marked slowing of beat but a rise in
+    pressure and force. An ordinary dose of four “buttons” produces
+    a 15-25% fall in the number of beats, with a slow recovery from
+    a sharp drop unless more are eaten. But death in guinea pigs
+    and frogs comes through paralysis of respiration, not of the
+    heart, since in Wiley’s experiments it would beat 15-20 minutes
+    after the death of the animal. “All this evidence points to the
+    conclusion that the main effect of these alkaloids is a direct
+    one on cardiac muscle ... [since] very large doses, quite
+    non-therapeutic in amount, are ... required before the colour
+    visions ... are observed.”
+
+    _Salivation_: increased in the cat, whether administered by
+    mouth or subcutaneously; the alkaloids are secreted in the
+    saliva (one cc. of cat saliva produces the same symptoms in a
+    frog); in man salivation is somewhat increased.
+
+    _Digestive system_: in small doses pan-peyotl is constipating,
+    according to some. In the cat large doses produce diarrhea and
+    blood in the feces. In man and the quadrupeds all sensations
+    of hunger are suppressed or absent during the period of
+    intoxication, but the appetite returns somewhat increased after
+    recovery; on first injection or ingestion there is a marked
+    nausea and feeling of fullness in the stomach which passes off,
+    without, however, hunger arising.
+
+    _Blood, secretions, etc._: no increase in the coagulability of
+    the blood; pancreatic and biliary secretions unaffected.
+
+    _Kidneys_: peyote alkaloids chiefly excreted by the kidneys;
+    experiments show increased renal blood supply, and pan-peyotl
+    is markedly diuretic.
+
+    _Eyes_: in the later stages of intoxication the pupils are
+    widely dilated, accompanied by lack of accommodation and
+    consequent photophobia.
+
+    _Nervous system_: sizeable doses produce their most marked
+    effect on the nervous system: wakefulness (despite cardiac
+    and muscular depression), exaggeration of all reflexes (due
+    to selective action on the spinal cord). A frog injected with
+    pan-peyotl became “exceedingly susceptible to stimuli, until
+    even the slightest touch or even a breath of cold air is
+    sufficient to give rise to a little nervous explosion, with
+    the resulting contraction of several muscles”; the frog became
+    rigid in tetanus as the reflexes degenerated. Convulsions are
+    produced in the dog with ⅕ cc. of pan-peyotl, sometimes
+    light, sometimes as violent as those of strychnine; death in
+    convulsions with 1 cc. per kilogram of body weight. Pan-peyotl
+    immediately kills a rabbit with a dose of 2 cc. per kilogram
+    of body weight, injected intravenously; 2 cc. injected in the
+    lymphatic sac paralyzes a frog. An injected cat shows “ataxic
+    gait, with jerky and stiff movements”—a staccato effect in an
+    animal notable for the legato quality of its movements—with
+    “irregular twitchings of muscles over the whole body.” The
+    same effects, less marked because of relatively smaller doses,
+    appear in man as in other mammals. Extraordinary doses cause
+    qualitatively and quantitatively the same reactions: the writer
+    has seen a child, quite ill and suffering from malnutrition,
+    brought very fretful into a peyote meeting and fed peyote “tea”
+    until rigid in strychnine-like tetanic opisthotonos.
+
+    _Psychic state_: exceedingly variable, varying culturally,
+    with the stages of intoxication, and in the individual
+    himself at different times. Mexican visions sometimes have
+    a frightening tone, sometimes one of hilarity. The writer
+    had marked confirmation of this while still ignorant of this
+    ethnographic fact: in an Oto meeting in 1936 visions were
+    of monstrous animals so ridiculous and hilariously funny
+    that proper self-restraint in meeting was difficult; yet, in
+    a control experiment comfortably conducted in New Haven,
+    the psychic state developed into one of stark, galloping,
+    psychotic terror, quite inexplicable on realistic grounds
+    (later, parallels were found in Winnebago material and in
+    white observations). Curiously enough Dixon noted in a cat
+    photophobia, dilated pupils and a fixed “stare ... [and] most
+    of the physical elements of ‘terror.’ ... The ears were drawn
+    back, the hair over the body, especially the tail, becomes
+    erected, there is twitching of the superficial muscles, the
+    respiration being shallow and hurried, and the heart weak and
+    irregular.” One experimenter’s subject became possessed of the
+    fixed idea that he was being poisoned, when the intoxication
+    had thoroughly developed. This experience, once felt, is so
+    strikingly physiological that one is tempted to wonder if there
+    is any hypersecretion of adrenalin, perhaps in adjustmental
+    reaction to the effect of the alkaloids on the heart. Dixon
+    thought _Lophophora_ differed from _Cannabis indica_ in never
+    provoking merriment; yet Wertham and Bleuler had one subject
+    who achieved a state of to him quite meaningless hilarity. Fear
+    states are present among native users also, to judge from the
+    content of some visions recorded; conceivably these might be
+    the psychic end-results of the intensified reflex-excitability
+    induced by the strychnine-like alkaloids. However, one should
+    bear in mind throughout the antagonistic effect of the
+    alkaloids, which together with individual, cultural and other
+    differences (physiological state, amount eaten, the form in
+    which the drug is taken—infusion or solid, dry or green—the
+    continued eating of it in late stages of intoxication, etc.)
+    contribute to widely variable reactions. The experiments of
+    Wertham and Bleuler are impressive in this connection.[18] This
+    variability for the same subject at different times, Indians
+    explain, is conditioned by what one starts thinking about when
+    the intoxication begins.[19]
+
+
+PEYOTE AS APHRODISIAC AND ANAPHRODISIAC
+
+We have previously noted the use in Mexico of teo-nanacatl, _Cacalia_
+spp. and _Cannabis_ spp. for their supposed aphrodisiac virtues.
+Peyote too has become involved in this use, but it has been as warmly
+defended as attacked, some indeed maintaining that it is a specific
+anaphrodisiac. It can hardly be both. The present writer, as a matter
+of fact, considers this less a problem of physiology than one of
+ethnology, psychology or even psychiatry, and is persuaded that in the
+pharmacological-physiological sense there exist neither aphrodisiacs nor
+their opposite, anaphrodisiacs.
+
+The matter is not to be settled off-handedly by resort to experiments
+on white subjects; it is a more intricate question of culture and
+personality. If white subjects argue heatedly for peyote’s aphrodisiac
+and anaphrodisiac virtues, this proves nothing physiological. It merely
+indicates the long notorious fact that given the somewhat anti-sexual
+tradition of west European culture, the typical anxiety of its
+culture-bearers is sexual. This is scarcely the case with the Plains
+Indians I have observed. As expressed in ritual, symbolism and prayer,
+the typical anxiety of these natives is that about life itself—and the
+culture-historical background out of which this has grown will be readily
+recalled by students of Plains ethnography (constant warfare, prestige
+symbolisms, the coming of the Whites with new diseases, superior weapons,
+etc.).
+
+We shall merely cite here, therefore, instances showing up the order of
+“proof” so far adduced to support these contrary stands about peyote.
+Lumholtz leads the anaphrodisiac school:
+
+    Another marked effect of the plant is to take away temporarily
+    all sexual desire. This fact, no doubt, is the reason why the
+    Indians, by a curious aboriginal mode of reasoning, impose
+    abstinence from sexual intercourse as a necessary part of the
+    hikuli cult.[20]
+
+Wertham and Bleuler also write of subjects that[21] “efforts to conjure
+up an erotic scene were unsuccessful.” Fernberger,[22] however, exhibits
+a still more naïve sense of evidence:
+
+    [An ethnographer] reports that in the Peyote Cults investigated
+    there is no actual, implied or even symbolic eroticism[23]
+    which marks these ceremonies off from practically every other
+    known American Indian ceremony of any tribe or group [!]. In
+    order to test the validity of some of these reports, nine
+    mature members of the faculty ... submitted together to extreme
+    peyote intoxication.[24] [The experiment was performed in a
+    group _because_ it] gave the opportunity for suggestion of
+    one observer upon another [and permitted a ceremony complete
+    with rattles and drum. Consequently[25]] one unexpected and
+    unforeseen result of this investigation is the evident strongly
+    anti-aphrodisiac[26] effect of the drug. This would again
+    explain, for social psychology and for anthropology, the
+    purely and totally unerotic character[27] of the ceremonies of
+    the Peyote Cults so unusual to American Indian ceremonies.[28]
+
+It seems alike profitless to enter into a discussion of those who argue
+the aphrodisiac properties of peyote.[29] These have often enough
+been missionaries and administrators whose use of the argument in
+bitter attacks on the Native American Church shows them to be scarcely
+disinterested. Certainly from the evidence so far at hand we can only
+heartily endorse the opinion of Klüver[30] that “the drug apparently does
+not influence the sexual sphere in any specific way.”
+
+
+THERAPEUTIC USES OF PEYOTE
+
+From the physiological relation of the peyote alkaloids to strychnine
+and morphine, considerable enthusiasm was early shown about their
+pharmacodynamics and possible therapeutic uses. Jolly[31] in 1896
+experimented on pellotine [= peyotline] as a hypnotic and soporific,
+for when used in small doses in man the fall of the pulse initially
+is accompanied by sleepiness. Heffter[32] likewise reports a marked
+heaviness of limbs and eyelids. Loaeza,[33] apparently using pan-peyotl
+preparations, maintained that peyote and _Cereus serpentinus_ (organillo)
+had value as tonics or cardiac regulators, but variable action and
+individual idiosyncrasy is marked. Henry[34] says the therapeutic dose
+of pellotine is one-third to two-thirds of a grain, but that it is only
+“slightly narcotic.” The high toxicity of lophophorine discourages its
+therapeutic use. Rouhier[35] wrote in 1926 that “properly speaking,
+therapeusis by peyote does not yet exist. Although the drug was
+introduced in the American pharmaceutical market[36] for twenty years,
+from which it has since disappeared, it is still unknown to the great
+medical public.” On the whole, however, the therapeutic possibilities of
+_Lophophora_ seem unimpressive.[37]
+
+
+USES IN PSYCHIATRY
+
+Because peyote produces what has been described as a “mescal psychosis,”
+it has been suggested that it might be a useful approach for the
+psychiatrist in the study of schizophrenia. The production of “horrible
+depressions” in a subject of Prentiss and Morgan and “fear that his life
+was leaving him,” as well as the unaccountable hilarity of Wertham and
+Bleuler’s subject, suggests a similar value, if any, in the study of
+manic-depressive psychoses too. No doubt psychoses may be exteriorized
+with increased facility in peyote intoxication, but this strikes one as a
+crude method and subject to the introduction of extraneous factors over
+which there is no control.[38]
+
+Hutchings used pellotine as a hypnotic on psychotic patients in the St.
+Lawrence State Hospital. Pilcz likewise reports this use of peyote as
+a sedative for the insane, but Warburg states that these experiments
+have met with little success, on account of the by-effects of the
+alkaloids. Dr. Goodall of the Carmarthen Asylum, according to Havelock
+Ellis, tried peyote on melancholic and stuporous patients, but “beyond
+dilation of pupils and rapidity [!] of heart action, the results were
+nil.” Martindale and Westcott report that formerly peyote was used in
+neurasthenia, hysteria and asthma; it is hard to see in some cases where
+the cure is any superior to the disease, however. Briau employed peyote
+in “anxiety states,” but the extremely variable emotional states under
+peyote intoxication make even tentative conclusions precarious.[39]
+Indeed, peyote would be calculated to aggravate asthma and anxiety states
+under some circumstances!
+
+Bensheim found different mescal reactions in cycloids and schizoids, but
+Wertham and Bleuler somewhat surprisingly discovered both reactions in a
+single person, and argued for the inconstancy of the formal structure of
+the “personality.” Probably, however, peyote had no definitive importance
+in either case though the former used only mescaline and the latter
+pan-peyotl. Zucker induced mescaline intoxication in the hallucinated
+insane, but far too many variables appear to be involved here. Zador
+conducted experiments on the blind and patients with disordered vision,
+using mescaline, the chief hallucination-producing alkaloid of peyote.
+Klüver discussed color predominance in reported visions (red-green in the
+initial phases, blue-yellow later). This suggests selective action of
+the alkaloids on various regions of the retina, evidence bearing on the
+Ladd-Franklin phylogenetic theory of color vision. Possibly, too, colors
+predominant in peyote-symbolisms of natives may have a physiological
+meaning. Klüver’s “form-constants” in peyote-intoxication may have
+similar significance, but he dealt largely with White visions only.[40]
+
+
+PEYOTE AS A DRUG
+
+Of more concern, however, to those who interest themselves in the welfare
+of Indians is the possible ill effect or habit-forming nature of the
+drug. On this point we quote the opinions of those better qualified than
+the writer to speak.
+
+Briau,[41] in his psychiatric study, emphasized
+
+    the innocuousness of peyote.... No signs of grave intolerance
+    were ever exhibited, nor any accident more disagreeable than
+    vomiting, all too frequent at the beginning of a treatment
+    with opiates. There was no notable organic upsetment produced
+    during the time of action of the medicament. The effects on
+    the circulation, respiration, digestive system and excretory
+    functions have not appeared noxious. We have frequently
+    examined urine for the existence of abnormal constituents
+    revealing some derangement of the liver or the kidneys. In
+    short, never during our researches have distressing secondary
+    phenomena been manifested (headache, obnubilation, confusion,
+    psychic and physical depression, or gastro-intestinal
+    disturbances).... No brutality in the action [of pan-peyotl]
+    can be remarked.
+
+Briau believes the drug non-habit forming. Rouhier expresses himself more
+guardedly:
+
+    That peyote-mania can sometimes exist, we will not dispute.
+    We merely remark, to explain our optimism on the subject,
+    that the drug does not seem to provoke that irresistible
+    physiological appetite, nor that “state of need,” purveyors of
+    the great toxicomanias which opium, cocaine, heroine or alcohol
+    create.
+
+Havelock Ellis expresses himself as follows:
+
+    The few observations recorded in America and my own experiments
+    in England do not enable us to say anything regarding the
+    habitual consumption of mescal in large amounts. That such
+    consumption would be gravely injurious I cannot doubt. Its
+    safeguard seems to lie in the fact that a certain degree of
+    robust health is required to obtain any real enjoyment from its
+    visionary gifts.
+
+The last statement is somewhat gratuitous, if not erroneous.[42]
+
+Hrdlička[43] writes as follows:
+
+    My views ... are that any substance which is capable of
+    producing such effects on the brain and nervous system if
+    abused is bound to produce harm. Fortunately peyotl is rather
+    scarce, is used on special occasions only—in a large majority
+    of cases—and thus it is probably quite free from any permanent
+    injury.[44] The drug can perhaps be likened to nicotine,
+    and like the latter will doubtless not affect different
+    individuals to the same degree. Also, as with nicotine, it
+    may be quite impossible with our present means to detect the
+    harm it has done. Besides which it is quite possible that the
+    system may build up some resistance or safeguard against it and
+    thus prevent any substantial injury. I should by no means join
+    myself to those who see in it any _great_ danger.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Rouhier, _Monographie_, 231.
+
+[2] Kobert, _Lehrbuch_, 1008-1009; Rouhier, _op. cit._, 227; Henry (T.
+A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199: Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological
+Action_, 71. Rouhier (_op. cit._, 228, 231) places peyotline in the
+strychnine group; it has a narcotic and tetanic effect on animals, to be
+sure, but in man, according to Jolly, it causes slight hypnosis, but no
+anaesthesia. Schmiedeberg puts it in the morphine group, which we have
+followed (cf. Kobert, _Lehrbuch_, 1009).
+
+[3] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199; Rouhier, _op. cit._, 238;
+Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 71.
+
+[4] Condensed from Rouhier, _op. cit._, 227-32. Note “pellotine” is the
+same as “peyotline.”
+
+[5] Henry, _loc. cit._ Staub and Grassmann (_Über die Wirkungsgrenze_,
+336) state, in dogs, increased heart-beat and pressure.
+
+[6] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 231. I have modified and added to Rouhier’s
+classifications. Ellis (_Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_) describes
+the effects on the central nervous system as “acute cerebrasthenia.” The
+lethal dose of anhalonine hydrochloride for rabbits is 0.16 to 0.2 grams
+per kilogram of body weight; lophophorine kills frogs by a dose of only
+0.011 grams per kilogram of body weight. (Henry, _op. cit._, 199).
+
+[7] Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 79-81. Rouhier (_op.
+cit._, 268-69): “Intoxication by peyote in man comprises two very
+distinct phases, one, general superexcitement, contentment; euphoria,
+the other of nervous sedation, of more or less accentuated physical
+indolence, and of hypocerebrality; this last phase is almost entirely
+filled with the production of color-visions.” Henry (_op. cit._, 199)
+likens this preliminary stage to alcoholic intoxication.
+
+[8] Fernberger (_Observations_, 270) mentions “a very clear but rapidly
+changing focus of attention”; see also his _Further Observations_, 367.
+Crichtly (_Some Forms_, 102) notes the “rapidity of change,” though
+visions “lasted many hours.” It is in this that the “indescribability” of
+the visions lies (Ellis, _Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_).
+
+[9] Fernberger (_Observations_, 269) notes “distortion of time and
+space”; and (_Further Observations_, 367) a “grave upsetting of
+space and time ... space was extremely extended and time extremely
+slowed.” Maggendorfer (_Intoxikationspsychosen_, 355-56) notes for
+mescaline a time and space derangement, similar to those in other
+“intoxikationpsychosen.” Crichtly (_op. cit._, 105) describes micropsia
+and megalopsia, or gravely deranged perception of size.
+
+[10] In these careful statements by Dixon (on a subject not notable for
+the accuracy of all observers) many physiological bases for ethnographic
+observations I have made may be found, e.g., the mistaking in a Kiowa
+meeting of the medicine-man Tonakat by an informant for a hideous
+alligator-like monster; he believed then he had seen this witch “for what
+he was.”
+
+[11] The writer testifies to the accuracy of Dixon’s somewhat amazing
+statement. So marked have been the physical effects of the first stage
+of intoxication, that when these pass off to give rise to the feeling of
+physiological normality (introspectively), one almost has a distrust of
+the existence of these spectacular mental displays particularly if the
+observer is of a markedly non-“psychic” or skeptical cast of mind. The
+visions arise in the midst of a psychological state I can only describe
+as one of perfectly plausible “epistemological orientation,” sometimes
+acutely felt in alcoholic intoxication. The feeling of dissociation
+with this unfamiliar and spectacular side of one’s peyote-intoxication
+experience has suggested to some observers incipient schizoid psychoses.
+Small wonder natives often exhibit curiously ambivalent attitudes toward
+their visions, and sometimes explicitly reject and disclaim them as
+“bad,” the result of trickery by the peyote power (“he’s testing me”) or
+by some human witch present. Hoebel in conversation has insisted on the
+Northern Cheyenne attitude of suspicion of peyote’s “trickiness.” But I
+wholly disagree with Havelock Ellis and others who have argued for the
+“ineffability” of visions, and even less do I see in peyote-intoxication
+any approach to the mystical state of the epistemological
+_convincingness_ of the _visions_. It is this _concomitant_ state of
+seeming objectiveness and reality-orientation which accounts for the
+marked feeling of duality. On this point, cf. Drs. Monakow and Morgue:
+“[Peyote produces] a particular state of dreaming, without losing,
+relatively, the idea of orientation, accompanied by pseudo-hallucinatory
+phenomena.”
+
+[12] Ellis (_Mescal: A Study of a Divine Plant_, 60) reports a “vague
+olfactory hallucination”; Fernberger (_Observations_, 269) and the
+writer have noticed kinaesthetic derangements which have parallels in
+native visions. Hearing is very acute (Fernberger, _ibid._; _Further
+Observations_, 371), but subject to hallucination and synaesthetic
+derangement.
+
+[13] Some fifty native peyote “visions” were collected in the original
+dissertation from which this paper is derived.
+
+[14] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 315, fig. 44; Ellis, _Mescal; A Study_, 68;
+Crichtly, _Some Forms_, 106.
+
+[15] Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 81.
+
+[16] Based largely on Dixon and Rouhier, with additional data from
+Jaensch, Wiley, Crichtly, Prentiss and Morgan, Ellis, Fernberger, Wertham
+and Bleuler, Lewin, Maggendorfer, Staub and Grassmann.
+
+[17] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 232. But Dixon writes, “In man the nervous
+effects are extremely interesting, but on account of the respiratory
+depression which is liable to occur it is not desirable to experiment
+too freely; it is necessary to remember that this substance, like Indian
+hemp, varies considerably in its effects on different individuals, and
+that the element of idiosyncrasy is marked.”
+
+[18] Wertham and Bleuler, _Inconstancy of the Formal Structure of
+the Personality_. The general thesis of these experimenters was that
+personality types might be studied as they were exteriorized in mescaline
+intoxication via the Rorschach test. One of the observers described two
+personalities in a normal subject in two periods of intoxication, not
+knowing that it was the same person. They conclude, interestingly: “It is
+suggested that these observations indicate that the form of a personality
+is not a constant, but that it may be influenced by outer circumstances,
+and that the usual psychologic ‘type’ of a person does not necessarily
+exhaust the description of the formal structure of his personality.”
+
+[19] “What an excellent use for a medical congress,” Sir Francis Galton
+dryly wrote Havelock Ellis (_Mescal: A Study_, 71, note), “to put one
+half of their members under mescal, and to make the other half observe
+them.”
+
+[20] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1: 359; cf. _Explorations in Mexique_,
+181-82. It is a curious west-European mode of reasoning that leads one to
+expect in all psychic upsetments such as this the emergence of the sexual
+anxiety—more particularly in the case of peyote intoxication, which
+provokes marked fall of heart-beat, physical and mental depression at one
+stage, uncomfortable “stomach fullness” and acute nausea!
+
+[21] Wertham and Bleuler, 60. The presence of prior suggestion is
+blatantly obvious. Cf. Karwoski, 212: “To the sexologist an easy way of
+obliterating temporarily the genital response is offered since mescal is
+a powerful anaphrodisiac.... My own experience confirms the anaphrodisiac
+properties of mescal, but the fact that under its influence I found my
+imagination turning to erotic situations, although temporarily impotent,
+is an illustration of the persistence of conditioning that offers an
+interesting suggestion with reference to the extirpation experiments
+reported in the controversy over the James-Lange theory of emotions.”
+Unfortunately, _culture_ cannot be extirpated.
+
+[22] Fernberger, _Further Observations_, 368. But Fernberger
+misunderstood his informant, Petrullo, who (_The Diabolic Root_, 8, note)
+of course disclaims this statement from “which” on.
+
+[23] Field workers protest privately, but not often enough explicitly,
+against the projection of these culturally- and personally-subjective
+values into other cultures. The envisaging of primitive cultures as
+unspoiled Arcadias where one’s frustrated dreams for one’s own culture
+come true, is at least as old as Tacitus’ “Germania,” and is still going
+on, not alone among laymen.
+
+[24] We repeat that results _either positive or negative_ for white
+observers have no bearing on the problem as regards natives, as this
+problem is cultural.
+
+[25] Fernberger, _Further Observations_, 377.
+
+[26] All but one vomited.
+
+[27] It is scarcely surprising that one does not find in Indian
+ceremonies what is not there.
+
+[28] Had Fernberger investigated such of his predecessors as Lumholtz,
+the novelty of his results would have impressed him less. And had his
+experiments been more critical he would not be superfluously supplied
+with an “explanation” to a problem where no data to be explained exist
+(compare the a-priorism of the “parapsychologists”). But Fernberger
+continues: “For every one of the observers the anti-aphrodisiac effect of
+the drug was marked and continued, in most cases, for at least 24 hours
+after the period of intoxication. Efforts at erotic stimulation proved
+ineffective. In several cases physical automanipulation of the genitals
+failed to produce the usual physiological effect. The calling up of
+erotic images—visual and verbal—were equally ineffective.”
+
+[29] An able and sincere field worker has told the writer of an
+experience at a meeting which ended for him in orgasm. But he would agree
+that detailing of similar White “aphrodisiac” experiences is edifying
+more as regards individuals than the drug. This paper aims to deal with
+the _native_ peyote cult.
+
+[30] Klüver, _Mescal, the Divine Plant_, 101; but peyote is a complex of
+physiologically antagonistic drugs of quite variable reaction.
+
+[31] Jolly, _Über die schlafmachende; Über Pellotine_, 375-76. This
+effect is all the more remarkable since Heffter in similar experiments
+noted that pellotine produced in the frog excitability and reflex tetanus.
+
+[32] Heffter, _Über Pellotin_, 327-28.
+
+[33] Loaeza, in del Campo, _Peyote_, 145. Koang-Hobschette (_Les
+Cactacées_, 41) says cactine, the active element of _Cereus grandiflorus_
+Mill. is used like digitalis as a cardio-tonic, strengthening the systole
+and diminishing the diastole like strychnine.
+
+[34] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199.
+
+[35] Rouhier, _Monographie_, 340.
+
+[36] Parke Davis and Co. formerly manufactured the drug. See their _Newer
+Pharmacology_.
+
+[37] But not to all persons! The typical over-enthusiasm with which
+new materia medica are received is itself an interesting ethnographic
+commentary. Prentiss and Morgan (_Therapeutic Uses_, 4-5) prescribed it
+variously for “cramps, griping and colic ... [and] nervous headache”
+as well as “tickling in the throat.” They also report (_The Alkaloids
+of Anhalonium_, 123-37) uses by other doctors. Two brothers, doctors,
+prescribed peyote for their brother who was suffering from “softening
+of the brain.” He died a few months later, uncured. Nevertheless, they
+prescribed peyote for their sister, who was “very low and out of her
+head;” she later recovered. Richardson (D. A.), (_A Report_, 194-95)
+reports still more spectacular sequelae. He administered peyote to a man
+with “frontal cephalalgia.” “Especially would I remark,” he says, “on the
+clearing of the skin of pimples over the chest and back, and a marked
+softening of the hair, which before the exhibition of the anhalonium was
+dry, with a tendency to break easily.” It nevertheless also decreased
+the abnormal oiliness of the skin. Further, he thought it was a solvent
+for uric acid, likely to be of value for stones in the bladder. Lastly,
+“In my opinion, anhalonium is a superior cardiac tonic, and, like
+nitroglycerine, its effects are prolonged after the administration of the
+drug is withdrawn.”
+
+The efficacy of peyote in native doctoring seems as little established
+also. Reasons of ethnographic nature have already been cited for doubting
+the anti-alcoholic virtue of peyote. Indeed, the leader of one meeting I
+attended I visited in jail later in the week; he had been arrested for
+drunken street-fighting. I could uncharitably cite half-a-dozen similar
+cases, but it seems amply enough demonstrated that there is no relation
+of exclusiveness between peyotism and alcoholism.
+
+[38] Klüver, _Mescal, The “Divine” Plant_, 97, 108. Prentiss and Morgan,
+_Anhalonium Lewinii_, 581; Wertham and Bleuler, _Inconstancy in the
+Formal Structure_, 52, 60.
+
+[39] Hutchings, in Heffter, _Ueber Pellote_, 409; Pilcz, _Ueber
+Pellotin_, 1121-22; Warburg, in Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_,
+136; Ellis, _Mescal: A Study_, 71; Martindale and Westcott, _The Extra
+Pharmacopoeia_, 1:836; Briau, in Koang-Hobschette, _Les Cactacées_.
+Karwoski (_Psychophysics_, 212) suggests that peyote might heighten
+rapport in psychoanalysis; cf. Deschamps.
+
+[40] Bensheim, _Typenunterschiede_, 121; Wertham and Bleuler,
+_Inconstancy in the Formal Structure_, 70; Zucker, _Versuche_, 107;
+Zador, _Meskalinwirkung bei Störung_, 30; _Meskalinwirkung_; Klüver,
+_Mescal, The “Divine” Plant_, 36-39, 41; Ladd-Franklin, _Colour and
+Colour-Theories_, _passim_.
+
+[41] Briau, in Koang-Hobschette, _Les Cactacées_, 73-74; Rouhier, _Le
+Peyotl_, 337; Ellis, _Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_, 141.
+
+[42] An editorial _Paradise or Inferno?_ (Editorial, 390) sharply
+rebuked Ellis for the attractiveness which he had ascribed to mescal
+intoxication, basing the criticism on grounds of medical ethics.
+
+[43] Letter to Schultes, Feb. 21, 1936. My own experience leads me fully
+to endorse Hrdlička’s careful statement. Elsewhere in the text are cited
+numerous cases of natives who, in good faith I believe, gave up the
+use of peyote entirely upon the rising of special or acute anxieties.
+My informants, on the other hand, quite as frankly admitted that there
+were some individuals who showed signs of addiction, in the sense that
+they consumed the plant often and abundantly, but these are not clear
+uncomplicated instances of drug-addiction; I trust such native candor
+implicitly. Besides, peyote is not wholly pleasant (“You must suffer to
+peyote”).
+
+[44] The issue of the native religious use of the drug is indeed a
+complex one. But whatever else may be said, it is only fair to the
+Indians to state that the bitterest and most unmeasured condemnations
+of the drug have issued from quarters which are scarcely disinterested.
+Whatever the merits of the case, those persons are concerned with the
+deculturation of the Indian, and see in the peyote religion a formidable
+obstacle to their progress in inducting the native into modern life. The
+doubtless good intentions of such persons have on occasion, however,
+led them into errors of judgment when, for instance, they would argue
+that peyotism is merely out-and-out drug addiction in religious guise
+(e.g. Daiker, Hughes, Newberne and Burke, Seymour, Watermulder, and the
+writers in the Indian Rights Association and Literary Digest articles;)
+Lindquist, for example, feels free to commit numerous errors of fact
+yet still pontificate on the “false gods” of “the cult of Death” which
+is “nothing but an evil” (_The Red Man_, 72, 73, 75). For, given the
+Plains religious and ideological background, the peyote cult is entirely
+plausible as a religion, and the issue is properly one of religious
+freedom.
+
+The intellectual “authority” in west European culture is, of course,
+the empirical and pragmatic (or putatively), while that of the Indian
+in this religion, as elsewhere, can correctly be termed mystical, if
+we understand by this a super-normal knowledge-technique transcending
+ordinary epistemological considerations. For there can be no shadow of
+a doubt concerning the deep and humble sincerity of the worship and
+belief—and sincerity perhaps, even in the absence of other ingredients,
+is the chief component of a living religion. And if the chief function
+of a religion is the liquidation of the anxieties and the solution of
+the fears and troubles of its adherents, then surely the peyote religion
+eminently qualifies as such.
+
+The issue then balances somewhat delicately on the point of “authority,”
+which is really at bottom a matter of comparative ethnography. If, as
+we believe, the scientific is truly the most mature knowledge-technique
+man has yet perfected, then facile and off-hand condemnation of peyotism
+on its basis is even less possible. Aside from the probable ultimate
+disappearance of the Native American Church, a generous and libertarian
+philosophy would condemn present attacks on it as often misguided and
+even oftener uninformed. The chief human difficulty in the world today is
+the adjustment of one culture to another, of one absolutistic ideology
+and Weltanschauung to another. But the scientific spirit itself would
+protest against the dictatorship of any one ideology, of whatever sort;
+there is too much chance that any self-contained scheme be dangerously
+wrong, when unchecked by modifying differing beliefs. Science, indeed,
+has been lifted above the level of folklore precisely because the
+spectacle of variously conditioned culture-historical outlooks has
+necessitated self-criticism and an objective comparative survey of
+beliefs. A fetishistic attitude toward science and its tentative
+pronouncements, therefore, is itself folkloristic in tone. This however,
+is not to suggest any distrust in the ability of the scientific method
+to obtain such sound results as have been so far achieved; but it is
+intended to point out the real limitations in our information.
+
+Although the best modern scientific knowledge would indicate that the
+alkaloids in peyote do not perform the manifold therapeutic miracles
+which natives ascribe to it, one might still well wonder whether harsh
+sumptuary laws would not work more positive hardship and harm than the
+drug itself. If not the injustice then certainly the inexpedience of such
+exercise of civil authority has been amply demonstrated in the Eighteenth
+Amendment and its sorry consequences. We may not presume therefore to
+judge what should be the administrative fate of the peyote cult. The
+emotional and ideological side of the religion is not open to judgement;
+and on the properly scientific and physiological side of the question the
+simple fact is that we actually don’t know enough about it.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX 7: JOHN WILSON, THE REVEALER OF PEYOTE
+
+
+The life and career of a remarkable individual were successively involved
+in the several traditions of the Ghost Dance, mescalism, old Algonquian
+shamanistic “shooting” ceremonies and finally peyotism. Both for its
+intrinsic interest and its historical significance we give here in some
+detail the life of this man. Wilson appears first as a leader in the
+Ghost Dance movement of the 1890’s. Mooney[1] writes:
+
+    The principal leader of the Ghost dance among the Caddo
+    is Nĭshkûntŭ, “Moon Head,” known to the whites as John
+    Wilson. Although considered a Caddo, and speaking only
+    that language,[2] he is very much of a mixture, being half
+    Delaware, one-fourth Caddo, and one-fourth French. One of his
+    grandfathers was a Frenchman. As the Caddo lived originally
+    in Louisiana, there is a considerable mixture of French blood
+    among them, which manifests itself in his case in a fairly
+    heavy beard. He is about 50 years of age [in 1892-93], rather
+    tall and well built, and wears his hair at full length flowing
+    loosely over his shoulders. With a good head and strong,
+    intelligent features, he presents the appearance of a natural
+    leader.... He was one of the first Caddo to go into a trance,
+    the occasion being the great Ghost dance held by the Arapaho
+    and Cheyenne near Darlington agency, at which Sitting Bull
+    presided, in the fall of 1890. On his return to consciousness
+    he had wonderful things to tell of his experiences in the
+    spirit world, composed a new song, and from that time became
+    the high priest of the Caddo dance. Since then his trances
+    have been frequent, both in and out of the Ghost dance, and in
+    addition to his leadership in this connection he assumes the
+    occult powers and authority of a great medicine-man, all the
+    powers claimed by him being freely conceded by his people.
+
+Captain Scott, who visited the Caddo in 1890-91 during the period of
+their greatest excitement about the Ghost Dance, also met Wilson, of whom
+he writes:[3]
+
+    John Wilson, a Caddo man of much prominence, was especially
+    affected [by the Ghost Dance], performing a series of gyrations
+    that were most remarkable. At all hours of the day and night
+    his cry could be heard all over camp, and when found he would
+    be dancing in the ring, possibly upon one foot, with his eyes
+    closed and the forefinger of his right hand pointed upward, or
+    in some other ridiculous posture. Upon being asked his reasons
+    for assuming these attitudes he replied that he could not help
+    it; that it came over him just like cramps.
+
+Wilson soon became a well-known doctor in this connection. Scott
+continues:
+
+    John Wilson had progressed finely, and was now a full-fledged
+    doctor, a healer of diseases, and a finder of stolen property
+    through supernatural means. One day, while we were in the tent,
+    a Wichita woman entered, led by the spirit. It was explained
+    to us that she did not even know who lived there, but some
+    force she could not account for brought her. Having stated
+    her case to John, he went off into a fit of the jerks, in
+    which his spirit went up and saw “his father” (i.e., God), and
+    who directed him how to cure this woman. When he came to, he
+    explained the cure to her, and sent her away rejoicing. Soon
+    afterwards a Keechei man came in, who was blind of one eye, and
+    who desired to have the vision restored. John again consulted
+    his father, who informed him that nothing could be done for
+    that eye because that man held aloof from the dance.
+
+When Mooney visited the Caddo on Sugar Creek late in 1895,
+
+    John Wilson came down from his own camp to explain his part
+    in the Ghost dance. He wore a wide-brim hat, with his hair
+    flowing down to his shoulders, and on his breast, suspended
+    from a cord, about his neck, was a curious amulet consisting
+    of the polished end of a buffalo horn, surrounded by a circlet
+    of downy red feathers, within another circle of badger and owl
+    claws. He explained that this was the source of his prophetic
+    and clairvoyant inspiration. The buffalo horn was “God’s
+    heart,” the red feathers contained his own heart,[4] and the
+    circle of claws represented the world. When he prayed for help,
+    his heart communed with “God’s heart,” and he learned what he
+    wished to know. He had much to say also of the moon. Sometimes
+    in his trances he went to the moon and the moon taught him
+    secrets.... He claimed an intimate acquaintance with the other
+    world and asserted positively that he could tell me “just what
+    heaven is like.” Another man who accompanied him had a yellow
+    sun with green rays painted on his forehead, with an elaborate
+    rayed crescent in green, red, and yellow on his chin, and
+    wore a necklace from which depended a crucifix and a brass
+    clockwheel, the latter, as he stated, representing the sun.
+
+    On entering the room where I sat awaiting him, Nĭshkûntŭ
+    approached and performed mystic passes in front of my face
+    with his hands, after the manner of the hypnotist priests in
+    the Ghost dance, blowing upon me the while, as he afterward
+    explained to blow evil things away from me before beginning to
+    talk on religious subjects....[5] Laying one hand on my head,
+    and grasping my own hand with the other, he prayed silently
+    for some time with bowed head, and then lifting his hand from
+    my head, he passed it over my face, down my shoulder and arm
+    to the hand, which he grasped and pressed slightly, and then
+    released the fingers with a graceful upward sweep.[6]
+
+A curious mixture of Caddoan (?) mescalism, Ghost Dance, Delaware
+“shooting” ceremonies and early peyotism occurred among the Shawnee when
+Wilson came to them about 1889. The Quapaw were being taught the Ghost
+Dance, in which a small water drum was used to accompany the circling of
+the dancers, alternately men and women. Wilson showed them how to swallow
+mescal beans, and also how to “shoot” them into a person so that he or
+she would fall down. Then he doctored the person with peyote to bring him
+back to consciousness. A number of tribes were involved in these doings,
+according to Mrs. Voegelin, the Shawnee, Delaware, Mohawk, Peoria, Caddo
+(?), Quapaw, Iowa and Oto. Gradually, however, Wilson turned from the
+Ghost Dance to peyote. Already in Mooney’s time he was “prominent in the
+mescal [i.e., peyote] rite, which has recently come to his tribe [the
+Caddo] from the Kiowa and Comanche.”[7]
+
+Both mescalism and the Ghost Dance, in his person, have traceable
+influence upon peyotism. This syncretism of cultures in one personality
+is of considerable interest.
+
+    Before Wilson had quite reached the age of forty, he had lived
+    the life of an ordinary Indian of Oklahoma. He was addicted to
+    moderate drinking. He frequented the social dances and gambling
+    gatherings usual among reservation groups of his type. He had
+    participated likewise in the contemporary religious ceremonies
+    performed by the Delaware.... As a vagrant, not however in
+    the condemning sense of the term, he had wandered as most
+    Oklahoma Indians do, from tribe to tribe and inevitably also
+    among the whites experiencing the wide range of personal and
+    social contacts which might be inferred from the statement.
+    Anderson states, in short, that his uncle had lived a sinful
+    life but adds in effect that he had not been guilty of any
+    major offences. He was married to a woman of Delaware and Caddo
+    descent and had an adopted son, Black Wolf, reputed to be also
+    part Delaware part Caddo, and who is still living (1932) and
+    carrying out Wilson’s teachings and ministrations.
+
+About this time he attended a Comanche dance, where a Comanche man
+presented him with a peyote button and told him to give it a trial—which
+he did in an unusually thorough manner. Speck continues:
+
+    Before long he concluded to adopt the advice given and to
+    retire from worldly companionship, to make the trial and to
+    study its outcome. With this objective in mind he informed
+    his wife, secured provisions for a few weeks stay in camp and
+    together they drove away in a wagon to a little creek where
+    an abundant supply of fresh drinkable water might be had.
+    The place he selected was a secluded “clean and open place”
+    where they would be alone free from intrusion and worldly
+    distractions. Anderson thinks that Wilson remained there about
+    two or three weeks but he does not remember hearing him say
+    how long. When all was ready he began his innovation to the
+    mysteries of Peyote the first night by eating 8 or 9 “buttons.”
+    We learn that during the period of self exposure to the power
+    of Peyote he took the medicine at frequent intervals during the
+    day or night as the impulse prompted him using about the same
+    quantity each time it was taken. As soon as he began, using the
+    words of the informant, “_Peyote took pity on him_” for his
+    humble mien and sincere desire to learn its power. During the
+    whole period he allowed nothing to distract him, giving his
+    entire thought and wish to learn what Peyote might teach him.
+    The outcome was the revelation that motivated him for the rest
+    of his life and made him a teacher of the Peyote doctrines,
+    which he himself exclusively evolved through the revelations
+    given him at this time.
+
+    During the time of his sojourn, Wilson did not fast or undergo
+    other abnegations but lived normally.... Each time Wilson
+    took peyote during those days and nights of seclusion he ate
+    about fifteen peyote “buttons.” ... During the two weeks or
+    so of his experimental seclusion, Wilson was continually
+    translated in spirit to the sky realm where he was conducted
+    by Peyote. In this estate he was shown the figures in the sky
+    and the celestial landmarks which represented the events in
+    the life of Christ, and also the relative positions of the
+    Spiritual Forces, the Moon, Sun, Fire, which had long been
+    known to the Delawares, through native traditional teachings,
+    as Grandfather and Elder Brothers. Here, too, he was shown the
+    grave of Christ, now empty, “where Christ had rolled away the
+    rocks at the door of the grave and risen to the sky.” He was
+    shown, always under the guidance of Peyote, the “Road” which
+    led from the grave of Christ to the Moon in the Sky which
+    Christ had taken in his ascent. He was told by Peyote to walk
+    in this path or “Road” for the rest of his life, advancing
+    step by step as his knowledge would increase through the use
+    of peyote, remaining faithful to its teachings ... [and if he
+    did] he would finally, just before his death, bring him into
+    the actual presence of Christ and of Peyote.... The details of
+    construction of the earth works to form the “Moon” which he was
+    to construct in the Peyote tent were all revealed to him with
+    their meanings as Peyote continued his instructions to Wilson
+    during his visits to the sky.... Also came revelations as to
+    how the face should be painted, the hair dressed. Of major
+    importance, however, was the complete course of instruction
+    given to Wilson by Peyote in the singing and syllabization of
+    the numerous Peyote songs which were to form the principal
+    parts of the ceremony of worship. Anderson felt certain that
+    Wilson possessed and used no less than two hundred of these
+    songs.[8]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 6. An Osage altar of the John Wilson Big Moon type.
+A, “Peyote path,” or Moon-Head (Wilson’s name); B, hole for “arrow”
+when not in use; C, “Heart of Goodness” where father peyote is placed;
+D, Heart of the World above which the ritual fire is built; E, the Sun,
+giver of life. The east-west line is the “straight road” the way to
+heaven, or “thinking straight”; the north-south line represents “the
+road across the world”; together they form a cross symbolic of the
+crucifixion.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 7. A variant Osage moon of somewhat esoteric
+symbolism. This and the Osage moon in Figure 6 are reproduced through the
+courtesy of Mr. D. F. Murphy.]
+
+Wilson’s original moon, however, passed through an evolution, for
+Anderson’s drawing in Speck is considerably simpler in design than those
+depicted for the Osage by Murphy, or photographed by the author for the
+Quapaw. An early version, apparently, is one collected from Henry Hunt
+(Wichita) near Anadarko. In this the crescent or “moon” is elongated to
+imitate the parted hair of an Indian, whose eyes are the two mounds of
+ashes between its horns; a line runs from the father-peyote to the east,
+terminating in a mound with five circles concentrically zoning it like
+a globe-map, with another line at right angles to this drawn from tip
+to tip of the crescent, making a cross, at the intersection of which
+is drawn a heart resembling a man’s nose. There is also a heart at the
+“parting” of the hair, on which the fetish peyote rests, and a third
+one on the top of the zoned mound at the east. This altar is said to
+symbolize Moonhead’s face, and indeed it much resembles one when seen
+from the eastern door. Speck says in confirmation of our conjecture that
+
+    at first, he said, he made a small “Moon,” increasing its size
+    day by day symbolical of his progress in spiritual knowledge.
+    By the end of his sojourn amid spiritual environment, he came
+    to make the so-called large “Moon,” the Wilson “Moon” which has
+    become typical of his followers.[9]
+
+But Wilson, no doubt, made still later additions, for these early moons
+entirely lack the elaborate apron symbolism of the Osage and Quapaw
+altars.
+
+A Delaware informant said Wilson’s moon was first used north of Lookeba,
+Oklahoma. Black Wolf and George Caddo were early converts to his
+version—which, indeed may initially have been not so different from
+the older Caddo moon with a cross and mound east of the crescent (the
+Wilson division of the tipi into north and south side, for example, is
+an old one in Caddoan ceremonial organization).[10] The symbolism of the
+Wilson “Big Moon” receives varied interpretations nowadays. The Osage
+call the three hearts of the altar the “Heart of Goodness,” the “Heart
+of the World,” and the “Heart of Jesus;” others interpret the “world”
+as the “sun.” The ashes are the graves of Christ and Wilson for some,
+the dividing of the Red Sea for others. Some say the whole fire-pit is
+the grave of Christ, and the ash mounds his lungs, as the figure under
+the fire is his heart. The twelve lines of the altar apron are variously
+the twelve steps to heaven, the twelve heavens of Delaware mythology,
+the twelve months of the year, the twelve feathers of the eagle’s tail,
+etc. The symbolism of seven for the “days of the week” is possibly
+Southwestern in origin (cf. the seven bosses of the drum). Diamond-shaped
+figures close to the sun-mound represent Christ’s foot-prints, according
+to Petrullo,[11] while the “WW” or “MM” at the west of the altar are said
+to mean this for the Quapaw (“Moonhead” or “Wilson” depending on one’s
+position while reading the initials). The cross of the altar, of course,
+is symbolical of the Crucifixion. The cigarette of corn husk is known as
+the “Pipe of Jesus” among the Delaware.[12]
+
+Peyote taught Wilson many variations in the ceremony as well. He used
+a crock instead of a kettle for the peyote drum. At one period in the
+development of the ritual only the firemen did the drumming besides the
+leader and his assistant (i.e., four men, three firemen and the leader’s
+assistant, proceeded clockwise around the tipi with the drum, drumming
+for each singer in turn, instead of the standard method of passing the
+drum for all to use); Wilson did not require the drum to make four
+rounds, for this might occasionally have interfered with the morning
+rite of filing out of the tipi “to meet the sun” with raised arms and
+prayer. In his rite only the leader made the initial prayer-smoke, though
+older men might ask for smokes later in the night if they so desired.
+Cigarettes could be made only at one of four places, one informant
+stated: at the leader’s place, at the north or south at the ends of the
+cross, and at the fireman’s place, and the leader had to smoke all of
+them first. Upon reentering after a recess, each person was incensed and
+fanned by the firemen and others to blow away whatever evil influences
+might cling to him from the outside night. In time Wilson added special
+functionaries at the cross-bars of the crucifix to perform this fanning,
+making eight officials: two fanners, three firemen-drummers and three
+leaders (road man, drummer and cedar man) symbolizing the Father, Son
+and Holy Ghost of the Christian Trinity. In the Wilson rite there was
+much touching of the father peyote as communicants made their circuit
+of the altar on reentering. It is said that water could be asked for at
+any time, and permission to leave was not necessary if the rules about
+passing in front of an eater or smoker were observed.
+
+Wilson himself took his “moon” to the tribes of northeastern Oklahoma.
+The Shawnee were influenced impermanently, and today only Ernest Spybuck
+has a modified Big Moon. The Seneca were influenced through the Quapaw,
+whom Wilson first succeeded in deeply influencing. The Quapaw leader,
+Victor Griffin, made a moon at Devil’s Promenade which was modified
+around 1906 or 1907 from Wilson’s moon.[13] The Delaware around Dewey
+were much influenced by Wilson from 1890-92 on.[14] But the Osage were
+the most important converts. By 1902 “most of the Indians at the Hominy
+camp and elsewhere in the Nation [had] taken it up and become devoted to
+it.”[15] Black Dog, one of the first Osage converts, introduced the “West
+Moon” in which the door is at the west and the altar similarly reversed;
+most of the Osage moons today, however, are the standard Clermont east
+moons. The Potawatomi may have been influenced by the teachings of Wilson
+somewhat also.[16] Wilson’s nephew, Anderson, brought the Seneca peyote
+in 1907 on the request of a Seneca married to a Quapaw woman.[17]
+
+The economic motive seems evident in much of Wilson’s behavior. Speck
+tells of the introduction of peyote among the Osage as follows:[18]
+
+    [About 1891] John Wilson was on his way from Anadarko to
+    conduct meetings among the Delawares around Copan. While
+    passing through the Osage nation he visited Tall Chief, a
+    Quapaw married to an Osage woman. While here Wilson was stopped
+    by an Osage who had previously attended Peyote meetings among
+    the Delawares and requested to meet a group of Osage and tell
+    them about his revelations and his convictions and instruct
+    them in its rules. He consented and complied with their
+    wishes. The Osage in attendance at his meeting were convinced
+    and converted. He accordingly stayed on with them about
+    three weeks. Black Dog was at the time Chief of the Osage.
+    His tribe was won over in force to the Wilson sect of Peyote
+    worshippers.... J. Wilson then returned to Anadarko, leaving
+    behind him among the Osage two young Delawares who stayed back
+    attracted by the prospects of fortune offered by the wealthy
+    Osage. Wilson had received presents from the tribe of new
+    converts amounting to considerable value, a wagon, a carriage,
+    a buggy and teams of good horses and harness for each and other
+    horses, fourteen in all, not to mention blankets, goods and
+    money.
+
+His death occurred after a similar mission to the Quapaw. He had been
+among them to conduct a meeting and was returning to Anadarko in a buggy
+with a Quapaw woman and another woman. Wilson’s wife was still living
+at the time, and he was either offered the Quapaw woman or demanded her
+while among the tribe. Speck quotes his nephew:[19]
+
+    Anderson said he did not like to think this but that the Quapaw
+    were not all good people and had possibly been actuated by a
+    desire to establish a home for Wilson in order to keep him and
+    his ministry in their midst.
+
+In any event, Wilson had been given a number of horses, which were tied
+to the back of his buggy. While crossing a railroad track, these horses
+pulled back and prevented their crossing just as a locomotive bore down
+upon them. Wilson was instantly killed. His detractors maintain that this
+was just punishment for his failure to live up to his own teachings.
+Since this period many communicants have fallen away from his “moon,” for
+his own[20]
+
+    moral instructions ... referred to abstinence from liquor, to
+    restraint [in] sexual matters and fidelity to matrimony.
+
+Though influenced by Catholic teachings, Wilson had a peculiar and
+specific attitude toward the Bible.[21] According to Speck,[22] he
+
+    instructed the Indians to seek knowledge by direct communion
+    and to avoid consulting the Bible or the Gospels for the
+    purpose of moral instructions. He insisted that the Bible
+    was intended for the white man who had been guilty of the
+    crucifixion of Christ and that the Indian who had not been a
+    party to the deed was exempt from guilt on this score and that
+    therefore, the Indian was to receive his religious influences
+    directly and in person from God through the Peyote Spirit,
+    whereas Christ was sent for this mission to the white man.
+
+He nevertheless embodied in his person many of the messianic
+characteristics of his several native prophet predecessors; a Delaware
+informant said “John Wilson used to perform miracles” in meetings, such
+as divining what was in a man’s mind, and telling him who the persons
+were that he saw in a vision. The Osage, at least formerly, had a marked
+reverence for Wilson. Speck wrote in 1907 that[23]
+
+    pictures of Wilson are in demand among the devotees, who kiss
+    them on sight. The man has been deified since his death.
+
+There is much variation of opinion about Wilson among Indians of various
+tribes, but perhaps the statements of his nephew, George Anderson, are
+authoritative if not entirely disinterested. Speck says:[24]
+
+    An idea seems to have become current, either through the rumors
+    of designing persons who opposed him or through exaggeration
+    among his followers, that Wilson is responsible for having
+    told his associates that he would return to life again after
+    death and also that they should pray to him in the Peyote
+    meetings.... Anderson denies that Wilson made either assertion.
+    He had heard Wilson tell in his meetings that at times the
+    worshippers when taking peyote might see him, as some are said
+    since to have done, his face appearing to their vision over the
+    fire. [With reference to the second statement Wilson on the
+    contrary warned them not to pray to him, but through peyote to
+    God.] ... This warning has not, however, prevented the practice
+    of praying directly to and through John Wilson from becoming
+    frequent among some of the Osages ... and probably among the
+    Quapaw.
+
+    In both the latter groups [Anderson] has seen Wilson’s portrait
+    placed on the “moon” in the Peyote lodge near the peyote
+    “button” and the crucifix. Some who do this, he is convinced,
+    actually concentrate thought upon Wilson instead of Peyote. And
+    Anderson regards both practices as contrary to the teachings
+    of Wilson. A custom has also spread among the Osage to wear a
+    portrait button of John Wilson on the coat or, when in native
+    dress, upon one of the fur or feather ornaments.... Anderson’s
+    testimony [was] that John Wilson told his followers that _he
+    was not sent by God to fulfill a mission_, but that he was
+    _shown_ by Peyote how to conduct religious worship in the
+    Peyote meetings in order to cure disease, heal injury, purge
+    the body from the effects of sin[25] and to lead the Indians to
+    reach the regions “above” _hukweyun_ in Delaware, or heaven,
+    where they would _see Peyote and the Creator_.
+
+The Caddo and Delaware, nevertheless, display considerable “touchiness”
+on the subject of John Wilson even today, since other tribes have
+ridiculed his real or supposed claims to divinity. Native criticism is
+not lacking either on the score of his economic exploitation of peyote
+leadership.[26] Petrullo[27] writes that
+
+    his enemies claim that in the course of his life he professed
+    to have had fresh visions which always were interpreted to his
+    personal gain....
+
+However, his followers staunchly deny these allegations. Perhaps in
+answer to the accusation of being mercenary, Wilson, with one of his
+followers named Wolf, themselves set up a meeting once, at which they
+showed their generosity by giving away all their clothes with other gifts
+until they were clad only in breechclouts.[28] Yet even so the belief is
+widespread that his death was due to his exploitation of the gift-giving
+pattern to the extreme of demanding a Quapaw woman for his wife.[29]
+
+The Wilson sect is still strong among the Osage and the Quapaw, but
+elsewhere, even among the Delaware and Caddo, it is waning considerably.
+The Caddo show a disposition to return to the Enoch Hoag “moon,” which
+is considered more “pure” and aboriginal.[30] But antagonisms to new
+elements Wilson sought to introduce date as far back as 1885. About this
+time Elk Hair was hunting in Comanche territory and learned a ritual he
+has since kept without change:[31]
+
+    Elk Hair preferred the Comanche way because it was the pure
+    Indian way.... We brought back to our people the pure Peyote
+    rite and we have used Peyote in the right way ever since.
+
+Elk Hair, according to Petrullo,[32] “has barely managed to keep
+a following among the Delawares of Dewey,” but this region is the
+stronghold of the Anderson family and if defection of the Anadarko groups
+to the Hoag moon is any indication, we may expect a reinvigoration of the
+Elk Hair rite. Indeed, War Eagle wrote from Dewey in 1932 that[33]
+
+    Bacon Rind [whose recent death is mentioned in the letter]
+    was one of the last of the old people who beli[e]ved in [the]
+    Wilson cult; these first followers of peyote are about all
+    gone. [The] small moon now prevales in the Osage. It will be
+    a blessing to the world when all the Quapaws and what few
+    Delawares [are left practicing it] will change [to the standard
+    peyote rite].
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Mooney, _The Ghost Dance_, 903-905.
+
+[2] Capt. Hugh L. Scott, in Mooney, _The Ghost Dance_, 904.
+
+[3] We have elsewhere expressed the opinion that the Caddo had an
+historical significance in the spread of peyotism second only to that of
+the Kiowa-Comanche, and that Wilson represents this Caddoan influence
+predominantly. Though he had Delaware blood, this numerically small group
+could scarcely have wielded the influence or exercised the prestige
+necessary to account for the spread of his “moon;” the Caddo, on the
+other hand, who early had peyote, did have this prestige. We therefore
+believe Petrullo in error in claiming Wilson as a Delaware. Speck (_Notes
+on the Life_, 540) writes that “His associations with the Comanche and
+Caddo, to whom he was related by blood, were close.” Petrullo himself,
+indeed (_The Diabolic Root_, 44) indicates Caddoan influences on Wilson:
+“John Wilson, the originator of the Big Moon, was living among the Caddo.
+He was one of the first Delaware to eat peyote. He belonged to the
+Black Beaver band ... held by the Government at the Wichita and Caddo
+reservations. It was there that Wilson was born and raised.” Petrullo
+also says Wilson made visits to Arizona and New Mexico before returning
+to make his moon on the Caddo reservation.
+
+[4] Note the prominence of hearts in the altar elaborated by Wilson.
+According to Petrullo (_The Diabolic Root_, 45) “John Wilson ... had
+received some Catholic instruction.” These probably derive, therefore,
+from the Catholic “Sacred Heart.” (The heart is present in Huichol
+religion, but even if not wholly aboriginal [Aztecan influence?] and
+Catholic-influenced there too, it is quite independent of the Wilson
+heart motifs.)
+
+[5] Cf. the prominence in Wilson’s moon of brushing each person entering
+with feathers.
+
+[6] Cf. the Winnebago leader’s similar praying with confessants in peyote
+meetings.
+
+[7] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 540-42; cf. also Petrullo, _The Diabolic
+Root_, 80.
+
+[8] “In response to the question as to whether Wilson ever spoke of the
+Peyote songs as symbolizing the singing of birds, Anderson asserted that
+he had heard of this among other Peyote sects but had never heard Wilson
+express it.” (Speck, _op. cit._, 542 note.)
+
+[9] Some of Wilson’s Caddoan teachings were sufficiently unlike those of
+the Delaware to antagonize them. A Delaware informant of Petrullo (_The
+Diabolic Root_, 66) said, “It [peyote] should be eaten in order to get
+well, not to have visions.” (Benedict’s study indicated, one recalls,
+that in the Woodlands only puberty-visions occurred, while in the Plains
+adults too may obtain them.) Again (p. 68) “Wilson was wrong. Peyote is
+good, but it is good and powerful medicine, not a religion like the Big
+House. [For instance] four boiled Peyote placed on top of the head will
+help in cases of insanity.”
+
+[10] Cf. the Pawnee (Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 642).
+
+[11] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 172.
+
+[12] Petrullo, _op. cit._, 56-59, 67, 96, note 29.
+
+[13] Petrullo (_The Diabolic Root_, 103). He claims to be Wilson’s
+authorized successor and has revised his moon. Petrullo (_op. cit._, 4)
+says John Quapaw is Wilson’s real successor.
+
+[14] Harrington (_Religion and Ceremonies_, 156) says Wilson brought the
+Lenape peyote from the Washita River Caddo as well as the Ghost Dance in
+1890-92, which died out with him among the Delaware (_idem_, 190-91).
+
+[15] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology_, 171.
+
+[16] On the mere score of Christian elements we do not agree, however,
+that Wilson’s influence necessarily extended to the Wichita, Winnebago,
+Kickapoo, and Omaha (Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 79). See following
+appendices.
+
+[17] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 554.
+
+[18] _Idem_, 553.
+
+[19] _Idem_, 544.
+
+[20] _Idem_, 546.
+
+[21] For this reason we doubt the soundness of Petrullo’s inference that
+the Omaha, Winnebago, etc., were influenced by Wilson. These groups
+actually used the Bible in meetings and read from it. This influence, we
+believe, traces to another teacher, the Oto Jonathan Koshiway.
+
+[22] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 547.
+
+[23] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology_, 171.
+
+[24] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 549.
+
+[25] Wilson taught that the number of peyote required to be eaten varies
+according to the amount of impurity in the “heart” and stomach of the
+individual, “which impurity resulting from sins committed he likened
+to ‘dirt’” (Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 545). The more frequently the
+communicant attended peyote meetings, the less dirt, obviously, there
+could accumulate. The degree of nausea, Wilson taught, is the punishment
+meted out for sin (cf. John Rave’s teaching).
+
+[26] To be sure the pattern of gift-giving is deep-rooted in the Plains,
+yet it is a curious coincidence at least that Wilson should have taken
+peyote to the Quapaw, who own the largest lead and zinc mining fields in
+the world, and the Osage, made notoriously wealthy through oil. Anderson
+told Speck that the Osage had given Wilson $200 for building them a moon,
+and Charles Tyner (Quapaw) told me that he and Victor Griffin (Quapaw)
+had received $500 for an altar in one sum and some hundreds of dollars
+in money gifts later. The Osage once gave Anderson $20 and his wife $10
+because his uncle, John Wilson, had built their moon (Speck, _op. cit._,
+551). Wilson even used to charge $1 per person for the sweatbaths he gave
+before meetings.
+
+[27] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 82; cf. 45, 95.
+
+[28] Petrullo, _op. cit._, 45; cf. 104.
+
+[29] His followers, in any case, betray their expectancy of financial
+reward. It was remarked, for example, that the impecunious Seneca gave
+Anderson only his trainfare when he brought peyote to them. Griffin, more
+business-like, always arranges beforehand the amount of compensation he
+is to receive.
+
+[30] Cf. the case of the Caddo Alfred Taylor whom the Osage invited to
+introduce the basic Caddo moon—even the Osage are turning from the Wilson
+rite.
+
+[31] Petrullo, _op. cit._, 43.
+
+[32] _Idem_, 31-32.
+
+[33] War Eagle, letter to Speck from Dewey, Oklahoma April 1, 1932.
+We believe Petrullo, as shown by this letter, has over-emphasized the
+decadence of the basic rite at Dewey. The Wilson-Elk Hair antagonism is
+shown in even trivial ways. The latter use the feathers of swift-flying
+birds to “hurry up” the medicine cure, the faster the singing of songs,
+the quicker the cure. The Wilson cultists, who sing slowly, accuse the
+little moon followers of “putting too much vigor and speed into their
+healing and praying meetings as is typified by their inclination to
+decorate their Peyote paraphernalia with Hummingbird feathers, symbolical
+of the acme of speed.” (Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 551; thanks are due
+to the University of Pennsylvania Committee of Faculty Research, for
+Grant No. 93 on which his work was done.)
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX 8: CHRISTIAN ELEMENTS IN THE PEYOTE CULT
+
+
+Very few ascertainably Christian elements are discoverable in Mexican
+peyotism. Some such as “curing” with rosaries of Job’s-tears beads dipped
+in tesvino, eating bits of the idol’s body and the like, may be largely
+aboriginal.[1] “El Santo Niño de Peyote” of Santa Rosalia is apparently
+a local variation of El Santo Niño de Atoche; the mission of El Santo
+Nombre de Jesus Peyotes is so-called merely from the abundance of the
+plant thereabouts. The overlay of Mexican Catholicism is elsewhere thin
+and localized also. The Huichol[2] see the saints in their color visions
+as pictures or giant men and women walking about; sometimes they press
+the saints into service in their rain-making ceremonies. The cross[3] in
+tesvino-curing and those on the Huichol peyote patio may really derive
+from an old native four-point symbolism. The Tarahumari[4] call the
+large green hikuli “peyote christiano,” in contrast to a small, red,
+ineffective one called “peyote cimarrón,” and Christian Tarahumari lift
+their hats to the plant and make the sign of the cross, but the essential
+ritual was unmodified by Christian ideas. None of these Christian
+features is common to Mexican peyotism.
+
+The rite as it came to the United States, then, was aboriginal in
+character, as far as we can ascertain. Opler writes that[5]
+
+    there is no hint of the influence of Christianity in the
+    Mescalero use of peyote. The growth of the cult among these
+    people has been maintained entirely within the traditional
+    bounds of Apache ceremonialism. Indeed, far from becoming a
+    weakened and Christianized version of native beliefs, the
+    Mescalero Apache acceptance of peyote resulted instead in an
+    intensification of the aboriginal religious values and concepts
+    at many points.
+
+This characterization would equally well fit the basic Kiowa-Comanche
+rite of the Plains, in which Christian elements are quite absent. These
+elements in the Plains are distinctly a secondary development, stemming
+from the Oto Koshiway and such Oto-influenced groups as the Omaha,
+Iowa and Winnebago[6] and the groups taught by John Wilson, such as the
+Delaware, Quapaw and Osage.
+
+Arapaho-Winnebago officials and ritual food are given Christian
+symbolism:[7]
+
+    During the evening the leader represents the first created man,
+    the woman dressed up is the New Jerusalem, the bride waiting
+    for the bridegroom. The cup used by the leader and the woman
+    is supposed to symbolize the fact that they are to become one;
+    the water represents the God’s gift, His Holiness. The corn
+    represents the feast to be partaken of on the Day of Judgment
+    and the fruit represents the fruit of the tree of life. The
+    meat represents the message of Christ and those who accept it
+    will be saved.
+
+The Winnebago, Quapaw and Osage peyote officials represent the Father
+(the leader), the Son (the drummer) and the Holy Ghost (the cedar-man);
+the trinity of hearts in the Big Moon may represent much the same idea in
+the Osage-Quapaw rite.
+
+Koshiway said that the bird into which the Oto ashes are shaped is
+
+    the Spirit descending when Jesus was baptized: the Holy Spirit,
+    like an eagle, with good eyes; you can’t fool it. [The ashes
+    themselves represent] a prayer for the white hair of old age,
+    and the fire is like the fire through which God spoke to Moses.
+    Peyote is like a “telescope” through which you can see God.
+
+The Delaware twin piles of ashes symbolize Christ’s lungs; Mary Buffalo
+says one pile is the grave of Christ, the other of John Wilson, among the
+Osage; the Quapaw say the whole coffin-shaped fire-pit is Christ’s grave.
+The Ponca, according to Brabant, believed the body of the Saviour would
+emerge from the altar and become visible to those who had eaten enough of
+the sacred plant. Among the Caddo,
+
+    the first stick in the fire represents the heart. There are
+    twelve other sticks which represent the ribs [of Christ, as the
+    ashes his lungs].[8]
+
+The paraphernalia of the ceremony are also given Christian
+interpretations. The Delaware followers of Wilson call the corn husk
+cigarette the “pipe of Jesus.” And of an unspecified group Mooney writes
+that
+
+    many of the mescal eaters wear crucifixes, which they regard as
+    sacred emblems of the rite, the cross representing the cross of
+    scented leaves upon which the consecrated mescal rests during
+    the ceremony, while the Christ is the mescal goddess.
+
+Some Kiowa leaders make a cross under the water bucket, and cross the
+feathers in the water before drinking[9] and the peyote staff, like that
+of the Delaware, often has an inconspicuous cross near the top. The
+twelve feathers of the Omaha leader’s fan represent the twelve apostles
+of Christ. The Winnebago fans differ for the John Rave and the Jesse Clay
+rites, but both sects use eagle feathers which represent the wings of
+the birds mentioned in Revelations. John Rave’s staff is symbolic of the
+“shepherd’s crook,” and the mound of earth in the altar is “Mt. Sinai.”
+White Buffalo said that gourd rattles among the Nebraska Winnebago
+commonly bore drawings of Christ, his cross and crown, etc., and Radin
+says they often bear drawings of scenes from the Bible as well as peyote
+visions. A Cheyenne gourd seen at Apache and made by Spotted Crow had the
+following “Jesus talk” on it:
+
+    Help me O Lord My God O save me According to thy Mercy O God my
+    heart is fixed. I will sing And give praise Even with my Glory.
+
+The Winnebago explain that the exchange of gourd and drum between the
+leader and his assistant when singing the set songs means that “God gives
+power to Christ, in Heaven and earth,” just as the leader delegates his
+authority. The blowing of the leader’s “flute” at the four points of the
+compass is to announce the birth of Christ to the world, and later it
+symbolizes the trumpet of the Day of Judgment, when Christ will appear
+wearing the crown of glory (symbolized by the leader’s otter skin hat,
+worn at this time).[10]
+
+The Bible as an additional piece of peyote paraphernalia probably stems
+from the Christianism of the Oto, who used it in their meetings, being
+mentioned also for the Iowa, Omaha and Winnebago. The New Testament, and
+particularly Revelations, is a favorite among the Rave cultists (Jesse
+Clay’s followers do not use the Bible)—Crashing Thunder finding in it
+authority for a hair-cut, and others discovering reasons after the fact
+for holding their meetings at night. Three Old Testament texts are widely
+known also:
+
+    And they shall eat the flesh in that night, roast with fire,
+    and unleavened bread; and with bitter herbs they shall eat it.
+    (Exodus 12.8.)
+
+    And this day shall be unto you for a memorial; and ye shall
+    keep it as a feast by an ordinance forever. (Exodus 12.14.)
+
+    For if the firstfruit be holy, the lump is also holy: and if
+    the root be holy, so are the branches.... Boast not against the
+    branches. But if thou boast, thou bearest not the root, but the
+    root thee. (Romans 11.16 and 18.)
+
+Various other Biblical references appear in the ceremony. Among the Iowa
+the leader carries the water himself in the morning to show his humility,
+and because of Christ’s washing of feet mentioned in the Gospels. The
+Winnebago equate the physiological action of peyote with Christ’s casting
+out devils. A Comanche said suffering is caused by one’s sins and lack
+of faith in peyote, and that point in the night when nausea is commonly
+severest is called the “Dark Hour, the hour of the Crucifixion.” A
+Kickapoo leader often cast his prophecies in Biblical language. A Kiowa,
+again, appeared to have a belief about the first peyote found which
+parallels the miraculous proliferation of the loaves and the fishes in
+the Bible. Koshiway compared the Indians to the fishermen on the Sea of
+Galilee, when Christ said “Peace, be still!” to the angry waves, just as
+peyote says it to the storm-tossed Indians in this latter-day world. And
+for the man who lives a good life, the ashes of the fire will open up
+like the waters of the Red Sea, and he can pass through the fire to the
+father peyote along the “Peyote Road” on the moon.[11]
+
+Some two dozen songs, previously reported in the text, show Christian
+influence. The closing song of the Negro Church of the First-born was
+the Christian hymn, “Till We Meet Again,” but the majority of peyote
+songs have native words. The Rave rite, derived from the Oto and the
+Quapaw (influenced by the Christianity of Jonathan Koshiway and John
+Wilson, respectively), contained more Christian elements in symbolism
+and song than the Jesse Clay cult. This was the more aboriginal, yet
+he back-handedly quoted the Scriptures to justify the plain staff
+(“like Moses’”) of his ceremony as against the decorated staff of Rave.
+Occasional peyote visions show Christian influence: some of Crashing
+Thunder’s were of this sort, and a Kiowa had visions of a mitred priest
+who nodded smilingly and approvingly at the father peyote on the altar,
+but in the visions collected Christian elements are uncommon.[12]
+
+Mexican peyotism and the Wilson rite were influenced by Catholicism,
+but the Church of the First-born and the Native American Church by
+Protestantism (the Russellites, the Mormons, etc.). At the first Oto
+meeting attended a vessel was passed around in the morning for a
+“free-will offering,” as in Protestant churches, and the Pawnee, Kiowa
+and others have “Ladies’ Auxiliaries” to the local Native American
+Church. These women have quilting parties, can fruit, make up box
+lunches to raise church money and visit the sick, much as their White
+sisters do. Other White elements appear in the meetings themselves. The
+Iowa leader and fireman, for instance, shake hands with everyone in the
+tipi after the ritual feast, in token of friendship and good will. The
+Osage and Quapaw “round-houses,” too, are in obvious imitation of White
+peoples’ churches, but the Osage are criticized for ostentation along
+White “leisure class” lines. More conservative groups make disparaging
+remarks about the “beds” in their meetings, their electric lights in the
+round house, and their cigars—some Osage churches are even provided with
+spittoons!
+
+Yet when all these features have been summed up, it is still clear that
+the layer of Christianity on peyotism is very thin and superficial
+indeed. Furthermore, the Christianized Wilson and Rave rites among
+the Caddo and Winnebago are currently losing followers to the more
+conservative Hoag and Jesse Clay moons—and there are frequent
+expostulations against the mixing of the native religion with the
+White.[13] Some groups feel no inconsistency in belonging to both
+the peyote church and some White Protestant sect as well, but the
+unfriendliness of the functionaries of the latter groups toward peyotism
+and their lack of reciprocal tolerance has driven many borderline cases
+openly into the peyote church. The Indians feel, perhaps rightly, that
+peyotism is their last strong link with the aboriginal past, which others
+are trying to destroy. Hence it has contributed greatly to the sense of
+community and morale of the Indian groups in Oklahoma.
+
+Of course apologists sometimes use Christian arguments to confound the
+enemies of the cult, as when peyote and the water are equated to the
+Catholic use of bread and wine in Communion,[14] or when Old Man Green
+(Oto) told a minister that he was condemning God’s work in attacking
+peyote. But these do not proceed from any profound faith in Christianity.
+A Shawnee comment is most typical:
+
+    Christ was born only several hundred years ago, not when the
+    world was created, like peyote.
+
+Prayers are still addressed to the older tribal deities in peyote
+meetings: the Winnebago to Earthmaker, the Oto to Wakan, the Cheyenne to
+Mayan, etc. A Kickapoo summed up the religious history of his tribe as
+follows:
+
+    We had medicine bags before Jesus was born over in Bethlehem,
+    in the old country. The old generation worshipped idols. When
+    God’s son was going to be born, they were trying to make the
+    people believe God. And after Jesus was born, they commenced
+    this [peyote].
+
+Nevertheless, it should be reiterated that on the whole, despite the
+apparent and superficial syncretism with Christianity, peyotism is
+an essentially aboriginal American religion, operating in terms of
+fundamental Indian concepts about powers, visions and native modes of
+doctoring. The Christianity of many native Christians is precarious at
+best—as we have seen from various case histories—when it comes into any
+very serious conflict with native culture. Perhaps most peyote-users
+would echo the words of the famous Comanche chief, Quanah Parker, with
+reference to the superiority of peyotism over Christianity:
+
+    The white man [he said] goes into his church house and talks
+    _about_ Jesus, but the Indian goes into his tipi and talks _to_
+    Jesus.[15]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] “[De la Serna] adds that ... they delighted in caricaturing the
+Eucharist, dividing among their congregation a narcotic yellow mushroom
+for the bread, and the inebriating pulque for the wine. Sometimes they
+adroitly concealed in the pyx, alongside the holy water, some little
+idol of their own, so that they really followed their own superstitions
+while seemingly adoring the Host. They assigned a purely pagan sense to
+the sacred formula, ‘Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,’ understanding it to
+be, ‘Fire, Earth, and Water,’ or the like” (Brinton, _Nagualism_, 28);
+Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 369, 385. _Coix Lachryma Jobi_ was
+an early Spanish introduction, but may have replaced some native seed
+(e.g., mescal) used as beads. Serna’s mushroom is probably teo-nanacatl.
+
+[2] Klineberg, _Notes on the Huichol_, 449; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,
+1:314; 2:170, 189.
+
+[3] Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 2:171-72, 272; Bennett and Zingg, _The
+Tarahumara_, 294.
+
+[4] Bennett and Zingg, _op. cit._, 290; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,
+1:360-61. On Tarahumari Christianity see _Handbook of the American
+Indians_, 2:692b; the ease of acceptance suggests congruence with
+aboriginal forms.
+
+[5] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_.
+
+[6] The Winnebago did not introduce the first Christian elements, as
+Radin believed. A Taos Indian (Plains-influenced?) once visioned Christ
+(Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 66).
+
+[7] Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 418; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.
+
+[8] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 101, 113; Brabant, in Seymour, _Peyote
+Worship_, 182. Cf. Gilmore’s Omaha (_The Mescal Society_, 165-66) whose
+fireplace is the heart of Jesus.
+
+[9] But there seemed to be a certain quality of propaganda for the
+ethnographer’s benefit in one Kiowa doctoring meeting, when the name of
+Jesus was mentioned in prayers with unwonted frequency.
+
+[10] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 96, cf. 56-59, 67, 96, note
+9; Mooney, _A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_, 65; Harrington, _Religion and
+Ceremonies_, 186-88; Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 165-66; _Uses of
+Plants_, 106; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote
+Cult_, 4, 12; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 416-17; White Buffalo in Blair, _The
+Indian Tribes_, 282 (letter of April 15, 1909).
+
+[11] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724, 727; Gilmore, _The Mescal
+Society_, 165-66; _The Uses of Plants_; Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of
+the Peyote Ceremony_; _The Peyote Cult_; Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote
+Cult_, 5-6; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 394-95; _Crashing Thunder_, 186-87,
+200; Simmons, in Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_.
+
+[12] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 727-28; Murie, _Pawnee Indian
+Societies_, 637; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the
+Peyote Ceremony_; Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5; _The Winnebago
+Tribe_, 395; _Crashing Thunder_, 193-94; Smith [Mrs. M. G.], _A Negro
+Peyote Cult_.
+
+[13] The turmoil among the Caddo seems to grow out of the attempt to mix
+Christian with native motives and John Wilson is nowadays by no means
+universally revered. “There have been some Delawares living with the
+Caddo who have from time to time tried to introduce the Catholic faith
+in the Peyote meeting. Often they used the crucifix on the Peyote on
+the moon. All these attempts have met with opposition from most of the
+Delawares” (Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 77).
+
+[14] Petition of 62 Osage to the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, in
+_Peyote, as Used in Religious Worship_, 64-67.
+
+[15] Simmons, _The Peyote Road_.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX 9: THE NATIVE AMERICAN CHURCH AND OTHER PEYOTE CHURCHES
+
+
+The many attempted anti-peyote legal measures, and the frank hostility
+of some persons[1] to peyotism early stimulated the cultists to seek
+some sort of legally-guaranteed security for their worship. The first of
+several incorporated peyote churches, the Oto Church of the First-born,
+has heretofore been little known. Peyote came to the Oto under the late
+White Horn’s leadership from the Tonkawa some time before 1896. The
+original rite is said to have been “just like the Apache,” which is to
+say, the standard pre-John Wilson Plains type. But the Oto, like other
+tribes, began to have “government trouble” about their worship shortly
+before the World War. A group of younger men, Frank Eagle, George
+Pipestem, Charles MacDonald and Charles W. Dailey, who had been away to
+school and were considerably influenced by White Protestantism, sought,
+at this juncture, to use the White man’s weapons in their own defence.
+But by far the most important figure in this movement was Jonathan
+Koshiway.
+
+Although enrolled as a Sauk-and-Fox, Koshiway’s mother was an Oto. He had
+formerly lived in northeastern Kansas, and had been an Indian evangelist
+for the Church of Latter-Day Saints.[2] As an individual Koshiway was
+considerably influenced by Middle Western Protestantism, and solved for
+himself the adjustmental problem of double culture-bearers by discovering
+that the old native religion of his childhood was the _same_ as the
+White Christianity of his maturity, with merely different phrasing and
+vocabulary. Did not God speak to Moses through a burning bush, like the
+Indians’ peyote fire? When God viewed his creation, does not the Bible
+say that “God saw that it was good,” and was not the little peyote plant
+one of the herbs of the field thus created? Did not Christians also make
+use of wafers and sacramental wine just as the Indians used the flat
+buttons of the sacred herb and peyote “tea”? Did not Christianity even
+embody the Plains ritual number in the “Four Foundations” of Love, Faith,
+Hope, and Charity?
+
+Jack was a “Bible student” in Kansas City at one time, and is notably
+fluent in these syncretic interpretations, being called upon frequently
+to speak in peyote meetings, especially when visitors are present to whom
+explanations are in order. Another important influence upon Koshiway—as
+well as upon George Deroin (Iowa) of Perkins, who may once have been his
+associate—was that of the Russellites, a somewhat desiccated Protestant
+cult of the Middle West, who did not believe in any “earthly” government.
+This dogma naturally suited a group in difficulties with temporal
+government. Koshiway explained to me that the name finally chosen for
+the organization is a “heavenly name” and that the church proper is “up
+there”; yet practical peace must be made with Caesar on earth, and this
+Koshiway set about with care to do.
+
+First of all he consulted White Horn, leader of the native peyote rite,
+and gained his support. Koshiway generously states that White Horn was
+the co-founder of the Church of the First-born, but the fact appears
+to be that the latter’s role consisted in giving the official approval
+of the older established peyote cult. Koshiway also visited many white
+ministers to get their advice on organization. There appears to have been
+some friction about this, and even Koshiway ended up by insisting that
+the peyote church should not be “under” any white Protestant church,
+but independent. Then, despite the fact that the Russellites preach
+non-cooperation with the Government and the ultimate break-up of all
+temporal governments, Koshiway went to a lawyer in Perry, Oklahoma, H. F.
+Johnson, and sought legal advice. On December 8, 1914, the “First-born
+Church of Christ” was incorporated under the laws of Oklahoma and
+received a charter for an organization located at Red Rock, Oklahoma,
+signed by Benjamin F. Harrison, the Secretary of State.[3] The articles
+of incorporation were signed by Jonathan Koshiway and four hundred and
+ten other names.
+
+Koshiway wanted an “authorized” preacher to come and baptize the newly
+constituted church’s adherents, but this never became a regular practice,
+if, indeed, it ever actually occurred at all. A reluctance to come
+half-way was manifested by the Protestant groups concerned, and in time
+Jack himself took up all the usual functions of a minister, marrying,
+conducting funerals and in addition doctoring in meetings and “hollering”
+the way his source of medicine power does. Secondary Shawnee influences
+occurred in this later period, but the chief ritual difference between
+the usual peyote rite of the Plains and that of the Oto Church of the
+First-born is directly traceable to the influence of the Russellites.
+
+This difference was over the question of smoking in meetings. As
+Koshiway reconstituted the Church, the preliminary smoking of corn shuck
+cigarettes was abolished—a remarkable innovation when one recalls the
+deeply entrenched ceremonial use of tobacco in the Plains, but when a
+narcotic was sacrificed in the ritual, tobacco went, not peyote. Koshiway
+took peyote to a group of Oto in Kansas under Charley Rubido, and by this
+time the work of syncretism which had been accomplished became evident,
+for,
+
+    when we examined the literature [says Koshiway] we found
+    that [the native Russellites under Rubido and the Koshiway
+    peyotists] were just alike.
+
+In both groups smoking was omitted, and cedar leaves were burned in place
+of this at intervals of prayer. When the leader called upon an individual
+to pray, he was given cedar to burn to produce smoke and bear away the
+prayer. The Bible was a conspicuous part of the meeting also.[4]
+
+The later history of the Church of the First-born was influenced by the
+interaction of Koshiway and the later-founded Native American Church. At
+Cheyenne, a little town northwest of Calumet, Oklahoma, a group of Oto,
+Kiowa and Arapaho had an intertribal conference to decide upon measures
+of defence for peyotism. Jack took the Oto charter to this conference
+and explained his solution of the problem. James Mooney at this, or a
+later conference, was influential in persuading the assembly to adopt
+this method of organization, but many of the group apparently objected
+to the element of White religion implied in the title “First-born Church
+of Christ” and rejected the name. The title ultimately chosen was the
+“Native American Church,” which emphasized the intertribal solidarity of
+the cult, as well as its aboriginality.
+
+Koshiway’s behavior at this point is interesting. He had not succeeded
+in making himself the head of the church of his naming as extended in a
+state-wide organization. As he himself puts it he “began to deny” the
+First-born Church of Christ, and “joined” the Native American Church,
+where, though he was less important as an individual, he nevertheless was
+a member of a larger and more official in-group. He is much amused in his
+attitude toward the remnants of the Oto church; says he,
+
+    They were so religious [about smoking]—I converted them, and
+    then they turned around and said I wasn’t right; that’s how
+    peculiar us Indians are!
+
+As a matter of fact, however, Koshiway seems to have believed that the
+true belief about peyote was _a fortiori_ what he, the founder of the
+church, successively believed. When later he re-introduced the smoking
+of tobacco into the ceremony, he actually was himself backsliding into
+the older native custom and retreating from the Russellite-influenced
+no-smoking rule. The real Puritans, obviously, were the Kansas group who
+retained the rule. A curious and amusing compensation is evident in the
+most modern reconstitution of the Oto smoking ceremony: the “shucks” in
+meetings attended were fully twice as long as those normally used in the
+Plains rite!
+
+The present Oto church in Oklahoma, under the presidency of James Pettit,
+considers itself a local branch of the Native American Church, but the
+Kansas group still carries on the Russellite no-smoking rule. The return
+to the older standard pattern came about in this way.[5] The well-known
+Kiowa leader, Belo Kozad, came to the Oto with Jack Sankadote (one of
+the two original Kiowa users) and an Apache named Star. The meeting was
+held fourteen miles east of Red Rock, and Koshiway’s attendance at this
+was a turning-point. Belo prayed to peyote—a practice itself rejected by
+Koshiway—that Jack take up his “road.” Jack maintained his disapproval
+of smoking, but for some time had apparently come to prefer being an
+accepted member of the larger group to being an important outsider.
+Somewhat later, he revisited the Kiowa and his friend Albert Cat,
+attending several meetings there. At one of these Belo offered Koshiway a
+prayer-smoke, and finally after some hesitation he took it—a very small
+act objectively, to be sure, but symbolizing the healing of a schism in
+the native peyote religion. On this trip south Koshiway had been given
+money gifts, and a sick woman the Oto had brought with them had been
+doctored by Old Man Horse (Kiowa); these factors perhaps weighed somewhat
+in favor of his embracing the state-wide cult. In the ideology of Belo
+(and most Kiowa as well) there was no theoretical objection to Christian
+churches, but the usual attitude was that peyotism and Christianity
+were mutually exclusive _alternatives_.[6] Still later Belo Kozad again
+visited the Oto and led a meeting, and this time Koshiway was his
+assistant or drummer, and Koshiway now had his place in the classic rite.
+His adaptability and good humor have given him a position of considerable
+importance in Oto peyotism, though he is by no means the oldest user—more
+important perhaps even than that of Sam Bassett, the “tribal priest.”
+
+Several other fore-runners of the Native American Church should be
+mentioned. In 1897 the Oto brought the new religion to the Omaha and
+Winnebago of Nebraska and by 1909 there was an organization called the
+Union Church of mescal-eaters at Winnebago, Nebraska, which made use of
+the Bible.[7] The Omaha formed a similar organization called the American
+Indian Church Brother Association, whose elaborate symbolic crest is
+figured in Wagner. The Kiowa United American Church mentioned by Mrs.
+Voegelin may also have been a forerunner of the Native American Church.
+
+This organization was formed by an intertribal group which met at El
+Reno and included Mack Haag (Cheyenne) of Calumet, Sidney White Crane of
+Kingfisher, Charles W. Dailey (Oto), George Pipestem (Oto), and Charles
+E. Moore (Oto), all of Red Rock, Frank Eagle (Ponca) of Ponca City,
+Wilbur Peawa (Comanche) of Fletcher, Mam Sookwat (Comanche) of Baird,
+and Apache Ben of Apache, Oklahoma.[8] A certificate of incorporation
+was granted to “The Native American Church” at Oklahoma City under the
+Great Seal and the signature of the Secretary of State, dated October 10,
+1918, and signed by Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne), Louis McDonald (Ponca),
+Delos Lonewolf (Kiowa), Herman McCarthy (Osage) and Tennequah (Comanche).
+The strongly intertribal nature[9] of the organization is indicated by
+the various tribal affiliations of the men elected to the offices of the
+Native American Church. The constitution under which the charter was
+obtained was changed at Washington in the administration of Ned Brace,
+and several amendments were made in 1935. Frank Cayou (Omaha) of Hominy
+has for some time been seeking a national charter from Congress, through
+Secretary Ickes and Commissioner Collier, so far with no success.
+
+Formerly there was an annual tax of two dollars for each individual
+member of the state organization, one half kept by the local group
+and the other half sent to the state headquarters, but later this was
+changed to a ten dollar tax per tribe. In Oklahoma there are now (1936)
+twenty-four tribes organized in the church, and these send two delegates
+from each local church (if there are several locals there may be as many
+as six delegates from one tribe). The yearly convention is held the
+last Friday in November, formerly always in El Reno, though in 1936 it
+was held in Hominy. El Reno is the site of “The Wigwam,” a young Indian
+men’s fraternal organization which once maintained a museum-meeting
+room convenient for these conventions, hence the Native American
+Church was incorporated as of this place. Because of the many native
+languages represented, English is the lingua Franca of negotiations at
+conventions. The chief function of the state organization so far has
+been the mobilizing of political power and application of pressure on
+legislative groups, in the preservation of what the Indians regard as
+their constitutionally guaranteed right of religious freedom.
+
+The Winnebago and Omaha of Nebraska, and also the Indians of South
+Dakota, Wisconsin and Kansas have patterned their constitutions after
+that of the original Oklahoma Native American Church. The Native American
+Church is now also incorporated in Montana and Nebraska;[10] in the
+latter state Jesse Clay was the first president[11] of an actively
+evangelistic group which sends “missionaries” into new regions, ambitious
+of making peyote the universal Indian religion. In Oklahoma there are
+local tribal organizations within the Native American Church. For
+example, among the Kickapoo there is a “men’s club” which meets after
+every peyote meeting and a “women’s club” which meets on the second
+Thursday of every month. The Ponca also have a “Ladies’ Auxiliary,” as do
+also the Pawnee. These data are of course incomplete, but it is believed
+that they are representative.
+
+Of particular interest, however, is the Negro Church of the First-born,
+formerly existing near Tulsa, Oklahoma.[12] The founder was John Jamison
+who was born in Lincoln Co., Oklahoma. His parents for some reason were
+given allotments, and he grew up among the Iowa, speaking Iowa, Pawnee
+and Comanche. When he sought to take up the peyote cult, the younger men
+were less friendly than the older ones; they resented a Negro’s taking
+the “old Indian religion.” The rite which he conducted was the typical
+Indian one, but involved more use of the Bible than was general; the
+elements of the drum, gourd dishes for sacred food, medicine feathers,
+cane, sage, cedar, canvas tipi and chief peyote button were all present.
+Jamison sometimes dressed in a chief’s bonnet, blanket and moccasins. He
+conducted meetings as far back as 1920 which Indians sometimes attended,
+and occasionally he was sent for to conduct Indian meetings. In 1926
+Jamison died of a brain concussion after he had been attacked by a
+half-crazed Negro. The cult did not survive his death; it had never been
+popular outside a small group, though some persons were attracted by the
+healing he attempted to do. But even the devoted became suspicious when
+they learned of Government hostility to their practices. As Mrs. Smith
+writes,
+
+    This attitude on the part of the negroes is doubly interesting
+    in view of the rebellious attitude which the Indians displayed
+    under the same circumstances.
+
+Jamison’s rite differed in a number of respects from the standard Plains
+ceremony: the peyote on the moon was eaten by the leader at midnight;
+the leader sat at the west with four “sisters” to his right and four
+“brothers” to his left (including his drum and cedar man); the fireman
+north of the door was usually the same man in every meeting. Participants
+sat “goat fashion,” i.e., kneeled and sat on their heels, when singing
+or eating peyote. The leader sang Indian songs or hymns indifferently.
+After an opening prayer the leader, or a male assistant, read a passage
+from Scripture, and toward morning a member talked on the passage. During
+the midnight song, the ashes of the ritual fire were made “heart-shaped,”
+then this was deliberately destroyed by the leader[13] and the ashes
+swept to the side. This “burning the heart of the fire” signified the
+“end of the day.” There was a recess at midnight and the drummer beat to
+signify the close of this period, after which the communicants reentered
+and ate peyote and sang until daylight.
+
+As the sun rose, they threw open the door and, all standing, sang the
+closing song, “Till We Meet Again.” The sun is supposed to hit the center
+of the fire “heart.” Then the “sisters” leave and serve a sweetened
+meal which must contain no salt. There is no ceremonial smoking[14] as
+in the Indian ceremony, and cedar smoking is used only once toward the
+beginning. The food served is parched corn soaked and sweetened, beef
+prepared the “Indian way” (roasted, ground and sweetened; or dried,
+soaked, stewed, ground and sweetened), fruit, cereal or mush and finally
+water. The presence of parched corn is an interesting object lesson in
+the stability of a culture trait; centuries later and hundreds of miles
+away from the Mexican corn-harvesting ritual we find members of another
+race still practising the now meaningless pattern. The mere accident of
+historical association of parched corn and peyote has imposed a cultural
+compulsion!
+
+Jamison always took Epsom salts[15] Friday night before the meeting,
+usually held on Saturday nights, and a hot bath before going to the
+meeting. If he ate salt or otherwise failed to follow these rules, he
+would see “spooks” and “crazy things.” Further syncretism with Christian
+elements is evidenced in the following confession of faith, a copy of
+which was possessed by all the faithful and framed:
+
+                              David Walker
+                                Director
+                    Our Motto: “The World for Christ”
+                        Christ, the Good Shepherd
+         [picture of group sitting goat fashion, paraphernalia]
+                             Church Covenant
+                     of the Church of the First-born
+                   “Hebrews 12th Chapter, 23rd verse”
+
+    We, the undersigned believers in Jesus Christ, do by virtue of
+    Scriptural Faith submit ourselves to the cause of Christ and
+    the Gospel; to live therein; to walk therein; to teach therein;
+    to sing therein; to pray therein; to preach therein; to baptize
+    therein; to observe all the ordinances of Him who has called us
+    to peace, that God may have all the glory thereof. In testimony
+    whereof we the undersigned hereunto set our hands, by virtue of
+    our own free will.
+
+                                                John C. Jamison
+                                                Conductor in Charge
+
+        Mrs. Lucinda Walker
+        Mother of the Household of the Faith
+
+        Katie Hoggins
+        Secretary of the Household of the Faith
+
+        Mrs. J. L. Ramsey
+        Assistant
+
+        Mrs. Polly Marshall
+        Assistant.
+
+The quotation from Hebrews 12.23 the source of the name of the church:
+
+    [But ye are come] to the general assembly and church of the
+    firstborn, which are written in heaven, and to God the Judge of
+    all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect.
+
+Unlike the Oto group, Jamison never succeeded in getting his “moon”
+incorporated, although there are suggestions[16] that Negro groups in
+South Dakota may have been influenced by peyotism.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] The cult use of peyote has been persecuted not alone by legislatures
+and religious groups. The following broadside, obtained from Alfred
+Wilson (Cheyenne) through Enoch Smokey (Kiowa) was posted at Harry
+Ehoda’s home in Mountain View, Oklahoma: “To all Indians addicted to the
+use of peyota and other forms of heathen or pagan forms of worship. You
+are hereby warned to sease form such degrading practices. Our Government
+has spent and is spending thousands of dollars each month to educate and
+life up the Indians and the Ku Kluck Klan of this state have determined
+that no Indian who has been educated by the Government shall come back
+home and debouch his people. Take Due Warning. The Clan in Your Community
+Will Look After You and Other Ku Kluck Klan of Okla.”
+
+[2] Cf. Harry Rave (brother of John), quoting another Indian, in Seymour,
+_Peyote Worship_, 182: “‘My friend we must organize a church and have
+it run like the Mormon Church’.” Could this have been Koshiway? Mormon
+interest in peyotism is indicated in letters to C. Warden (Arapaho) of
+Gary, Oklahoma, from the Latter Day Saints, which I have seen. See the
+_Book of Mormon_, I Nephig:2-28.
+
+[3] Data on this charter from a note in Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_, 38.
+
+[4] This element introduced by Albert Hensley into Winnebago peyotism,
+was probably influenced by the Oto church, when Hensley made his visits
+in Oklahoma.
+
+[5] With this native “Oxford Movement” cf. the parallel cases of the
+Caddo defection from the Wilson rite to the Enoch Hoag “moon” and the
+Hensley separatists to the Rave and Jesse Clay groups, the latter in each
+case representing a more aboriginal phrasing of the ceremony.
+
+[6] Which is of course mere theory; actually there is considerable
+unconscious syncretism, and Belo himself frequently refers to Jesus in
+his prayers.
+
+[7] _Report on the case_, in Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 306. “Twelve
+years ago the Otoes brought the new religion to the Winnebagoes and
+Omahas of Nebraska.... In talking with Albert Hensley, one of the
+prominent leaders, he said, ‘The mescal was formerly used improperly, but
+since it has been used in connection with the Bible it is proving a great
+benefit to the Indians. Now we call our church the Union Church instead
+of Mescal-eaters’” (Letter, April 15, 1909 in Blair, _The Indian Tribes_,
+282.)
+
+[8] From articles of incorporation kindly lent me by James Waldo (Kiowa).
+The original paper was lost by Mooney in Washington; Kiowa Charley’s copy
+gives the date Oct. 29, 1919—probably a duplicate reissue. Other data
+from Murdock and Wilson.
+
+[9] From 1918 to 1936 the officials have been (president, vice-president
+and treasurer, respectively): Frank Eagle (Ponca), Mack Haag (Cheyenne),
+Calumet, Louis MacDonald (Ponca), Ponca City; Mack Haag, Delos Lonewolf
+(Kiowa), Carnegie, James Waldo (Kiowa), Verden; Delos Lonewolf, Alfred
+Wilson (Cheyenne), Thomas, James Waldo; Alfred Wilson, Ned Brace (Kiowa),
+Mountain View, Oscar Whyel (Kickapoo); Alfred Wilson, Ned Brace, Louis
+Toyebo (Kiowa); Ned Brace, Frank Cayou (Omaha), Edgar McCarthy (Osage);
+Frank Cayou, Alfred Wilson, Edgar McCarthy. George Pipestem (Oto) of Red
+Rock was the secretary of the Native American Church from its founding
+until his death in 1936.
+
+[10] Letter of C. C. Guinn of Guinn & Maddox, Attorneys, to Mack Haag,
+President of the Native American Church, dated Hardin, Montana, Feb. 16,
+1916; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.
+
+[11] Elections of officials are held yearly in Nebraska instead of every
+two years as in Oklahoma.
+
+[12] Condensed from Mrs. M. G. Smith’s article, _A Negro Peyote Cult_.
+Mrs. Smith does not mention any possible Oto influence, which, in view of
+the near-identity of the name appears probable.
+
+[13] This occurs in no Indian peyote ceremony known to the writer. This
+deliberate destructive act suggests a symbolic aggression. The psychic
+mechanisms underlying this behavior have been shown with fine perception
+in John Dollard’s penetrating book _Caste and Class in a Southern Town_.
+
+[14] This again suggests Oto influence.
+
+[15] Cf. the related emetic rites!
+
+[16] Reko, _Ein Kultus die Gespenster_, 431: “Die Christian Peyotl Church
+in South Dakota benutzt diese Dinger an Stelle der Hostie und verabreicht
+sie bei der Kommunion and die Glaübigen. Daneber haben sie jenseits der
+Grenze noch eine nicht unbedeutende Kunschaft in der nordamerikanischen
+Indianer und den Schwarzen die die Mescalbottons [sic] freilich
+keineswegs zum Kommunizieren benützen.”
+
+
+
+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+1930).
+
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+
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+
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+1930).
+
+
+
+
+EXPLANATION OF PLATES
+
+
+Plate 1. Peyote leaders. _Upper left_, Charley Apekaum (Kiowa) and
+Jonathan Koshiway (Oto); _upper right_, Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) twice
+president of the Native American Church; _lower left and right_,
+Packing-Stone (Kiowa) a “Ten-Medicine” keeper and peyote leader in
+typical leaders’ costume of blanket and buckskin clothes; the headdress
+is old Kiowa.
+
+Plate 2. Altar and ash-birds. _Upper left_, Quapaw permanent cement altar
+of the John Wilson Big Moon rite. The ash mounds are the “graves” of
+John Wilson and Jesus Christ; the W’s or M’s on each side of the heart
+signify “Moon-Head” or “Wilson.” The nearest heart of the mound is the
+Heart of the World, that under the fire the Sacred Heart of Christ, that
+on the moon the Heart of Goodness on which the father peyote rests. Seven
+lines around the apron represent week days, the twelve lines the months
+of the year. The ashes mean the parting of the Red Sea, or mean to some
+the sheep and the goats. This altar was made by the authorised builder,
+Victor Griffin, and his assistant, Charley Tyner. _Upper right_, Symbolic
+peyote painting by Mopope (Kiowa) showing sacred staff, seven-marbled
+drum, drumstick, gourd rattle, doctoring feathers, and altar or moon
+with ash crescent. The water bird intermediary is carrying a prayer
+from the father peyote on the altar across the ritual fire to the great
+spirit indicated by the seven rays of feathers of the rising sun. The
+lightning lines from the god-head result from the artist’s visits to
+the Southwestern pueblos. _Center_, A fine example of the scissors-tail
+ash bird made at an Oto meeting near Red Rock, Oklahoma. _Lower_, An
+unusually fine example of the water bird ash bird made at a Shawnee
+meeting near McCloud. The burnt sticks finish out the scissors-tail
+of the bird. The smokestick in the foreground is carved with native
+and Christian symbols (now in Peabody Museum, Harvard University). (It
+is believed that the Yuchi altar of Petrullo, Plate 2, is erroneously
+figured and is of the order of those shown here.)
+
+
+PLATES
+
+[Illustration: [LA BARRE] PLATE 1
+
+PEYOTE LEADERS]
+
+[Illustration: [LA BARRE] PLATE 2
+
+ALTAR AND ASH BIRDS]
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77791 ***