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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77753 ***
+
+
+
+
+                         THE POPULATION PROBLEM
+                              =A Study in=
+                            HUMAN EVOLUTION
+
+
+                                   BY
+
+                          A. M. CARR-SAUNDERS
+
+
+                                 OXFORD
+                         AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
+                                  1922
+
+
+                         OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
+
+     London Edinburgh Glasgow Copenhagen New York Toronto Melbourne
+                Cape Town Bombay Calcutta Madras Shanghai
+
+                            HUMPHREY MILFORD
+
+                       Publisher to the University
+
+
+
+
+                                PREFACE
+
+
+Many different questions connected with population are frequently
+discussed at the present day. This book is designed not so much as a
+contribution to the study of any one of these questions in particular as
+an attempt to trace back to their origin the main problems which now
+attract attention and to indicate their relation one to the other—to
+view the whole problem in fact from an historical and evolutionary
+standpoint. The book is an accident of the war. When war broke out I was
+engaged in collecting material which is incorporated in this book with
+the object of discussing certain aspects of the population problem. It
+had occurred to me that I might write an introduction showing how these
+aspects are related to the problem as a whole. Further than that I had
+not gone when there followed five years of active service during which
+the project of writing an introductory sketch became converted into the
+far more ambitious project of treating at some length the population
+problem as a whole. Had it thus not been for these years during which it
+was possible only to elaborate schemes for future work, I should never
+have embarked on so ambitious a task. The task is not an easy one,
+involving as it does both difficulties of proportion and difficulties
+arising from the necessity of touching upon biological, anthropological
+and economic problems, with regard to all of which no one man can
+pretend to have extensive knowledge. Nevertheless, quite apart from the
+question as to whether this book does in any measure achieve its
+purpose, those best acquainted with modern population literature will
+probably agree that there is room for an attempt to view the whole
+population problem in historical perspective. If therefore this book
+does no more than draw the attention of those interested in particular
+aspects of the matter to the necessity of so doing, it will not
+altogether have failed of its purpose.
+
+I wish to express my very great obligations to Professor L. T. Hobhouse,
+who read through the whole book in manuscript and furnished me with
+numerous most valuable suggestions and criticisms. To Mr. Julian Huxley,
+who read the chapters which deal most directly with biological problems,
+I am also indebted for valuable help. The calculations which appear in
+the last section of the fifth chapter I owe to Mr. H. T. Tizard.
+
+
+
+
+                                CONTENTS
+
+
+                                CHAPTER I
+                                                                    PAGE
+
+ HISTORICAL                                                           17
+
+   (1) Problems of population fall under two headings—quantitative
+   and qualitative; the former have long attracted attention; the
+   latter have, until recently, only sporadically aroused interest.
+   (2) Numbers were discussed in a restricted sense in Greece and
+   Rome, but it was not until the sixteenth century (3) that
+   quantitative problems were considered from a modern point of
+   view when (4) a dense population was generally held to be
+   advantageous. (5) This view was not everywhere accepted, and (6)
+   the relation between numbers and the food-supply was from time
+   to time discussed, and the position of Malthus more or less
+   anticipated. (7) In 1798 Malthus published his book, which (8)
+   was favourably received. (9) Neomalthusian propaganda, though
+   not approved by Malthus, began early. (10) Darwin and Wallace
+   were influenced by Malthus in founding the hypothesis of natural
+   selection, and from 1858 onwards qualitative problems have come
+   to assume an equally important place.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER II
+
+        THE BASIS OF THE POPULATION PROBLEM: (1) THE QUANTITATIVE
+ ASPECT                                                               37
+
+   (1) The ancestors of man were once subject to the conditions
+   prevailing among species in a state of nature. These conditions
+   are studied. (2) Reproduction, the necessity for which can be
+   explained, (3) always consists in the fusion of two gametes, but
+   (4) is accomplished by different methods. (5) Whatever the
+   method, most ripe ova are fertilized, though among lower forms
+   failures may not be infrequent. A reference to the nature of (6)
+   reflex action, (7) instinct, (8) intelligence, and (9) reason
+   shows that, (10) whatever the stage of mental evolution reached
+   among species in a state of nature, reproduction is essentially
+   ‘mechanical’. (11) The vast number of ova (12) is only partially
+   called for by the fact that a certain proportion only is
+   fertilized. The vast number is necessary because (13) owing to
+   the interdependence of all species a large proportion of the
+   young of (14) both animals (15) and plants perish before
+   maturity (16) and is determined by the sum of the dangers to
+   which the young are exposed.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER III
+
+              THE BASIS OF THE POPULATION PROBLEM: (2) THE
+ QUALITATIVE ASPECT                                                   64
+
+   (1) In the chromatin of the nucleus we have apparently to
+   recognize the physical basis of the inherited qualities which
+   (2) take the form of predispositions towards the development of
+   certain characters. (3) Difference between modifications and
+   mutations. (4) ‘Pure Line’ and (5) Mendelian investigations
+   indicate nature and behaviour of latter on crossing. (6)
+   Germinal change consists in the apparent addition, dropping out,
+   or modification of ‘factors’, the causes of which (7) are
+   unknown, and are not due to the inheritance of acquired
+   characters. (8) Owing to the death-rate being selective,
+   different germinal constitutions are differently favoured, and
+   thus (9) permanent change among species in a state of nature
+   comes about.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV
+
+ THE POPULATION PROBLEM AMONG MEN                                     80
+
+   (1) The population problem among men has, owing to the evolution
+   of reason, assumed in both aspects a wholly different form. (2)
+   To follow the nature, causes, and results of these changes a
+   sketch is required of human evolution—especially of social
+   evolution. History only provides a partial record for a few
+   thousand years, and (3) we are thus dependent for social history
+   upon our knowledge of primitive races which may be applied to
+   prehistoric races. (4) Outline of future chapters.
+
+
+                                CHAPTER V
+
+ HUMAN FECUNDITY                                                      88
+
+   (1) We have to ask whether human fecundity has changed and what
+   the effect of certain customs is upon fecundity. (2) It is not
+   to factors influencing the male (3) but to factors influencing
+   the female that we have to look. (4) The length of the mature
+   period increases with good conditions; (5) the interval between
+   births has decreased in mankind, (6) while the number at a birth
+   has probably increased (7) owing to good conditions. (8) That
+   human fecundity has increased is supported by other evidence,
+   (9) including the number of children, and (10) was held by
+   Darwin and others. (11) Polygamy has had no influence, but
+   lactation, age at marriage, early intercourse, and development
+   of fat adversely affect fecundity. (12) Calculations of possible
+   increase.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER VI
+
+ HUMAN HISTORY                                                       106
+
+   (1) The outline of human history can be roughly dated by (2)
+   estimating the length of the geological eras. (3) Little is
+   known as to the evolution of the Primate stock, but (4) the
+   association of geological data, fossils, and cultural data give
+   a table of human history. (5) Fossil remains of man before the
+   fourth glacial epoch. (6) Neanderthal man in the fourth glacial
+   epoch. (7) Numerous remains in the post-glacial epoch. (8)
+   Putting aside eoliths, (9) we have Lower, Middle, and Upper
+   Palaeolithic cultures, followed by (10) Neolithic culture and
+   (11) the age of metals. (12) Putting together fossil and
+   cultural evidence, we reach a scheme the details of which can be
+   filled in by (13) our knowledge of existing primitive races with
+   (14) certain reservations.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER VII
+
+ HUNTING AND FISHING RACES                                           135
+
+   (1) A survey of these races is undertaken to show the prevalence
+   of factors bearing upon fertility and elimination, and evidence
+   of (2) pre-puberty intercourse, (3) prolonged lactation, (4)
+   initiation ceremonies, (5) postponement of marriage, and (6)
+   abstention from intercourse is given. (7) Evidence of small
+   average size of family. (8) Among factors of elimination,
+   abortion, (9) infanticide, (10) warfare, (11) feuds, (12)
+   killing of old and sick, (13, 14) disease, and (15) child
+   mortality are investigated.
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VIII
+
+ PRIMITIVE AGRICULTURAL RACES                                        162
+
+   (1) A similar survey of these races is undertaken, and evidence
+   is given regarding the prevalence in America (2) of pre-puberty
+   intercourse, (3) postponement of marriage, (4) prolonged
+   lactation, (5) abstention from intercourse, (6) small size of
+   the family, (7) abortion, (8) infanticide, (9) war, (10) feuds,
+   (11) disease, (12) and child mortality. (13) In Africa similarly
+   regarding pre-puberty intercourse, (14) lactation, (15)
+   marriage, (16) abstention from intercourse, (17) contraceptive
+   methods, (18) size of family, (19) abortion, (20) infanticide,
+   (21) warfare, (22) feuds, (23) disease, (24) and child
+   mortality. (25) In Oceania regarding pre-puberty intercourse,
+   (26) lactation, (27) marriage, (28) abstention from intercourse,
+   (29) contraceptive practices, (30) size of family, (31)
+   abortion, (32) infanticide, (33) warfare, (34) feuds, (35) and
+   child mortality. (36) In Asia of the same practices.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IX
+
+ THE REGULATION OF NUMBERS AMONG PRIMITIVE RACES                     197
+
+   (1) The theory of Malthus has long been disproved, and (2) has
+   been replaced by the modern theory of an optimum density of
+   population. (3) Territories are strictly defined among hunting
+   and fishing races, and (4) among primitive agricultural races.
+   (5) Among all these races there is co-operation in the search
+   for food. (6) The principle of the optimum number holds good for
+   all of them, and by the natural selection of customs, practices
+   restrictive of increase come everywhere into use in the shape of
+   abstention from intercourse, abortion, and infanticide. (7)
+   Evidence of these practices is incomplete, (8) but shows that
+   they are so practised as to keep numbers down to a certain
+   level, (9) and, though they may be adjusted solely by natural
+   selection, yet some semi-conscious adjustment may take place.
+   (10) That adjustment should take place, a certain standard of
+   skill is necessary on the part of those who set up new families
+   and is ensured by marriage customs. (11) General conditions of
+   savage life afford evidence that customs are effective. (12)
+   There is no correlation between these practices and economic
+   stages; though evidence is lacking, the presumption is that some
+   such practices were everywhere in use (13) not only among
+   primitive but also among prehistoric races, (14) who have moved
+   slowly away from the conditions prevalent in the intermediate
+   stage.
+
+
+                                CHAPTER X
+
+ HISTORICAL RACES                                                    243
+
+   (1) These races fall under four sub-headings. For all of them
+   the evidence is discussed concerning (2) disease, (3) warfare,
+   (4) and child mortality. (5) In sub-groups 1 and 2 celibacy and
+   postponement of marriage, (6) pre-puberty marriage, (7)
+   lactation, (8) restraint from intercourse, (9) contraceptive
+   practices, (10) size of family, (11) abortion, (12) and
+   infanticide. (13) In sub-groups 3 and 4 pre-puberty intercourse
+   and lactation, (14) celibacy and marriage, (15) contraceptive
+   practices, (16) abortion and infanticide, (17) and venereal
+   disease.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER XI
+
+ THE REGULATION OF NUMBERS AMONG HISTORICAL RACES                    270
+
+   (1) Among these races, in spite of certain complications, the
+   principle of the optimum number holds good. (2) The evidence for
+   the first sub-group is too scanty to base conclusions upon. (3)
+   Among the races of the second sub-group we see how the pressure
+   is felt, and (4) we have knowledge of the factors at work, but
+   (5) in India, China, and Egypt there is evidence that the
+   factors are not effective, and that over-population occurs. (6)
+   In the third sub-group, where the factors are different, (7) we
+   can see in disabilities placed upon serfs, and (8) in
+   difficulties, (9) restrictions, and (10) Poor Law provisions
+   hindrances to marriage. (11) The system was generally effective,
+   though over-population occasionally occurred. (12) In the fourth
+   sub-group there is no evidence of over-population; (13) the
+   factors are rather different, and (14) pressure comes about by
+   unconscious response to economic conditions. (15) Summarizing
+   the position for all groups we find that owing to the great
+   power of increase, customs restrictive of increase are always
+   necessary, and (16) have taken various forms (17) with varying
+   effectiveness. (18) Changes in quantity are a result rather than
+   a primary cause of historical events. (19) Neither migration
+   (20) nor war is due directly to over-population, though the
+   position as regards quantity may be an element in the situation
+   predisposing nations towards migration and war.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER XII
+
+ SOME MODERN PROBLEMS                                                308
+
+   (1) The recent increase in numbers was in response to economic
+   requirements, and affords no ground for pessimism as to the
+   future. (2) The density desirable may be considered from the
+   point of view of moral welfare (3) and of national safety, as
+   well as from the economic standpoint. (4) The importance of
+   minor fluctuations. (5) Methods of limiting increase at the
+   present day. (6) Different ratios of increase as between
+   different classes, (7) between different races in the same
+   country, and (8) between different countries.
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XIII
+
+ THE QUALITATIVE PROBLEM                                             322
+
+   We have to ask how far those changes which constitute history
+   are due to germinal changes, and are therefore comparable to
+   changes among species in a state of nature. Analysis of
+   remaining chapters.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER XIV
+
+             THE INFLUENCE OF THE ENVIRONMENT AMONG ANIMALS
+ AND PLANTS                                                          325
+
+   (1) Observations show that environment and heredity are
+   complementary one to the other. (2) Abnormal stimuli may produce
+   almost any result, but (3) for each species there is a normal
+   environment, to certain elements in which marked responses may
+   be made, though (4) generally speaking sessile organisms are far
+   more responsive to differences in the environment than are
+   free-living organisms. (5) Among free-living species in a state
+   of nature closely related to man, modifications are not of great
+   importance in producing variations.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER XV
+
+ THE INFLUENCE OF THE ENVIRONMENT UPON MAN                           336
+
+   (1) Among men there is no normal environment. (2) The effect of
+   exercise, (3) of general conditions, (4) and of climate. (5)
+   Huntington’s theory of optimum climatic conditions. (6) The
+   effect of food, altitude, &c. (7) Statistical results. (8)
+   Effect of disease. (9) Evidence derived from twins. (10)
+   Conclusion that modifications, with the exception of those
+   produced by disease, are not of great importance, though of more
+   importance than in the case of species closely allied to man.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER XVI
+
+ HEREDITY IN MAN                                                     356
+
+   (1) Recent work in heredity leads to the conclusion that at the
+   basis of all human characters lies a vast number of
+   unit-factors; but few have yet been recognized, and (2) we have
+   to depend upon statistical data, which show that all mental and
+   physical characters are inherited. Further discussion of the
+   inheritance of (3) disease, (4) temperament, (5) instinct, and
+   (6) intellect. (7) Conclusion.
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XVII
+
+ THE EVOLUTION OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERS                                368
+
+   (1) Preliminary notice of certain difficulties—cause of
+   mutation, strength of selection. (2) During the intermediate
+   period great changes took place, but (3) in general during the
+   first and second periods the tendency was towards the evolution
+   and preservation of certain types, (4) which is comprehensible
+   when the conditions among primitive races are studied. (5) In
+   the third period more variations have been allowed to persist;
+   disease becomes of importance. (6) At all times warfare,
+   migration, and crossing have influenced physical characters. (7)
+   Factors of possible importance other than selection. (8)
+   Conclusion.
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XVIII
+
+ THE EVOLUTION OF MENTAL CHARACTERS                                  385
+
+   (1) We have to inquire into the stage of mental evolution
+   reached at different times. (2) After discussing evidence
+   derived from fossils, (3) from the study of primitive races, (4)
+   from Binet-Simon tests, and (5) elsewhere, we conclude that by
+   far the greater part of mental evolution had been accomplished
+   in Palaeolithic times. (6) Conditions in the intermediate period
+   strongly favoured intellect, (7) but in the first and second
+   periods there ceased to be any considerable premium upon
+   intellect, (8) while, though at the opening of the third period
+   some advance was favoured, later conditions merely allowed of
+   the existence of greater diversity. (9) Definite conclusions
+   postponed until tradition has been studied.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER XIX
+
+ THE NATURE OF TRADITION                                             407
+
+   (1) The evolution of conceptual thought went hand in hand with
+   that of language, (2) and has passed through a series of stages.
+   (3) The products of conceptual thought are stored up in various
+   ways, (4) are transmitted by language and by the operation of
+   suggestion and sympathy, and (5) are retained by habit. (6) In a
+   relatively unimportant way tradition is present among the higher
+   animals. (7) Tradition moulds the degree and direction of the
+   use of mental faculties, and (8) is naturally selected.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER XX
+
+ THE ORIGIN OF TRADITION                                             419
+
+   (1) Supposing other things to be equal, we have to study the
+   influence of differences in fertility and contact upon
+   tradition. (2) Fertility is a purely relative term. (3) The
+   greater the fertility, the greater the incentive to increase in
+   skill and to the transmission of skilled processes. (4) Since
+   fertility is relative there is a shifting of the centres of
+   progress. (5) Contact varies in quantity and quality, and
+   facilitates the transmission and encourages the formation of
+   skill. (6) Contact is hindered by isolation by sea, deserts, and
+   mountains, and is facilitated by rivers. Importance of location
+   and language. (7) Contact also influenced by economic factors
+   which have brought about (8) the evolution from the segmentary
+   to the organic form of social organization. (9) Thus the origin
+   and transmission of tradition have been very greatly encouraged
+   in the third period, (10) though certain influences work against
+   the full realization of the organic type in modern communities.
+   (11) Differences in economic organization are correlated with
+   other differences in social organization.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER XXI
+
+ THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF TRADITION AND HEREDITY                   437
+
+   (1) Definite conclusions are difficult to reach. (2) History in
+   the intermediate period was due to germinal change. (3) The
+   natural endowment of America, (4) Asia, (5) Africa, (6) and of
+   other regions, (7) and their geographical features, (8) suggests
+   that history in the subsequent periods was chiefly of the nature
+   of traditional change. (9) Though germinal changes are important
+   they do not account for the outstanding events, though they have
+   contributed to them. (10) Lesser germinal changes colour
+   tradition, but are not determining factors in history. (11)
+   Known germinal changes, such as those produced by crossing, are
+   less important than accompanying traditional changes, (12) of
+   which there are many instances in the third period. (13) The
+   direct effect of the environment is not negligible, and has
+   influenced the course of history. (14) The cyclic course of
+   civilization, which has been attributed to germinal change, is
+   in the main due to traditional changes. (15) Tradition at the
+   present day overlays the manifestation of mental characters in
+   so great a degree that (16) differences between classes may well
+   seem wholly traditional, but (17) psychological tests and (18)
+   other evidence show that innate mental differences are present,
+   (19) though it is difficult to appraise their value and the
+   importance of modern differential fertility.
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XXII
+
+ CONCLUSION                                                          475
+
+   Summary of the argument and of the conclusions.
+
+ APPENDIX I                                                          483
+
+   Summary of evidence as to restriction of increase amongst
+   Primitive Races.
+
+ APPENDIX II                                                         488
+
+ LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED                                          489
+
+ INDEX                                                               509
+
+
+
+
+                         LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
+
+
+  _A. R. B. E._ = Annual Report. Bureau of Ethnology, Smithsonian
+    Institution.
+
+  _A. R. S. I._ = Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution.
+
+  _Am. Anth._ = American Anthropologist.
+
+  _Am. Jour. Obstet._ = American Journal of Obstetrics.
+
+  _Am. Stat. Ass._ = Publications of the American Statistical
+    Association.
+
+  _Ann. de Pal._ = Annales de Paléontologie.
+
+  _Ann. Mus. Congo Belge_ = Annales du Musée du Congo Belge.
+
+  _Arch. für Anth._ = Archiv für Anthropologie.
+
+  _Aust. Med. Jour._ = Australian Medical Journal.
+
+  _Biol. Bull._ = Biological Bulletin.
+
+  _Bull. Soc. Anth._ = Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie.
+
+  _C. I. A._ = Congrès International d’Anthropologie.
+
+  _Cent. für Min., Geol. und Pal._ = Centralblatt für Mineralogie,
+    Geologie und Paläontologie.
+
+  _Coll. Mon. Eth._ = Collection de Monographies Ethnographiques.
+
+  _Eug. Lab. Mem._ = Eugenic Laboratory Memoirs.
+
+  _Eug. Rev._ = Eugenics Review.
+
+  _Geog. Jour._ = Geographical Journal.
+
+  _Int. Arch. Eth._ = Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie.
+
+  _J. A. I._ = Journal of the Anthropological Institute.
+
+  _Jour. Eth. Soc._ = Journal of the Ethnological Society.
+
+  _Jour. Pol. Soc._ = Journal of the Polynesian Society.
+
+  _Jour. Roy. Agric. Soc._ = Journal of the Royal Agricultural Society.
+
+  _J. R. S. S._ = Journal of the Royal Statistical Society.
+
+  _Mem. Am. Anth. Soc._ = Memoirs of the American Anthropological and
+    Ethnological Societies.
+
+  _Mem. Anth. Soc._ = Memoirs of the Anthropological Society.
+
+  _Mem. & Proc. Man. Lit. & Phil. Soc._ = Memoirs and Proceedings of the
+    Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society.
+
+  _Mém. Soc. Anth._ = Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie.
+
+  _Phil. Trans._ = Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society.
+
+  _Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc._ = Quarterly Journal of the Geological
+    Society.
+
+  _Q. J. M. S._ = Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science.
+
+  _Rev. Col. Inter._ = Revue Coloniale Internationale.
+
+  _Rev. d’Anth._ = Revue d’Anthropologie.
+
+  _Rev. d’Eth._ = Revue d’Ethnographie.
+
+  _S. I. B. E._ = Smithsonian Institute, Bureau of Ethnology.
+
+  _Soc. Rev._ = Sociological Review.
+
+  _Trans. Amer. Gyn. Soc._ = Transactions of the American Gynecological
+    Society.
+
+  _Trans. & Proc. N. Z. Inst._ = Transactions and Proceedings of the New
+    Zealand Institute.
+
+  _Trans. Edin. Obstet. Soc._ = Transactions of the Edinburgh
+    Obstetrical Society.
+
+  _Trans. Eth. Soc._ = Transactions of the Ethnological Society.
+
+  _U. S. Geog. & Geol. Survey_ = United States Geographical and
+    Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region.
+
+  _Z. G. E._ = Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde.
+
+  _Zeit. für all. Erd._ = Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde.
+
+  _Zeit. für Eth._ = Zeitschrift für Ethnologie.
+
+  _Zeit. für Morph. und Anth._ = Zeitschrift für Morphologie und
+    Anthropologie.
+
+  _Zeit. für Soc._ = Zeitschrift für Socialwissenschaft.
+
+
+
+
+                                   I
+                               HISTORICAL
+
+
+1. Problems of population fall into two main groups—those connected with
+the quantity and those connected with the quality of the population.
+Considerations of the population problem are commonly devoted to one of
+these chief aspects to the exclusion of the other with the result that
+the relation between them is seldom appreciated. It is one of the
+objects of this book to show that all problems of population have the
+same origin. The development of biological knowledge in the last
+century, and in particular the discussion of evolution, have made it
+clear that the whole population question and all the problems arising
+therefrom have their origin in the fact that mankind has a definite
+position in the animal kingdom. In the next two chapters an attempt is
+made to set out the basis of the whole question in the light of modern
+research, and in the fourth chapter are discussed the nature of the
+various problems and their relation to one another; first those which
+are connected with the quantity and then those that are connected with
+the quality of the population.
+
+This was not, however, the manner in which the question was first
+approached. There was not, to begin with, an understanding of the
+zoological position of man leading to a growing comprehension of the
+problems to which it gave rise. From early days attention was
+particularly directed to the question of numbers. Between the fifth
+century b. c. and the eighteenth century a. d.—between, that is to say,
+the time of Plato and that of Malthus—opinions were often expressed
+regarding the desirability or otherwise of a dense population. The work
+of Malthus focussed opinion upon this point. In a restricted sense this
+problem can be solved without an understanding of the biological origin
+of the whole question, and the discussion which followed the publication
+of the _Essay on Population_ has resulted in the general acceptance of a
+solution by students of political economy. In a wider sense the solution
+of this problem depends upon a comprehension of its biological origin,
+and it was not therefore until after the middle of the last century that
+all the problems connected with quantity fell into their proper setting
+owing to the work of Darwin and Wallace, both of whom acknowledged their
+debt to Malthus. The latter, though he did not in any way realize the
+fact, was discussing a point which is most intimately connected with
+evolution, and both Darwin and Wallace were influenced by their
+acquaintance with the work of Malthus in arriving at their explanation
+of the process of evolution. Thus from the time of Darwin and Wallace it
+has been possible to view the population problem as a whole, though the
+discussions of the problems connected with quantity have been pursued
+independently not only before but also after the publication of the
+_Origin of Species_.
+
+Problems of quality did not arouse the same early interest. It is, of
+course, well known that Plato was occupied with this aspect of the whole
+problem;[1] Roman authors also commented upon the eugenic bearing of
+certain practices.[2] In later days in a remarkable book Campanella
+dwelt upon the importance of good breeding.[3] But the interest in
+quality was not, as was the interest in quantity, widespread or long
+maintained; it was not until the origin of living species by evolution
+had been generally accepted and some knowledge of inheritance had been
+gained, that problems of quality came to occupy anything more than the
+passing attention of mankind.[4] J. S. Mill and Buckle, for instance,
+both of whose opinions were formed just before the time when the
+importance of heredity came to be appreciated, deny that it is in any
+way relevant to the study of social problems.[5]
+
+2. In the preface to the greatly enlarged second edition of his famous
+book Malthus stated that he had found many references to the subject of
+which he had not been aware when he published the first volume.[6] He
+acknowledged that several authors had shown themselves to have possessed
+a grasp of the ‘principle’ which it was the object of his book to
+demonstrate. Among these he mentions Plato and Aristotle. In these cases
+Malthus was too anxious to attribute the first enunciation of the
+‘principle’ to others. It was only owing to the very peculiar
+circumstances of Greek life that the problem ever arose at all. A
+consideration of the ideal city state involved the question as to what
+was the most desirable number of citizens. This point occupied Plato’s
+attention, and in one place he deals with it in detail. There should be,
+he says, 5,040 citizens in the state.[7] In the _Republic_ he explained
+that the number of citizens was to be kept about the same by a strict
+regulation of unions.[8] In the _Laws_, however, no such system is
+advocated, and he discusses the possibility of a failure to maintain the
+number.[9] He appears to think that various checks such as infanticide
+and ‘inundations’ will keep numbers close to the desirable level; if too
+great an increase takes place, then recourse must be had to emigration.
+It does not seem that the problem was ever approached more closely in
+Greek literature.
+
+References to this subject by Roman authors are confined for the most
+part to laments over the infertility of the old Roman stock. That which
+drew the attention of the Romans to the subject was thus a peculiar
+phase of the problem, and the views expressed by them were in
+consequence usually limited to the search for a remedy for a particular
+weakness in national life. As we shall point out later, it is doubtful
+how far infertility was characteristic of all classes; that it was not
+widespread seems incidentally to be indicated in the following curious
+passage from Tertullian in which he is led to express views reminiscent
+of many modern contributions to the subject. Tertullian is confuting the
+Pythagorean theory of the transmigration of souls, and argues that, if
+it were true, the number of men must remain unchanged. But, he says,
+this is obviously not so; population continually increases. This leads
+him to refer to the state of contemporary civilization. ‘We find’, he
+says, ‘in the records of the Antiquities of Man[10] that the human race
+has progressed with a gradual growth of population.... Surely it is
+obvious enough, if one looks at the whole world, that it is becoming
+better cultivated and more fully peopled than anciently. All places are
+now accessible, all are well known, all open to commerce; most pleasant
+farms have obliterated all traces of what were once dreary and dangerous
+wastes; cultivated fields have subdued forests; flocks and herds have
+expelled wild beasts; sandy deserts are sown; rocks are planted; marshes
+are drained; and where once were hardly solitary cottages are now large
+cities. No longer are savage islands dreaded, nor their rocky shores
+feared; everywhere are houses, and inhabitants, and settled government,
+and civilized life. What most frequently meets our view is our teeming
+population; our numbers are burdensome to the world, which can hardly
+supply us from its natural elements; our wants grow more and more keen,
+and our complaints more bitter in all mouths, whilst nature fails in
+affording us her usual sustenance. In very deed, pestilence, and famine,
+and wars, and earthquakes have to be regarded as a remedy for nations,
+as a means of pruning the luxuriance of the human race.’[11]
+
+3. It is not until we arrive at the sixteenth century that we discover
+any considerable interest in the matter. From thence onwards references
+are very frequent. In a general way it is not difficult to understand
+how this comes about. The movement of thought at that time turned to
+problems of practical importance. The interest in questions connected
+with population was above all things due to the problems created by the
+rise and consolidation of the great European states. In some measure
+also the voyages of discovery and the foundation of colonies drew men’s
+thoughts to these questions. It is, as we shall see, in the works of the
+new class of political writers and theorists, and in the descriptions of
+travel, that we find most references.[12]
+
+These references take for the most part the form of discussions as to
+the desirability or otherwise of a large population. There is, indeed,
+often but little discussion; the benefits of a large population seemed
+so obvious. Men were mostly of the same opinion as the author of the
+book of Proverbs, ‘in the multitude of the people is the king’s glory;
+but in the want of people is the destruction of the prince.’[13] The
+reasons are not far to seek. A large population appeared to mean both
+power and riches. The advantage of a large population in supplying a
+large army proved most attractive and greatly influenced the authors of
+the eighteenth century.[14] It has not altogether lost its attraction
+for some people at the present day, as we shall have reason to notice in
+a later chapter. This simple view of the benefits of a large population
+coincided with the development of the mercantile theory of trade.
+Authors of this school of thought also concluded that upon the whole the
+larger the population the better. Protests against this point of view
+are, however, met with from time to time. Those responsible for this
+opposition to the prevailing opinion were influenced in some cases more
+by observation than by theory and in other cases more by theory than by
+observation. As instances of the former several English writers of the
+end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries may be
+cited; as instances of the latter several authors chiefly belonging to
+the later part of the eighteenth century. The views of the
+last-mentioned authors are often influenced by a conception of the
+relation between population and subsistence closely similar to that of
+Malthus. But they are not alone in their anticipation of his position.
+From the sixteenth century onwards we find in passages dealing with
+population more or less clear statements of the Malthusian position.
+These authors, however, are not always led to an unfavourable view of an
+increase in population. Many of them, indeed, support the current view
+as to the advantages of large numbers. Nevertheless on the whole a
+consideration of the connexion between population and the food-supply is
+usually associated with a fear of increase. We may now review in more
+detail the trend of opinion sketched above. This will bring us to the
+publication of the _Essay on Population_.[15]
+
+4. Long before the sixteenth century men gave expression to the view
+that large numbers are beneficial. ‘Quae familia plus multiplicatur in
+prolem, amplius cedit ad firmamentum politiae,’ said Saint Thomas
+Aquinas.[16] But it is only later that we meet with a marked insistence
+on this view. ‘In my opinion’, says Bodin, ‘they erre much who doubt of
+a scarcitie by the multitude of citizens and children, when as no cities
+are more rich nor more famous in arts and discipline than those which
+abound most with citizens.’[17] According to Botero ‘the greatness of a
+citty is sayd not to be the largeness of the citty or the circuit of the
+walls, but in the multitude and the number of the inhabitants and their
+power’.[18] Machiavelli held very similar views, and Henry IV of France
+is reported as saying that ‘the strength and riches of kings consist in
+the number and opulence of their subjects’.[19] In accordance with the
+views thus widely and strongly held, examples of which might be
+multiplied almost to any extent, practical measures were taken to
+encourage the increase of population. Of these the best known is the law
+of Colbert passed in 1664. Like most of such laws it was modelled on the
+laws of the later Roman Empire. Similar laws were at one time or another
+in force in most European countries.
+
+Towards the end of the seventeenth century there arose a school of
+writers who might be classed as political economists, though the term
+was not in use. In accordance with the mercantile theory of commerce
+then predominant a large population was held to be advantageous. The
+older and vaguer theory that a dense population was necessary if the
+state was to be powerful was found to coincide with the newer theories
+as to conditions of prosperous trade. Of these authors Petty and Graunt
+are celebrated as among the pioneers of statistics. According to the
+former: ‘fewness of people is real poverty; and a nation in which are
+eight millions of people are more than twice as rich as the same scope
+of land in which are but four.’[20] ‘Forasmuch as princes’, says Graunt,
+‘are not only powerful but rich according to the number of their people
+(hands being the father as lands are the mother and womb of wealth) it
+is no wonder that states by encouraging marriage and hindering
+licentiousness, advance their own interest, as well as preserve the laws
+of God from contempt and violation.’[21] Sir Charles Davenant and Sir
+Josiah Child are two of the foremost authors of this school. The former
+writes as follows: ‘people are the real strength and riches of a
+country; we see how impotent Spain is for want of inhabitants with their
+mines of gold and silver and the best ports and soil in the world; and
+we see how powerful their numbers make the United Provinces with bad
+harbours and the worst climate upon earth. It is perhaps better that a
+people should want country than that a country should want people. When
+there are but few inhabitants and a large territory, there is nothing
+but sloth and poverty; but when great numbers are confined to a narrow
+compass of ground, necessity puts upon them invention, frugality, and
+industry; which in a nation are always recompensed with power and
+riches.’[22] The latter refers more than once to the subject. ‘Whatever
+tends to the population of a country tends to the improvement of
+it.’[23] ‘Most nations in the civilized parts of the world are more or
+less rich or poor proportionable to the poverty or plenty of their
+people and not to the sterility of their lands.’[24] To these quotations
+we may add one from Sir William Temple: ‘I believe the true and original
+ground of trade to be a great multitude of people crowded into a small
+compass of land.’[25]
+
+It would be possible to quote many similar remarks from authors who
+wrote in the following century. Frederick the Great had very decided
+opinions. In a letter to Voltaire he says: ‘Je regarde les hommes comme
+une horde de cerfs dans le pare d’un grand seigneur et qui n’out pas
+d’autre fonction que de peupler et remplir l’enclos.’[26] Hume speaks of
+‘the general rule that the happiness of any society and its populousness
+are necessary attendants’.[27] Adam Smith says ‘that the most decisive
+mark of the prosperity of any country is the increase of the number of
+its inhabitants’. Nevertheless that which interests us most in the
+authors of this period is the growing interest in other aspects of the
+subject.
+
+5. Before referring to the more or less close anticipations of the views
+of Malthus we may note that these optimistic views were not everywhere
+accepted. In England particularly, towards the end of the sixteenth
+century, several writers expressed a dread of over-population. According
+to Holinshed there were some men ‘affirming that we had already too
+great a store of people in England; and that youth, by marrying too
+soon, do nothing profit the countrie, but fill it full of beggars, to
+the hurt and utter undoing (they saie) of the commonwealth’.[28] Later
+we find Brückner speaking as follows: ‘there are some who believe that a
+people can never be too numerous and who speak of increase as if it
+always contributed to happiness, and who consequently continually urge
+the sovereign to encourage multiplication. The truth of the matter is,
+however, often far different, depending on the country and
+circumstances. In a free and enlightened nation, which has great natural
+advantages, and which is protected from the invasions of less fortunate
+neighbours, increasing numbers are a good.... In countries not so
+circumstanced increase is worse than useless; it is, as a matter of
+fact, impossible, and attempts in this direction can but result in added
+suffering and an increased number of deaths.’[29] Arthur Young said the
+same in more emphatic terms. ‘Of all the subjects of political economy I
+know not one that has given rise to such a crowd of errors as that of
+population. It seems for centuries to have been considered as the only
+test of national prosperity. The politicians of those times, and the
+majority of them in the present, have been of the opinion that to
+enumerate the people was the only step to be taken in order to ascertain
+the degree in which a country was flourishing. In my tour through the
+North of England, 1769, I entered my caveat against such a doctrine, and
+presumed to assert “that no nation is rich or powerful by mere numbers
+of people; it is the industrious class that constitutes a nation’s
+strength”; that assertion I repeated in my _Political Arithmetic_ in
+1774.’[30] About the same time Rousseau remarked that ‘il y a pire
+disette pour un état que celle d’hommes’.[31]
+
+6. In the eighteenth century the problem was often discussed with
+reference to the connexion between the population and the food-supply.
+The contrast between the vast possibilities of increase and the
+smallness of the actual growth in population also often attracted
+attention. ‘Through various causes’, says Wallace, ‘there has never been
+such a number of inhabitants on the earth at any one point of time as
+might have been raised by the prolific virtue of mankind. The causes of
+this paucity of inhabitants and the irregularity of increase are
+manifold. Some may be called physical, as they depend entirely on course
+of nature, and are independent of mankind. Others are moral and depend
+on the affections, passions, and institutions of men.... To this last we
+may refer so many destructive wars which men have waged against one
+another; great poverty, corrupt institutions, either of a civil or
+religious kind, intemperance, debauchery, irregular amours, idleness,
+luxury, and whatever prevents marriage, weakens the generating faculties
+of men, or renders them negligent or incapable of educating their
+children, and cultivating the earth to advantage. ’Tis to such
+destructive causes that we must ascribe the small number of men.’[32]
+Sir James Steuart devotes a considerable amount of space to this
+subject. ‘The generative faculty’, he says, ‘resembles a spring loaded
+with a weight, which always exerts itself in proportion to the
+diminution of resistance; when food has remained for some time without
+augmentation or diminution, generation will carry numbers as high as
+possible; if then food come to be diminished, the spring is overpowered;
+the force of it becomes less than nothing. Inhabitants will diminish, at
+least in proportion to the overcharge. If, upon the other hand, food be
+increased, the spring, which stood at 0, will begin to exert itself in
+proportion as the resistance diminishes; people will begin to be better
+fed; they will multiply, and in proportion as they increase in numbers,
+the food will become scarce again.’[33]
+
+Malthus tells us that when he wrote his first edition the only authors
+‘from whose writings he had deduced the principle which formed the main
+argument of the essay’ were Hume, Wallace, Adam Smith, and Price.[34] In
+the interval between the publication of the first and second editions of
+the Essay he found that he had been anticipated more or less by many
+others. Subsequently many other similar passages have been brought to
+light. It is not worth while to discuss how far Malthus had been
+anticipated. It is enough to note some of the opinions that had been
+expressed. In the eighteenth century the fact that there is a connexion
+between the population and the food-supply had become a commonplace. ‘La
+mesure de la subsistance est celle de la population,’[35] said Mirabeau,
+and the remark could be paralleled many times over.[36] Frequent
+references to the vast power of human increase may be found much
+earlier. In his _History of the World_ Raleigh had remarked that were it
+not for wars, famines, pestilences, and so on, a teeming population all
+the world over would have resulted long ago.[37] Machiavelli refers more
+than once to the existence of checks. He attributed the barbarian
+invasions in the later days of Rome to an unusually rapid increase of
+the tribes beyond the Rhine and the Danube.[38] One of the most
+interesting references to the subject is to be found in the work of
+Botero from which we have already quoted. ‘I say, then, that the
+augmentation of Cities proceedeth partly out of the virtue generative of
+men, and partly out of the virtue nutritive of Citties. The virtue
+generative is without doubt to this day the very same, or at least such
+as it was three thousand years past. So that if there were no other
+impediment or let therein, the propagation of mankind would increase
+without end and the augmentation of Citties would be without terme. And
+if it do not increase in infinite, I must needs say, it proceedeth out
+of the defect of nutriment and sustenance sufficient for it.’[39] Later
+on he continues: ‘although men were as apt to generation in the height
+and pride of the Roman Empire, as in the first beginning thereof; yet,
+for all that, the people increased not proportionately. For the virtue
+nutritive of Citties had no power to go further.... By the selfe same
+reason, mankinde growne to a certain complete number, hath growne no
+further. And it is three thousand years agone and more, that the world
+was replenished as full with people as it is at present.’[40]
+
+What are perhaps more remarkable than these references to the relation
+of numbers to the food-supply, so far as anticipations of Malthus are
+concerned, are discussions mentioning the ratios which are found from
+time to time. In the _Primitive Origination of Mankind_, Sir Matthew
+Hale endeavours to show that mankind must have had a beginning and must
+have an end, and finds support for this thesis in the facts regarding
+human fecundity. He calculated that the numbers of mankind must increase
+in a geometrical ratio unless hindered by checks. Obviously it has not
+done so chiefly because, owing to absence of sufficient food, large
+numbers are always being removed by various agencies which he enumerates
+as plagues, famines, wars, floods, and inundations.[41] Sir William
+Petty deals with the geometrical ratio at some length. He drew up an
+elaborate table which, assuming four thousand years to have passed since
+the flood, shows how an estimated world population of 320,000,000 could
+have been arrived at.[42] The ratios, however, never played a very
+prominent part in the discussion until after the publication of
+Malthus’s book. They reappear now and again, as for instance in a book
+by Saxe.[43]
+
+7. Malthus published his first edition in 1798. He was born in 1766 at
+the ‘Rookery’, a country house of some size near Dorking. In 1784 he
+went up to Cambridge. In early days he had shown signs of ability and at
+the university fulfilled this promise; he gained some prizes and was
+placed as ninth wrangler in the mathematical tripos of 1788. In 1793 he
+was elected fellow of his college, but only resided occasionally. In
+1798 he was curate at Albury, close to his birthplace; in 1799 he
+travelled through Sweden, Norway, and Russia, to collect information for
+his second edition; in 1802, owing to the Peace of Amiens, he was
+enabled to travel through Switzerland and France. The second edition
+appeared in 1803. It was virtually a new book. The four succeeding
+editions that were published in his lifetime were mainly reprints of
+this edition with some new matter added. In 1804 he married, and in 1805
+became Professor of History and Political Economy at Haileybury College,
+which post he held until his death in 1834.[44]
+
+It would seem that Malthus and his father used often to discuss new
+books and questions of the day. His father, Daniel Malthus, was inclined
+to favour the revolutionary school; Robert Malthus thought that he saw
+serious objections to Godwin’s views on the subject of ‘perfectibility’,
+and was so much impressed by them that he decided to put his ideas in
+writing. Whereas in the first edition Malthus was chiefly concerned with
+controverting Godwin and his school, by the time of the second edition
+he had lost interest in this side of the matter and his attention was
+almost entirely devoted to the problem of population.
+
+Such was the origin of the book which focused the attention of men on
+the population question. In the sixth chapter we shall have to review
+the position which it sets out and to trace the subsequent development
+of the theory. It is sufficient to say here that according to Malthus,
+whereas population tends to increase in a geometrical ratio, food tends
+to increase in an arithmetical ratio. As a result population is checked
+by the operation of vice and misery, to which factors he added, in the
+second edition, moral restraint. Statistics showed, even in the lifetime
+of Malthus, that the increase of food was not limited to an increase in
+an arithmetical ratio, and thus in reality the theory fell to the
+ground. It was, however, only gradually realized that this was so and
+that the relation between population and the food-supply is connected
+with the question of the return to industry, which may at any one time
+be increasing or decreasing according to the operation of many factors,
+of which the increase in skill is the chief. The points which are of
+interest in this historical sketch are the strong feelings which the
+book aroused among the adherents of the various schools of thought, the
+practical movement to which it gave shape, and finally the influence
+which it had upon Darwin and Wallace.
+
+8. From what has been said, it is clear that the ground had been well
+prepared for a favourable reception. Further the ‘populousness of
+ancient nations’ was a famous theme for controversy in the eighteenth
+century. There had also been much discussion as to whether the
+population of England was increasing or decreasing.[45] Again, in part
+owing to the industrial revolution, and in part owing to the war,
+questions as to poverty had attracted much attention, and to them
+Malthus’s book had direct reference. Thus it is not surprising that the
+success of the first edition was great and immediate.[46] Godwin
+admitted that it had ‘converted friends of progress by the hundred’.[47]
+Pitt dropped his Poor Law Bill in 1800 partly because of the opposition
+of those who had been influenced by the Essay. The earlier supporters of
+Malthus belonged, for the most part, to the Whig and Utilitarian
+schools. Pitt, Paley, Copleston, James Mill, Senior, Ricardo, Macintosh,
+and Whitbread all adhered to Malthus. In 1819 Brougham referred to the
+‘principle of population as one of the soundest principles of political
+economy’.[48] Support for Malthus was especially strong among the
+Utilitarians. Referring to about the year 1825 J. S. Mill says:
+‘Malthus’s principle was quite as much a banner and a point of union
+among us as any opinion especially belonging to Bentham.’[49]
+
+Opposition was chiefly to be found among the Tories, Revolutionaries,
+and Radicals. Godwin published a reply to Malthus in 1801, and several
+years later, finding that the ‘principle’ still gained ground, made
+another attempt to refute it, which met with as little success as the
+earlier attempt. As an example of the attitude of the followers of
+Godwin towards Malthus, the following remarks by Shelley may be quoted.
+‘Metaphysics and inquiries into moral and political science have become
+little else than vain attempts to revive exploded superstitions, or
+sophisms like those of Mr. Malthus, calculated to lull the oppressors of
+mankind into a security of everlasting triumph.’[50] The Tory element of
+the opposition was influenced by the feeling that the ordering of human
+affairs could not be so innately bad as the Essay seemed to suggest.[51]
+Southey and Coleridge represent this view; the former attacked the Essay
+more than once with considerable violence.[52] Cobbett made himself
+prominent among the critics by inventing the sobriquet ‘Parson’ Malthus.
+It occurs in the following passage.
+
+
+‘Why,’ said I, ‘how many children do you reckon to have had at last?’
+
+‘I do not care how many,’ said the man, ‘God never sends mouths without
+sending meat.’
+
+‘Did you never hear,’ said I, ‘of one Parson Malthus?’
+
+‘No, sir.’
+
+‘If he were to hear of your works, he would be outrageous, for he wants
+an Act of Parliament to prevent poor people from marrying young, and
+from having such lots of children.’
+
+‘Oh, the brute,’ exclaimed the wife, while the husband laughed, thinking
+I was joking.[53]
+
+
+Hazlitt, who may be classed as a radical, was one of the most violent of
+the opponents. Indeed, as Mr. Bonar says, ‘Malthus was the best abused
+man of his age.’[54]
+
+The Essay early became known on the Continent. As far as Germany was
+concerned, this was attributable, according to von Mohl, to a work by
+Luden.[55] During the lifetime of Malthus the violence of the opposition
+gradually weakened and the principle was very generally accepted. For
+many years such opposition as there was was based rather on religious
+grounds than upon an understanding of true weaknesses of the theory.
+Nevertheless Sumner, who was afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, and
+Thomas Chalmers in early days both proclaimed their adherence to the
+principle.[56] In 1840 three books were published which each attacked
+the principle on religious grounds. Of the authors, Sadler was a
+Churchman without apparently any strong political feelings, Alison a
+Tory, and Doubleday a Radical.[57] That the religious motive continued
+to inspire opposition may be gathered from an essay by W. P. Greg which
+appeared at a much later date.[58]
+
+It may be noticed that strong opposition was nearly always exhibited to
+the views of Malthus by socialistic authors.[59] According to Proudhon,
+‘la théorie de Malthus, c’est la théorie de l’assassinat politique, de
+l’assassinat par philanthropie, pour l’amour de Dieu.’[60] Karl Marx in
+a well-known passage attacked Malthus in most violent and offensive
+language.[61]
+
+9. As a result of the Essay, there began within the lifetime of Malthus
+the advocacy of Neomalthusianism. Malthus himself definitely disapproved
+of this practical application of his ‘principle’.[62] The practical
+application of which he approved was made by Miss Martineau in one of
+her _Illustrations to Political Economy_, which reads so strangely at
+the present day.[63] As regards Neomalthusianism it is very generally
+supposed that active propaganda only began about the time of the famous
+Bradlaugh-Besant trial in 1876. This, however, is a complete
+mistake.[64] The first publication of importance in which these ideas
+were put forward was an article by James Mill in the _Encyclopaedia
+Britannica_. His language was very guarded but the drift of his remarks
+unmistakable. Four years later, in 1822, Francis Place wrote a reply to
+Godwin. He covered much other ground but openly and deliberately
+advocated these practices. For the next ten years there followed an
+active propaganda. The events which first brought the whole question
+into public notice are somewhat curious. In 1823 a number of handbills
+were sent to Mrs. Fildes, well known in the North for her work among the
+poor; these bills contained descriptions of the methods which the new
+school of writers wished to see adopted by the working classes; an
+anonymous letter accompanied them asking her to help in distributing
+them. Mrs. Fildes was very indignant, and the whole story was published
+in the journal called the _Black Dwarf_. The bills attained a great
+notoriety and became known as the ‘diabolical handbills’. Suspicion
+seems to have rested upon Robert Owen; it was stated in the _Black
+Dwarf_, and has often been repeated since, that Neomalthusian methods
+were in use at New Lanark. It is far more probable that Francis Place
+was the author both of the handbill and of the letter. Whether this is
+so or not, Place was occupied for the next few years in doing all he
+could to spread the new opinions, for the sake of which he was prepared
+to sacrifice much popularity.[65] In 1834 the Society for Promoting
+Useful Knowledge refused his help because of his opinions on the
+subject. He was violently attacked by Cobbett and Richard Carlile; the
+latter was afterwards converted and published in 1825 articles
+advocating these practices. The articles were reprinted in 1826 as
+_Every Woman’s Book_, which went through several editions. At this early
+date it is clear that on the one hand these books and pamphlets were
+widely read among the working classes; Carlile in the _Republican_, for
+instance, asserted that they were ‘circulating by thousands in the
+populous districts of the north’. On the other hand Neomalthusian ideas
+were held by many eminent men of the day. The Utilitarian leaders, if
+not actually concerned in the propagation of these views, made their
+approval known. J. S. Mill in his youthful days got into trouble with
+the police through distributing some of these pamphlets. Grote somewhat
+later presented to London University a copy of the famous _Fruits of
+Philosophy_, of which there will be more to be said below.
+
+After a while the propaganda died down, and for some fifty years there
+was little heard of it.[66] Some books were, however, published in the
+interval which subsequent events made famous. R. D. Owen’s _Moral
+Physiology_ appeared in 1830. Knowlton’s _Fruits of Philosophy_ and
+Drysdale’s _Elements of Social Science_ appeared in 1833 and in 1854
+respectively. It was many years, however, before they became well known.
+For many years no objection was taken to the _Fruits of Philosophy_, or
+any similar work; such books were allowed to circulate freely. In 1876 a
+Bristol bookseller, Cook by name, was condemned to two years’
+imprisonment for selling an illustrated edition of Knowlton’s work. Soon
+after another bookseller was also fined. Thereupon Mr. Bradlaugh and
+Mrs. Besant determined to take up the subject and fight for what they
+considered to be the right of freedom of discussion in these matters.
+They had an edition of the _Fruits of Philosophy_ printed, and took a
+small shop where it was openly exposed for sale. A prosecution followed.
+In 1877 they were tried before Sir Alexander Cockburn, the Lord Chief
+Justice; the Attorney-General prosecuted. The summing-up was distinctly
+in favour of the accused; the jury, however, returned a verdict of
+guilty, adding a rider to the effect that they considered the defendants
+to be innocent of any immoral intention. Judgement was reserved. But in
+the interval Mr. Bradlaugh and Mrs. Besant continued to sell the book,
+and the result was that, instead of merely being bound over, as had been
+the intention of the judge, they were condemned to six months’
+imprisonment and to a fine of six hundred pounds. The judgement was
+subsequently quashed in a higher court.
+
+The trial was a huge advertisement for Neomalthusianism. For some years
+spasmodic efforts to punish the sale of Neomalthusian books only served
+to encourage the propagandists. In 1877 the ‘Neomalthusian League’ was
+founded and a vigorous propaganda was carried on. The activity of the
+league in England gradually declined, but not before the movement had
+spread to foreign countries. Propaganda in other countries followed a
+very similar course; in 1888 there was a trial in Australia which is as
+famous in that country as the Bradlaugh-Besant trial in England.
+Prosecutions occurred in India and in America. In 1891 a remarkable
+dispute took place in Norway, and a law was finally passed to prohibit
+the sale of Neomalthusian books. As lately as 1908 a Belgian doctor was
+condemned to imprisonment for spreading the knowledge of Neomalthusian
+methods.[67]
+
+10. With this notice of the history of the development of
+Neomalthusianism we may leave this side of the subject. The history of
+speculation regarding evolution has been so often described that there
+is no need to go into the facts here.
+
+It is well known that before Darwin and Wallace turned their attention
+to the subject, the origin of organisms by evolution as opposed to
+origin by separate acts of creation had often been suggested. There was
+already at the beginning of the nineteenth century a considerable
+accumulation of facts regarding the structure and relation of organisms
+to one another and regarding the fossil remains of organisms. This
+evidence was seen to point to evolution as against creation, but until
+Darwin and Wallace produced their theories no one had been able to
+formulate a satisfactory hypothesis as to how evolution could have come
+about. It is of great interest to observe that it was after reading
+Malthus that both Darwin and Wallace independently formulated their
+theories. Malthus had, in fact, when taking up for consideration the
+quantitative aspect of the problem, so far as man was concerned, been
+dealing with that class of facts upon which, not only the quantitative,
+but also the qualitative aspect of the problem is based. When Darwin and
+Wallace, with the problem of evolution before them, which is essentially
+the problem of quality—the problem of the manner in which one type of
+organic form can be derived from another type—chanced to read Malthus,
+their attention was called to the class of facts connected with the
+birth-rate, the death-rate, and allied phenomena. They realized that
+among species in a state of nature a somewhat similar state of things
+existed to that which Malthus, with another aspect of the problem in
+view, was investigating in the case of man, and from a consideration of
+these facts they founded independently the hypothesis of natural
+selection.
+
+It is of interest to note what Darwin and Wallace themselves say as to
+their indebtedness to Malthus. In a passage in the well-known
+autobiographical sketch Darwin writes as follows: ‘in October 1838, that
+is fifteen months after I had begun my systematic inquiry, I happened to
+read for amusement Malthus’ ‘Population’, and being well prepared to
+appreciate the struggle for existence which everywhere goes on from
+long-continued observation of animals and plants it at once struck me
+that under these circumstances favourable variations would tend to be
+preserved, and unfavourable ones to be destroyed. The result of this
+would be the formation of a new species. Here then I had at last got
+hold of a theory by which to work.’[68] In two letters that have been
+published—one to Haeckel[69] and one to Wallace[70]—Darwin also recorded
+in very similar words his debt to Malthus, and in the _Origin of
+Species_, after describing what is meant by the struggle for existence
+and how it comes about, says, ‘it is the doctrine of Malthus applied
+with manifold force to the animal and vegetable kingdoms.’[71] So too
+Wallace, in his reply, after having been presented with the first
+Darwin-Wallace medal by the Linnean Society in 1908, acknowledged his
+debt to Malthus in the following words: ‘both Darwin and myself, at the
+critical period when our minds were fully stored with a considerable
+body of preserved information and reflection bearing upon the problem to
+be solved, had our attention directed to the system of positive checks
+as expounded by Malthus in his _Principle of Population_. It is an
+unimportant detail that Darwin read this book two years after his return
+from his voyage, while I read it before I went abroad and it was a
+sudden recollection of its teachings that caused the solution to flash
+upon me.’[72]
+
+Since the publication of the _Origin of Species_ much attention has been
+paid to the problem of quality as regards the human race. It was obvious
+that if the human race had evolved from some lower type, it was probably
+still in process of evolution, and that the direction of evolution was
+by no means necessarily upwards. It was also obvious that the further
+evolution of the race was to some extent at least within human control,
+if and when men chose to use the means of control that lay within their
+power. Great impetus was given to this side of the problem by the work
+of Sir Francis Galton, who coined the word ‘eugenics’.[73] Societies for
+the study of eugenics and for the advocacy of eugenic ideals have been
+started in England, in many European countries, in America and
+elsewhere, and at the present day the educated classes in every country
+are at least aware of the existence of the problem of the quality, as
+they have long been aware of the existence of the problem of the
+quantity, of population.
+
+The development of opinion on this subject has thus run a peculiar
+course. Attention was drawn in early days to the existence of the
+problem of numbers, but men were long satisfied with asserting on
+comparatively simple grounds that a dense population was desirable or
+undesirable, and they usually came to the conclusion that the more
+inhabitants in a country, the better for the country. Long before the
+time of Malthus, and by many different writers, attention was paid to
+the connexion between numbers and the food-supply. It was Malthus,
+however, who first aroused public interest in the subject. His book,
+indeed, made an impression that few books have ever made. Since his time
+every educated man has had the problem of numbers in mind, and current
+opinion still often enough reflects the view put forward by Malthus if
+not in detail—for it is difficult to say what exactly the views of
+Malthus were—at least in the general and on the whole gloomy and
+fatalistic manner of regarding the problem. It is owing to the fact that
+those contributions which, after the time of Malthus, attracted most
+attention, added little to the development of thought, and owing to the
+influence of the writings of J. S. Mill, who himself never shook off the
+profound impression made upon him early in life by the Essay, that the
+views, or perhaps we should rather say the outlook, of Malthus so long
+maintained their sway. The development of the modern view as expounded
+by political economists was not set out in a form that attracted public
+attention, and it was thus possible for the late Governor of South
+Africa, when answering a question in the House of Commons a few years
+ago, to refer to the problem as though no important contribution had
+been made to the subject since the time of Malthus.
+
+Of the development of opinion regarding the qualitative aspect of the
+problem there is little to be said. Popular interest in this subject is
+of comparatively recent birth. That which is interesting to observe is
+that, as a result of the course which thought has taken, the population
+problem is seldom seen as a whole, and that the relations one to another
+of the very numerous questions arising therefrom are scarcely ever
+appreciated.
+
+
+
+
+                                   II
+    THE BASIS OF THE POPULATION PROBLEM: (1) THE QUANTITATIVE ASPECT
+
+
+1. In what follows the evolutionary position is taken for granted. It is
+assumed, that is to say, that the higher forms of life have evolved from
+lower forms. If we make this assumption, we must suppose that at one
+time the ancestors of man were living under those conditions to which
+species in a state of nature are now subject. By species in a state of
+nature are meant all species of animals and plants with the exception of
+man and those species which have been domesticated by him. It is the
+object of this and the following chapter to show that among species in a
+state of nature the population problem exists both in its quantitative
+and qualitative aspects, and further that in certain particulars of
+fundamental importance the position is the same for all such species.
+Certain propositions may be laid down which hold good for any one of
+them, and in these chapters it is proposed to show what it is that may
+be affirmed with regard to all of them. It follows that, since among the
+ancestors of man the population problem must at one time have taken this
+form, we shall, as the result of the discussion, arrive at a basis from
+which we can proceed to study the shape which the problem in its double
+aspect has assumed in the case of man.
+
+It is necessary to emphasize the fact that this argument does not take
+the form of developing an analogy between the position of man and that
+of species in a state of nature. What we are doing is merely to attempt
+to ascertain the conditions under which the ancestors of man lived, in
+order that we may follow the changes which have taken place. Further, it
+may be well to point out that the argument in these chapters will follow
+rather an unusual course. It may seem that certain facts of considerable
+general importance are passed over and others of little obvious
+importance emphasized. The justification for this course will be
+apparent later when we come to deal with the position with regard to
+man; for this sketch is not introduced primarily with the object of
+throwing light upon the position of species in a state of nature, but in
+order to prepare the way for a discussion of the shape which the problem
+has assumed in the case of man.
+
+2. At the basis of both aspects of the problem lies the fact of
+reproduction. All organisms reproduce their kind. Reproduction is
+clearly a necessity, because all living things are liable to meet death
+by accident and, unless there was reproduction, every species would soon
+be extinguished. It is worth while observing that among all higher forms
+of life a more or less clearly defined limit to the duration of life has
+been evolved. In other words, natural death after a certain period
+ensues. It would seem that natural death has been evolved in the
+following manner. All organisms are subject to the wear and tear of
+daily life, to meet which there is a faculty of recuperation. Among the
+lower forms this faculty is very pronounced. The whole animal can be
+regenerated from a small fragment and, as a result, very serious
+accidents are not fatal. Among the higher forms there goes, generally
+speaking, with the advance in structure a loss of the power of
+regeneration, until among the highest there is little or no power of
+regeneration; for a certain average length of time the highest organisms
+withstand the batterings of daily life, gradually fail to recuperate,
+and finally die. Given the necessity of reproduction to provide for the
+continuance of the species against accident to its members, this further
+evolution is not difficult to understand. A power of recovery from all
+but the most extreme forms of accident is present among the simpler
+types; the retention of such a power of recovery tends to be
+incompatible with increasing complexity of structure, and it has, so to
+speak, been more economical to evolve organisms provided with a power of
+recuperation only against normal wear and tear over the period during
+which they remain capable of reproduction. The higher types therefore,
+after reproducing their kind, die and thus the battle of life is always
+being resumed by fresh generations.
+
+3. That in some such fashion reproduction has to be explained seems
+clear; but we are concerned here with the facts of reproduction. It will
+be necessary later to go into the nature of reproduction in greater
+detail; all that needs to be said here can be stated quite shortly.
+There are two forms of reproduction, known respectively as the sexual
+and asexual; the latter type of reproduction occurs only among plants
+and the lower animals. As sexual reproduction occurs among all groups of
+animals and plants, whether asexual reproduction occurs or not (except
+among the bacteria where the latter type alone is known) and as it is
+the only type which occurs among the higher groups, asexual reproduction
+may be disregarded here. The asexual type of reproduction, it may be
+remarked, introduces no new principle, and those groups among whom it is
+found are not on that account to be set apart from other groups as
+though the general conclusions at which we shall arrive were not
+applicable to them.
+
+To make the process of sexual reproduction clear it is necessary to say
+something regarding the structure of organisms. Excluding the Protista
+for the moment, all organisms exhibit a cellular structure. Upon
+examination under a microscope the living tissues are found to consist
+of a number of compartments or cells. Among plants the typical cell is
+in the nature of a small box with thick sides; among animals the sides
+or cell-walls are very thin. Within the cell-walls there are to be
+distinguished two chief elements, a central body, the nucleus, and the
+surrounding cytoplasm. This cytoplasm consists of ordinary granular
+protoplasm and the nucleus of a special kind of protoplasm. Only
+protoplasm can properly be spoken of as alive. Those elements in the
+body which are not protoplasm are either in the course of being turned
+into protoplasm or are the products of protoplasmic activity. Examples
+of the latter in man are the hair and the nails, and in the case of
+other animals, feathers, shells, and so on. As a general rule, each cell
+contains a single nucleus, but there are cells without a nucleus and
+cells with more than one nucleus. The name Protista, mentioned above, is
+given to the lowest animals and plants which are commonly said to
+consist of a single cell. They may be thus thought of; but the group
+includes forms with many nuclei of which it can only be said that cell
+structure has not yet been differentiated. It is therefore possible that
+the term cell should not be used at all in respect of this group.
+
+Among the Protista sexual reproduction takes very different forms.
+Essentially, however, it consists in the fusion of two individuals, and
+if we regard each individual as a cell, it may be said to consist in the
+fusion of two cells. Among the higher forms the essential feature of
+sexual reproduction is the same; it consists, that is to say, in the
+fusion of two cells. It no longer consists in the fusion of two
+individuals, but in the fusion of two cells, one given off by one
+individual, and one by the other.
+
+The manner in which these cells, known as gametes, are given off by the
+male and the female and the manner in which they fuse require some
+further explanation. What happens in plants is in all important features
+similar to that which happens among animals, and we may confine our
+attention to the latter. In every normal member of every species there
+is a generative organ.[74] It consists of a surrounding wall within
+which is a mass of developing germ-cells. In the female the fully
+developed gamete, called the egg or ovum, is, relative to the male
+gamete, of large size. It is typically a motionless cell containing a
+varying quantity of food substance which may, as in the case of the
+bird’s egg, reach a large amount. The male gamete is a much smaller
+cell. With a few exceptions it consists of a small oval-shaped head, to
+which is attached, by means of an intervening neck or middle-piece, a
+long vibratile tail. The head is the nucleus of the cell; if there is
+any cytoplasm, it is reduced to a very small amount and its presence
+cannot be readily demonstrated.[75] In strong contrast to the ovum the
+spermatozoon is typically motile and can swim in those fluids in which
+fertilization usually takes place.
+
+Fertilization consists in the penetration of an ovum by a spermatozoon.
+The tail does not always enter the egg; as soon as the head has entered,
+a change takes place in the egg which sometimes prevents the tail, and
+usually other spermatozoa, from entering the egg. The head or nucleus of
+the spermatozoon approaches the nucleus of the egg and fuses with it. At
+this point, therefore, we have a single cell, known as the zygote,
+formed by the fusion of two cells, one derived from the male and one
+from the female. The zygote grows and divides and ultimately gives rise
+to an adult; into this process of growth it is not necessary to go for
+the moment. The zygote is to be regarded as a new member of the species
+the existence of which dates from the fusion of the two nuclei. Whether
+the zygote lives an independent existence from the beginning, or is
+retained within the body of the mother for a longer or shorter period,
+is immaterial so far as the dating of the beginning of the existence of
+a new individual is concerned. Every man and woman is thus in reality
+some nine months older than his or her nominal age.
+
+4. Such are the essential features of the process of sexual reproduction
+through which new members of the species arise. We have now to consider
+the outward features of the process, which vary very considerably. So
+various are they, that at first sight it may scarcely seem likely that
+there is any fundamental generalization that can be made regarding the
+process as a whole among all species in a state of nature. When we have
+glanced at the facts and at their interpretation we shall be in a
+position to discuss what it is that holds good for all such species.
+
+Among all multicellular animals and plants the number of spermatozoa
+produced is infinitely greater than the number of ova. A single normal
+sexual emission in man is said to contain about 226,000,000 spermatozoa.
+This immense production of male gametes makes it likely that a male
+gamete will meet and fuse with each female gamete. Among the higher
+animals there are certain instincts which further ensure that the male
+cells will be brought into the proximity of the female cells. Among
+other multicellular animals and plants there are no such instincts.
+Generally speaking, among the latter types fertilization may be thought
+of as fortuitous. In anemophilous plants, for example, such as the
+Pines, the male cells or pollen-grains are specially adapted so that
+they are caught and carried by the wind for long distances. Many million
+times more male cells than female cells are formed in these plants, and
+some of them, wafted by the wind, eventually light upon the ovule. So
+too among such lowly animals as the sea-urchin the male and female cells
+are extruded into the surrounding sea-water; as these animals live close
+together, and as the male and female cells ripen and are extruded at the
+same time, the chance that any egg will remain unfertilized is small,
+the number of the active spermatozoa being so many times greater than
+the number of eggs. This simple form of fertilization is characteristic
+of most plants and of many animals. In plants there are certain
+complications, in particular those connected with fertilization with the
+help of insects, into which it is not necessary to go.
+
+The increasing complexity of animal structure is only roughly correlated
+with increasing complexity in the processes connected with
+fertilization. Though the most complex form of the process is found
+among the highest animals, yet some animals, which stand relatively high
+in the scale, exhibit a simple method of fertilization. Of this the fish
+are an example, and, further, the more highly developed or bony fish
+exhibit a simpler form than some of the more lowly-organized
+cartilaginous fish. In fact, the stage next above that of which the
+sea-urchin was given as an example can be illustrated from the bony
+fish. The process in this group consists in the approach of the male to
+the female alongside of whom he swims, led by a rudimentary development
+of the sexual instinct. When the female ejects her gametes into the
+water, the male does the same and the vastly greater number of the male
+gametes ensures that all or nearly all of the eggs are penetrated by a
+spermatozoon.[76]
+
+The next stage is that characterized by external copulation. The male
+clasps the female and when the latter ejects her eggs, he extrudes his
+spermatozoa at the same time. The meeting of the gametes thus still
+takes place outside the body of the female. This form of fertilization
+is found among the Amphibia; the male frog, for example, has specially
+developed pads on his front feet with which he embraces the female.
+Internal copulation, though it is to be regarded as the most complex
+form of the process, is found among such low forms as flat worms,[77] of
+which the common tapeworm is a member, among many higher Invertebrates
+such as snails and insects, as well as among cartilaginous fish, birds,
+and mammals. The essential feature of internal copulation is that the
+male is provided with a special copulatory organ or penis which he
+inserts into the female. The male gametes pass through the penis, which
+takes the form of a tube, directly into the body of the female, and
+fertilization thus takes place within the body of the female.
+
+5. When fertilization takes place without copulation it might be thought
+that a small proportion of eggs only would be fertilized, that, so long
+as fertilization, for instance, depends on the wafting by the wind of a
+pollen-grain over a considerable distance until it alights on one small
+spot, or upon the chance meeting of a spermatozoon and an egg in the
+water, there would be but a small proportion of eggs fertilized. This,
+however, is not so; observation shows that in a state of nature failure
+is comparatively rare, and that the majority of female gametes are
+fertilized. This is in the main due to the vast number of male cells
+compared with the number of eggs. Among those forms in which copulation
+takes place, fertilization is clearly dependent upon the strength of the
+sexual instinct, which impels the male to seek the female. That this
+instinct is very powerful is well known. It may for the time overcome
+all other instincts. There is a frenzy of desire among many animals.
+Male frogs and toads will remain clasping the female for many days
+waiting for the extrusion of the eggs. Female toads have been discovered
+smothered by the male in the sexual embrace.[78] It has been noticed
+that birds, which under usual circumstances are frightened by the sound
+of a gun, will take no notice when in pursuit of a female.[79] All the
+evidence points to the fact that, owing to the strength of the sexual
+instincts, females are rarely left undiscovered by a male in the sexual
+season. Jenner records that one of a pair of magpies was killed and that
+on the following day the survivor appeared with another mate. One of
+this pair was killed and on the next day the survivor again appeared
+with another mate. This was repeated for seven days and on each occasion
+the survivor always appeared with a new mate.[80] In this connexion the
+great development of those forms of secondary sexual characters may be
+referred to which enable the two sexes to find and recognize one
+another. Such are recognition marks, call-notes of many insects, birds,
+and mammals, and the strong odours given off by many animals during the
+sexual period.
+
+Generally speaking, the male is always prepared for the act of
+copulation and the act takes place when the female is ready to receive
+the male. This is so among mammals whether the male experiences a sexual
+season known as the ‘rut’, as among stags, or whether he does not, as
+among dogs; for the period of ‘rut’ lasts longer than the period during
+which the female is ready to receive the male. The facts, however,
+regarding the sexual season in mammals are somewhat complicated owing to
+the nature of the sexual season experienced by the female. A number of
+different types of mammalian sexual season have been distinguished; it
+is not necessary, however, to go into these distinctions. It is
+sufficient to say that each sexual season consists of one or more sexual
+cycles, known as oestrous cycles. An oestrous cycle may be divided into
+four periods; the first, known as the pro-oestrous, is the period of
+preparation which ends in the rupture of the blood-vessels in the mucous
+membrane of the uterus. When the blood passes to the exterior, it is
+known as the menstrual flow. The second period or oestrous is the period
+of desire. This period is always short; in the sheep it lasts about
+twelve hours and often in other species does not last as long. Only
+during this latter period will the female receive the male;[81]
+copulation never takes place at any other period, and yet in spite of
+the fact that the opportunity for copulation is narrowly restricted, so
+strong is the sexual instinct in the male, that it is very rare for a
+female, so far as observation goes, not to engage in copulation at each
+oestrous. The period of oestrous is followed by the period of
+metoestrous during which the activity of generation subsides, and the
+metoestrous is followed by the anoestrous or period of rest, after which
+another pro-oestrous period begins a new cycle.
+
+The period of oestrous, during which copulation takes place, is usually
+marked by the presence of ripe female gametes which are therefore at
+once fertilized. Ripe ova are, however, not always present at oestrous;
+in the rabbit ovulation takes place an hour and a half after copulation.
+In the bat there is a very marked want of coincidence between oestrous
+and ovulation; copulation takes place in the autumn, but ovulation does
+not take place until the following spring. In such cases the spermatozoa
+remain alive in the uterus until the female gametes are ripe, when
+fertilization is achieved; thus in the bat the spermatozoa remain alive
+for several months. When such cases occur, therefore, it does not mean
+that the ova are not fertilized. In the monkeys, however, ovulation may
+occur independently of oestrous and in such a manner that the ova then
+liberated may not be fertilized.
+
+What has so far been said all goes to show that the majority of ripe ova
+are always fertilized among species in a state of nature. There must be
+a certain number of failures among those species which copulate, as when
+a mammalian female, as must now and again happen, does not engage in
+copulation during oestrous. Among species which do not copulate,
+failures are doubtless more frequent. There is probably a greater
+wastage of eggs when they are adhesive and fixed to some object than
+when they are pelagic, as is most often the case among marine animals;
+for when eggs are adhesive the seminal fluid may drift away.
+
+We are now approaching a point at which it is possible to establish the
+first generalization regarding the process of reproduction among species
+in a state of nature. It is, however, not possible to make clear what it
+is intended to convey until something has been said regarding animal
+behaviour. Some of the most striking differences between one class of
+animal and another as regards the process of reproduction are connected
+with the evolution of animal behaviour. So far we have spoken of
+instinct without defining what is meant, and until something has been
+said regarding the course and limit of mental evolution among animals,
+the nature of the common element in all forms of reproduction among all
+species in a state of nature and the manner in which it differs from
+what is found among men cannot be set out. It may seem that the
+following review is taking us somewhat out of our path. It so happens,
+however, that in view of the questions that will come up later for
+discussion, such a sketch will be necessary and it may therefore be now
+undertaken so as to render further amplification unnecessary.
+
+6. Putting aside the behaviour of plants, we find among the lower
+animals a type of behaviour which, though simple in a certain sense,
+cannot be adequately explained without a prolonged discussion. Some idea
+can be obtained of its nature if we consider in what a reflex action
+consists. When a definite and simple stimulus is followed directly by a
+definite and simple reaction we have what is called a reflex action.
+This term, it may be noticed, is usually restricted to cases where a
+nervous system is present. When similar reactions occur among organisms
+in which the nervous system has not been differentiated, it has been
+suggested that the term ‘autotype’ should be used.[82]
+
+Reactions, however, probably never follow invariably upon the repetition
+of the same stimulus. Among the lowest class of animals, the Protozoa, a
+free-swimming ciliate Infusorian, will, if it comes into contact with
+something in the medium which is abnormal, it may be, for example, an
+alkaline solution, stop and go backwards. This is an example of a reflex
+action. An analysis of its subsequent movements shows that, if it again
+and again meets the alkaline solution, some modification of the reaction
+takes place. The animal may show increased activity until either it is
+overcome by the disturbing medium or it has freed itself from it. So
+again after the digestion of food, such an organism shows a different
+response to the presence of food.
+
+More definite instances of different reactions following upon the same
+stimulus are provided by experiments of changing the nature of the
+medium. An Infusorian will react violently against certain new elements
+in the medium to which after a time it becomes habituated, when the
+reaction no longer follows. Very interesting experiments have shown that
+even among the simplest class of organisms there is a certain learning
+from experience. ‘A Stentor (one of the ciliate Infusorians) if gently
+touched upon one side will contract upon its stalk, but will soon open
+out again. Touched once more, it will perhaps bend to one side, and if
+continually molested in this manner, it will uproot itself in pardonable
+dudgeon and swim away. That is to say it has several ways of reacting to
+the stimulus and seeking equilibrium, and, if one fails, it tries
+another. But now when it anchors itself again, it seems to have learnt
+something, for if again touched it does not go through the stages of
+contracting and of bending aside. It keeps to its more radical remedy
+and moves off again.’[83] It is doubtful whether there is any further
+complication of this type of behaviour among organisms which do not
+attain to the kind of behaviour that we have now to describe.
+
+7. Herbert Spencer, as is well known, defined instinct as compound
+reflex action. Though this definition cannot, for various reasons, be
+accepted as adequate, it does suggest the essential nature of instinct,
+which consists in the response to a given but often vague stimulus of a
+more or less complicated series of reactions. Instinct is more than
+compound reflex action because it involves the organism as a whole, and
+is accompanied by, or is the outcome of, a mental process. All mental
+process is said to involve three aspects—the cognitive or the knowing of
+an object, the affective or feeling in regard to an object, and the
+conative or striving to or from an object—and these three aspects are to
+be found in all instinctive actions. The instinctive action is initiated
+by a sense-impression and is followed by results so important because
+the nervous system is innately organized to respond to certain
+sense-impressions. It is presumed that some kind of emotional
+excitement, however faint, always follows and that it gives rise to the
+striving that we see in the form of movement. Instinct has been defined
+as ‘an inherited or innate psychophysical disposition which determines
+its possessor to perceive and to pay attention to objects of a certain
+class, to experience an emotional excitement of a particular quality
+upon perceiving such an object, and to act in regard to it in a
+particular manner, or, at least, to experience an impulse to such
+action’.[84]
+
+Every one is acquainted with many examples of instinctive action. ‘There
+are many instances of insects that invariably lay their eggs in the only
+place where the grubs, when hatched, will find the food they need and
+can eat, or where the larvae will be able to attach themselves as
+parasites to some host in a way that is necessary to their survival. In
+such cases it is clear that the behaviour of the parent is determined by
+the impression made on its senses by the appropriate objects or places:
+e. g. the smell of decaying fish leads the Carrion fly to deposit its
+eggs upon it; the sight or odour of some particular flower leads another
+to lay its eggs among the ovules of the flower, which serve as food to
+the grubs. Others go through more elaborate traits of action, as when
+the Mason-wasp lays its eggs in a mud nest, fills up the space with
+caterpillars, which it paralyses by means of well-directed stings, and
+seals it up; so that the caterpillars remain as a supply of fresh animal
+food for the young which the parent will never see and of whose needs it
+can have no knowledge or idea.’[85] To take some examples from among the
+Vertebrates, ‘pheasants, plovers, moor-hen, domestic chicks and
+ducklings, with many others, are active soon after birth, and exhibit
+powers of complex co-ordination, with little or no practice of the
+necessary limb movements. They walk and balance the body so soon and so
+well as to show that this mode of procedure is congenital, and has not
+to be gradually acquired through the guidance of experience. Young water
+birds swim with neat orderly strokes the first time they are gently
+placed in the water. Even little chicks a day or two old can swim
+well.’[86]
+
+Enough has been said in the way of illustration, as numerous examples
+are familiar to every one. It is possible that instinctive behaviour may
+have to be attributed to so lowly a group of organisms as the flat
+worms. Instinct reaches its greatest development among the insects, and
+some examples have been given above of the amazingly intricate series of
+actions which are performed by insects, under the guidance of instinct.
+There have been two lines of mental evolution among animals, one
+culminating in the insects and the other in the Vertebrates. Among the
+former instincts have become very specialized; among the latter they
+have remained far more generalized. Among the latter again there has
+been a far higher development of intelligence than among the former,
+thus further distinguishing the two lines of mental evolution. It is
+probable, however, that intelligence, though certainly at times in a
+very primitive form, always accompanies instinct, and to the discussion
+of intelligence we must now turn.
+
+8. We saw how as lowly an animal as an Infusorian can in a sense learn
+from experience. It is only when learning from experience reaches a more
+advanced stage that we speak of intelligent action. If we watch one of
+the higher animals which, under the influence of desire, is striving to
+satisfy this desire, we find that it behaves in the following manner. An
+animal, for instance, is shut up in a box with food outside. It is led
+by instinct to all kinds of sporadic activities; it will clutch and claw
+and make every kind of effort to extricate itself. If some simple catch
+has been contrived which opens the door and offers a way of escape, the
+animal will probably sooner or later accidentally operate the catch and
+escape. If the animal is replaced in the box many times, it is found to
+escape on the average sooner. It learns in fact in some degree to
+operate the catch and thus to gain freedom and food. The question which
+arises is what degree of mental development we have to assume in order
+to account for these facts.
+
+The stage in learning from experience which follows next upon that
+present among some protozoa is exemplified by the chick which at first
+instinctively pecks at various objects. If it pecks at a yellow
+caterpillar with an unpleasant taste it will drop it. The next time, or
+after a series of such experiences, it will avoid the caterpillar. The
+explanation seems to be that a modified response arises directly from
+the sight of the caterpillar. The sense-impression has become charged
+with feeling that first arose as the result of experience. This simple
+explanation is to be preferred to that which would assume the
+realization by the chick of the relation between the position when it
+again finds itself with a yellow caterpillar before it and the nastiness
+which it previously experienced. The process is thus one of the revival
+of acquired meaning, and we have now to ask if a higher stage of mental
+process is ever to be attributed to animals or whether the behaviour of
+the animal in the cage is to be explained on the same lines as the
+behaviour of the chick.
+
+‘Let us suppose’, says Professor Hobhouse, ‘revival to operate in a mind
+capable of perceiving three objects A B C in definite space and time
+relations, C being something desirable, e. g. food. If the three objects
+are present to the senses, the first two leading up to the third (e. g.
+as intervening objects in space), conation will be definitely directed
+to C via A and B. Let this have happened and then let A alone be given.
+If the animal is hungry, i.e. if there is a conational basis to go upon,
+A will, according to the law of revival, excite a conation corresponding
+to the previous one, but this was a conation definitely directed to B
+and C in succession as things standing in a definite relation to A. The
+animal then directs its efforts to a point where, in accordance with the
+first experience, B and C should be. It looks for them, or if B is some
+change which brings C about, sets itself to perform B and so obtain C.
+Its action is directed to something not given, and this appears to be
+the germ of a conation or practical idea.’[87] It is thus possible that
+in the behaviour of the animal in the box we may have to recognize the
+first step towards a higher mental process. Effort may be directed to
+something not given and thus there may be the first sign of the
+emergence of an idea. Whether this is so or not, such an idea is
+certainly not a general idea; it is merely a reference to something to
+come, and that is all. This is the highest degree of mental development
+that we can attribute to animals and it may be noticed that, this being
+so, there can probably be no true memory among animals. Explicit ideas,
+therefore, among animals, so far as they exist at all, do not give rise
+to other ideas following one another in sequence. They are isolated and
+serve merely to guide action.
+
+9. The highest form of mental process attributable to animals reaches a
+fuller development among men. This stage of mental development has been
+called the stage of perceptual correlation. How far the apprehensions of
+direct relationships in consciousness are developed among animals is
+doubtful; there is no doubt that among men such relations are
+apprehended. Action, therefore, is not merely connected indirectly with
+the result, as in the example of the chick; action is undertaken with an
+end in view. If the chick came to apprehend the relation between the
+caterpillar and the unpleasant taste, it would have reached the fully
+developed stage of perceptual correlation; we have seen that we have to
+assume in this case a simpler state of mental process, though in certain
+cases a study of animal behaviour does suggest some approach to the
+higher stage. At this stage, which is fully developed only in man, the
+world ceases to be presented merely as sense-impressions charged with
+feeling and takes the shape of a mass of objects of perception related
+together and underlying the sense-impressions and the feelings evoked by
+them.
+
+In man there is developed a still higher stage of mental process which
+is his peculiar possession and chief distinguishing characteristic. This
+is the stage of conceptual thought. In the perceptual stage activity is
+guided solely by the presence of the objects perceived. If there is any
+anticipation of the end, the action from moment to moment is still
+always guided by what is actually given. In the conceptual stage action
+is guided by an ideal anticipation of the end. What underlies mental
+process at this stage is generalization. The situation as given is
+broken up and analysed; elements common to it and to previous situations
+are recognized and synthesized. These two processes of analysis and
+synthesis go on side by side and concepts are formed which are outside
+the world of perception. Common elements in the perceptual order are
+recognized and there is thus made possible a grasp of the continuity
+running through experience.
+
+Man is thus no longer guided by what is immediately given in experience;
+he can make plans and shape his actions with an ideal end in view. With
+the development of conceptual thought goes the development of language,
+whereby man learns from others and passes on to others what is in his
+mind. Of the stage of conceptual thought there will be more to say in a
+later chapter. This further development is only mentioned here in order
+to contrast mental process in its highest form in man with the process
+in animals.
+
+10. We have now to consider the bearing of mental development upon the
+process of reproduction. All animals are endowed with a certain power of
+reproduction which we shall call fecundity. Fecundity is measured by the
+number of ripe ova produced, the number of spermatozoa having no direct
+bearing on fecundity. We have seen that the highest animals—those most
+nearly related to man—are gifted with instinct and intelligence. The
+value of intelligence lies in the fact that it enables instinct to adapt
+itself to the special circumstances of the moment and thus to bring
+about its end more surely. The sexual instinct is in this manner
+assisted by intelligence, and among animals which copulate the power of
+reproduction is thus able to realize itself to the full or almost to the
+full. There may be certain failures to achieve reproduction and certain
+cases of perverted instinct; to some of these cases we have already
+referred. Broadly speaking, however, it is true that the highest
+development in animals of instinct and intelligence works towards the
+fulfilment of that degree of fecundity which is innately given. It
+follows, therefore, that in this sense mental development among animals
+has not in any fashion changed the position of the higher animals when
+compared with that of the lower animals. Reproduction in the sea-urchin
+and reproduction among the mammals—vastly as the mental processes
+differ—is still similar in this respect. The power of reproduction is
+realized to the full or almost to the full. All that instinct and
+intelligence do is to ensure that in this more complex process of
+fertilization the full power of reproduction is as nearly as possible
+realized—that is to say, that nearly all ova are fertilized.
+
+Among men, even in the lowest stage in which they have been studied, the
+position is entirely different. Owing to the development of conceptual
+thought men act with some ideal object in view. Customs grow up which in
+their origin must be traced to some process of reasoning, however
+obscure, and action deliberately undertaken, as well as custom, may
+affect the realization of the power of reproduction. Thus among the
+lowest of primitive races we find that men abstain from intercourse for
+various motives which we must regard as due to the presence of reason.
+Or again, they may practise certain forms of mutilation of the sexual
+organs which may affect the power of reproduction. The origin of such a
+custom may be hidden; it may be almost certain that it was not
+originated with any understanding of its effect upon reproduction and
+even that its effect has never been recognized; nevertheless originally
+such a custom could only have arisen if reason was present. Similarly,
+among the lowest races there are abundant examples of the practices of
+abortion and infanticide which, though they do not affect fecundity,
+have an important bearing upon the quantitative aspect of the population
+problem and are again the products of reason.
+
+Among men, therefore, owing to the development of a higher stage of
+mental power, fecundity is not realized to the full, and we have to
+distinguish between the power of reproduction, which we have called
+fecundity, and the actual degree of reproduction, which we shall call
+fertility. It may, perhaps, assist to emphasize what is meant if for a
+moment we think of the reproductive process among animals as
+‘mechanical’. The introduction of this term should not be taken to have
+any ultimate significance—any reference whatever to the true nature of
+mental process. It is only used as a convenient term to illustrate the
+difference between reproduction among animals and among men. Among all
+species in a state of nature reproduction may be thought of as
+‘mechanical’, whereas reproduction among men is never ‘mechanical’. The
+number of young produced in the case of the human species is far from
+being completely correlated with the fecundity. There may be all degrees
+of difference between fecundity and fertility. Among species in a state
+of nature fecundity and fertility are for all practical purposes one and
+the same thing because reproduction is ‘mechanical’ whatever may be the
+stage which mental development has reached. Further, such differences as
+exist among species in a state of nature between fecundity—the number of
+ripe ova—and fertility—the number of fertilized ova—are due to failures
+of the gametes to meet and may be called, just as the whole process may
+be called, ‘mechanical’. Such ‘mechanical’ differences between fecundity
+and fertility may also be found in man but the chief cause of the
+differences in the case of man is altogether of another kind and is due,
+as we have seen, directly to the development of conceptual thought.
+
+It was said above that it was proposed to show that certain
+generalizations can be made regarding the process of reproduction among
+species in a state of nature. This then is the first generalization.
+(Fecundity and fertility are closely correlated and, compared with the
+position among men, reproduction may be thought of as ‘mechanical’ and
+even the failures to realize the full power of fecundity may be thought
+of as ‘mechanical’.)
+
+11. It has been mentioned that fecundity is very large among all species
+in a state of nature and we have now to ask what it is that determines
+how large it shall be. As we have seen, the fecundity is roughly
+measured by the number of ova produced, and this number clearly depends
+upon many factors, such as the beginning and duration of the mature
+period, the number of eggs produced at any one time, and the length of
+the period between the epochs of egg production. Into details of the
+proximate causes of the differences in fecundity it is not necessary to
+go. What it is desired to know is what factor or factors in general
+ultimately determine the strength of fecundity in each species. We may
+first take some examples of the degree of fecundity drawn from various
+groups.
+
+The common whelk lays its eggs in capsules of which a great number are
+produced. It has been calculated that a small clump of such capsules of
+about two cubic inches in size contains about 200,000 eggs. Another
+mollusc, Aplysia, may lay from 2,000,000 to 3,000,000 at a time. ‘An
+oyster may have sixty million eggs and the average American yield is
+sixteen millions.’[88] The number of eggs found attached to the edible
+crab in the breeding season varies between half a million and three
+millions. A single pair of flies may produce 20,000 larvae. The number
+of eggs produced by parasites may very largely exceed these numbers.
+Among the vertebrates the fish are the most prolific class. ‘In a Ling
+61 inches long and weighing 54 pounds the ovaries contained 28,361,000
+eggs; a cod of 21½ pounds 6,652,000. The least prolific of British food
+fishes is the herring, in which the number of ovarian eggs varied from
+21,000 to 47,000 in four specimens examined.’[89]
+
+These vast numbers of eggs produced at any one time make theoretically
+possible a prodigious rate of increase. It has been calculated that a
+single cholera bacillus can give rise to sixteen hundred trillion of
+bacilli in a day, forming a solid mass weighing a hundred tons. ‘Wallace
+quotes Kerner to the effect that a common British weed (_Sisymbrium
+sophia_) often has three-quarters of a million seeds; if all grew to
+maturity for only three years the whole of the land surface of the globe
+would not hold them. An annual plant with only two seeds would be
+represented by 1,048,576 in the twenty-first year.... If all the progeny
+of one oyster survived and multiplied, its great-great-grand-children
+would number thirty-six with thirty-three noughts after it, and the heap
+of the shells would be eight times the size of the world. Huxley
+calculated that if the descendants of a single green-fly all survived
+and multiplied they would, at the end of summer, weigh down the
+population of China. The common house-fly lays eggs in batches of 120 to
+150 at a time, and may lay five or six of these batches during its life
+of about three weeks in very hot weather. At the end of summer, if all
+developed, and if there were six generations, the progeny of a single
+pair, pressed together into a solid mass, would occupy a space of
+something like a quarter of a million cubic feet, allowing 200,000 flies
+to a cubic foot.’[90] ‘There is no exception’, says Darwin, in a
+well-known passage, ‘to the rule that every organic being naturally
+increases at so high a rate, that, if not destroyed, the earth would
+soon be covered by the progeny of a single pair. Even slow-breeding man
+has doubled in twenty years, and at this rate in less than a thousand
+years there would literally not be standing room for his progeny.
+Linnaeus has calculated that if an annual plant produced only two
+seeds—and there is no plant so unproductive as this—and their seedlings
+next year produced two, and so on, then in twenty years there would be a
+million plants. The elephant is reckoned the slowest breeder of all
+known animals, and I have taken some pains to estimate its probable
+minimum rate of natural increase; it will be safest to assume that it
+begins breeding when thirty years old, and goes on breeding until ninety
+years old, bringing forth six young in the interval, and surviving till
+100 years old; if this be so, after a period of 740 to 750 years there
+would be nearly ninety million elephants alive, descended from the first
+pair.’[91]
+
+12. These examples show that the power of fecundity, which is always
+huge, is in many instances much greater than in others. Were it not for
+the fact that normally all but a small proportion of eggs are always
+fertilized, it might be suggested that in those cases in which there was
+no copulation a much larger number of eggs was necessary than among the
+higher forms, in order that a sufficient number should be fertilized.
+This, however, can only be a partial explanation of the larger number of
+eggs among those lower forms where there is no copulation.
+
+In order to obtain an answer to the question as to what it is which
+determines the fecundity of any species, it is necessary to look into
+certain features of the life of animals and plants in a state of nature.
+Observation and deduction bring one remarkable fact to light. The number
+of adults of any species at any one season of the year, when compared
+with the number in the corresponding period in other years, remains upon
+the whole constant. This fact cannot be based upon statistics, for we
+cannot take anything approaching to a census. Nevertheless, it is an
+unavoidable deduction from the known facts. The more emphasis that is
+laid upon variations in numbers from season to season, the more apparent
+does it become that such differences are trivial when compared with the
+possible rate of increase. But we know that all but a small proportion
+of eggs are fertilized, and as we date the existence of a new member of
+the species from the moment of fertilization, it is clear that the
+numbers composing every new generation greatly exceed the number of
+adults to which the new generation owes its existence. It follows,
+therefore, that all but a small proportion of the young of each
+generation perish before the adult stage is reached. The most remarkable
+increases in the adults of any species ever recorded are negligible
+compared with the possible increase, and observation shows that as a
+general rule there is no increase at all.
+
+Fecundity is, therefore, in some manner connected with this fact that
+the great majority of fertilized eggs do not give rise to adults, and in
+order to throw further light upon this connexion we must ask how it is
+that the young perish.
+
+13. To make clear how it is that the young of every species perish on so
+large a scale, it is necessary to refer to the interdependence of all
+living organisms. This can perhaps best be illustrated by reference to
+the chief distinction between animals and plants. A difference in the
+mode of nutrition is that which chiefly distinguishes animals from
+plants. There are other differences but their importance is small
+compared with that we may now describe. The need of food is common to
+all living things and is due to the nature of the living substance
+called protoplasm—the physical basis of all life. Protoplasm is of a
+very complex constitution. It is for ever wasting away and if life is to
+be preserved food must be supplied to compensate for the loss. The need
+is as great among plants as it is among animals, but the means of
+supplying it are fundamentally different.
+
+Plants feed upon very simple substances—salts of nitric acid, salts of
+ammonia, and carbonic acid. Among green plants carbonic acid is taken in
+from the air through small apertures in the leaves known as stomata; the
+salts of nitric acid and ammonia are absorbed from solution in the water
+of the soil. Carbonic acid and water are synthesized within the cells of
+the plant into starch; starch is converted into sugar and the sugar is
+combined with the salts of nitric acid and ammonia to form amino-acids
+which are eventually transformed into proteids. Thus the plant makes
+good the unavoidable waste of its living substance by elaborating the
+highly complex protoplasm from the simplest elements.
+
+The method pursued by animals is entirely different. They feed upon
+complicated substances, which may be divided into proteids, fats, and
+carbo-hydrates. These substances do not take their places directly in
+the living cells of the body; they first undergo a process of digestion,
+after which they are assimilated. Digestion involves the breaking down
+of these complex foods to a certain stage; proteids, for example, are
+reduced to amino-acids, and starches to sugars. In these forms they are
+soluble and are taken up by the walls of the alimentary canal and are
+afterwards resynthesized into proteids and starches.
+
+The importance of this distinction lies in the fact that the only method
+of obtaining the highly complex substances necessary for animals is to
+feed upon the tissues of other animals or plants. It is obvious that
+every animal species cannot feed upon some other animal species; in the
+end animals as a whole must depend upon plants because plants alone are
+able to elaborate the substances which animals need. In a sense,
+therefore, animals are parasitic upon plants; in any case the existence
+of animals is bound up with the continued existence of plants. This
+interdependence of living organisms runs all through the conditions
+under which species in a state of nature live and takes a variety of
+shapes. The dependence of one organism upon another is largely connected
+with the question of the provision of appropriate surroundings which are
+often only found in the proximity of certain other species. Many species
+can only flourish in the neighbourhood of trees. The interdependence
+between certain species is very intimate. There are many examples of
+what is known as symbiosis, as when a certain species of sea anemone
+lives on the back of a particular species of crab. Again, parasites,
+which alternate between one host and another, are dependent upon finding
+a member of a particular species at a certain time in their
+life-history, as otherwise they perish. Many examples of interdependence
+are within common knowledge, and, bearing this feature of organic life
+in mind, we may go on to ask how it is that, through the elimination of
+a great proportion of the young of every species, the number of adults
+remains upon the whole constant.
+
+14. Taking animals first, it is probable that the most common cause of
+elimination lies in the fact that the young of all species are consumed
+by members of other species. It is difficult to estimate even roughly
+the relative importance of the various causes of elimination; ‘the
+causes’, says Darwin, ‘which check the natural tendency of each species
+to increase are most obscure’.[92] The particular factor mentioned,
+however, certainly takes a very prominent place. The young of marine and
+fresh-water animals almost all form food for other species and are
+obviously exposed to attack. So too, though perhaps not to so great a
+degree, are the young of terrestrial animals; whether we think of the
+larvae of insects or the eggs of birds, we find that they are in most
+cases liable to be consumed by enemies. Even where copulation is
+internal, the developing embryo is, except among mammals, seldom long
+retained within the body of the mother, and once exposed to the outside
+world it almost invariably becomes an object of prey to many enemies. In
+fact, wherever we look, this cause of elimination plays a very great
+part, arising immediately from that aspect of the interdependence of
+species which is derived from the mode among animals of making up for
+the wastage of protoplasm.
+
+Elimination again is largely due to failure to find those conditions
+under which alone life can continue. These conditions may be connected
+with the nature of the organic or of the inorganic surroundings. When
+the young of the flat worm, known as the Liver Fluke, which infects
+sheep and causes a serious disease, passes from the sheep to the
+exterior, it can only maintain itself for a certain time in the
+free-living form. Unless within this time it meets with a certain
+species of snail into which it penetrates, it will die. Besides such
+failures to find suitable organic surroundings, there may be failures to
+find suitable inorganic surroundings. The larvae of such species as the
+mussel, which require suitable surroundings to which to attach
+themselves in order that the adult form may develop, will perish if such
+surroundings are not available. There is a further class of factors
+connected with the inorganic surroundings which bring about elimination.
+They may be summed up under the heading of external circumstances.
+Variations in temperature, moisture and so on, when they pass beyond a
+certain limit, which is more or less clearly marked for each species,
+are followed by death. Under this heading comes also death from
+accident, as when animals perish from the violence of storms and in any
+similar fashion. It is of interest to note that starvation is seldom the
+primary cause of death. It may be a secondary result of abnormal
+external circumstances; extreme cold, though not affecting directly the
+members of one species, may be fatal to members of another species upon
+which the former feed. But when circumstances are normal, so far as
+observation goes, starvation is rare.
+
+15. Among plants the same three groups of factors can be traced, though
+their relative importance is not the same as among animals. Elimination
+through consumption as food, for instance, by other species is not so
+important. To a large extent plants can serve as food for animals and
+survive. Nevertheless the young, especially in the form of seeds, are
+very subject to attack by animals; seeds are one of the principal forms
+of food for many animal species, and this form of elimination plays a
+large part among plants. Dependence upon suitable organic and inorganic
+surroundings plays much the same rôle as it does among animals. Some
+species can only flourish in the shade of trees and others in the open.
+Some species require one kind of soil and others another. The importance
+of external circumstances again is very similar.
+
+There is another factor of a somewhat different nature which is of great
+importance. ‘With plants’, says Darwin, ‘there is a vast destruction of
+seeds, but, from some observations which I have made, it appears that
+the seedlings suffer most from germinating in ground already thickly
+stocked with other plants.’[93] In order that a seed may germinate, it
+must not only fall upon suitable soil but must find enough suitable soil
+unoccupied. Otherwise it will not germinate or will not develop into an
+adult. This is different from anything which happens among animals, and
+is clearly an approach to starvation. It is, however, better thought of
+as the result of the inability of any given area to support more than a
+given amount of life. The endowment of any area may be such as to render
+it incapable of supporting life at all, or it may be such as to render
+it capable of supporting any degree of life up to and beyond that for
+which there is space. In the sea the amount of nitrogen is the limiting
+factor, and the deficiency of nitrogen is such that the question of
+space does not arise.[94] In many parts of the world’s surface, however,
+the endowment is such that more plants could be supported than there is
+space for.
+
+In this connexion it may be noted that the limitation of the surface of
+the earth is not a cause of elimination in the true sense. This is best
+seen if we imagine the surface to be extended. If to a continent already
+inhabited there is added an unoccupied area, there will, if the new area
+is generally of the same nature as that alone formerly existing, be a
+spreading of organic life over the new area. It will only be at the
+fringe of the occupied area that there will be any difference in the
+amount of elimination of plant life. Unless the occupied area is of very
+small extent, there will be no difference except within this narrow
+fringe. In the fringe there will be a lessening of elimination, other
+things being equal, because there will not be the same number of seeds
+which fail to grow into plants owing to the previous occupation of
+suitable soil, as in the more central parts of the area. When the new
+area has been entirely occupied, the same conditions as existed in the
+smaller area will exist throughout the larger area. Further, if the
+surface available for occupation were indefinite in extent, there would,
+except at the fringe, which would in this case be permanent, be no
+difference as regards the amount of elimination. All that has been said
+applies equally well if, instead of imagining these additions to take
+place after evolution had reached its present stage, we imagine
+evolution to have taken place from the beginning on an area of
+indefinite extent.
+
+16. We have, therefore, some idea of the manner in which the young of
+animals and plants perish. Let us consider any animal species; we find
+that the young are faced with a large number of dangers. The new members
+of the species may be consumed by some enemy before they have developed
+beyond the stage of the fertilized egg or at any stage in their
+development. They may in general not meet with favourable organic and
+inorganic surroundings, or at some particular stage they may not meet
+with the environment necessary. At any time they may perish from
+unfavourable external circumstances. The position of young plants is
+similar, and in addition they may fail to find sufficient space in which
+to live.
+
+The dangers which any species encounters remain both in kind and in
+degree fairly constant over a considerable period of time, and, unless
+in each generation a number of young survives at least equal to the
+number of adults in the generation to which it owes its birth, the
+species will decline. It follows that the power of reproduction must be
+such as to ensure that at least this number of young will survive. The
+power of reproduction in any species is therefore connected with the sum
+of all the dangers which the young of the species encounter. But it is
+not true that the greater the fecundity the better for the species.
+Reproduction over and above this degree would place the young in a less
+favourable position. Competition bringing no corresponding advantages
+would be increased, and starvation or injurious semi-starvation would
+result. Any considerable increase in the strength of fecundity beyond
+that which is essential could not therefore be beneficial.[95]
+
+The facts regarding the conditions of life and the dangers to which the
+young of different species are exposed coincide with the view that the
+strength of reproduction is in the main determined by the sum of these
+dangers. The greater strength of fecundity among those species which
+shed their eggs into the water cannot be attributed, as we have seen, to
+any failure of fertilization on a large scale; it may be attributed,
+however, to the numerous dangers which the young of such species must
+encounter. The chance that any single fertilized egg will grow into an
+adult is far less in these cases than when the eggs are retained in the
+body of the mother and when the young are guarded by the parent, and,
+unless fecundity was on a large scale, a sufficient number would not
+survive. Among plants reproduction must always be on a large scale
+because it is necessary to ensure that a sufficient number of seeds will
+fall, not only on suitable ground, but on suitable ground that is not so
+occupied as to prevent growth to the adult stage, in addition to the
+necessity of providing such numbers as will ensure a sufficient number
+passing through all the other dangers. Eggs and young abandoned by the
+parents may be variously exposed to danger. The development of instincts
+common among insects which lead to the hiding of eggs in places where
+danger of destruction at the hand of enemies is decreased, and to the
+provision of food for the young when they develop from the eggs, is
+accompanied by a decrease in fecundity. Further developments of the
+parental instinct are accompanied by decreases in fecundity as the
+degree of danger lessens. Parental care for the young is not uncommon
+among the invertebrates. There are a number of cases in which the young
+are retained in brood-pouches, as for instance by the common water-flea.
+The fresh-water leech, Clepsine, broods over its young. Among the
+vertebrates the fish for the most part take no care of their young. Some
+fish, however, such as Gasterosteus, the Stickleback, make nests. No
+great advance is found among the Amphibia or among the reptiles. One
+reptilian group, however, the Chelonia, shows a remarkable advance; they
+live in pairs and guard their young with care. If marriage be defined as
+‘a more or less durable connexion between male and female lasting beyond
+the mere act of propagation till after the birth of the offspring’,[96]
+then the beginning of marriage is discernable in this group. This more
+or less durable connexion between male and female is a well-known
+characteristic of birds, as is also care for the young. ‘Most birds when
+they pair do so for good and all until one or the other dies.’[97] The
+connexion is not so durable, and the parental instinct is not so highly
+developed, among mammals as among birds. The retention of the young
+within the body of the mammalian mother, however, greatly decreases the
+dangers to which the young are exposed. It is also worthy of note that
+those species both of birds and mammals which prey upon others are on
+the whole less fecund than other species, a fact which is to be
+connected with the lower degree of danger to which their offspring are
+exposed.
+
+The lower degree of danger to which the young are exposed, the less the
+fecundity; and the less the fecundity, provided that it reaches the
+strength necessary to preserve the species, the better on the whole for
+the species. In this manner we reach the second generalization regarding
+the quantitative aspect of the population problem among species in a
+state of nature, which may be stated by saying that the strength of
+fecundity in any species is determined by the sum of all the dangers to
+which the young of that species are exposed. This must be qualified, in
+so far as fecundity and fertility are not the same, by adding to the
+dangers to which the young are exposed the danger that a certain
+proportion of eggs will not be fertilized. It follows that among men,
+since fecundity and fertility are not the same for quite other than
+‘mechanical’ reasons, fecundity is not directly related to the dangers
+to which the young are exposed. It is clear that, when men, as is now
+the case on a large scale, both abstain from intercourse and interfere
+with the natural result of intercourse, and at the same time increase in
+number, the strength of fecundity is considerably greater than that
+which would enable a sufficient number of young to escape the
+unavoidable dangers. But the ancestors of man must once have been
+subject to the same conditions as those to which species in a state of
+nature are now subject, and it will be into the causes and results of
+this progressive divergence from the former conditions that we shall
+look in the first part of this book.
+
+
+
+
+                                  III
+    THE BASIS OF THE POPULATION PROBLEM: (2) THE QUALITATIVE ASPECT
+
+
+1. We have now to consider the qualitative aspect of the population
+problem. There are two questions to which an answer is required. First
+we ask: What is the nature of the changes which occur? In other words,
+if we may speak of history among animals and plants, we want to know
+what kind of changes underlie the facts which go to make up that
+history. The second question is: How have these changes come about?
+There is no doubt about the answer to the first question, and it can be
+given very shortly. Though there is a certain consensus of agreement
+regarding the answer to the second question, there are considerable
+differences, of opinion over points which are not unimportant, and in
+order to deal adequately with these points a long discussion would be
+required for which there is no space. All that can be done here is to
+set out the most important facts; they will provide a satisfactory
+answer to the first question and enable some indication to be given of
+the lines which the answer to the second must follow.
+
+However slight the treatment of the problem, it must begin with a
+reference to the physical basis of inheritance. Some description has
+been given of the process of fertilization. It was said that only the
+head and middle-piece of the spermatozoon penetrate the egg, and that no
+cytoplasm or ordinary granular protoplasm can be demonstrated in these
+parts of the spermatozoon. The head is the nucleus of the cell, while
+the middle-piece contains the centrosome, a body which is attached to
+the nucleus and plays an important part when the nucleus divides. From
+these facts a very important conclusion follows. It is known that both
+parents contribute equally to the offspring; therefore as the male
+parent contributes only a nucleus and its appanage the centrosome, the
+basis of the inherited qualities must be sought in the nucleus.
+
+Attention is thus directed to the nucleus, which can sometimes be seen
+in the living cell. Its detailed structure can, however, only be made
+out in specimens which have been preserved and stained. The nucleus is
+then seen to consist of a thin wall within which is contained a
+colourless sap. In the sap are a number of beads of a darkly staining
+substance known as chromatin suspended on delicate threads of a
+substance known as linin. The division of a cell is always preceded by
+the division of the nucleus and, when the nucleus divides, the chromatin
+undergoes certain remarkable changes. The beads of chromatin become
+aggregated together into rods—the number of rods which appear being
+invariably constant in the same species, though varying from species to
+species. These rods are known as chromosomes. Beyond saying that the
+rods divide into two and that each daughter nucleus, and therefore each
+daughter cell, is provided with that number of chromosomes which is
+typical for the species, it is not necessary to follow the details of
+the process of division any farther. Stated in the briefest possible
+form, this is what happens during ordinary cell-division, such as that
+which takes place when a fertilized egg is growing from a single cell
+into a multicellular adult.
+
+There is one remarkable exception to this type of nuclear division. In
+the last division but one of those series of divisions which lead to the
+formation of both male and female gametes, half, and not the full number
+of chromosomes, is transmitted to each daughter nucleus. If therefore
+the typical number of chromosomes in the nucleus of one species is eight
+and in another four, the number of chromosomes in the gametes will be
+four and two respectively. In the former species the nucleus of the egg
+will have four chromosomes, and that of the spermatozoon also four, and
+the full number typical of the species will only be restored when the
+nucleus of the spermatozoon fuses with the nucleus of the egg in
+fertilization.
+
+The invariable reappearance of the same number of chromosomes in
+ordinary cell-division, their reduction to half that number in the last
+division but one which precedes the formation of the gametes, the
+complicated mechanism which is employed and other evidence all lead to
+the conclusion that the location of the basis of the hereditary
+qualities can be further narrowed and sought in the chromatin—in one
+element, that is to say, of the nucleus.[98]
+
+2. The nucleus must not be thought of as isolated from the rest of the
+cell; there is a constant and active interchange between the nucleus and
+the cytoplasm. It has actually been demonstrated that at times particles
+stream out from the nucleus into the cytoplasm. The nucleus is the
+centre of activity; without the nucleus the cell cannot live. This being
+so, how are we to view the process of development from the fertilized
+egg to the adult? The process can be studied in detail. The egg divides
+into two cells, then into four, eight, sixteen, thirty-two cells, and so
+on. The gradual differentiation of the organs can be watched and their
+lineage to certain cells in earlier stages traced. At every stage the
+developing organism comes under the influence of certain stimuli
+provided by the surrounding conditions. Very many elements in the
+environment act as stimuli; among them are light, temperature,
+gravitation, food, and so on. Provided that the environment is normal,
+provided, that is to say, that the variations in the stimuli do not
+exceed certain limits, an adult member of the species will be formed.
+What is implied in the term ‘normal environment’ will be more fully
+discussed in Chapter XIV, where the results of subjection to an abnormal
+environment will also be studied. That a large number of stimuli varying
+within only narrow limits are necessary, will there also be shown to
+have been proved.
+
+The process of development, therefore, takes the shape of the growth of
+a particular organic form through the play of certain stimuli upon the
+germinal constitution. The germinal constitution has, as we have seen,
+apparently to be identified with the constitution of the chromosomes of
+the fertilized egg, of which half are derived from the father and half
+from the mother. It is known that the characters, which the organism
+exhibits, in some manner have a basis in the germinal constitution. The
+number of these separate characters is very large. What view then are we
+to take of the nature of the germinal constitution? In the first place
+every character as seen in the organism is the result of the play of
+certain stimuli upon something in the germinal constitution. This
+something can only be thought of as predispositions to the development
+of certain characters under certain stimuli and to the development of
+characters differing in degree or in kind from the former characters
+under other stimuli. It is altogether misleading to speak of anything
+but predispositions as present in the germinal constitution, though, of
+course, for the sake of brevity other phraseology may be employed once
+this point is understood. When, therefore, we speak of the inheritance
+of any character, we mean that there is a predisposition in the germinal
+constitutions both of the parent and of the offspring to develop this
+character under certain stimuli, which stimuli must play both upon the
+parent and upon the offspring if the character is to be manifested in
+both of them.
+
+If we have to regard the germinal constitution as somehow containing
+very many separate predispositions or, as they are often called,
+factors, is it in the second place possible to say in what these factors
+consist? No definite answer to this question can as yet be given.
+Certain hypotheses have been put forward. Weismann, for instance,
+suggested that the factors were to be sought in groups of molecules of
+chromatin. It is not necessary, however, to postulate definite and
+separate particles as the physical basis of the predispositions. The
+protoplasmic molecule is a very complex structure consisting of a very
+large number of atoms. Similar atoms may be differently grouped within a
+molecule, and different predispositions may well be functions of
+different groupings.
+
+3. In order that we may answer the first of the two problems set out at
+the beginning of the chapter we must consider in rather more detail in
+what the development of an organism consists.[99] Every character is, as
+we have seen, the result of the influence of the environment upon what
+is innately given. If two individuals were endowed with precisely
+similar germinal constitutions, and if precisely similar stimuli played
+upon each of them, then the adult forms would be similar in respect of
+all their characters. But if the stimuli are not similar, if, for
+instance, more food is provided in one case than in another, then,
+though the germinal constitutions are similar, one adult may be larger
+than the other. Again, let us suppose that the germinal constitutions
+differ, that, for instance, there is in one case a predisposition to the
+development of greater size than in the other, then, even if the stimuli
+are similar, the adult forms will differ. The larger members of each of
+these pairs may thus resemble one another very closely in outward
+characters; but this close resemblance will not be due to similar
+germinal constitutions. It follows that by mere outward inspection no
+conclusion can be reached as to the germinal constitution. There are,
+therefore, two classes of influences at work, and alterations in either
+class of influence will bring about alterations in the resulting
+organism; similar characters may be the product of one kind of
+predisposition and one kind of stimulus, or of a different
+predisposition and a different stimulus. It also follows that we cannot
+speak of certain characters as inherited and of others as acquired. Let
+us suppose that some departure from the normal structure occurs. It may
+be due to a change in the environment, that is to say, to a new stimulus
+acting upon an unchanged germinal constitution, or it may be due to a
+change in the germinal constitution when no change in the environment
+takes place. It should not be said that in the former case the new
+departure is acquired and in the latter case that it is inherited. What
+has happened is that in the former case a new stimulus acting upon the
+old factors has brought forth a new character, and in the latter case
+that the old stimulus has brought forth a new character because it has
+acted upon a different factor.
+
+Though the popular distinction between characters which are acquired and
+characters which are inherited is misleading, there are, nevertheless,
+two kinds of variation. A new departure may be due to a change in the
+germinal constitution. In this case the new character will reappear in
+future generations, provided that the changed germinal constitution
+remains and provided that the complex of stimuli which composed the
+environment does not change. Such a variation may be called a
+‘mutation’. A new departure may also be due to a new stimulus acting
+upon an unchanged germinal constitution. In this case the new character
+will only reappear in future generations provided that the new stimulus
+remains. Such a variation may be called a ‘modification’. Mutations,
+therefore, are transmitted in the germinal constitution, while
+modifications are not so transmitted.
+
+4. Already we have reached the answer to the first problem. Permanent
+change in organic form is due to germinal change. But before we go on
+and ask how germinal changes, that have arisen, become established, we
+must consider further the difficult problem of the manner in which
+germinal changes arise. A reference first to what are known as ‘pure
+line’ investigations and afterwards to Mendelian phenomena will
+illustrate what is known as to the nature of existing germinal
+differences; for until we have some such information, we cannot
+profitably ask how existing germinal differences arise. The best known
+‘pure line’ experiments are those carried out by Johannsen with beans.
+The flowers of beans fertilize themselves; the offspring, therefore,
+have approximately the same germinal constitution. The offspring
+constitute a ‘pure line’, for by a ‘pure line’ is meant a group of
+children which are the offspring of a single parent. The character
+selected for investigation was weight and it was found that, if beans
+were collected from a bean-field and weighed, every gradation occurred
+between a minimum of about 20 centigrams and a maximum of about 90
+centigrams. When the beans were separated into three classes—heavy,
+medium, and light—sown and plants raised from them, the average weight
+of the beans produced by the plants derived from the heavier seed was
+greater, though not proportionately greater, than the mean weight of all
+the beans, and that the average weight produced by the plants derived
+from the lighter seed was less, though not proportionately less, than
+the mean weight of all the beans. There was, in fact, a certain
+regression on the part of the heavy and light classes to the mean
+weight. A similar tendency to regression to the mean can be observed
+when other characters are similarly studied. The average stature, for
+example, of the offspring of tall parents is slightly nearer the mean
+stature of the race than the average stature of the parents.
+
+This tendency to regression to the mean has long been known, but it was
+not until Johannsen proceeded farther and investigated inheritance
+within a ‘pure line’ that it was understood. In the experiment
+described, no attention was paid to the ‘pure line’. When Johannsen
+separated the beans produced by the self-fertilization of a single
+plant, divided them into heavier, medium, and lighter classes, sowed
+them and weighed their progeny, he discovered a very interesting fact.
+The average weight of the progeny of a heavy bean and of a light bean
+belonging to the same ‘pure line’ was the same. The conclusion to be
+drawn from this result is that the differences in weight between the
+offspring of a single self-fertilized plant are due to differences in
+the stimuli which play upon them. Obviously the stimuli do differ; the
+weight is affected by differences in light, shade, number, and position
+of the beans in a pod and so on. But since the offspring of a single
+plant have approximately the same germinal constitution, the average
+weight of the offspring of light beans, which are light because of
+subjection to less favourable stimuli than the average, will not be on
+that account lighter than the mean weight of the strain, and similarly
+_mutatis mutandis_ with regard to the offspring of the heavy beans.
+
+It follows, therefore, with regard to this particular character that
+there are a number of different strains in the population. The beans
+arising from any one strain are not of the same weight because they have
+been subjected to different stimuli. If each strain was pure and if
+differences in environmental stimuli could be removed, then beans
+gathered from a bean-field would not exhibit a simple gradation in
+weight: there would be a number of steps and as many steps as there were
+strains. In actual fact, the modifications produce the gradation which
+is observed. The fact that the nature of the germinal constitution
+cannot, as stated above, be determined by a mere inspection of the
+characters is exemplified by this experiment. If we take a bean
+weighing, say, 55 centigrams, it may belong to a strain which varies,
+say, between 20 and 65 centigrams, or to a strain which varies between
+40 and 90 centigrams. It is only when this bean is sown, and the weight
+of the offspring calculated, that the strain to which it belongs can be
+ascertained. The experiment further shows why regression towards the
+mean is observed, when, instead of limiting investigation to a ‘pure
+line’, beans differing in a certain respect from the average, by, for
+instance, greater weight, are selected and sown. Such beans will belong
+to several different strains; they will, however, include more which
+have been favourably than unfavourably influenced by the surroundings.
+The average of the weight of all their offspring will therefore be less
+than the average weight of the parents. At this point we touch upon the
+problem of selection, but before we go on to deal with this question, it
+is necessary to say something more about variation and the origin of
+variations.
+
+5. Self-fertilization is very exceptional, and what happens in the case
+of the beans, though illuminating, is not typical. As a general rule in
+reproduction, two parents contribute to the germinal constitution of the
+offspring. Strains, therefore, do not remain pure, as in the case of the
+bean, because they are continually crossed; we require to know what
+happens when crossing takes place. This study, first successfully
+undertaken by Mendel, has been greatly extended in late years. We may
+first illustrate in the simplest form what it was that Mendel discovered
+and then go on to inquire what deductions bearing upon the question we
+have to answer are to be drawn from it.
+
+A large number of experiments of the following kind has been made. Two
+strains in any species are chosen; these strains exhibit opposed
+characters. Such characters may be tallness and dwarfness, colour of the
+flower, shape of the comb in fowls, condition of the seed, whether
+smooth or wrinkled, and so on. We may call one character A and the other
+_a_. The two strains are crossed, and in the first generation the
+offspring are all alike and exhibit a character, A′. This character may
+be the same as either A or _a_, a blend between them or something wholly
+new. Whatever form it may take, it is produced by the interaction of A
+and _a_. The members of this first generation are then interbred, and of
+the second generation one quarter exhibit the character A, one quarter
+the character _a_, and the remaining half the character A′. If the
+quarter exhibiting the character A are interbred, all the offspring
+exhibit the character A, and the same holds good regarding the quarter
+exhibiting the character _a_; but if the half exhibiting A′ are
+interbred, the offspring will split up in the same proportion as in the
+previous generation, one quarter exhibiting A, one quarter _a_, and
+one-half A′. This result holds good for any number of generations so
+long as interbreeding is continued.
+
+Into the very numerous complications which occur it is not necessary to
+go. They are all interpreted by extensions of the simple explanation
+which is applied in the elementary case given above. It is supposed that
+all characters which behave on crossing as above are represented in the
+germinal constitution by factors which behave as separate units; such
+characters are called ‘unit-characters’, and such factors
+‘unit-factors’. It is further supposed that each gamete bears one
+unit-factor only in respect of each unit-character. If the strain is
+pure, as in the case of the two strains exhibiting characters A and _a_,
+then all the gametes will bear the unit-factors for A and _a_
+respectively, and the fertilized eggs resulting from the crosses between
+them will therefore contain both unit-factors. The hybrids, which, as we
+have seen, exhibit the character A′, will produce gametes, half of which
+bear the unit-factor for A and half the unit-factor for _a_. When the
+hybrids interbreed, on the average of chances one quarter of the
+fertilized eggs will have two factors for A, one quarter two factors for
+_a_, and one-half both a factor for A′ and a factor for _a_. In this
+manner the splitting up of the second generation is explained.
+
+What is important in this explanation is the conception of unit-factors.
+The extension of the explanation to cover the more complicated cases
+does not involve any modification of principle. It follows that the
+germinal constitution contains a very large number of unit-factors; what
+therefore is innately given in the germinal constitution is a collection
+of such unit-factors. Each unit-character based upon a unit-factor can
+theoretically be separately distinguished and isolated. The
+complications to which references have been made are in part due to the
+difficulty of distinguishing unit-characters. What is apparently a
+simple character may not be a unit-character, but a combination of
+unit-characters. This apparently simple character cannot appear unless
+all the unit-factors, upon which these unit-characters are based, are
+present in the germinal constitution.
+
+It may next be asked whether all unit-factors behave in this manner when
+crossed. To this no definite answer can yet be given. The successful
+analysis of apparently contradictory cases and the continual discovery
+of characters which do behave in this fashion seem to point to an
+affirmative answer. The suggestion is that, when this mode of behaviour
+cannot be demonstrated, it is because the unit-characters have not yet
+been distinguished and isolated.
+
+This brief reference to ‘pure line’ investigations and to the Mendelian
+analysis of crossing leads therefore to the following conclusions. When,
+as in the case of the self-fertilizing bean, the strains are kept pure,
+existing germinal differences in respect of any character are found to
+be of the nature of steps which are usually small—though in outward
+manifestation the differences are smoothed over by the influence of
+environmental stimuli. This is the nature of the germinal differences,
+and they remain what they are—apart from the origin of new factors or of
+the loss of old factors, and apart from the effects of a differential
+death-rate. When, as is usually the case, biparental reproduction takes
+place, the position is more complicated: strains are being continually
+crossed, and, as the result of the chance mixture of factors in the
+germinal constitution of the children, the offspring of the same parents
+differ in their germinal constitution one from the other. Therefore, in
+any species in which biparental reproduction takes place, new
+combinations are constantly arising; but, though in this manner the
+germinal constitution may in a sense change, the change is due simply to
+a shuffling of factors. What we require now to ask is what is known as
+regards the manner in which new factors arise and are added to the
+germinal constitution, and the manner in which old factors drop out and
+are lost from the germinal constitution; for it is only owing to such
+additions and to such losses that true germinal change occurs, and that
+shuffling is rendered possible.
+
+6. The interpretation of the results of the crossing of different
+strains has shown what kind of changes underlie the appearance of
+certain mutations. It has been shown that many of the varieties of
+domesticated species have originated by the apparent loss of one or more
+unit-factors.[100] Thus the numerous varieties of domestic rabbits and
+of sweet-peas are all descended from a single wild species of rabbit and
+of pea, and differ from the wild stock not by an addition to, but by an
+apparent subtraction from, the total number of factors in the germinal
+composition of the wild stock. The reasoning which has led to this
+conclusion need not be followed here; one proof is that when certain
+varieties are crossed, characters of the original stock reappear, due to
+the fact that, one variety having apparently lost one factor and the
+other another, crossing results in the re-combination of the factors
+necessary to the manifestation of the original character.
+
+This is a strange conclusion, but it seems nevertheless to be true that
+in this manner many domestic varieties have arisen. If this was the only
+manner in which mutations could come about, then we should be driven to
+imagine that the most elementary form of life contained within it
+innumerable factors, and that evolution has merely consisted in the
+apparent dropping out of factors. This conclusion has indeed been
+tentatively suggested. But until it has been definitely shown that this
+is the only manner in which mutations originate, it must be supposed
+that changes in and additions to the complex of factors can and do
+occur. And we may note that certain distinguishing characters of
+domestic varieties of fowls and of pigeons appear to have arisen by the
+addition of factors; thus the ‘single comb’ of fowls is the original
+character of the wild stock which has been modified by the apparent
+addition of other factors and not by the dropping out of one or more
+existing factors. It is again not necessary to go into the reasons which
+have led to this conclusion. The conclusion is a deduction from the
+analysis of crosses between different breeds of fowls.
+
+7. For the most part we are quite ignorant as to the causes which have
+led to the apparent losses and apparent additions of factors, though a
+few observations seem to indicate certain circumstances under which the
+dropping out of factors may take place. In this connexion some reference
+must be made to the problem as to the inheritance of acquired
+characters, though it follows from what has been said above regarding
+terminology, that we should more correctly speak of this problem as the
+question whether modifications in any one direction tend to be followed
+by mutations in the same direction. As the result of prolonged
+discussion and controversy it is now generally held that nothing of the
+kind takes place. It is almost universally agreed, for instance, that
+such modifications as are induced among men at the present day do not
+lead to mutations in the same direction. Therefore we may for the
+purposes of this book, so far as man is concerned, take it that acquired
+characters are not inherited. But looking at the problem as a whole it
+cannot be regarded as settled. There is, for example, some evidence of
+the parallel induction of modifications and of mutations; but the
+question may be raised whether such cases if substantiated fall under
+the heading of the inheritance of acquired characters. Again, some
+biologists regarding the problems of evolution generally find difficulty
+in arriving at an explanation unless under certain circumstances
+adaptive variations are followed by mutations.
+
+We are thus left with the fact that mutations arise, and may be either
+large or small. Outwardly, variations in characters are usually
+continuous, because the environmental stimuli vary continuously, smooth
+over and obscure the differences due to mutation, as in the case of the
+beans mentioned above. But, discounting the influence of the
+environment, the mutations themselves may form a series separated by
+steps that are so small as to be scarcely measurable or which may be
+very large. The weight of the beans is an example of the former kind of
+mutation; the so-called ‘meristic’ variations, when another member is
+added to a series, the addition, for instance, of a vertebra to the
+vertebral column, is an example of the latter kind.
+
+Whenever a mutation occurs, we have to think of it as founded upon some
+change in the germinal constitution. Such changes are of the nature of
+modifications of factors—and may be positive (leading to the apparent
+addition of factors), negative (leading to the apparent loss of
+factors), or qualitative. But of the nature of these changes we know
+little, and of their causes less. What is important, however, is that
+these changes do occur. Further, they occur in all directions. The
+direction is, of course, in a sense determined by the starting-point—by
+what is already given in the germinal constitution—but, given the
+starting-point, mutations apparently occur in all directions. It is a
+matter of importance to know whether mutations ever tend to occur more
+in one direction than in another. Nothing definite has been ascertained
+as to this particular problem, though, as we shall note later, certain
+facts with regard to the evolution of animals suggest that there have
+been tendencies to change along certain lines. It may also be asked
+whether the continued selection of a character in any way affects the
+direction of the variation of the germinal constitution. To this again
+there is as yet no definite answer. On the whole it is not probable that
+selection has any such effect.
+
+8. So far, therefore, as we have at present gone, we have found that
+permanent change is of the nature of germinal change. We have also
+discussed the nature of germinal differences as they exist between
+different individuals, and we have discussed the nature and causes of
+germinal change. With regard to variation there is much which is
+doubtful and obscure, but bearing in mind the essential features of what
+is certainly known, we may turn to consider what passes in the organic
+world. Upon this subject there is much less uncertainty. We have seen
+how huge is fecundity. Of the young in any generation, only about that
+number survives which equals the number of adults in the generation from
+which they are derived. For normally in the organic world the total
+number of adults of any species at corresponding periods in succeeding
+years remains much the same. The instances of a marked increase in the
+number of any species are rare, and are usually traceable to the
+intervention of man, as the result of which certain of the dangers which
+normally confront the young have been removed. It follows, therefore,
+that normally of the many thousands of fertilized eggs of a fish, for
+example, all but two perish. Even when the most rapid increase ever
+observed is taking place, the great majority of young perish. From a
+consideration of the circumstances it is evident that upon the whole
+those individuals which present certain characters will have a better
+chance of surviving than others which do not present these characters.
+
+This point demands further consideration, because upon it turns the
+whole question of natural selection. What is involved in this theory is
+that the death-rate is selective, that those individuals which are best
+adapted to the surroundings which confront the species do, on the whole,
+have a better chance of survival. It is adaptation which determines
+fitness, but the concept of adaptation does not of necessity include any
+idea of progress. Given any complex of surroundings such as that which
+confronts any species, there may be a more or less close fitting of the
+organisms to this complex. The closeness of this fitting may have been
+obtained by a simplification of structure, a complication of structure,
+or it may be that for long ages the closeness of the fitting has been
+attained by the elimination of departures from the mean of the species
+in any direction and the preservation of the average type.
+
+In this connexion it has often been pointed out that the death-rate in
+certain cases is not selective, and does not therefore involve the
+survival of the more fit and the elimination of the less fit. When the
+whale opens its mouth and engulfs vast numbers of small organisms upon
+which it feeds, there is apparently no escaping of certain types of
+these organisms accompanied by a greater elimination of other types. But
+these cases are not on the whole common, and further there is nothing in
+such cases which counteracts selection; it merely means that sometimes
+selection is not operative. A consideration of the mode of operation of
+the factors of elimination, the general nature of which has been
+indicated, leads without any doubt to the conclusion that in the vast
+majority of cases, when any organism meets its death, either that
+organism does not possess some character which other organisms possess
+and which have enabled them to survive, or it possesses some character
+which other organisms do not possess, and which at some crucial moment
+has told against it. This subject could be considered at great length,
+but it must suffice to say here that the more experienced naturalists
+are, and the greater the knowledge they have of the conditions of
+organic life, the more it is borne in upon them that the death-rate is
+upon the whole selective, and that the best adapted types have a better
+chance of survival than other types.
+
+From the nature of the case it must be difficult to obtain statistical
+evidence of natural selection. There are, however, certain cases known
+which are of great interest. Bumpus, for instance, after a storm in
+America collected 136 sparrows, all of which had been injured. Of these
+72 recovered, while the remainder died. He weighed and measured all the
+specimens and compared the figures for the survivors with the figures
+for those which had perished. It was found that the average type of the
+latter was larger and heavier than the average type of the former. It
+was also observed that there was a less wide range of variability among
+the survivors than among the dead, showing that the favoured type
+approximated more closely than the others to the average type of the
+species. This favouring of the average type has been shown to occur by
+other observations, and it may be supposed that normally it is the
+average type of any species which is best fitted to the particular niche
+in nature occupied by the species, and that therefore adaptation will be
+measured by the nearness of approach to this type. When, on the other
+hand, circumstances are changing, some deviation from the average type
+will be favoured.
+
+9. This leads us to ask in more detail what it is that happens in the
+process of selection. Selection has been likened in its action to a
+sieve separating the fit from the unfit. But fitness is measured by the
+characters exhibited, and these characters may be either of the nature
+of mutations or of modifications. What is exhibited is selected quite
+apart from the underlying nature of the character; but it is only when
+variations of the nature of mutations are selected that there results
+any change in the composition of the germinal constitution of the
+species. So far as selection is merely that of modifications within a
+strain, there will be no change in the average germinal constitution of
+the progeny. It is only in so far as selection is a selection of strains
+that there will be any change. If the strains among the beans referred
+to above can be isolated, then the strain with the predisposition
+towards the greatest weight can be isolated, the other strains
+eliminated, and the average weight brought up to that found in this
+strain. If the strains cannot be isolated, then an approximation only to
+this result can be made by the continued selection of strains of the
+greatest weight, and this is what occurs in nature.
+
+This leads to the most important conclusion of all. Selection can only
+act upon what is given. We may put aside the possible but quite unproved
+influence of selection upon the direction of mutation. Apart from this,
+selection can have no other effect than to eliminate certain strains and
+to favour others. Supposing that under changing circumstances a certain
+character is favoured, all that can happen through selection is that the
+strain exhibiting this character will be favoured and all other strains
+gradually eliminated. Further than this change cannot proceed until
+mutations have occurred in the direction of further increase in this
+character. As has been said, selection is no more than a sieve; as a
+rule it is occupied in separating out the extreme types and favouring
+the mean, but at times under certain circumstances it will favour some
+type that deviates from the mean, but it can do no more than favour what
+types are at any given moment in existence.[101]
+
+10. We set out to answer two questions regarding quality. We asked in
+what change among species in a state of nature consisted. The answer to
+this is clear; it consists in changes in the germinal constitution. If
+we can speak of history in connexion with species in a state of nature,
+then their history is based solely upon germinal change. We also asked
+how change came about. It is less easy to answer in a few words. Obscure
+as are many of the details connected with the process, there is a
+sufficient measure of agreement regarding the main facts to enable an
+answer shortly to be formulated. The answer rests upon two series of
+facts. The observed characters of organisms are based upon certain
+predispositions in the germinal constitution. These predispositions or
+factors under the stimuli of the environment give rise to the various
+characters. These factors are derived from both parents through the
+fusion of the gametes, and the complex of factors in the offspring is
+the result of a chance mixture of factors. There may further at times be
+a dropping out, an addition to, and perhaps a modification of the
+factors. Secondly, the death-rate is selective. Although the result of
+selection is confused by the effect of modifications which smooth over
+the differences due to differences in the germinal constitution, the
+effect is that individuals with certain factors are favoured and others
+with different factors are eliminated. Therefore the average nature of
+the factors may be changed should any type, other than that
+approximating to the normal type, be favoured.
+
+It is possible in this manner to understand how change has come about.
+There are many difficulties, but they are all capable of fairly
+satisfactory explanation. None at least is insuperable. There is one
+problem which is perhaps somewhat difficult to solve unless a particular
+supposition is introduced. This problem is connected with the evolution
+of organs along certain lines, as, for instance, the evolution of horns
+and teeth in the vertebrates. This class of evidence has chiefly
+impressed itself upon palaeontologists, and one of the most
+distinguished of them has stated that from this class of evidence he
+concludes that ‘there are fundamental predispositions to vary in certain
+directions’.[102] This is the supposition which it may be necessary to
+introduce, but which does not in any way conflict with what has been
+said.
+
+
+
+
+                                   IV
+                    THE POPULATION PROBLEM AMONG MEN
+
+
+1. It has been shown in the last two chapters in what the population
+problem among species in a state of nature consists. With regard to the
+quantitative aspect in particular it has been shown that among such
+species mental evolution, greatly as the stage reached differs between
+the lowest and the highest forms, has not attained a point at which the
+essential features of the position have in consequence been affected.
+Enough has been said to show that in the case of the most primitive
+races of man now living mental evolution has reached a point in
+consequence of which the quantitative problem has assumed a totally
+different aspect.
+
+With regard to the qualitative problem the question also arises as to
+how far mental evolution in man has affected the position. In one very
+important respect mental evolution has wholly altered the position of
+man as regards this aspect of the problem, as it has regarding the
+quantitative aspect. How this has come about may be considered after it
+has been observed that mental evolution has also been the cause of other
+changes which, while they do not alter the fundamental position of man
+as regards the qualitative aspect, yet are of great importance.
+
+As we have seen among species in a state of nature change is founded
+upon germinal change. So, too, among men there is germinal change, and
+so far as history (using the term in the widest sense to include what is
+often rather meaninglessly called ‘pre-history’) is connected with
+germinal change, so far it is of essentially the same nature as change
+among other species. But both the direction and intensity of germinal
+change among men have been greatly influenced by mental evolution.
+Certain causes of elimination have been removed wholly or in part,
+others have been introduced. The facts are familiar; there is no need to
+labour the point. It is also worth noting that, should it be found that
+mutation frequently arises owing to alterations in the environment
+during the formation of the germ-cells, such a discovery might have
+considerable bearing upon the position in man. Owing to human activity
+under the guidance of reason, the environment has been profoundly
+changed in many directions, and without question in consequence of such
+changes the germ-cells of human beings are subject during their
+development to far more varied stimuli than are those of other species.
+This, however, is only a possibility. Nothing is known with certainty
+upon the subject. It may be that the great variety of foods, the
+absorption of alcohol and nicotine, the various occupations and customs,
+and many other factors, all ultimately traceable to reason, may, some of
+them in some way, tend to bring about mutation in man.
+
+It is by making possible the development of tradition that the evolution
+of reason has fundamentally changed the nature of the qualitative
+problem among men. Into the nature and origin of tradition it will be
+necessary to go in another chapter. Here all that is required is an
+indication of its main features in order that its connexion with the
+problem of change may be understood. In the stage of conceptual thought
+reached by man, the formation of free ideas is the outstanding feature.
+With the development of conceptual thought went the development of
+language. By language ideas can be passed from one man to another and
+also from one generation to another. There are other ways in which the
+results of reasoning can be handed on, but they need not be considered
+at present. What is important is that they can be and are handed on. Let
+us consider for a moment the question of skill. Some improvement may be
+made in the methods of hunting or of fishing. It may, of course, be
+lost, but it may be, and perhaps usually is, transmitted to other men by
+the inventor and afterwards to succeeding generations. Tradition is, in
+fact, cumulative. Even among the most primitive races now existing there
+is a huge mass of tradition. Succeeding generations do not necessarily
+start at the beginning again. They start with the experience of the race
+behind them, so far as it has been preserved.
+
+Among the higher animals there is a certain handing on of what has been
+learnt by experience; to this extent there is tradition also among them.
+We shall return to this point later. So relatively unimportant, however,
+is tradition among other animals, that we may for the moment regard
+tradition as something which is found among men only. It is clear that
+tradition has played some part in any case in producing the changes
+which we call history. We have only to think of the rise of Japan to the
+position of a great power in the last half of the nineteenth century.
+The rise of Japan was an outstanding fact in the history of that period
+and it was clearly in the main, if not wholly, a traditional and not a
+germinal change. It took the form of a rapid absorption of European
+tradition. The evolution of reason has thus introduced into the problem
+of the causes of human history a factor which is not present in the case
+of other species; it has also modified the course of selection, but
+this, as we have seen, has not made a fundamental difference between the
+position of man and that of species in a state of nature.
+
+The problem before us is therefore as follows. Owing to the fact of
+reproduction the population problem in both its aspects exists for all
+species in a state of nature and further presents fundamentally the same
+features for all such species. The ancestors of man were at one time
+subject to the same conditions from which they have, step by step, moved
+away owing to the development of the faculty of reason. We have to trace
+the causes and results of this moving away—of the progressive
+modifications of the conditions existing among species in a state of
+nature.
+
+Though the problem has two aspects, they are closely interwoven. Changes
+which affect numbers also influence the quality of population. The
+discussion has hitherto taken the form of an introduction to the problem
+as a whole, and the two next chapters, the subject-matter of which will
+be indicated in what follows, will also be devoted to certain problems
+which equally bear upon both aspects of the question. From the seventh
+chapter onwards the two aspects are treated independently; we deal first
+with the quantitative and then with the qualitative aspect. Nevertheless
+we shall, when dealing with the quantitative problem, present evidence
+which we shall consider again later when treating of the qualitative
+problem. The book thus falls into three parts; the first six chapters
+are introductory to the problem as a whole, the next six chapters are
+concerned with problems of quantity (though many of the facts brought
+forward will be found also to bear later upon quality), and the
+following nine chapters with problems of quality. The last chapter sums
+up our conclusions as to the whole problem.
+
+2. We may next ask what data are required in order that we may look into
+the changes away from the conditions under which the pre-human ancestor
+lived towards the conditions which now exist. In order that we may
+consider the quantitative aspect of the problem, it is evident that we
+require some knowledge regarding fecundity and as full details as
+possible regarding the factors which bear upon fertility and
+elimination. It is only when we are provided with such information that
+we can hope to be able to determine how it is that numbers are regulated
+among men.
+
+In addition to such information, it will be desirable to have
+information regarding various social customs and the general conditions
+of life. As regards the inquiry into the qualitative part of the
+problem, it is clear that facts regarding fertility and elimination are
+again of value inasmuch as they throw light upon the nature and
+intensity of selection. For the second part of the problem it is also
+necessary to have in mind the main facts regarding the changes which are
+summed up as history into the causes of which we have to inquire; and in
+addition it will be necessary, in order that we may attempt some
+estimate of the relative importance of change in the germinal
+constitution on the one hand and of the other factor or factors of the
+nature indicated above on the other hand, to make some inquiry into the
+conditions which determine the nature of these latter factors. This will
+involve a reference to certain elementary facts of psychology together
+with some discussion of the origin, formation, preservation, and so on,
+of tradition.
+
+If we first ask how far the data desired are available, we may
+afterwards go on to discuss how the facts are best presented. Our
+information is obviously very incomplete as regards the history of
+social habits and customs. Historical records do not take us farther
+back than at the most six thousand years, and the information available
+with respect to social customs, except for the latter part of the
+period, is very inadequate. If we take a broad view of history, written
+records have reference only to relatively modern times. There are two
+other sources of evidence upon which we have to rely and they are as
+follows.
+
+Some indication of the bare outline of the course which history has
+taken can be gathered from a study of the fossil and cultural remains of
+man. The fossil remains are in the form of skeletons or portions of
+skeletons and the cultural remains in the shape of tools, weapons, and
+other traces of his mode of life that man has left behind him. It is
+interesting to observe that an attempt can be made to date these
+remains. They occur in certain strata, and estimates can be made of the
+length of time which has elapsed since these strata were deposited.
+Though a very large measure of doubt must surround any such estimates,
+nevertheless there is a certain measure of agreement concerning the
+facts which is of great interest. It is, therefore, possible to draw up
+a table showing these strata, together with what we should perhaps call
+guesses at the dates at which they began to be laid down. It can also be
+shown in the table what fossil and cultural remains are found in the
+respective strata.
+
+The information, however, which we thus gain is very meagre. A study of
+fossil remains can only provide us with an outline of the facts
+connected with the evolution of the skeleton. More can be gathered from
+a study of the cultural remains, and certain deductions of considerable
+interest can be made especially in connexion with our present purpose so
+far as the evolution of skill is concerned. But, of course, we can in
+this manner gather nothing as to the nature of the social customs and
+institutions belonging to the races which practised these skilled
+methods. The question we have to face is whether this very bare outline
+of the facts of history can in any manner be filled in.
+
+3. There is a further source of evidence which we have to consider.
+There has come under the observation of civilized man a large number of
+races in a low stage of culture. The evolution of culture or of control
+over the surroundings took place more quickly among certain races than
+among others. Some races got left out of the main stream of evolution,
+and finally in relatively recent years the more advanced races arrived
+at a stage where they were in a position completely to dominate the
+latter. The more primitive races were unable to offer any serious
+resistance to the civilized races. It was, therefore, possible to regard
+these primitive races dispassionately and scientifically; this study has
+led to the collection of a vast amount of information regarding these
+primitive races. These data are for many reasons often of a very
+unsatisfactory nature; of this the chief cause is that, before an
+accurate study was begun, contact with civilized races had often had a
+considerable influence upon the former mode of life of the primitive
+races. What we require and what is difficult to obtain is information as
+to the conditions under which these races lived before they came into
+contact with Europeans. With regard to the unsatisfactory nature of the
+evidence there will be more to say later.
+
+It is of primary importance to observe that these races are not to be
+regarded as actual representatives of certain stages through which
+civilized races have passed. We know that in the evolution of control
+over nature civilized races have passed through certain stages of
+culture; the first stage was marked by the use of unpolished stone
+implements and the obtaining of food by hunting and fishing only; the
+second stage was marked by the use of polished stone implements and the
+obtaining of food by agriculture and the domestication of animals.[103]
+These two broad divisions—the Palaeolithic and the Neolithic—may be
+subdivided. But no primitive race can be regarded as representing any
+definite stage in exact detail, whether in the first or in the second of
+the two broad divisions through which civilized races have passed. While
+the culture of the ancestors of civilized man was evolving from that of
+the Palaeolithic stage to that of the present day, the culture of
+certain other races did not progress as far even as the Neolithic stage.
+But the culture of these races did not remain unmodified; it followed in
+each case a line of evolution of its own. These races are therefore to
+be regarded as specialized representatives of the earlier stages of
+culture through which the civilized races passed. Nevertheless,
+specialized though their culture may be, the general conditions of their
+existence are certainly similar to the general conditions which must
+have characterized the corresponding stage in the evolution of the
+culture of civilized races. That is to say, the broad features which
+characterize the conditions found among hunting and fishing races must
+also have characterized the conditions under which our Palaeolithic
+ancestors lived.
+
+There is here obviously suggested a method whereby the framework of
+history arrived at by the evidence of fossil and cultural remains may be
+filled in. The broad conclusions drawn from a study of hunting and
+fishing races may be applied to Palaeolithic races. But this method must
+be used with great caution; it has undoubtedly been pressed too far. It
+is possible to divide hunting and fishing races into groups and to
+compare these groups with stages in the evolution of Palaeolithic
+culture. How far it is in any way valid to attribute in this fashion
+particular social institutions which characterize lower, middle, and
+upper hunting races to lower, middle, and upper Palaeolithic races
+respectively is very doubtful. It is not proposed here to attempt to
+carry the method as far as this. For one thing, so far as the subject
+has been worked out, there is no clear correlation between different
+factors affecting fertility and elimination on the one hand and stages
+in culture among hunting races on the other hand. Thus, as it happens,
+any attempt to carry this method into more detail is not productive of
+results, and therefore it is not worth while to inquire whether results
+would be valid or not. All that it is proposed to do here is to examine
+the evidence regarding the prevalence of certain customs, habits, and so
+on, among hunting races, and to apply the broad conclusions founded on
+this evidence to the ancestors of civilized races who supported
+themselves by hunting. In this manner only is it at all possible to fill
+in the framework of history provided by the remains of culture and by
+fossils, and thus to arrive at any conclusions regarding the course of
+the movement away from the conditions found in the pre-human ancestor to
+those found among civilized races.
+
+4. With regard to the question as to the way in which this evidence may
+be most conveniently set out, it is proposed to proceed in the following
+manner. Before we come to the evidence regarding fertility and
+elimination, something has to be said regarding fecundity in man, and
+that will be the subject of the fifth chapter. In the following chapter
+the evidence regarding fossil and cultural remains will be very briefly
+discussed, just so far as, in the first place, provides the necessary
+historical facts to form a basis for the discussion of the qualitative
+problem and as, in the second place, provides the framework into which
+we can fit the conclusions which we shall draw from a study of primitive
+races. In the seventh chapter the evidence drawn from a study of hunting
+races will be reviewed in so far as it throws light upon fertility and
+elimination. In the eighth chapter the evidence bearing upon these
+problems, so far as the agricultural races are concerned, will be
+similarly set out. In the ninth chapter the evidence will be discussed
+in its bearing upon the quantitative problem among these races—all
+reference to the qualitative problem being left for later chapters. In
+the tenth chapter the evidence for the historical races will be
+similarly reviewed, and in the eleventh chapter similarly discussed. The
+twelfth chapter will be devoted to a discussion of certain problems
+connected with the quantitative problem at the present day. The twelfth
+chapter therefore will complete the treatment of the first or
+quantitative aspect of the problem, and in the remaining chapters will
+be discussed the second or qualitative problem. Already there will have
+been presented a large part of the evidence necessary for the discussion
+of the second problem—namely, the evidence connected with the outline of
+the facts of history and that connected with fertility and elimination.
+What other evidence is necessary can be given as and when required.
+
+
+
+
+                                   V
+                            HUMAN FECUNDITY
+
+
+1. As a preliminary to the separate inquiries into the two aspects of
+the problem, it is necessary briefly to consider the question of human
+fecundity.
+
+We may ask, in the first place, whether, taking a broad view of human
+history, there is any reason to believe that human fecundity has changed
+since the epoch of the pre-human ancestor, and, if so, whether it has
+increased or diminished. Secondly, there are a number of habits and
+customs which have been practised in different degrees at different
+times, such as prolonged lactation, polygamy, and so on, and we may also
+ask what bearing, if any, such habits and customs have upon fecundity.
+
+There is much connected with the subject which is difficult and obscure.
+It is, in particular, often difficult to ascertain whether any
+differences in fecundity, as may be found to exist, are of the nature of
+racial or of environmental differences. Into such points, however, we
+need not go. We are concerned only with the question as to whether there
+are differences in fecundity, and we may confine our attention to a
+notice of any broad differences which do exist and to the question
+whether certain habits and customs widely practised at one time or
+another and supposed to bear upon fecundity do or do not have the
+influence attributed to them. We may begin with the first question set
+out above. In order to obtain an answer to this question we have to rely
+upon evidence derived from various sources, partly from primitive races,
+which we assume in general to exhibit conditions prevalent among
+prehistoric races, and partly from evidence derived from a study of the
+mammalian species which have been subject to changes comparable with
+those to which man has in the course of his history been subject.
+
+2. From what has been said regarding the nature of reproduction in
+Chapter II, it follows that it is the female rather than the male that
+we have to consider. The male gametes vastly outnumber the female, and,
+generally speaking, the male is always ready for intercourse. When
+studying the possibility of increasing the fecundity of domestic
+species, attention can, as pointed out by Marshall in the case of
+sheep,[104] be limited to the female. Taking a broad view of the matter,
+it is clear that there has been no change in fecundity due to any change
+in male reproductive power.
+
+There are, nevertheless, two points concerning the male which we may
+notice before we pass to the consideration of the female. First, with
+regard to the problem as to changes in fecundity during the course of
+history, we shall bring forward evidence to show that good conditions
+favour an increase in the reproductive power of the mammalian female.
+There is reason to think that good conditions have a similar effect on
+males. Thus among some mammalian species in a state of nature there is a
+special ‘rutting season’ for the male, and it is not infrequently found
+that in captivity the males of such species will rut all the year
+round.[105] We shall also bring forward evidence to show that with
+improvements in conditions, sexual excitement is more easily aroused and
+that there has been an increase in the development of the generative
+organs, and we may note here that these observations apply to the male
+as well as to the female. As, however, any increase in male reproductive
+capacity can have had no general influence upon fecundity, we may, so
+far as the question of any general increase or decrease in fecundity is
+concerned, neglect the male and confine our attention to the female.
+
+Secondly, with respect to the influence of certain factors at particular
+times, it is in nearly all cases the female and not the male which is
+affected. But it may be observed that sterile marriages are in part due
+to male sterility. Mayer estimates that this is so in a third of such
+marriages.[106] Kelly gives the result of an investigation into 110
+cases, of which 59 per cent. are attributed to the male.[107] Male
+sterility is due either to inborn or acquired conditions. So far as
+sterility due to the former is concerned, there do not appear to be any
+grounds for thinking that it has to any important extent varied from one
+epoch to another. So far, however, as sterility due to disease is
+concerned, there have been in all probability certain changes.
+Gonorrhoea is perhaps the most important of those diseases which bring
+about sterility. Of the 59 cases mentioned above 12 per cent. were due
+to gonorrhoea. Other diseases may cause sterility, such as tubercle and
+epididymitis. Relatively to the historical period as usually defined,
+gonorrhoea is an old disease; but we shall find reason for thinking that
+the great majority of diseases have evolved since the time of the
+pre-human ancestor, and to the extent to which this is true it must be
+allowed that male sterility due to disease is more or less recent. With
+these remarks we may leave the question of male sterility, as it is
+relatively of little importance.
+
+3. It is therefore to factors which influence the female generative
+process that we must look for the causes of such increase or decrease of
+fecundity as are of importance. Certain factors may be put aside on the
+grounds that there is no reason to think that they have been of more
+importance at one time than at another. Such are malformations of any
+kind that prevent the meeting of the male and female gametes.[108] With
+regard to the factors of importance it is by their influence upon
+different aspects of the female generative process that they are best
+classified. There are three main aspects of this process, variations in
+any of which will influence fecundity. These are the length of the
+mature period, the interval between births, and the number at a birth.
+
+Some reference to the nature of the female sexual cycle in mammals has
+been made. The beginning of maturity is usually measured by observing
+the beginning of menstruation. It is, perhaps, worthy of mention that
+the beginning of menstruation does not always coincide with the
+beginning of ovulation. Thus the estimation of the duration of the
+mature period made by watching for the beginning and end of menstruation
+is not always exact; the difference is not of consequence here, but the
+fact that a difference is possible emphasizes that what is essential in
+the whole process is ovulation. The true mature period is the period
+during which ovulation occurs. The interval between births is also
+dependent upon ovulation and so is number at a birth.[109] In fact what
+we are asking is in the main what factors influence ovulation.
+
+4. The information regarding the duration of the mature period is not
+satisfactory. Though there is a large amount of information about the
+beginning of menstruation, there is little information about the age at
+which it ends. There are at least three factors which influence the age
+at which menstruation begins—climate, race, and general nature of the
+surrounding conditions.
+
+Generally speaking, the hotter the climate the earlier menstruation
+begins. Englemann gives the following figures:[110]
+
+                _Zone._  _Average Age for Menstruation._
+               Tropics   12·9 years
+               Temperate 15·5   „
+               Cold      16·5   „
+
+and Krieger gives the following figures:[111]
+
+              _Place._     _Average Age for Menstruation._
+            Christiania    16 years     9 months   25  days
+            Berlin         15   „       7   „      25   „
+            London         15   „       1   „      14   „
+            Lyons          14   „       5   „      29   „
+            Marseilles     13   „      11   „      11   „
+            Calcutta       12   „       6   „       0   „
+            Sierra Leone   10   „       0   „       0   „
+
+It further appears that there is a tendency for menstruation to end
+earlier in hot climates; so much so that upon the whole the mature
+period is shorter in hot than in cold climates.
+
+There is, however, no very close or definite connexion between climate
+and menstruation. In the United States it has not been found possible to
+detect any influence of climate upon menstruation, though this country
+stretches from 29° to 45° of latitude, and has a temperature the annual
+average of which varies from 40° F. to 70° F. But if the conditions
+concerning the different racial elements in the population of the
+country are examined, it is found that in whatever part of the country
+they may be the average age for each racial element remains constant,
+and usually varies slightly from the average age for the whole
+population.[112] There are other indications that the age at which
+menstruation begins are connected with differences in race. Krieger
+quotes the following from Joachim for girls in Hungary:[113]
+
+                _Race._  _Average Age of Menstruation._
+                Slavonic        16  to          17 years
+                Magyar          15   „          16   „
+                Jewish          14   „          15   „
+                Styrian         13   „          14   „
+
+Other figures show that Jewesses menstruate earlier than the average age
+for menstruation in the country in which they live.[114]
+
+What is of chief interest to us is that good conditions also influence
+the age at which menstruation begins. The better the conditions, the
+earlier does it begin. Further, it is also known that the mature period
+tends to be prolonged where conditions are good. It is known, for
+example, that the mature period comes to an end earlier among the
+labouring than among the richer classes.[115] Therefore good conditions
+tend to be connected not only with an earlier beginning but also with a
+longer duration of the mature period. Thus Mayer found the average age
+at which menstruation began among 3,000 women of the upper classes to be
+14·69 years, and among 3,000 poor women to be 16·0 years.[116] Several
+observers have recorded the average age for the beginning of
+menstruation among the different classes in the population. The
+following table is given by Krieger:[117]
+
+               _Brienne de      _Tilt._       _Krieger._      _Ravn._
+                Boisment._
+              _Yrs._ _Mths._ _Yrs._ _Mths._ _Yrs._ _Mths._ _Yrs._ _Mths._
+ Upper Class  13     8       13     5½      14     1⅙      14     3
+ Middle Class 14     5       14     3½      15     4–2/6   15     5½
+ Lower Class  14     1                      16     8⅙      16     5¼
+
+5. With regard to the question as to the interval between births some
+interesting indirect evidence is obtained from what we can learn
+regarding the former condition of the sexual cycle in man. A sketch was
+given in the second chapter of the main features of the mammalian sexual
+cycle. These cycles may follow one another without any prolonged
+interval, or there may be a lengthy period of rest. In monkeys and also
+in man the interval is short; but the former cannot breed at every heat
+period; special sexual seasons are experienced at definite times of the
+year when breeding takes place. It is probable that ovulation is limited
+to this special season, and that, although copulation may take place at
+other seasons of the year, conception can only follow copulation at this
+special season.[118] In civilized man, so far as is known, ovulation is
+never confined to any particular season of the year; conception can,
+therefore, follow copulation at any period. But we do find evidence of
+the former existence in man of a special sexual season, and this is of
+particular interest because it suggests that at one time there was in
+man, as there usually is in monkeys, one season only during which
+conception could follow copulation.
+
+This evidence has been reviewed by Westermarck, by Ploss and Bartels,
+and by Havelock Ellis.[119] Some examples of this evidence may be cited
+in order to show upon what facts this suggestion is founded. According
+to Mr. Johnston, the Indians of California “have their rutting season as
+regularly as have the deer, the elk, the antelope, or any other
+animals”. And Mr. Powers confirms the correctness of this statement, at
+least with regard to some of these Indians, saying that spring ‘is a
+literal St. Valentine’s day with them, as with the natural birds and
+beasts of the forest’. As regards the Goddanes in Luzon, Mr. Foreman
+tells us that ‘it is the custom of young men about to marry to vie with
+each other in presenting to the sires of their future brides all the
+scalps that they are able to take from their enemies, as proof of their
+manliness and courage. This practice prevails at a season of the year
+when the tree—popularly called by the Spaniards “the fire tree”—is in
+bloom.’ Speaking of the Watch-an-dies in the western part of Australia,
+Mr. Oldfield remarks, ‘Like the beasts of the field, the savage has but
+one time for copulation in the year. About the middle of the spring the
+Watch-an-dies begin to think of holding their grand semi-religious
+festival of Caa-ro, preparatory to the performance of the important duty
+of procreation. A similar feast was, according to Mr. Bonwick,
+celebrated by the Tasmanians at the same time of the year.’[120] Similar
+evidence is forthcoming as regards many other primitive races. It is
+interesting to note that among civilized races there are traces of
+customs which point to the former existence of a season of sexual
+licence. Such were the mediaeval Feast of Fools, and the classical
+festivals of Brumalia and Rosalia.[121] ‘Feasts, similar to the erotic
+feasts which were indulged in by the ancients ... were still practised
+to some extent in Russia and in some parts of India at a much later
+date, while such customs as “gwneyd Bragod” and possibly our own “bean
+feasts” may not improbably be the modern representatives of these
+ancient customs in our own country.’[122]
+
+This evidence all points to a former condition when conceptions could
+only take place at one season of the year. We must suppose that it has
+gradually become possible for copulation to be followed by conception at
+any period, and that therefore fecundity has increased.[123] Some light
+is thrown upon the causes that underlie these changes by a reference to
+certain facts regarding other species. Before we turn to this question
+reference may be made to the phenomenon of ‘mittelschmerz’—or
+intermenstrual pain. It is not uncommon and is sometimes accompanied by
+a discharge. The interpretation of this phenomenon is doubtful. One
+explanation, however, has some interest for us. It is suggested that it
+may represent the first steps in the establishment of a different
+variety of sexual cycle in which the dioestrous periods occur
+fortnightly instead of monthly. If this interpretation is correct, it
+would mean that the sexual cycle is evolving in the direction of still
+greater fecundity.[124]
+
+6. It has frequently been observed that when members of a wild species
+are brought into captivity there is a change in the sexual season. This
+change may be in the direction of an increase or of a decrease in the
+generative power. If the bringing into captivity involves such an
+alteration of conditions as to disorganize the generative process, then
+a decrease in fecundity may result. It frequently happens, for instance,
+that carnivores are infertile in captivity, and this may be due among
+other things to the absence of fresh meat.[125] Generally speaking,
+however, if the alterations do not produce disorganization, an increase
+in fecundity results, and as there is no reason to suppose that the
+change in human circumstances was ever of such a nature as to produce
+disorganization, we must suppose, on the analogy of what happens among
+other mammalian species, that, if the betterment of the conditions has
+had any effect, it has been in the direction of an increase in
+fecundity.
+
+A few examples of what is meant may be given. The wild dog of South
+America, the wolf, and the fox breed only once a year under natural
+conditions; in captivity they experience two annual heats like the
+dog.[126] The otter in the wild state breeds but once a year; in
+captivity oestrous may occur at regular monthly intervals all the year
+round.[127] Bears are monoestrous in the wild state; in the Zoological
+Gardens oestrous may be experienced for two or three months.[128] With
+regard to the Ungulata we have numerous facts of the same nature. The
+red deer offers the best example; under natural conditions there are two
+dioestrous cycles lasting three weeks; in captivity the sexual season
+extends over the whole year.[129] The facts are somewhat similar in
+respect to cattle and horses. Examples might also be taken from other
+mammalian classes. The wild rabbit breeds from February to May; in
+captivity the sexual season lasts nearly the whole year. Further it may
+be noticed that among lower groups good conditions are, as is well
+known, markedly favourable to increased fecundity.
+
+Before we go on to look into the causes of this increase in fecundity,
+it may be noticed that the number of young produced at a birth among
+domestic species is on an average greater than that produced by the wild
+ancestor. This evidence, it will be observed, refers to the third factor
+which bears upon the increase in fecundity. The wild rabbit is said to
+produce at the most six young at a time; the tame rabbit has four to
+eleven, and a case is known in which eighteen were born, all of which
+survived.[130] The wild sow bears from four to eight, and sometimes
+twelve, young. The domestic sow is considered to be of no value unless
+she produces at least eight at a birth. Equally remarkable examples are
+to be found outside the Mammals. ‘The hen of Gallus bankiva lays from
+six to ten eggs; the tame one in the course of a year from eighty to one
+hundred.’
+
+7. It is clear that one common feature in the conditions surrounding
+domesticated species and civilized man, as compared with species in a
+state of nature, is the increase in the richness and regularity of the
+food-supply, and the general betterment of the environment. In fact,
+just as this increase in the richness of the surroundings may increase
+the length of the mature period, so it may increase the number at a
+birth and also decrease the interval between births. That this is the
+result of an improved environment in the case of the sheep has been
+shown by Marshall. He found, for instance, that in ‘Scotch Blackfoot,
+Cheviot, and other Scottish sheep the normal percentage of ova
+discharged at any single oestrous is not appreciably in excess of the
+usual percentage of births at the lambing season’.[131] This, it may be
+noted, is an example of what was said in the second chapter regarding,
+in the first place, the measurement of fecundity by the number of ripe
+ova produced, and, in the second place, regarding the fertilization on
+the average of all, or nearly all, ripe ova. Marshall also found that
+‘there was every reason for supposing that the processes of growth and
+maturation can be very largely influenced both by insufficiency of
+food-supply on the one hand and by artificial stimulation on the
+other’.[132] What apparently happens is that insufficiency of food
+retards the development of the ova and may cause the degeneration of
+some of them. Therefore if the food-supply is good, there will be more
+ripe ova at the sexual season, fewer sterile females, and a greater
+number of twin births. ‘There is overwhelming evidence,’ says Heape,
+‘that flocks in good condition at tupping time have a higher subsequent
+development of fertility than flocks in poor condition at tupping
+time.’[133] By ‘good’ condition is meant not a ‘fat’ but a strong,
+healthy, and vigorous animal.
+
+It may be asked whether there is any evidence as to the increase in
+numbers at a birth in the human female. Among civilized races about one
+birth in eighty to ninety is on the average a twin birth. Our knowledge
+of primitive races is not sufficiently precise to enable any estimate to
+be made regarding the frequency of twin births among them. There are,
+however, very numerous references in the accounts of these races to the
+superstitions attaching to twin births. The nature of these
+superstitions, and in general the mystery felt to surround twin births,
+very strongly suggests that the phenomenon is rare. It can only be said
+that it is probable that twin births are rarer among primitive races
+than among civilized races.
+
+So far, therefore, as we have gone, the evidence points to the
+conclusion that two of the three factors which determine fecundity have
+varied in the direction of increasing fecundity, and that possibly the
+third factor may have varied in the same direction. It has also been
+noted that similar changes have been observed to take place in animals
+which have been subject to better conditions. The fact that human
+conditions have certainly been bettered suggests that the same cause may
+have been at work in the case of man. There is, however, no doubt that
+changes in the case of man are not wholly explicable in this way. In
+part the differences are racial differences, and to the degree in which
+the differences are racial they cannot be attributed to the direct
+effect of the surroundings.
+
+8. Additional support to the view that fecundity has increased with
+civilization is given by certain other types of evidence. In the first
+place it appears to be a fact that the reproductive organs of the more
+primitive races of mankind are smaller and in all respects less well
+developed than those of civilized races.[134] It is not meant that the
+organs differ qualitatively in any way; they are merely smaller
+relatively to the other organs than among civilized races. It is
+doubtful how we should interpret these facts; but it does not seem
+unreasonable to assume a connexion between a lesser development of the
+reproductive organs and a lower degree of fecundity.
+
+Secondly, we have a considerable body of evidence with respect to the
+strength of sexual desire among these races.[135] Many observers have
+recorded their opinion that the members of these more primitive races do
+not experience sexual excitement to the same degree as do the members of
+the more civilized races. There are other observations which record the
+difficulty experienced in obtaining sexual erethism. It seems reasonable
+to associate these observations with a lower degree of fecundity than
+that found among civilized races.
+
+In this connexion the fact that lack of sexual excitement renders
+fertilization less likely is relevant. As fertilization has been
+achieved with the female in a condition of narcosis,[136] it is clear
+that sexual excitement is not necessary. Nevertheless, if the question
+of sexual excitement has any bearing at all upon the degree of fecundity
+as between higher and lower races, it must be in the direction of
+rendering the lower races less fertile.
+
+It was observed in the second chapter that the willingness of the female
+to receive the male at any time in the sexual cycle is a peculiarity of
+man. It may be observed in passing that evidence has lately been brought
+forward suggesting that the indifference of the female to the point in
+the sexual cycle at which intercourse takes place has been exaggerated,
+or rather that the existence of periods of desire has been somewhat
+overlooked.[137] However this may be, what concerns us here is the
+peculiar fact that the male is received by the female at any time in the
+sexual cycle. It is possible that copulation at one time in the sexual
+cycle is more likely to result in conception than at other times, though
+the facts are obscure. But whether this is so or not is scarcely
+relevant to our purpose, because there is no reason to think that there
+have been any variations in the practice of copulation between one time
+and another or between one race and another, as could have sensibly
+affected fecundity even if the limitation of copulation to one period of
+the sexual cycle is of marked importance.
+
+9. Lastly, we have to refer to what we may call the statistical
+evidence. The interpretation of the evidence as to number of children
+among primitive races is so difficult a matter that it cannot in itself
+be held to throw much light upon the question of fecundity. The trend of
+the evidence, however, certainly supports the conclusion that fecundity
+is less among primitive races than among civilized races. There are a
+vast number of observations recorded by travellers regarding the number
+of children among these races. For the most part these observations have
+reference only to the number of children seen alive, and therefore are
+not even a measure of the fertility—far less a measure of the fecundity.
+
+Practically all such observations emphasize the small size of the
+families. When dealing with hunting and agricultural races in another
+connexion we shall have reason to refer in some detail to this evidence.
+Here we may give a few typical examples of this evidence, remembering
+that it is evidence for the most part of the number of children seen and
+not of the number of children born, though, in selecting the following
+examples for quotation, an effort has been made to pick out those in
+which the authors have attempted to discount the effects of infanticide
+and other factors of elimination.
+
+Of the Australians Curr remarks: ‘I am of opinion that the Australian
+females bear on an average six children, or did before the advent of the
+whites and whilst living in their natural state.’[138] Spencer and
+Gillen state that sterility is common among the Australians[139] and
+that the number of children rarely exceeds four or five and is generally
+two or three.[140] Of the Eskimos we read: ‘the women are not prolific.
+Although all the adults are or have been married, many of them are
+childless, and few have more than two children. One woman was known to
+have had at least four. Dr. Simpson heard of a “rare case” where one
+woman had borne seven children.’[141] ‘On the average the pure breed
+Greenlanders are not prolific. Two, three, or four children to each
+marriage is the general rule, though there are instances of families of
+six or eight or even more.’[142] Of the American Indians there is a
+large amount of evidence. Dr. Holder, who combined medical knowledge
+with exceptional opportunities for observation, says: ‘With Indians
+large families are the exception. The Crow tribe, of less than 2,500
+people, is divided into 630 families, which gives less than four to each
+family, and this includes parents and often grandparents and relatives
+by affinity or adoption, leaving the average offspring, to each
+child-bearing woman decidedly lower than in white communities.’[143]
+Speaking of the Indians of Vancouver Island, Sproat says: ‘As a rule
+they have few children.’[144] Bancroft reports of the Nootka tribe:
+‘Women rarely have more than two or three children.’[145] Of the
+Chinooks: ‘Barrenness is common, the birth of twins rare, and families
+do not usually exceed two children.’[146] Catlin says: ‘It is a very
+rare occurrence for an Indian woman to be “blessed” with more than four
+or five children during her life; generally they are contented with two
+or three.’[147]
+
+It is merely suggested here that evidence of this kind, which will be
+much amplified in the following chapters, may have to be interpreted as
+pointing to a lower degree of fecundity among these lower races than
+among the civilized races. The trend of the evidence is at least
+suggestive when it is remembered that according to the estimate made by
+Matthews Duncan a normal woman among civilized races living in wedlock
+throughout the mature period under favourable circumstances should bear
+from ten to twelve children.[148]
+
+If the view suggested is correct, we should expect to find in such
+countries as India and China a higher fecundity than among primitive
+races, but a lower fecundity than among European races. There is some
+indication that this is so. At first sight it might seem that the
+well-known fertility of these races indicated a higher fecundity than in
+Europe. When, however, in the case of India, not the crude fertility,
+but the fertility corrected for the number of married women of
+reproductive age is calculated, it is found to be lower than in Europe.
+The figures per 1,000 are 160 in India and 196 in England.[149] It has,
+of course, to be remembered that there are in both countries certain
+factors bearing upon fertility—early marriage in India and restraint
+from intercourse and contraceptive methods in England. But it can hardly
+be supposed that the former is more effective than the latter in
+decreasing fecundity, and it is probable that we have here an indication
+of lower fecundity in India.
+
+10. All the evidence, therefore, points to the same conclusion. If there
+has been any general change in the strength of human fecundity in the
+course of human history, using that phrase in the widest sense, it has
+been in the direction of an increase. It is not necessary for our
+present purpose to attempt to be more precise. This view is, as we shall
+show below, that of the best authorities. It may be noticed that
+different opinions are frequently expressed by authors who are not
+professional biologists.[150] Such opinions are in most cases so vaguely
+worded that it is seldom clear what precisely is meant. In many cases it
+is fairly evident that it is intended to imply that there is some
+connexion between growth of civilization and decrease in fecundity. So
+far as this is what is meant, there is no evidence for this view. (There
+is no indication whatever that increasing intellectual activity is
+accompanied by decreasing fecundity. On the other hand, inasmuch as
+intellectual activity is connected with an amelioration in the
+conditions, to that degree there is a connexion between it and an
+increase in fecundity.) Such views clearly owe their origin to the
+attention paid to the decline in the birth-rate. It is not always
+realized that a declining birth-rate may be due to a decline in
+fertility alone, wholly unconnected with a decline in fecundity.
+
+That fecundity has increased was the opinion of Darwin. ‘There is reason
+to suspect’, he says, ‘that the reproductive power is actually less in
+barbarous than in civilized races.... It is highly probable that
+savages, who often suffer much hardship and do not obtain so much
+nutritious food as civilized men, would be actually less prolific.’[151]
+According to Heape, ‘it would seem highly probable that the reproductive
+power of man has increased with civilization, precisely as it may be
+increased in the lower animals by domestication; that the effect of a
+regular supply of good food, together with all the other stimulating
+factors available and exercised in modern civilized communities, has
+resulted in such great activity of the generative organs, and so great
+an increase in the supply of the reproductive elements, that conception
+in the healthy human female may be said to be possible almost at any
+time during the reproductive period.’[152]
+
+It is interesting to note that no differences in fecundity can be
+observed as between modern civilized races.[153] The conclusion we have
+reached is merely that there has been, broadly speaking, an increase in
+fecundity, and that in large measure this is explicable as a result of
+the betterment of conditions, and there is nothing to lead us to expect
+that there would on this account be any difference between modern
+European races.
+
+11. We may now pass to a brief consideration of certain habits, customs,
+and other factors which, operative from time to time, have, or are
+widely supposed to have, an influence upon fecundity, and in some cases
+upon fertility; for though fertility is not, properly speaking,
+considered in this chapter, it is convenient to deal with certain
+matters here.
+
+To polygamy has often been attributed a decrease in the number of
+children born to a woman. Whether it is supposed that the practice of
+polygamy in some way decreases fecundity or has an influence upon
+fertility is not clear. In any case there is no evidence that it has any
+influence either upon fecundity or upon fertility. There is no reason to
+think that polygamy is attended by any structural or physiological
+changes such as would influence fecundity, and the statistical evidence
+does not show any difference in the average number of children born,
+whether monogamy or polygamy is practised. Theal investigated this
+question as far as marriages among Bantu women are concerned. He
+collected a number of returns and sums up the returns as follows.
+‘Altogether these returns embraced 393, the wives or widows of
+monogamists, mostly professing Christians, and 591 women, the wives or
+widows of polygamists. In a few instances it was noted that the women
+might not have passed the age of child-bearing. The 393 women, wives of
+monogamists, had borne 2,223 children, that is on an average 5·65
+children to a woman. The 591 women, wives of polygamists, had borne
+3,298 children, that is on an average 5·58 children to each woman. Thus
+monogamy made hardly any appreciable difference in the birth-rate.’[154]
+
+The question of the influence of lactation on fecundity is of
+considerable importance, but unfortunately no very definite conclusions
+can be drawn from the facts known. There is a considerable amount of
+evidence to the effect that the continuance of lactation to some extent
+inhibits heat in animals and menstruation in women. Though the effect of
+continued lactation is doubtless in this direction, it cannot be said to
+be of any very definite strength. It is stated that mares giving suck
+are liable to miss a season.[155] ‘There can be no doubt that in the
+case of sows early weaning is conducive to a more frequent recurrence of
+oestrous and an increased number of litters.’[156] ‘The return of
+menstruation during lactation in women has been dealt with recently by
+Heil and Dingwall Fordyce. Heil, who has studied the conditions of 200
+nursing mothers, expresses the belief that the recurrence of
+menstruation and not the condition of amenorrhoea is the normal state
+during lactation, but that menstruation is not so frequent in the later
+lactations as in the earlier ones. Fordyce has reached similar
+conclusions, finding that menstruation occurred during lactation in 40
+per cent. of the cases in which suckling was performed, while in 92 per
+cent. of the cases its return was within nine months of parturition, and
+that menstruation during lactation was commoner with the earlier than
+with the later lactations, showing that age is an important
+factor.’[157]
+
+There is another question of importance. It may be asked what influence
+age at marriage has upon fecundity. As far as the age of the husband is
+concerned, there is scarcely any influence at all. For any given age of
+wife the fecundity remains nearly the same, whatever the age of the
+husband. The age of the wife, however, is of importance, apart from the
+fact that delay in marriage reduces the use made of the limited period
+of maturity. For a woman is not equally fecund throughout the mature
+period. The earlier years are the most fecund years, and therefore
+postponement of marriage reduces the fecundity, other things being
+equal, by more than the fraction of the mature period which is passed in
+celibacy. According to Dunlop’s observations on marriage in Scotland
+‘the effect of one year’s delay of marriage is to reduce the average
+family by fully one-third of a child, or that three years’ delay may be
+expected to result in the family being one child less. This result may
+be fairly correct in general, but it cannot be strictly applied, for the
+crude observations show that the effect of one year’s delay is not
+constant through the fertile period of the woman’s life, but is greater
+for the younger and less for the later years. Thus a year’s delay when
+the woman is aged from 20 to 25 averages 0·45 of a child, 0·37 when she
+is aged from 25 to 30, 0·32 when she is aged from 30 to 35, 0·29 when
+she is aged from 35 to 40, and 0·19 when she is aged from 40 to
+45.’[158] It requires, it may be noticed, a delay of about forty years
+on the part of the husband to decrease the number of children by one
+child.[159]
+
+A further problem is the influence of sexual intercourse before puberty
+upon fecundity. Exactly what influence early intercourse has upon the
+generative organs and their functions is not clear. It is known,
+however, that early intercourse is injurious to the general health, and
+it is not difficult to understand in a general way how, if this is so,
+the reproductive functions would be adversely affected. In the Punjab
+Census Report ‘it has been shown that the states which practise early
+marriage on an extensive scale have generally a smaller proportion of
+females at the age period 12 to 15. Inquiries into a large number of
+cases show that, when the marriage of young people is consummated at an
+early age, a fairly large number of wives dies of phthisis or some other
+disease of the respiratory organs or from some ovarian complication
+within ten years of the consummation of marriage.’[160] It is also known
+that when of two races both living a similar kind of life under similar
+conditions, one practises early marriage and the other does not, as for
+example the Hindus and Mohammedans in India, fertility is higher among
+the latter than among the former.[161]
+
+Finally, it may be noted that the development of fat may lead to
+sterility. It is a fact well known to breeders that excessive fatness is
+accompanied by sterility. Animals that have been fattened for
+agricultural shows are often barren. There is no doubt that the
+development of fat may have the same effect in women. It is not quite
+clear why the development of fat should be inimical to fecundity;
+formerly it was supposed that the sperm was prevented from reaching the
+ovum owing to the presence of a mechanical obstruction. Although this
+may at times be the cause, it seems that the presence of an excessive
+amount of fat has a deleterious influence upon the metabolism of the
+organism and that the maturation of the ova must be in some way
+affected. Marshall found signs of abnormal ovarian metabolism in
+interstitial tissue of the ovaries of fat cows and heifers.[162]
+Sterility, it may be remarked, is not to be regarded as an ultimate
+consequence of ‘good’ conditions which have been made too ‘good’. ‘Good’
+conditions do not merely consist in abundant food, but also in
+sufficient exercise and so on. The development of fat in such a degree
+as to cause sterility is due to an excessive amount of food—an abundant
+food-supply being one only of the factors going to make up ‘good’
+conditions—to the exclusion of other factors.
+
+12. In conclusion, some calculations may be conveniently added to
+illustrate the strength of human fecundity, which, as we shall see, is
+constantly under-estimated. Let us consider a population of a million
+born in the same year, half of whom are males and half females. Let us
+suppose that they all marry, each couple before the age of twenty
+producing two children, half of whom are girls and half boys. For the
+sake of simplicity we may imagine that at the end of each twenty-year
+period the parents die simultaneously with the birth of their offspring.
+Then, if the children marry and produce offspring as did their parents,
+we shall have a standard population of 1,000,000, which will neither
+increase nor decrease so long as these conditions are fulfilled. If,
+however, the average number of children is 2½ per couple, then in 100
+years the population will be 3,050,000; if three, 7,954,000; if four,
+32,000,000; if five, 97,650,000.
+
+
+
+
+                                   VI
+                             HUMAN HISTORY
+
+
+1. As a further preliminary to the separate inquiries into the two parts
+of the problem, we have to sketch the main outlines of history in its
+broadest aspect. The facts will in themselves form an important element
+in the subject-matter when we come in the second part of the book to
+discuss the qualitative problem. They also form, as explained in the
+third chapter, a framework into which such knowledge as we have of
+primitive races may be fitted with all the necessary qualifications and
+safeguards. The procedure will be in the first place to glance at the
+main subdivisions of the sedimentary deposits, and to ask how far they
+can be dated. In this fashion alone can we arrive at any chronological
+basis with regard to human evolution. We have then to refer to the
+evolution of the Primate branch of the mammals to which man belongs, and
+afterwards to the evolution of the bodily form of man. As the fossils
+upon which the evidence is based are connected with certain geological
+strata, some vague indication of their date, or at least of their
+relative appearance in time, can be arrived at, in any case with regard
+to the later forms. We can then refer to the evidence of the cultural
+remains of man and correlate this evidence with that derived from the
+fossil remains. In this fashion some indication can be obtained of the
+evolution of culture and of the physical form of man anterior to the
+last three or four thousand years. For the last period written records
+are available, and supplement the evidence derived from cultural
+remains. Finally we have to discuss the manner in which we can use the
+evidence derived from primitive races to fill in the gaps in our
+knowledge.
+
+2. The deposition of the sedimentary strata is usually divided into four
+main periods, each of which is subdivided into smaller eras. The
+following table shows the divisions most commonly adopted.
+
+                                         { Recent
+                          { Quaternary   { Pleistocene
+                          {
+                Cainozoic {              { Pliocene
+                          {              { Miocene
+                          { Tertiary     { Oligocene
+                                         { Eocene
+
+                                         { Cretaceous
+                            Secondary    { Jurassic
+                                         { Triassic
+
+                                         { Permian
+                                         { Carboniferous
+                            Primary      { Devonian
+                                         { Silurian
+                                         { Cambrian
+
+                            Archaeozoic    Precambrian
+
+It is with the Cainozoic period that we are alone concerned, and chiefly
+with the Pleistocene and Recent subdivisions of that period. Before we
+consider the Quaternary epoch, one or two facts with regard to the
+dating of the other periods may be mentioned. However long it is
+supposed that the deposition of the sedimentary deposits has occupied,
+it is usually held that the Archaeozoic period occupied at least half of
+the whole length of time. This supposition is rendered necessary by the
+fact that already in the Cambrian era organisms of a high degree of
+complexity are found; thus in this era Crustaceans, Brachiopods, and
+Worms are common; Echinoderms, Coelenterates, and Sponges are also
+known. In the Silurian most of the classes of the animal kingdom are
+represented, the exceptions being amphibians, reptiles, birds, and
+mammals. The presence of fish shows that by this time vertebrates had
+already been evolved. Amphibians first appear in the Carboniferous and
+reptiles in the Permian. Birds first occur in the Upper Jurassic and
+mammals towards the close of the Triassic. The estimates as to the time
+occupied by the deposition of all these strata taken together vary very
+greatly—the average being about 100,000,000 years, though it should be
+mentioned that as long a period as 1,000,000,000 years has been
+proposed.[163] With regard to the length of time which it is supposed
+that the later subdivisions of the Cainozoic period have covered, it may
+be noticed that Penck estimates the length of the Pliocene and Miocene
+periods at about two and three million years respectively.
+
+It is the dating of the subdivisions of the Pleistocene epoch that is of
+interest here. This era is also known as the glacial epoch. During this
+period large areas both in the northern and southern hemispheres were
+covered by the formation of glaciers or by the advance of
+previously-existing glaciers. It is now almost universally admitted that
+in Europe at least there were four separate advances of the ice. After
+reaching on each occasion a point of maximum extension, the ice
+retreated, and there were thus three inter-glacial or genial epochs,
+while the period since the fourth glaciation is known as the Recent
+period. The limit of the extension of the ice varied in each glaciation,
+and was at its maximum in the second glaciation. These separate
+glaciations and intervening genial periods serve to subdivide the
+Pleistocene era, and when fossil and cultural remains are discovered an
+attempt is made to ascertain in which of these subdivisions they occur.
+
+Nothing more than guesses can be made as to the length of the glacial
+period as a whole and of the subdivisions, and these guesses differ very
+widely. Osborn gives the following list of estimates:[164]
+
+              1863. C. Lyell      800,000 years
+              1874. J. D. Dana    720,000   „
+              1893. C. D. Walcott 400,000   „
+              1893. W. Upham      100,000   „
+              1894. A. Heim       100,000   „
+              1900. W. J. Sollas  400,000   „
+              1909. A. Penck      520,000–800,000 years
+              1914. J. Geikie     620,000 (minimum) years
+
+Osborn adopts the more conservative estimate of Penck for the duration
+of the whole period, and gives a subdivision of the period, which is as
+follows:[165]
+
+               │  _Period._    _Relative Duration._ _Grand Totals._
+    ───────────┼───────────────────────────────────────────────────
+               │Recent                       25,000          25,000
+    ───────────┼───────────────────────────────────────────────────
+    Pleistocene│Fourth Glacial               25,000          50,000
+         „     │Third Genial                100,000         150,000
+         „     │Third Glacial                25,000         175,000
+         „     │Second Genial               200,000         375,000
+         „     │Second Glacial               25,000         400,000
+         „     │First Genial                 75,000         475,000
+         „     │First Glacial                25,000         500,000
+
+3. With man are associated among mammals more or less closely five
+groups of animals—the Anthropoid apes, the Platyrrhini or Old World
+monkeys, the Catarrhini or New World monkeys, the Lemurs, and the
+Tarsii. It is clear that all these groups diverged from a common stem;
+the first divergence, however, must have occurred not later than the
+Eocene. To ascertain the interrelationship of these groups and the order
+of their divergence we have to rely chiefly upon the evidence provided
+by fossils. This evidence is very incomplete and, so far as the
+definitely pre-human ancestor is concerned, is lacking entirely until we
+come to a form known as Pithecanthropus, found in Java in a deposit
+attributed either to the late Pliocene or early Pleistocene. With regard
+to the evolution of the Primate stock it is usual to assume that the
+Lemurs[166] and the Tarsii branched off from the main stem very early,
+and that the Catarrhini followed by the Platyrrhini branched off in the
+Eocene. It is usual, therefore, to assume that in Oligocene times there
+was existing a Primate stock ancestral both to the anthropoid apes and
+to man. It is possible that Propliopithecus from the Fayum is a
+representative of this common stock from which the gibbons branched off
+in the Miocene in one direction, and the orang, chimpanzee, gorilla, and
+man in another. Man, it is imagined, branched off from this latter stock
+in the early Miocene and the orang shortly afterwards, the separation of
+the chimpanzee and gorilla occurring somewhat later. Various ancestral
+gibbons (Pliopithecus and Pliohylobates) and ancestral anthropoids
+(Dryopithecus, Neopithecus, and Palaeopithecus) are known from the
+Miocene and Pliocene, but nothing has come to light as yet of the
+distinctively pre-human stock in these times.
+
+Apart from the question as to how the distinctively human stock is
+related to the rest of the primate stock, there is much to be said for
+the view that the pre-human ancestor of Miocene times was a small
+arboreal primate which probably lived in a restricted area. But of the
+mode of life we have of course no direct knowledge. It is possible,
+however, that the mode of life of the anthropoid apes may give some
+indication of the conditions under which the pre-human ancestor lived.
+That they are all confined to warm climates in the Old World is
+suggestive when it is remembered that Pithecanthropus was found in Java.
+They are all more or less arboreal. The orang seldom comes to the
+ground; the chimpanzee, though more arboreal than the gorilla, is less
+so than the orang, while the gorilla is the least arboreal of all. The
+first two species construct nests in the trees, and the same is asserted
+of the gorilla, though this appears to be doubtful. They all adopt in
+varying degrees a semi-erect attitude from time to time. They exhibit a
+certain development of the social instinct; the gorilla is seen in
+bands, the gibbons congregate in the evening in groups. It seems certain
+that marriage in the sense in which Westermarck employs the term exists
+among them; it is asserted that they are all polygamous, though the
+chimpanzee may be monogamous. In any case they are not promiscuous in
+their sexual relations.
+
+If a guess is to be made at all as to the mode of life of the pre-human
+ancestor, it is most reasonable to assume that it was something after
+the same kind. But whereas the apes are powerful specialized animals,
+the pre-human ancestor must have been a weaker and more generalized
+primate, having specialized only in the increase of the brain. It was
+this character which undoubtedly enabled him to maintain himself, and
+which compensated for the relative absence of other means of defence.
+The apes, on the other hand, are well able to look after themselves.
+‘The orang, as Selenka informs us, is more than a match for the
+dangerous carnivora with which he has to contend, and the gorilla is
+monarch of the woods.’[167]
+
+When we survey the Tertiary period as a whole we see that there was a
+rapid and varied evolution of the mammalian stock in Eocene and
+Oligocene times which culminated in the Miocene. All classes of mammals
+were in process of rapid evolution. After this epoch of evolution,
+specialization, and adaptation, the way was opened to the taking of the
+lead by a species which exceeded others rather in intelligence than in
+bodily superiority. The pre-human ancestor, we must suppose, had
+somewhat fallen behind in this contest to achieve adaptation by means of
+specialization, and could not then have taken a prominent place among
+mammalian species. Nevertheless, somehow he managed to maintain himself,
+and ultimately, as we shall point out later on, the retention of a
+generalized bodily form became of a very distinct advantage in that it
+enabled the best use to be made of his growing intellect.
+
+4. The fossil remains of man from the Pleistocene are few and
+incomplete. It is a matter of great interest to observe in what
+subdivision of the Pleistocene these fossils occur, in which glacial or
+genial epoch, that is to say, they are found, as in this manner some
+indication can be gained, if not of their absolute, then of their
+relative, distance from the present epoch in time. As already mentioned,
+abundant evidence of human cultural remains are also found in the
+Pleistocene, and these remains likewise can be associated with the
+subdivisions of the period. Various names have been given to these
+cultural periods, and we shall glance later at the evidence upon which
+these periods are based. But it will be of assistance now to give a
+table showing how the cultural periods are connected with the
+subdivisions of the epoch, as it will thus be apparent how the fossil
+remains stand in relation not only to the glacial and genial periods,
+but also to the cultural periods.[168]
+
+With regard to this table, except in respect to epochs of the later
+post-glacial period, the dates are only intended to give an idea of
+relative distance in time.[169] Some approximation to accuracy can be
+obtained for the Neolithic, Bronze, and Iron ages. In the case of the
+latter two epochs, different dates have been given for the beginning of
+the period in the Orient and in Europe. The remaining dates refer to
+Europe only. As many cultures, so far as can be deduced from the
+evidence, came from the Orient, the beginnings of such culture periods
+in the Orient are doubtless to be dated some considerable time before
+they first appeared in Europe. The names of the cultural periods, it may
+be remarked, are taken from the places where either specimens of the
+culture were first found, or where they are seen at their best. Thus
+Chellean is derived from Chelles—a palaeolithic station close to
+Paris—Acheulean from St. Acheul in the valley of the Somme, Mousterian
+from Le Moustier on the right bank of the Vézère, and so on.
+
+   _Period._      _Date._             _Culture._            _Racial Type._
+ ───────────────────────────────────────────┬────────────────────────────────
+ Post-Glacial      1,000 B.C. Iron          │Europe
+       „           1,800  „         „       │Orient
+ ───────────────────────────────────────────┼────────────────────────────────
+       „           2,000  „   Bronze        │Europe
+       „           4,000  „         „       │Orient
+ ───────────────────────────────────────────┼────────────────────────────────
+       „           5,000  „   Neolithic     │Copper
+       „           7,000  „         „       │Swiss Lake   Modern racial
+                                            │               types.
+       „          10,000  „         „       │Early
+ ───────────────────────────────────────────┼────────────────────────────────
+       „          12,000  „   Upper         │Azilian
+                                Palaeolithic│
+       „          16,000  „         „       │Magdalenian  Brünn and other
+                                            │               races.
+       „          20,000  „         „       │Solutrian
+       „          25,000  „         „       │Aurignacian  Cro-Magnon and
+                                            │               Grimaldi.
+ ───────────────────────────────────────────┼────────────────────────────────
+ Fourth           50,000  „   Middle        │Mousterian   H.
+   Glacial                      Palaeolithic│               neanderthalensis.
+ ───────────────────────────────────────────┼────────────────────────────────
+ Third Genial    150,000  „   Lower         │Acheulean
+                                Palaeolithic│
+                                    „       │Chellean
+ Third Glacial   175,000  „         „       │Pre-Chellean Eoanthropus.
+ ───────────────────────────────────────────┼────────────────────────────────
+ Second Genial   375,000  „                 │             H. heidelbergensis.
+ Second          400,000  „                 │
+   Glacial                                  │
+ First Genial    475,000  „                 │
+ First Glacial   500,000  „                 │
+ Beginning of    525,000  „                 │             Pithecanthropus.
+   Pleistocene                              │
+
+5. Turning to the fossil remains of man we have first to deal with
+Pithecanthropus. In September 1891 Dr. Eugene Dubois of Amsterdam
+discovered at Trinil in Java certain fossil remains; he continued to
+excavate for some two years, and succeeded in finding other remains, all
+of which he attributed to the same individual. To this individual he
+gave the name of Pithecanthropus erectus.[170] Dubois considered that
+the strata in which Pithecanthropus was found belonged to the Pliocene.
+Very great interest naturally attaches to this question; Dubois’s view
+has been challenged: subsequent visitors to Trinil have very carefully
+considered the matter, and the weight of scientific opinion now favours
+the attribution of the strata to the early Pleistocene.[171]
+
+The scantiness of the remains renders a reconstruction of the individual
+a difficult and doubtful matter. Nevertheless, after some twenty years
+of discussion there is a very general agreement that Pithecanthropus was
+in many respects intermediate in type between modern man and the
+hypothetical pre-human ancestor. The bones of the cranium are fused, the
+brow ridges massive, and there is a marked narrowing behind the
+orbit—all ape-like features. Further the cranium is flattened somewhat
+as among the apes, but not to so great a degree; the altitudinal index
+is 34·2; of the average European it is 52; of Neanderthal man 40·4. The
+cranial capacity is about 855 c.c., or 250 c.c. greater than the largest
+known skull of any of the Simiidae, whereas the average cranial capacity
+of the Australian, the lowest living race, is about 1190 c.c. The femur
+has only a slight curvature, and is decidedly human, indicating that its
+possessor was some 1650–1700 mm. in height, and probably walked upright.
+The teeth are simian rather than human, the roots diverge and the crowns
+are large; they exhibit, nevertheless, certain human features.
+
+If we attempt to reconstruct Pithecanthropus, we must picture a creature
+half ape, half man, which was probably terrestrial and erect. His body
+weight must have been about 70 kilograms. If this fact is correct, it
+provides a very useful method of estimating the relation of
+Pithecanthropus to the apes on one hand and to man on the other. We know
+roughly what proportion brain weight bears to body weight. If
+Pithecanthropus had been human—given the brain weight deduced from the
+cranial capacity—the body weight should be 19 kilograms. If
+Pithecanthropus had been simian, the body weight should be 230
+kilograms. We have in fact reason to think that it was about 70
+kilograms, which emphasizes the intermediate position of Dubois’s famous
+discovery.
+
+It is further probable that Pithecanthropus had free use of the arms,
+the legs having become specialized for progression. It is quite possible
+that he may have employed tools of wood or of stone, though there is no
+evidence to this effect. It is further possible that some rudimentary
+form of speech may have been employed. The motor centre for speech is
+found in a particular area of the brain known as Broca’s area. This area
+can be identified in the brain cast of Pithecanthropus, and it is stated
+to be twice as great as in the apes, but only half as large as in man.
+‘The undeveloped forehead of Pithecanthropus and the diminutive frontal
+area of the brain indicate that the Trinil race had a limited faculty of
+profiting by experience and accumulated tradition, for in this
+prefrontal area of the brain are located the powers of attention and of
+control of the activities of all other parts of the brain. In the brain
+of the ape the sensory areas of touch, taste, and vision predominate,
+and these are well developed in Pithecanthropus. The central area of the
+brain, which is the storehouse of the memory of action and the feelings
+associated with them, is also well developed, but the prefrontal area,
+which is the seat of the faculty of profiting by experience or of
+recalling the consequences of previous responses to experience, is
+developed to a very limited degree.’[172]
+
+Pithecanthropus is thus a form of the highest interest in the history of
+man. Provisionally, it may be put at the dawn of the Pleistocene.
+Uncertainty also surrounds the position of the next human remains to be
+mentioned, which consist of a lower jaw from the Mauer Sands near
+Heidelberg.[173] It is generally agreed that these sands were deposited
+in a genial epoch, and opinion now inclines to associate them with the
+second genial epoch. The jaw itself is very simian, scarcely showing any
+approach to human characters. The teeth, however, are remarkably human,
+and it is said that in some respects the teeth of existing primitive
+races approach the simian condition more nearly than do the teeth of the
+Heidelberg race. The relation of this form to Pithecanthropus and to
+those which follow may be left for consideration until we have completed
+our sketch of human fossil types.
+
+There remains a third early form to be mentioned—Eoanthropus dawsoni
+from Piltdown near Lewis.[174] The gravel in which Eoanthropus was found
+was certainly deposited in a warm period. It probably dates from either
+the second or the third genial epoch, but great uncertainty attaches to
+the correlation of these gravels with the phases of the glacial period.
+Some implements found near the bones have been referred to the
+pre-Chellean culture period, which would indicate the third genial
+epoch. The mammalian fauna seems also to favour the reference of these
+strata to the same period.
+
+The remains of Eoanthropus consist of the greater part of the brain case
+and part of the right mandible with the first and second molars _in
+situ_. The canine tooth was found later. The skull has been
+reconstructed from several fragments. There has been much controversy as
+to the correct method of performing this reconstruction. The first
+estimate of the cranial capacity put it at about 1,100 c.c. Woodward has
+later revised his estimate, and arrived at a figure approaching 1,300
+c.c. Keith has suggested a higher figure. The bones of the skull are
+very thick, brow ridges are almost absent, and the forehead is very
+steep. The jaw, on the other hand, is even more ape-like than the jaw of
+Heidelberg man; it slopes away with scarcely any vestige of a chin, the
+pre-molar series of teeth is parallel, and the molars do not decrease in
+size backwards. It is owing to the simian features of the jaw that the
+authors felt justified in creating a new species for these remains.
+Although the absence of brow ridges and the presence of a steep forehead
+are characters which mark the higher human types, they are also found
+among all young apes. It is thus possible that Eoanthropus may represent
+in the general form of the skull the missing Miocene and Pliocene
+ancestor more nearly than Pithecanthropus. The brain, though very
+primitive, was decidedly human; there was a moderate development of
+those areas connected with speech.
+
+6. It is a matter of doubt to what subdivisions of the Pleistocene the
+types hitherto mentioned should be assigned and with what cultures, if
+any, they should be connected. At this point we come to a region of less
+uncertainty. Associated with Mousterian implements and with the deposits
+of the fourth glacial period we find a distinct type of man whom we may
+call Mousterian or Neanderthal; for it was in the Neanderthal near
+Düsseldorf that the first specimen of this race was discovered in
+1856.[175] Since that date several other examples of this type have been
+found. Some of the specimens have been preserved almost complete, and
+Professor Boule has been able to make a detailed study of the skeleton
+from La Chapelle-aux-Saints.[176] In the course of his memoir he
+institutes a comparison between this and other examples of Neanderthal
+man, and shows that they all agree in the possession of certain features
+of importance. Neanderthal man was small but massive; the facial portion
+of the head was much developed in comparison with the cranial; the head
+was low and narrow, the forehead receding, the occiput protruding, the
+orbits large, and the brow ridges heavy. The lower jaw was strong, the
+chin rudimentary, and the hinder molar teeth primitive. The vertebral
+column indicates a less upright posture than that of modern man. With
+regard to one feature—the cranial capacity—there is great variability.
+The cranial capacity of the Gibraltar skull is only 1,296 c.c., whilst
+that of the Chapelle-aux-Saints specimen is 1,620 c.c. According to
+Boule, however, this variation is no greater than that found among
+modern European skulls. He makes out the average capacity of Neanderthal
+man as 1,400 c.c.; this estimate is far lower than that usually given;
+it is often said that the average capacity approaches 1,600 c.c.
+
+The Neanderthal race forms a very distinct type. It is found only in the
+Middle Palaeolithic period.[177] Of its origin there will be something
+to be said later; it appears that it died out before the Upper
+Palaeolithic age began, for, as we shall see, apparently none of the
+types which occurs later descended from this race.
+
+7. The Upper Palaeolithic culture is associated with the end of the
+fourth glacial epoch. In place of the remains of Neanderthal man we find
+the remains of several types, none of which shows any affinity to
+Neanderthal man. On the contrary they all approximate more or less
+closely to modern man. At one bound we seem, when looking at the fossil
+remains from this epoch in Europe, to have passed into the modern period
+so far as human bodily form is concerned. As we shall see later, it is
+probable that the various types entered Europe from the East, and
+probably originated somewhere in Western Asia. The most important of
+these types is known as Cro-Magnon man. It is found throughout the Late
+Palaeolithic period. The first specimen was found at Cro-Magnon in the
+valley of the Vézère. Other specimens have been found in the Grotte de
+Grimaldi and assigned to the beginning of the Aurignacian, the first
+subdivision of the Upper Palaeolithic, and others again at Obercassel,
+and assigned to the Magdalenian, or last subdivision of the Upper
+Palaeolithic. In modern France in the region of Périgueux there is
+existing at the present day a type which in so many features resembles
+Cro-Magnon man that it may be a survival from Upper Palaeolithic times.
+
+The general features of the chief types of the Upper Palaeolithic may be
+very briefly indicated. The skull of Cro-Magnon man was narrow, the face
+low and broad; the brow ridges project slightly; the orbits are low and
+rectangular; the nose is long and narrow and the root broad. Cro-Magnon
+man was tall, approaching an average of 6 ft. in height; the cranial
+capacity was large, being somewhere about 1,600 c.c.[178]
+
+In the Grotte de Grimaldi were also found two skeletons of what has been
+called the Grimaldi race. No other skeletons of this type have been
+found in Europe. There are two points to notice about this type; first
+it is not relatively speaking a low type; the cranial capacity was, for
+instance, 1,580 c.c.; secondly, it shows undoubted resemblance to the
+Negroid type. The skull is narrow, the face large and low, and
+prognathism is marked. The orbits are large and of low vertical height,
+the nose broad and flat.
+
+The third type is that found at Brünn and again at Brux in connexion
+with Solutrian culture (middle of Upper Palaeolithic). The skull is very
+long and generally of a lower type than the Cro-Magnon skull. In certain
+respects there is a slight resemblance to the Neanderthal type. Finally
+from deposits at the close of the late Palaeolithic period at Offnet two
+further types are known. One of them is a long-headed race not unlike
+the Mediterranean type of European at the present day. The other is a
+broad-headed race, which is not unlike the Alpine type of modern
+European.
+
+In a general sketch further details need not be added. There is no
+essential difference between the physical type existing in Neolithic
+times and that of modern man. Leaving the discussion of the
+interrelationship and origin of these types until after we have spoken
+of the evolution of culture, what we have found so far is that in the
+beginning of the Pleistocene and in the early Palaeolithic there are
+three primitive types of man known, and that in the Middle Palaeolithic
+there is a peculiar type with many primitive features, whereas in the
+Upper Palaeolithic we are in the presence of types which for the most
+part differ but little from modern races, and even show affinity to
+certain modern races in particular cases.[179]
+
+8. We have now to give some account of the evolution of culture as shown
+by the implements and other remains left by primitive man. The story of
+the first identification of stone implements by Boucher de Perthes is
+well known. Gradually a succession of periods has been recognized, and
+the names given to them have already been introduced in the preceding
+pages. Of the two main periods—Palaeolithic and Neolithic—the first is
+distinguished by the facts that stone implements were not polished,
+agriculture was not practised, pottery was not made,[180] and animals
+were not domesticated. Within the Palaeolithic period several successive
+types of culture can be distinguished, but before we deal with them
+something must be said regarding the so-called Eolithic period.
+
+There are found in many places stones supposed to exhibit a very
+primitive form of human workmanship. To them the name of eoliths has
+been given. They have been described from the
+
+Oligocene, Miocene, and Pliocene. Many archaeologists believe that they
+are the remains of a primitive form of culture which preceded the
+Palaeolithic form of culture. The matter is still under debate.
+
+We may note that eoliths exhibit very little variation. The same types
+appear from the Oligocene onwards, and if there was an eolithic culture
+it must have lasted some millions of years and been accompanied by
+little or no progress in the fashioning of implements. An exception must
+be made in the case of the so-called ‘rostro-carinate’ implements
+described by Mr. Reid Moir, and attributed to the late Pliocene.[181]
+These stones are of a distinctive type, and apparently do not occur in
+the Oligocene and the Miocene.[182] There are several considerations
+which make it difficult to accept eoliths as genuine remains of an early
+culture; some of these considerations do not apply to the
+rostro-carinate type, and some apply with less force, (_a_) Breuil has
+pointed out that as good eoliths occur in the Eocene as in the later
+strata.[183] Apart from this, the occurrence of eoliths in the
+Oligocene, taken together with the immense length of the period during
+which no progress in skill was made, is almost incompatible with what we
+must suppose to have been the course of human evolution. The various
+classes of mammals were in rapid evolution at this time, and it is
+difficult to understand how, before this period of mammalian expansion,
+man alone could have evolved to something akin to the type of the early
+Pleistocene, and then for so long a period have failed to progress.[184]
+If indeed Propliopithecus, or any similar form in the Oligocene, is a
+type from or near the line of human ascent, then we cannot allow
+Oligocene eoliths to be genuine artefacts, and there is no reason why,
+if we reject Oligocene eoliths, we should consider Miocene or Pliocene
+eoliths to be genuine. (_b_) Numerous observations have been made
+showing that stones similar to eoliths are formed under natural
+conditions of pressure, wave action, and so on. It is of particular
+interest to note that even the rostro-carinate type can be thus
+formed.[185] (_c_) Upon the whole eoliths are only found where other
+stones of the same composition are found, whereas palaeoliths may be
+found anywhere—the deduction, of course, being that eoliths, inasmuch as
+they are formed under natural agencies, remain associated with other
+stones of the same composition whereas palaeoliths were widely
+distributed by those who used them. The question of eoliths is very far
+from being settled. Lest it be thought that the difficulties in the way
+of accepting eoliths as genuine have been exaggerated owing to some
+bias, it may be mentioned that the chief deduction we shall draw from
+human history as a whole would be considerably strengthened if eoliths
+could be regarded as genuine artefacts. If we cannot accept eoliths as
+without question genuine, it does not mean that before the Palaeolithic
+period man did not make and use stone implements. Undoubtedly he did so.
+But it may be from the nature of the case that it is impossible to
+recognize these instruments.[186]
+
+9. In a warm period of the Pleistocene, now almost universally
+identified with the third genial epoch, occur the first implements of
+undoubted human workmanship. Within this early Palaeolithic epoch three
+phases of culture are distinguished, the pre-Chellean, Chellean, and
+Acheulean. It is worth while observing that M. Rutot, who is a foremost
+supporter of the eolithic theory, remarks, on arriving in a general
+review of the evidence at this pre-Chellean period, that there can be
+observed the ‘apparition subite d’objets nouveaux’.[187] It is precisely
+these ‘objets nouveaux’ which many authorities consider as the first
+genuine artefacts, and not as mere improvements of a more primitive type
+of implement.
+
+The typical instrument of the Chellean period was the hand axe—a stone
+shaped to fit the hand, and used for striking blows.[188] Knives and
+scrapers were also common. In the Acheulean or latest period of the
+Palaeolithic there is seen a general improvement in workmanship. The
+hand axe is lighter and more carefully worked. There is a great variety
+of small implements, often showing a considerable degree of care and
+skill. For the first time there is in the Acheulean era evidence that
+man employed fire. It does not appear that bone was yet used for making
+implements. It can be shown that early Palaeolithic implements represent
+a steady and continual advance in skill with the improvement of old
+types and the development of new types.
+
+During the late Acheulean period it was becoming colder, and the
+succeeding stage, or Middle Palaeolithic era, falls almost wholly
+within the fourth glacial period. Man began to make his home in caves,
+and we are well acquainted with the physical type under the name of
+Neanderthal man, described above. There are again traces of fire. Some
+kind of ceremonial burial was employed. A skeleton found at La
+Chapelle-aux-Saints showed that the body had been carefully disposed
+for burial; implements had been placed close to the body, one fine
+implement lying within reach of the left hand. There is a marked
+difference as regards the stone implements between this and the
+preceding period. A different method of shaping implements was
+employed. There is some inclination to regard the Mousterian stone
+industry as of a lower grade than the stage previously attained. With
+regard to this stage in general we may note that it is the first in
+which we have a detailed knowledge of the physical type and in which
+we have some indication of the stage of psychical development as shown
+by the employment of ceremonial burial.
+
+This stage is sharply divided from that which follows it. So far as is
+known, Neanderthal man disappears at the end of the Middle Palaeolithic,
+and Mousterian industry is replaced by the Aurignacian, a wholly new
+type of culture, presumably introduced by some new racial element. As we
+have seen, there are several racial types in the Upper Palaeolithic, and
+the Cro-Magnon type, which occurs from the beginning of this period, may
+have brought the new culture into Europe. The art of stone implement
+making reached a height during the Aurignacian never previously
+approached; knives and scrapers were especially finely shaped. In the
+Solutrian, or middle period of the Upper Palaeolithic, stone implement
+making reached the highest point to which it attained in the
+Palaeolithic period. The workmanship exhibited in the well-known willow
+and laurel leaf lance-heads is very fine. Bone tools are first found in
+the Upper Palaeolithic. It is clear from the disposition of the
+skeletons that burials were again employed, and indicate, if not a
+belief in a future life in our meaning of the phrase, at least the
+presence of a body of tradition regarding the state of the deceased. It
+is not certain whether man at this stage possessed the bow and arrow.
+Nothing can, of course, be known with certainty regarding the degree to
+which perishable substances were manufactured; it can only be said that
+in all probability skins and furs were used as clothing, that basketwork
+was understood, and nets constructed. The most remarkable remains which
+have been preserved from this period are the drawings and paintings on
+the walls of caverns. They are found throughout the Upper Palaeolithic
+period, and indicate a high degree of skill and taste.[189]
+
+That the Solutrian Age shows an improvement upon the Aurignacian from
+the point of view of stone implement making has been indicated. It also
+shows a similar improvement as regards bone implements; bone needles
+with perforated eyes, for instance, occur for the first time. There is a
+distinct improvement in the drawings and paintings. In the next or
+Magdalenian period of the Upper Palaeolithic there is a loss of skill so
+far as stone implements are concerned; there is no general decadence,
+however, as the making of implements from bone, horn, and ivory shows a
+considerable advance. Further, drawing and painting reached their
+highest development. The remains from this era are very abundant and
+well known, and exhibit a vast number of types of implements giving a
+general impression of a considerable degree of material wealth
+relatively to the fact that agriculture was not practised.
+
+At the very end of the Upper Palaeolithic the Magdalenian culture is
+succeeded by a rather obscure stage known as the Azilian-Tardenoisian.
+There is again a sudden and very distinct break in the evolution of
+culture. In nearly all respects there is a failure to reach the previous
+level of skill. Both flint and bone implements are of inferior
+workmanship. The artistic spirit vanishes. Little is known about this
+culture; possibly man at this period was not so unskilled, as at first
+sight seems to have been the case, for he had apparently domesticated
+the dog.[190]
+
+10. Neolithic culture is marked by the practice of agriculture, the
+domestication of animals,[191] the polishing of stone implements, and
+the making of pottery.[192] Though it is strongly contrasted with the
+preceding culture, there is considerable evidence of a transition
+period. This evidence, however, is generally interpreted as indicating
+the infiltration of the new culture from the East, and not the evolution
+of the new culture in Europe. Even at this relatively recent period in
+history the chronology is vague. The Swiss Lake Dwellings (Robehausian
+period) represent the typical fully developed European Neolithic
+culture, and are dated about 8000 to 7000 B.C. Farther East there is
+evidence of a far greater antiquity. Montelius on the basis of De
+Morgan’s observations at Susa calculated that the Neolithic Age began
+there about 20,000 years ago.[193] Sir Arthur Evans estimates that at
+least 14,000 years have elapsed since the beginning of the Neolithic
+period at Cnossus.[194] All that can be said is that the Neolithic
+culture was flourishing in the eighth millennium B. C. in many parts of
+Europe, having been brought from farther East, where it had originated
+at a considerably earlier date. It has proved very difficult to
+subdivide the Neolithic epoch into successive periods. In the
+Palaeolithic period superimposed deposits containing relics of various
+cultures are not infrequently found, thus enabling the succession of
+culture periods to be made out. In the Neolithic period evidence of this
+kind is for the most part lacking. It is not proposed to enter upon the
+subject here beyond saying that three stages are recognized by French
+archaeologists, the Campignienne, the Chasséo-Robenhaussienne, and the
+Carnacéenne. The first of these stages is markedly more primitive than
+the succeeding stages. The second is that of the Swiss Lake Dwellings,
+and the third that of Megalithic monuments—Dolmens, Menhirs, Cromlechs,
+Allées Couvertes, stone circles, and so on.[195]
+
+What has been said regarding culture periods in general—namely, that
+they are not definite periods in time in the history of mankind as a
+whole, but epochs through which different races have passed at different
+times—is well illustrated in the case of the Neolithic. The Neolithic
+culture had existed some thousands of years in Western Asia before it
+penetrated into Europe, and was practised in some parts of Europe, in
+Britain, for instance, up to about 2000 B. C. or later, for thousands of
+years after metals had been taken into use elsewhere. In general the
+Neolithic period has to be regarded as a period of great advance in
+material wealth. Relatively to Palaeolithic men, Neolithic men were
+rich, and often lived in villages of some size. Several animals were
+domesticated, several varieties of cereals cultivated, linen was
+manufactured, and the vine as well as a large number of fruit-trees
+known. It appears that many at least of the well-known trading routes
+used in the Bronze Age were open in the Neolithic Age. Some of these
+routes brought the Baltic into communication with the Mediterranean, one
+began at Venice, passed over the Brenner, and reached the Danube by
+means of the Inn; thence it traversed the Bohemian forest to the Moldau,
+and thus reached the Elbe, which was followed to its mouth. Another
+began at Trieste, and passing through Laibach and Grätz reached the
+Danube by means of the Leitha; thence it followed the March, traversed
+Moravia, passed through Silesia along the Oder, while the Vistula was
+reached by striking across Posen, the principal terminus being
+Danzig.[196]
+
+11. Obscurity surrounds the location and date of the first use of
+metal.[197] Gold was probably the first metal known to man; it is found
+in the pure state in many countries, and would attract attention owing
+to its lustre. It was not, however, of economic importance until much
+later. In all probability man learnt the art of metal working from the
+accidental reduction of ore that formed one of the ring of stones round
+the camp fire. Copper may have been first used where it appears at the
+surface in a pure state, having been beaten into implements, as was done
+by the Indians near Lake Superior; the use of this metal is, however,
+until heat is employed, to be regarded merely as a variation of the art
+of stone implement making, and does not form the first step in the art
+of metal working for which knowledge of reduction by heat is required.
+It is frequently said that an age of copper preceded the age of bronze,
+and in many places copper implements were used before bronze implements.
+Probably the occurrence of a Copper Age in any one place was dependent
+upon the nature of the ore found there. Copper is frequently associated
+with tin and other metals in a state of nature. We may suppose that the
+first metal workers were simply trying to get metal—being aware that
+metal could be obtained by heating certain kinds of stone—and that in
+some places they got copper and in other places bronze. Later they
+learnt to add a definite percentage of tin or some other metal, and thus
+to produce an alloy of definite composition. Thus a true Bronze Age
+followed either a Copper Age or an accidental Bronze Age. It is somewhat
+curious that iron was not taken sooner into use, for less heat is
+required than in the case of copper for reduction—700° C. to 800° C. as
+against 1,100° C.
+
+Whether there was more than one place of origin of the use of any metal
+in the Old World is not known. Copper was independently taken into use
+in the New World, and the use of copper may have originated
+independently in North and South America.[198] Bronze was known in Peru.
+Heat was certainly employed for hammering and annealing copper, and
+casting may have been employed. Iron was sometimes used in North America
+to make ornaments. With regard to the Old World a claim is made for many
+countries as the original home of metal working. Reisner found copper
+daggers, spear heads, harpoons, pins, needles, and bracelets in the
+graves of the middle pre-Dynastic period of Egypt; by the time of the
+first dynasty the Egyptians were ‘in possession of a full equipment of
+copper weapons’.[199] In the early pre-Dynastic period metallic pigments
+containing copper were in use, and it is possible that the reduction of
+copper may have been first suggested by some accidental fusion of these
+substances. It is further claimed that there is evidence of the local
+evolution of copper implements since the earliest forms imitate stone
+implements, and the later forms are merely improvements of pre-existing
+types.[200] Reisner concludes that there is no reason to assume that the
+invention came from beyond the frontiers of Egypt.[201] The Sumerians,
+on the other hand, when we first meet them at a very early date, must
+have been using copper for some considerable time. All that can be said
+with certainty is that the use of metals originated in the Orient,
+probably before 4000 B. C.—possibly some two or three thousand years
+earlier. Copper, it may be noticed, occurs in Armenia, in the upper
+basin of the Tigris and in Sinai amongst other places. The use of bronze
+gradually spread over Europe. It is found in Crete about 3000 B. C., in
+Southern Thessaly about 2500 B. C., and seems to have reached England
+about 2000 B. C. or somewhat later. Generally speaking, we can connect
+the taking into use of metals with the rise of the first civilizations.
+These civilizations reached their greatest development before the
+introduction of iron. The whole Minoan civilization, the Mycenean
+survival of Minoan civilization on the mainland,[202] the most glorious
+period of Egyptian history up to and including the greater part of the
+Second Empire, the Sumerian kingdom, the earlier periods of Babylonia
+and Assyria, all fall within the Bronze Age.
+
+Though it is clear that a great advance took place in the Bronze Age, it
+is not evident how far this advance is attributable to the taking of
+metals into use and how far to other discoveries which were made about
+the same time. The first use of the wheel and of the plough, for
+instance, dates from this period, and very considerable importance
+without question is attributable to the plough. Still greater importance
+is in all probability to be attributed to writing, which again was first
+used about this time. At a far earlier period various methods of marking
+sticks had doubtless been employed as aids to memory, as they are still
+employed by the Australians, and some progress may have been made
+towards such a system as that of the use of knotted cords in Peru. But
+the invention of writing properly speaking came much later. By the time
+of the fourth dynasty Egyptian writing had reached its final form, and
+the Sumerians, when we first meet them, were using cuneiform writing.
+This invention of such great import, whether it arose independently or
+not in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and China, was evidently roughly coincident
+with the first use of metals.
+
+Estimates as to the date of the first use of iron in the Mesopotamian
+region vary considerably; 1500 B. C. to 1300 B. C. is the date most
+usually given. In Egypt the earliest known iron weapon dates from 1200
+B. C. By 900 B. C. the use of iron had spread over most of Europe. It
+reached Scandinavia about 500 B. C. It was introduced into Greece by the
+Thresprotian invasion, which put an end to the Mycenean period, and
+inaugurated the Homeric Age. It is possible that the Etruscans brought
+the knowledge of iron to Italy where they arrived during the eleventh
+century B. C. Upon the whole, opinion inclines to the view that the use
+of iron originated in Western Asia. Claims have also been made for
+Europe (neighbourhood of Hallstatt) as the place of origin,[203] for
+Egypt, and for Africa south of Egypt.[204] With regard to Egyptian
+claims it may be noticed that iron does not become common until after
+1200 B. C. But four examples of iron have been found in Egypt from
+periods before this date—some of them belonging to very early times. The
+finding of these pieces of iron presents a rather difficult problem, of
+which the solution seems to be that iron was very occasionally used, and
+probably only for ornamental purposes, long before 1200 B. C. in Egypt;
+it was not, however, brought into general use at this early date.
+
+It is not necessary to carry this sketch of cultural evolution any
+farther. The Bronze Age marks a turning-point in history. The outline at
+least of the subsequent course of events is sufficiently familiar. One
+point may be noticed. We have found reason to place the centre of
+progress somewhere in the Orient. After metal has been taken into use
+the centre of progress begins to shift westwards. Once metals had been
+introduced into Crete, for instance, Minoan civilization was in any case
+largely an autochthonous growth. Speaking of Crete, Hall says: ‘We have
+nothing to show any intrusion of any other culture system which in any
+way suddenly modifies or alters the course of this development, which is
+that of the civilization of a single people raising itself on its own
+lines from Neolithic barbarism. Its first development from the static
+condition in which it had existed for many centuries in the Neolithic
+stage was sudden, and the dynamic influence which was given by the
+acquisition of metal speedily carried it to the great height of
+cultivation which we have seen.’[205] Hitherto—before, that is to say,
+the taking into use of metal—the centre of progress has been looked for
+in Central Asia.[206] There had been progress in Europe within the
+culture periods, but the great steps in progress were made in the East.
+
+12. Let us now review what has so far been said in this chapter. Such
+indications as the evidence provides point to the origin of man in the
+eastern portion of the Old World, and probably in a warm climate. The
+principal facts in favour of this view are the distribution of the
+anthropoids, the occurrence of Pithecanthropus in Java, and the failure
+to find any evidence of the antiquity of man in the New World.[207]
+Unless Pithecanthropus is to be attributed to the Pliocene, we have no
+knowledge of man before the Pleistocene. It would seem that the
+pre-human ancestor of the Miocene and Pliocene was probably rather an
+obscure member of the primate stock retaining generalized features.
+Somehow without specialization he managed to survive—possibly in some
+very limited area. When the rapid evolution of bodily form among the
+mammals had slowed down, the only specialization in which the pre-human
+ancestor had indulged began to stand him in good stead. That it carried
+him as far as it did—to the dominion over all living things—was made
+possible by the fact that his bodily form was not specialized, but was
+capable of being turned into an instrument of the mind. The evidence
+seems to indicate the late Pliocene or early Pleistocene as the era when
+man began to develop along this path.
+
+Just as the East was probably the place of man’s origin, so it remained
+the seat of both bodily and cultural evolution. There is no sign of the
+evolution of human physical form in Europe, nor is there any evidence of
+the evolution of the main stages of culture in Europe until after the
+taking of metals into use, though there is evidence both of progress and
+of decay within the culture periods. The evidence points to the
+conclusion that successive waves of immigrants brought with them new
+cultures from the East. Some may have entered Europe from Africa, as
+perhaps did the Cro-Magnons, bringing the Aurignacian culture. These
+waves of migration are not, however, to be regarded as comparable to
+migrations within the historical period—the Islamic migrations of the
+Arabs, for instance. These earlier movements were rather of the nature
+of slow driftings of peoples. They may have been connected with climatic
+changes and have occupied long periods of time. Quite possibly when we
+appear to see the extinction of one culture and the sudden replacement
+of it by another, what in fact happened was that, owing to climatic
+changes, those who practised the earlier culture had shifted elsewhere
+before the newcomers occupied the area in question.
+
+With regard to the bodily evolution of man the first detailed knowledge
+we have is of the Neanderthal race. We know that Neanderthal man lived
+in the fourth glacial period. Before this epoch we know nothing of human
+bodily evolution except from three imperfect specimens which we cannot
+assign definitely to any period in the Pleistocene beyond placing them
+before the Middle Palaeolithic. No definite conclusions can be drawn as
+to the relation of these three forms one to another, or to the forms
+which follow.
+
+Pithecanthropus may or may not be on the direct line leading to all the
+higher races. There is some probability that Heidelberg man is a
+forerunner of Neanderthal man, whereas Eoanthropus would seem to be
+related on the one hand to the hypothetical Pliocene ancestor, and on
+the other hand to the Late and not to the Middle Palaeolithic races. It
+is quite possible that, as Europe was not the scene of human evolution,
+Piltdown and Heidelberg men represent varieties which have died out, and
+not stages from the main line of human evolution. This is certainly the
+case with the Neanderthal race. In the Upper Palaeolithic we find races
+of as high a physical type as those of the present day, but we have no
+certain knowledge of their direct ancestors.
+
+By far the most remarkable feature of the whole process has been the
+speeding up of the rate of progress of the evolution of culture. This
+speeding up would be very much emphasized if we could accept eoliths as
+genuine, as indicating, that is to say, the existence of an eolithic
+culture before the Palaeolithic culture extending over an immense period
+of time. As it is, the acceleration of the rate of progress is striking
+enough. The whole Palaeolithic period probably lasted at least 100,000
+years. Regarding this period as a whole, we can observe a noteworthy
+speeding up of progress in the last part of the period. A few thousand
+years only separate the early from the late divisions of the Upper
+Palaeolithic and the progress exhibited is very considerable, whereas
+but relatively little progress is visible during the huge length of time
+which the Lower Palaeolithic must have occupied. The whole progress
+made, however, up to the opening of the Bronze Age is insignificant
+compared with that made since. Nevertheless, progress has not been
+uniform within the historical era. There have been periods of stagnation
+and even of decadence. Little progress in command over nature was made
+between the time of the later Egyptian civilization and the later Middle
+Ages as compared with the progress made in the last hundred years.
+Progress in skill gathered speed in the thirteenth century, and the
+speeding up became very marked in the eighteenth century. There has been
+a similar lack of uniformity in the evolution of culture where culture
+is judged by standards other than command over nature.
+
+13. How far can we employ our knowledge of primitive races to fill in
+this framework? Some reference has been made in the fourth chapter to
+the position which these races occupy. It was pointed out that they
+represent ‘relicts’ of stages of culture through which the civilized
+races have passed, due allowance being made for the fact that they have
+developed to some degree on specialized lines of their own since their
+separation from the main stream of progress. In some few cases, as in
+the example of the Seri Indians, there may have been decadence.
+
+Broadly speaking, these races fall into two groups. There are the
+hunting and fishing races, and there are those which practise a
+primitive form of agriculture. The former, it is to be presumed, ceased
+to be in any important manner influenced by, if they were not wholly cut
+off from, the main current of cultural evolution before the end of the
+Palaeolithic Age. The latter may have remained more or less in contact
+with the main stream of evolution until late Neolithic times, or they
+may have lost touch earlier and have acquired independently the art of
+agriculture, as was presumably the case with those American Indians who
+practise agriculture. The chief hunting and fishing races are the
+Tasmanians, Australians, Bushmen, Eskimos, and certain of the American
+Indians. Professor Sollas has drawn up a comparison between the culture
+of some of these races and that of certain epochs in the Palaeolithic
+era. He has shown that Tasmanian and Australian culture may be compared
+with early and late phases respectively of the Middle Palaeolithic. A
+very striking similarity indeed can be shown between the Aurignacian
+culture and that of the Bushmen on the one hand and between the
+Magdalenian culture and that of the Eskimo on the other. When we
+consider the osteological evidence, however, we do not find any striking
+similarity between Neanderthal man and Australians and Tasmanians. The
+existence of the negroid skeleton of Grimaldi is suggestive, but the
+likeness between it and the Bushmen type is not close. The skull found
+at Chancelade, however, and generally considered as an aberrant type of
+Cro-Magnon man does show a very curious resemblance to the Eskimo skull.
+Thus though we cannot think of the Tasmanians and Australians as actual
+relicts of the Neanderthal racial type, which we know in Europe, we may
+think of Australian culture in its broad general features as
+representative of the Middle Palaeolithic.[208]
+
+As has been already indicated in the fourth chapter, it is not proposed
+to attempt to carry the method so far as to attribute to peoples of
+different Palaeolithic cultures peculiarities of certain primitive
+hunting and fishing races. All that it is proposed to do is to look into
+the general conditions which obtain among hunting and fishing races with
+the object of throwing light upon the conditions in the Palaeolithic era
+as a whole. Similarly it is proposed to throw light upon the Neolithic
+period by an inquiry into the conditions obtaining among primitive
+agricultural races. This method is clearly legitimate. It may
+nevertheless be said at once that as a matter of fact, so far as the
+most important conclusions are concerned, we shall find no reasons for
+thinking that hunting and fishing races differ from agricultural races.
+The legitimacy of the method is therefore not strictly relevant. It
+follows from this that the splitting up of the data and the
+consideration separately of hunting and of agricultural races is in
+reality only a matter of convenience.
+
+14. Before we embark upon this attempt to throw light upon such general
+characteristics of prehistoric races as are relevant to our particular
+purpose, there is another point to be considered. One supposition
+regarding the mode of life of man in early days is that he lived in
+groups of polygamous families. As monogamy occurs among some of the
+lowest of existing primitive races, he may have been monogamous. In any
+case it seems that early man was not promiscuous in his sexual
+relations. Whatever his primitive mode of life may have been, man
+gradually rose to the recognition of common bonds and to the observation
+in common of certain rules and restrictions. Primitive social
+organization in fact gradually came into being, and this step, slowly
+and painfully achieved as it no doubt was, represents one of the most
+important steps ever achieved by man. Then for the first time he began
+to reap the benefits of co-operation. Clearly we must imagine a
+primitive form of social organization to have existed in the late
+Palaeolithic; the attainment to so relatively high a degree of skill and
+achievement is not otherwise comprehensible. The achievements of late
+Palaeolithic man indicate the presence of a considerable body of
+tradition, and the presence of tradition in any considerable amount
+indicates social organization. It is difficult to come to any conclusion
+with regard to early and Middle Palaeolithic times. The mode of life of
+Neanderthal man is perhaps apt to be considered as more primitive than
+was in fact the case, owing to the somewhat brutal form attributed to
+his bodily features. It has to be remembered that he practised
+ceremonial burial, and was acquainted with the use of fire—very
+significant facts which render it on the whole probable that social
+organization of a kind existed. Possibly we may have to suppose that
+social organization existed among lower Palaeolithic men. They too
+employed fire, and it may well be that their mode of life was not very
+different from that of the Tasmanians.
+
+Among all primitive races we find a form of social organization, and
+unless it has been achieved more than once they are all ‘relicts’ of the
+periods succeeding that in which men wandered in family groups. In the
+first place, therefore, primitive races are only comparable with
+prehistoric races which have achieved this great step forward. They
+throw little or no light upon the conditions anterior to the taking of
+this step. Further, when we look into the life of these races, we find
+that the form of social organization is rigid. Men are bound hand and
+foot by custom.[209] It has been suggested that the peculiarly rigid
+nature of the social organization among these races—the fact that they
+are soaked in tradition—is due to their having been left out of the main
+stream of progress. It has been suggested in fact that, while other
+races have gone forward, they have more or less stagnated, and that—this
+is what is important—the relative stagnation has been the cause of the
+rigidness of the organization. It follows that, to the extent to which
+this is so, primitive races are not properly comparable with prehistoric
+races. But it may be doubted if the facts are altogether as sometimes
+alleged. Doubtless the earliest social organization was far less rigid
+than it afterwards became, and we must beware of attributing to those
+early races, which first became socially organized, the features
+characteristic of primitive races, at least in many aspects. But we must
+date back the origin of social organization in all probability nearer
+100,000 than 50,000 years ago. In other words, later Palaeolithic races
+must have had some thousands of years of social organization behind
+them. Is then the peculiar rigidity of the organization of primitive
+races altogether to be regarded as an acquirement attained during the
+15,000, 20,000, 30,000 years, or whatever the period may have been,
+since they have been out of the main stream of progress? It can scarcely
+be so. A hardening of the system may have taken place, but not to such
+an extent as to render it impossible to make comparisons between
+primitive races and prehistoric races, and, what concerns us, to render
+unacceptable the attribution to prehistoric races of those general
+conditions of life found among primitive races, which will form the
+subject-matter of the next two chapters.
+
+
+
+
+                                  VII
+                       HUNTING AND FISHING RACES
+
+
+1. We now pass to a consideration of the quantitative problem. In this
+chapter we deal with hunting and fishing races. We require information
+first regarding those factors which hinder the realization to the full
+of the power of fecundity, and secondly regarding those factors which
+cause elimination. Not until we have this information can we hope to
+determine how numbers are regulated among these races. This inquiry is
+not intended to be exhaustive; our aim is merely to gain an idea of the
+nature of the more important factors which are in operation. When we
+come to the interpretation of the evidence, there will be more to say
+both as to the incompleteness of the evidence as here presented and as
+to the inherent difficulties of ascertaining what the position was
+before European influence had made itself felt.
+
+2. We may first consider sexual intercourse before maturity. It is
+perhaps more difficult to determine the prevalence of this custom than
+that of any other practice which we shall have to examine in the course
+of this chapter. The difficulty is due to the nature of the facts under
+discussion; first it is clearly not easy to ascertain them and
+comparatively few authors have the intimate knowledge necessary to
+enable definite statements to be made; secondly such veiled and guarded
+language is often used that the true state of the case remains
+uncertain. We shall see that marriage, or at any rate cohabitation, very
+soon after puberty is the universal rule among these races. Statements
+therefore concerning ‘very early’ marriage must, in the absence of more
+exact information, be taken to mean no more than that marriage follows
+at once after puberty. Of the Tasmanians there is no certain
+information. Statements exist to the effect that marriages are sometimes
+consummated in Australia before puberty;[210] these statements are
+seldom specific or on good authority. The more trustworthy accounts
+state definitely that, no matter at what age betrothal occurs, the
+husband does not claim his wife until she is mature.[211] The existence
+of early betrothal as a widespread habit has no doubt betrayed some
+authors into an error.[212] We know little of the customs of the Bushmen
+in this as in most other respects. Statements have been made, however,
+to the effect that marriage took place at so early an age that the girls
+could not have been mature.[213]
+
+Passing to the Eskimos it would appear that pre-puberty intercourse is
+not uncommon. Of the Eskimos of Greenland we read as follows: ‘Often
+indeed he marries before there is any chance of the union being
+productive.’[214] Murdoch says of the Port Barrow Eskimos that
+‘promiscuous sexual intercourse between married or unmarried people, or
+even among children, appears to be looked upon merely as a matter for
+amusement’;[215] similarly Turner says of the Eskimos of the Ungava
+district that ‘many of the females are taken before that period’ (i.e.
+before maturity).[216] There are some indications that similar habits
+occur among the Indian tribes of the far north and of the Pacific Coast.
+Ross reports of the Eastern Tinneh that ‘they marry sometimes, but not
+often at ten, and have their menses at thirteen’.[217] Bearing in mind
+the average age at which menstruation begins among American Indians, the
+following statement by Gibbs, referring to the tribes of Western
+Washington and North-western Oregon, points to the same conclusion.
+‘Cohabitation of unmarried females among their own people brings no
+disgrace if unaccompanied by child-birth. ... This commences at a very
+early age, perhaps ten or twelve years.’[218] There does not seem to be
+any definite statement with regard to the Californians; nevertheless the
+common accounts of marriage at twelve or thereabouts, coupled with
+statements as to freedom before marriage, are suggestive. Speaking
+generally of the Californians, Powers says that ‘marriage frequently
+takes place at the age of twelve or fourteen’,[219] and that ‘there is
+scarcely an attribute known as virtue or chastity in either sex before
+marriage’.[220] Another observer speaks of very early marriage among the
+Comanches in such a manner as to suggest that it may be consummated
+before puberty.[221] Lastly, there is some information for certain other
+races which belong to this group. We are told that among the Fuegians
+sexual relations begin at about ten to twelve years of age,[222] whereas
+menstruation begins at about fourteen or fifteen years of age.[223] Of
+the Veddahs we read that ‘marriage takes place at an early age; it was
+said that marriage sometimes takes place before puberty, and as we have
+heard of this at Herrebedda, Barrdaraduwa, and Omuni, we see no reason
+to doubt the truth of the statement’.[224]
+
+3. There is ample evidence to the effect that the period of lactation is
+always prolonged among these races. Speaking of the Tasmanians, Ling
+Roth mentions two years[225] and Bonwick three to four[226] as the
+length of this period. Of the central Australians Eyre says that
+‘infants are not often weaned until between two and three years
+old’.[227] Of the Western Australians Grey says that ‘the native women
+suckle their children until they are past the age of two or three
+years’.[228] For the Southern Australians, Eylmann mentions four
+years,[229] for the Narrinyeri, Taplin two years,[230] for the
+aborigines of Encounter Bay, Meyer ‘a considerable time, sometimes to
+the age of five or six years’,[231] for the aborigines of Victoria, Curr
+three years,[232] and for the natives of King George’s Sound, Brown four
+to five years.[233]
+
+From America the evidence is similar. Among the Port Barrow Eskimos the
+children are nursed until about three or four years of age.[234] Nansen
+states that ‘Greenland mothers are very slow to wean their children.
+They often give suck until the child is three or four, and I have even
+heard of cases in which children of ten or over continue to take the
+breast.’[235] Crantz, speaking of the same country, corroborates this
+evidence,[236] and Bessels mentions a case from Smith Sound in which a
+child was suckled up to seven years of age.[237] Heriot, speaking
+generally of the Indian tribes of the North, mentions ‘the length of
+time employed by the women in nursing their children, whom they nourish
+for three or four years’,[238] and Long gives four, five, and even six
+years.[239] For the Ingaliks Dall mentions three years,[240] for the
+Eastern Tinneh Ross three or four,[241] for the Thlinkeet Krause four
+years,[242] and Lord for the Indians of Puget Sound two or three
+years.[243] Speaking of the Ahts of Vancouver Island, Sproat says he has
+seen ‘a boy of four following his mother for her milk’,[244] and of the
+tribes of California Schoolcraft that ‘children are sometimes not weaned
+until five years of age’.[245] Similarly the Nootkas suckle their
+children until they are three or four years old,[246] and Chinooks their
+children ‘until three, four, or five years old’.[247] The facts are
+similar for the inland Salish and Shushwap[248] as well as for the
+tribes of Oregon and Washington[249] and the Chepewayans.[250] So also
+in South America the Puelches[251] and the Abipones[252] suckle their
+children for three years, and the same is reported of the Fuegians[253]
+and of the Andaman Islanders who ‘never wean their babies so long as
+they are able to suckle them’.[254] Among the Ghiliaks suckling is
+continued up to the age of three years.[255]
+
+4. Initiation ceremonies at the period of maturity are of common
+occurrence among primitive races. These ceremonies are sometimes
+accompanied by mutilation of the genital organs; but there is apparently
+no reason to believe that this mutilation has any effect upon fecundity,
+except possibly among the Australians.[256] It is unnecessary to
+describe the exact nature of the operations performed upon Australian
+boys and girls. The operations are severe and it seems very possible at
+first sight that they might affect the reproductive power. The opinion
+of authorities is divided on this point. Spencer and Gillen think that
+the operations may have an injurious effect;[257] others, such as
+Roth[258] and Mathews,[259] hold the contrary view. Upon the whole,
+opinion inclines to the latter side.
+
+Less doubt exists with regard to the assertion sometimes made that these
+ceremonies are practised with the intention of producing sterility, or
+in any case relative sterility.[260] For this there is no good evidence
+and the best authorities definitely assert that it is not so.[261]
+Another assertion has been made for which there is even less foundation;
+it is said, for instance, that ‘in some tribes we find it a custom that
+every man submits to this operation after the birth of his second or
+third child’.[262] It would appear that as a matter of fact the
+operation is performed at puberty and at no other time.
+
+5. The three further factors to be considered which may have a bearing
+upon fecundity are all connected with marriage. It has been shown by
+Westermarck that marriage exists as an institution among all races,
+however primitive.[263] What we have to ask is whether there is any
+postponement of marriage, whether, that is to say, there is any
+temporary or permanent celibacy and, so far as fecundity is concerned,
+the age of women at marriage alone is relevant. The evidence points to
+the fact that marriage of women takes place almost universally among
+these races if not before, then at or very soon after, puberty. This is
+Westermarck’s conclusion, after a wide survey of the races belonging
+both to this and the next group. It will be sufficient to give some
+examples of the evidence and then to note a few cases in which some
+postponement is reported.
+
+Summing up the evidence with regard to the Australians, Malinowski says
+that in general it is true that there are no unmarried girls under
+sixteen and no widows under forty-five, though there is some evidence
+with regard to the existence of unmarried females;[264] thus Smyth,
+speaking of the inhabitants of Victoria, records that girls were married
+between the ages of ten and twelve,[265] and similar evidence is given
+by Taplin of the inhabitants of South Australia.[266] In Australia there
+is no evidence worth mentioning of either temporary or permanent
+celibacy. Apart from the instances to be given below the evidence with
+regard to other races in this group is very similar to that given before
+of the Australians. Thus the average age for a girl to marry in
+Vancouver Island was sixteen.[267] among the Californians generally
+between twelve and fourteen,[268] and among the Stseelis and Skaulits
+tribes fifteen.[269] Veddah girls married between eleven and
+twelve.[270]
+
+There is no doubt that, generally speaking, postponement of marriage is
+rare, though occasionally some slight delay is reported, as in the
+instances given in what follows. It should be mentioned, however, that
+from time to time there is quite a considerable delay upon the part of
+the man amongst these races; to this point we shall return later. As
+regards women, Crantz states that sometimes Eskimo girls do not marry
+until they are twenty.[271] Hill Tout, speaking of the Salish and the
+Tinneh, says ‘with the exception of the Carrier tribes early marriages
+were everywhere the custom’.[272] The same author mentions that among
+the Thompson tribes girls did not marry until seventeen or
+eighteen,[273] and this is confirmed by Teit.[274] The latter author
+gives somewhat similar evidence for the Shushwap,[275] and also says
+that among the Lillooet Indians girls are isolated for two years after
+puberty, and only marry when from sixteen to twenty years old.[276] As
+regards South America we are told by Musters that among the Tehuelches
+the girls ‘often remain several years spinsters’,[277] and by
+Dobrizhoffer that among the Abipones girls do not marry before their
+twentieth year.[278]
+
+There is one other matter to which reference may be made here. There is
+often very considerable disparity in age between husband and wife at
+marriage among primitive races. It is frequently the practice for the
+girls on reaching the age of puberty to be taken in marriage by the
+older men, while the young men marry women twice their age.[279] Since,
+however, as pointed out in Chapter IV the age of the husband has little
+or no effect upon fertility, this practice is of no importance from our
+present point of view. The important fact which results from the
+evidence is that almost universally among these races the women are
+married at or soon after puberty and remain married throughout the
+mature period.
+
+6. Among almost every uncivilized race there are numerous occasions upon
+which sexual intercourse is tabooed. Common instances are those of taboo
+during the preparations for a hunting party or a military expedition. It
+is not worth while to enumerate these occasions, because with one
+exception it does not seem that they can, even when considered together,
+have any marked effect upon fertility.[280] The exception referred to is
+the prohibition upon intercourse that follows the birth of a child. This
+taboo is of very great importance among certain races that we shall
+consider in the eighth chapter. As regards hunting and fishing races
+there is no record of its existence in Tasmania, Australia, among the
+Bushmen, the Eskimos, or any other people of importance with the
+exception of the American Indians. The evidence in this case is scanty;
+there are certain difficulties and the matter is better left for
+discussion in the next chapter when we come to deal with the
+agricultural races of this part of the world. It is enough to say here
+that certain early observers, speaking generally of the American
+Indians, refer to this custom, and that two early observers speaking
+specifically of two hunting tribes—one in North and one in South
+America—record this custom. Cabeça de Vaca says that the Yguazas abstain
+from intercourse for two years after child-birth,[281] and Dobrizhoffer
+records of the Abipones that ‘the mothers suckle their children for
+three years, during which time they have no conjugal intercourse with
+their husbands’.[282]
+
+7. At this point we may refer to the remarkable fullness and unanimity
+of the evidence with regard to the number of children observed among
+these races. The evidence is to the effect that the number of children
+is always small.[283] Bonwick says that ‘families were never large with
+the Tasmanians’,[284] and that ‘the native woman as a rule had very few
+children, and fewer still were ... permitted to live’;[285] he
+attributes this to the fact that women did not begin to bear children
+until after several years of marriage,[286] and that women ceased to
+bear at or soon after the age of thirty-five.[287] Abundant evidence is
+forthcoming from Australia. ‘Large families of children are unusual
+among the aborigines,’ says Dawson, ‘however many may be born, rarely
+more than four are allowed to grow up.’[288] Lumholtz remarks that there
+are seldom more than three or four children.[289] Mathew referring to
+two Queensland tribes records that ‘the number of children in a family
+was small on the average. Six would be rare. I know of no aboriginal
+family with more than five who survived infancy.’[290] Grey obtained
+some statistics in Western Australia with reference to the average
+number of children born by women who had passed child-bearing age.
+‘Forty-one females, of whose families I have obtained (from themselves
+and others) lists upon the accuracy of which I can rely, had 188
+children, or about 4·6 children each.’[291] Among the native tribes of
+Central Australia the number of children in a family rarely exceeds four
+or five, and is generally two or three;[292] at the same time sterility
+is common; the greatest fertility is noticed among the stout and the
+strong, whereas the thin and weak have scarcely any children.[293] Eyre
+quotes some observations of Moorehouse, also made in Central Australia,
+and says that ‘his investigations have led to the conclusion that each
+woman has on an average five children born (nine being the greatest
+number known)’;[294] Eyre adds that he agrees with this estimate.
+Schürmann records that ‘the number of children reared by each family is
+variable, but in general very limited, rarely exceeding four’. He adds
+the interesting information that in spite of early marriage he has not
+observed that they have children at an earlier age than is common among
+the Europeans, and says that it is rare for a mother to have children
+‘in rapid succession’.[295] Wilhelmi’s evidence is similar; with
+reference to the aborigines of the Port Lincoln district he states that
+‘the number of children in a family varies considerably; but, on the
+whole, it is limited—seldom exceeding four’; he also adds that it seldom
+happens that ‘children are born in a family quick after one
+another’.[296]
+
+Stow remarks that ‘the Bushmen seldom had large families’;[297] Theal,
+on the other hand, says that ‘the earliest Dutch colonists observed that
+they were remarkably prolific’[298]—one of the very few statements which
+attribute a high fertility to any of these races. Passing now to the New
+World we find a similar abundance of evidence pointing to the same
+conclusion. ‘The Greenlanders are not very prolific. A woman has
+commonly three or four children, but at most six; they generally bear
+but one child in two or three years.’[299] Writing more than a hundred
+years later than Crantz, Nansen gives very similar testimony, which has
+already been quoted,[300] as has that of Murdoch for the Port Barrow
+Eskimos.[301] The latter adds that ‘they do not commonly bear children
+before the age of twenty’.[302] According to Bessels the number in an
+Eskimo family near Smith Sound is on the average two; this low figure is
+due to infanticide, he goes on to say.[303] In the Ungava district ‘the
+number of children born varies greatly, for, although these Eskimo are
+not a prolific race, a couple may occasionally claim parentage of as
+many as ten children. Two or three is the usual number.’[304] Armstrong
+notes of the Eskimos generally ‘that they are not a prolific race from
+all that I could learn’.[305] Of the Aleutes Ritter says that the
+average number in a family is two or three.[306]
+
+Writing of the neighbourhood of Hudson Bay, Hearne says: ‘Providence is
+very kind in causing these people to be less prolific than the
+inhabitants of civilized nations; it is very uncommon to see one woman
+have more than five or six children; and these are always born at such a
+distance from one another, that the younger is generally two or three
+years old before another is born into the world.’[307] Among the Eastern
+Tinneh to be confined once every three years is ‘a high average’.[308]
+The author responsible for this statement goes on to say that ‘the women
+are capable of bearing children from fourteen to forty-five—a long
+period of their lives—but in it very few infants are produced. Families
+on an average contain three children ... and ten is the greatest number
+I have seen.’ In Alaska ‘the females of the coast tribes are not
+fruitful, and to see four children of one mother is quite a rare
+occurrence, one or two being the common number of children to a
+family’.[309] The evidence of Sproat for the Ahts and of Bancroft for
+the Nootkas and the Chinooks has already been quoted.[310] Among the
+Omahas ‘the usual number of children may be stated at from four to six
+in a family’.[311] Of the Sound Indians Bancroft states that ‘the women
+are not prolific, three or four being ordinarily the limit of their
+offspring’.[312] The woman of the interior of the Pacific Coast ‘is not
+prolific’,[313] and the number in a Chepewayan family is on the average
+four.[314] In California ‘barrenness was not infrequent, twins very
+uncommon, and the general average of families did not exceed two
+children’.[315] Of the same people Baegert states that ‘it is certain
+that many of their women are barren and that a great number of them bear
+not more than one child’.[316] Of the Comanches we read: ‘they are not a
+prolific race; indeed it is but seldom that a woman has more than three
+or four children.’[317] Among the Puelches of South America ‘children
+are not nearly so numerous as might be imagined’; this is due in part,
+however, according to the author, to infanticide.[318] According to
+Bridges, in Tierra del Fuego ‘few women have more than six children
+owing to the great length of time between the several births’.[319] Of
+the same people, Hyades and Deniker record their opinion that four is
+the average number of children to a married woman.[320] They add that in
+spite of early marriage very few young couples of eighteen to twenty
+years of age had any children, although sterility was rare.[321]
+
+Of the other races which belong to this group the evidence points to a
+similar conclusion.[322] Man thinks that three or four is an average
+number of children in an Andamanese family, and six is the largest
+number he met with.[323] Portman mentions three as an average.[324] The
+Sarasins are of opinion that Veddah women are fairly prolific and that
+the small families recorded are due to infant mortality.[325] Of the
+Tuski tribes Dall says ‘they are not prolific’,[326] and according to
+Deniker ‘the Ghiliak women do not have many children; it is rare to find
+more than two or three to a family’.[327]
+
+8. We now come to the consideration of the factors of elimination. The
+first practice, the extent of which we have to investigate, is that of
+abortion. The methods employed need not be specified in each case; the
+use of violent physical means is perhaps the most common; among other
+methods the drinking of various decoctions is frequently referred to.
+Doubt is sometimes expressed as to the efficacy of some of these
+means—especially that of the last named. It may be that in some cases it
+is of the nature of a magical ceremony without any practical result; as
+a general rule, however, there is no doubt that the methods used are
+effective.
+
+Among the Tasmanians ‘abortion was frequently practised’.[328]
+Statements are sometimes made which seem to imply that abortion was not
+uncommon among the Australians.[329] A survey of the literature does not
+support this view; the practice is indeed mentioned occasionally, but it
+is clearly negligible in comparison with the universal presence of
+infanticide. Curr says that it is occasionally employed.[330] In
+Collins’s account of the aborigines in the neighbourhood of Port Jackson
+there is a reference to ‘the horrid and cruel custom of endeavouring to
+cause a miscarriage’.[331] Palmer records the practice as occurring
+among the Mythuggadi tribe,[332] and Roth says it is common among
+certain districts of North-west and Central Queensland.[333] Abortion
+has been noticed among the Eskimos, but never as a common practice.[334]
+It is among the Indian tribes of the North and the Pacific Coast that we
+find the most numerous references to this custom.[335] Speaking of the
+tribes near Hudson Bay, Ellis mentions ‘a very strange maxim of policy
+which prevails much amongst them, which is that of suffering rather than
+of obliging their women to procure frequent abortions by the use of a
+certain herb common in that country’.[336] Similar facts are recorded of
+the Knisteneaux.[337] Abortion is not ‘uncommon among the Haidahs’.[338]
+The Nootkas ‘frequently prevent the increase of their families by
+abortion’.[339] Lord says that the ‘causing of abortion’ is ‘not
+uncommon’ among the natives of Puget Sound,[340] while we find this
+practice spoken of as ‘common’ in Vancouver Island.[341] Teit mentions
+abortion as being ‘rarely practised’ among the Thompson Indians,[342]
+and as ‘rare’ among the Shushwap.[343] Gibbs speaks of abortion as being
+‘almost universal’ among the tribes of Western Washington and
+North-western Oregon.[344] According to Bancroft abortion is of
+‘frequent occurrence’ among the Chinooks, and ‘not uncommon’ among the
+inland tribes.[345] Powers also records the practice among the Kabinapek
+of California,[346] and Castelnau among the Guaycurus[347] and Rengger
+among the Payaguas.[348] Cooper, who has reviewed the evidence so far as
+the Fuegians are concerned, states that ‘deliberate abortion is
+common’.[349]
+
+9. There is one common form of infanticide—the killing of deformed
+children—which can have no importance so far as numbers are concerned.
+But this practice may be noted here because of its bearing upon quality.
+We may also note in particular when the killing is said to be of female
+children.[350]
+
+Bonwick states that infanticide was fairly prevalent in Tasmania.[351]
+Ling Roth, who summarizes the evidence of several authors, finds it
+somewhat conflicting; but it would seem that infanticide undoubtedly
+occurred though it is not known with any certainty whether it was
+practised on a large scale or not.[352] In Australia infanticide is
+practised on a very large scale. Parker states that it was very frequent
+and that deformed children were always killed.[353] Lumholtz’s testimony
+is similar,[354] while, according to Dawson, no matter how many children
+are born, ‘rarely more than four are allowed to grow up’—the deformed
+children apparently always being destroyed.[355] According to an
+estimate made by Curr of conditions in Victoria ‘nearly one-half [of the
+children born to any one married woman] fell victims to
+infanticide’[356], and more girls than boys perished.[357] According to
+Wilhelmi, if, as rarely happens, births follow one another quickly among
+the aborigines of the Port Lincoln district, ‘the youngest is generally
+destroyed’;[358] Beveridge says that the practice prevails in Victoria
+and Riverina ‘to a very considerable extent’.[359] This last statement
+is supported by that of Mathews to the effect that ‘infanticide is
+common’ in New South Wales and Victoria.[360] Among the inhabitants of
+the River Darling region ‘it seems to have been the custom to kill many
+of the children directly after birth’,[361] and in Southern Australia
+infanticide was very prevalent.[362] According to Howitt infanticide was
+practised ‘to some extent’ among the Mining Tribe,[363] in the
+Tongeranka tribe it was ‘common’;[364] in the Mukjarawaint tribe ‘the
+grandparents had to decide whether a child was to be kept alive or
+not’;[365] in all the tribes of the Wotjo nation and also the Tatuthi
+and other tribes of the Murray River frontage, when a child was weak and
+sickly they used to kill its infant brother and sister and feed it with
+the flesh to make it strong;[366] in the Wadthaurung tribe the practice
+was evidently not uncommon;[367] in the Narrinyeri tribe infanticide
+appears to have been very prevalent, so that ‘more than one-half of the
+children fell victims to this atrocious custom’,[368] whilst deformed
+children seem always to have been killed both in this case[369] and
+among the aborigines of Encounter Bay.[370] Infanticide was common among
+the tribes of Port Lincoln—girls being less often spared than
+boys[371]—among the Dieyerie tribe, where deformed children were never
+spared,[372] among two Queensland tribes,[373] in the neighbourhood of
+Port Darwin,[374] in Central Australia,[375] and among the Northern
+tribes of Central Australia.[376] In Western Australia deformed children
+were always killed.[377]
+
+Our information with regard to the Bushmen suggests that infanticide was
+prevalent, though not confined to new born children. ‘The Bushmen will
+kill their children without remorse on various occasions; as when they
+are ill-shaped, when they are in want of food, when the father of a
+child has forsaken its mother, or when obliged to flee from the fathers
+of others.’[378] Infanticide is more common than abortion among the
+Eskimos.[379] Nelson says that in the neighbourhood of Behring Straits
+even girls of four to six years of age are at times killed.[380] Among
+the Central Eskimos ‘it is practised to some extent’, though apparently
+only girls and the children of widows and widowers are destroyed.[381]
+Murdoch never heard of infanticide in the Port Barrow region,[382] but
+says that it is reported to be ‘frequently practised among the Eskimo of
+Smith Sound without regard of sex’ and that female infanticide occurs
+among the people of King William Land.[383] It is also recorded of the
+inhabitants of Smith Sound by Bessels that, after two children have been
+born, any others that may come are more often than not killed.[384] In
+Greenland ‘the heathen Eskimo killed deformed children, and those that
+seem too sickly to live, as well as those that lose their mothers at
+birth, when no one else can be found to take charge of them’.[385]
+Killing of deformed children is also reported by Smith,[386] and that of
+children who have lost their parents by Rink.[387] Among the Aleuts
+infanticide is said to be rare,[388] but among the Malemutes
+infanticide, especially of girls, was not infrequent.[389]
+
+Infanticide is frequently practised among the Kutchins[390] and the
+killing of deformed children by the inhabitants of the Copper River
+District is especially mentioned in the account of Jacobsen’s
+journey.[391] Among the Chinooks Lord says it is ‘not uncommon’[392] and
+Bancroft that it is of ‘frequent occurrence’.[393] The Thompson Indians
+seldom kill their children, and a woman who did so was reprimanded.[394]
+With the Haidahs, on the other hand, infanticide is reported to be ‘not
+uncommon’,[395] and among the tribes between the Frazer and Columbia
+Rivers it was formerly common.[396] The same impression is gained from
+accounts of the Chepewayans.[397] The Koniagas ‘prize boy babies, but
+frequently kill the girls’.[398] Powers, referring generally to the
+Californians, speaks of ‘the prevalence of the crime of
+infanticide’;[399] in particular he records that it was common among the
+Gallinomero, who never spared deformed children,[400] that among the
+Kabinapek[401] and the Nishinan[402] children who had lost their mother
+were killed, and that deformed children were destroyed by the
+Woruk.[403] Among the Yguazes infanticide was fairly frequent.[404] The
+Abipones of South America ‘do not bring up more than two children to a
+family, the others being killed to save trouble;’[405] According to
+another observer ‘they seldom rear but one child of each sex, murdering
+the rest as fast as they come into the world, till the eldest are strong
+enough to walk alone’.[406] This practice, on the other hand, is said to
+be ‘extremely rare’ among the Botocudos.[407] It occurs among the
+Guaycurus.[408] Among the Puelches infanticide is common and deformed
+children are always killed.[409] In spite of what has sometimes been
+said, infanticide ‘only occurs occasionally’ among the Fuegians.[410] In
+the literature with regard to the Veddahs reviewed by the Sarasins,
+there is only one author who mentions infanticide.[411]
+
+10. Wars[412] were apparently common between the Tasmanian tribes, but
+we have no trustworthy information as to their character.[413] Of
+conditions in Australia we have abundant evidence; the literature has
+been recently studied by Wheeler.[414] He distinguishes between
+regulated and unregulated warfare, of which the latter is rare.[415] By
+regulated warfare is meant not only that the use of heralds, messengers,
+and preliminary negotiations is recognized, but also that the fighting
+itself is regulated in such a manner as to restrict bloodshed. Most
+commonly, if it comes to fighting, the two opposing sides meet and throw
+boomerangs until one or two men are knocked down. Then, before further
+damage is done, fighting stops and peace is re-established—not a single
+life perhaps having been lost.[416] Unregulated warfare is a more
+serious matter; a war party may attack and destroy a local group of some
+other tribe without observing any of the formalities described
+above.[417] In the latter case women are sometimes slain, although this
+never happens in regulated warfare.[418] On the whole the loss of life
+owing to warfare in Australia must be very small.
+
+The Bushmen gained the reputation of being vigorous fighters during the
+wars with the colonists and managed to inspire terror throughout a large
+part of Africa. We have, however, but little information as to their
+habits before they were so rudely disturbed and, it must be said, so
+barbarously treated. ‘They never appear’, says Stow, ‘to have had great
+wars against each other; sudden quarrels among rival huntsmen, ending in
+lively skirmishes, which owing to their nimbleness and presence of mind,
+caused little damage to life or limb, appear to have been the extent of
+their individual and tribal differences.’[419] Of the Eskimos about the
+Behring Strait Nelson says that ‘an almost continuous inter-tribal
+warfare’ formerly existed;[420] such a state of things is clearly
+uncommon; in Greenland, for instance, we are told that war is rare,[421]
+whereas among the Central Eskimos real wars have never happened.[422]
+Nevertheless a good deal of fighting seems often to occur between the
+Eskimos and the Tinneh, whom they hate and fear. ‘Along the line of
+contact with the Tinneh tribes of the Interior a bitter feud was always
+in existence,’ says Nelson,[423] who is confirmed by Bancroft,[424]
+Hall,[425] and Ellis.[426] Of the Malemutes we are told that ‘the
+occupants of the several islands are almost constantly at war’.[427]
+
+It is among the American Indians both in the North and South that we
+find war to be more frequent and sanguinary than elsewhere. Certain
+tribes are more peaceful than others, but in the lives of only a few did
+war play an unimportant part. In addition to the evidence of actual
+fighting we have, what is suggestive in this connexion, many accounts of
+the large part which martial training played in the upbringing of these
+races. ‘The whole force of public opinion in our Indian communities’,
+says Schoolcraft, ‘is concentrated upon this point, its early Lodge
+teachings, its dances, its religious rites, the harangues of prominent
+actors made at public assemblies, all, in fact, that serves to awaken
+and fire ambition in the mind of the savage, is clustered about the idea
+of future distinction in war.’[428] ‘They are’, says an
+eighteenth-century traveller, ‘early possessed with the notion that war
+ought to be the chief business of their lives.’[429] And war does play a
+very large part in their lives. ‘All Indian tribes are frequently at war
+with one another,’ says Harmon.[430] The Thlinkeet are often at war[431]
+and the same applies to all the tribes of the Pacific Coast, including
+the Haidahs,[432] the Ahts,[433] and the Kwakiutl.[434] Among some of
+these tribes, however, as, for example, the Chinooks,[435] frequent as
+fighting may be, it is not very sanguinary. The Northern tribes of the
+interior we have seen to be at war with the Eskimos from time to time,
+and we are told that among themselves it is practically continuous.[436]
+The Inland tribes are perhaps somewhat less warlike,[437] though the
+accounts of the Shushwap,[438] Lillooets,[439] and Thompson Indians[440]
+give the impression of tribes among whom fighting—and fighting of a
+severe kind—is by no means infrequent. The Crees and the Blackfeet, for
+instance, waged ‘unceasing war’;[441] the warlike instinct of the
+Chepewayans is well known.[442] The tribes of Western Washington and
+Northern Oregon engaged in constant warfare, though the actual
+encounters did not result in any great loss of life.[443] In Central
+California ‘battles, though frequent, were not attended with much loss
+of life’.[444] In Southern California we hear of ‘frequent and deadly
+wars’[445] from one author and of ‘continual wars’ from another,[446]
+the last laying stress upon warfare as an important factor in the
+population question. The Seri Indians of Tiburon Island engage in
+practically continuous warfare,[447] and the Comanches ‘highly honour
+bravery on the battlefield’. From early youth they are taught the art of
+war.[448] ‘In consequence of continual hostilities’ the Ygauzas ‘cannot
+travel the country nor make many exchanges’.[449] Among the Puelches war
+is both common and sanguinary,[450] and the same is the case with regard
+to the Guaycurus[451] and the Charruas.[452] The Fuegians are ‘almost
+always at war with adjoining tribes; they seldom meet, but a hostile
+encounter is the result’.[453]
+
+11. Passing to the consideration of feuds it is found that they
+originate largely from motives of blood revenge. The expression blood
+revenge suggests retribution for a murder actually committed, but among
+primitive races the origin of blood revenge is far more often the
+natural death of some member of the tribe. Owing to the almost universal
+belief among these races that death is never natural in our sense of the
+word, the loss of a relation or fellow-tribesman is attributed to
+magical influence, and the guilt fastened upon some individual by a
+process of magical divination. It appears that women are judged to be
+equally capable with men of causing death, and that therefore
+elimination from this cause falls equally upon both sexes.
+
+‘No such thing as natural death is recognized by the [Australian]
+natives; a man who dies has of necessity been killed by another man or
+perhaps even by a woman.’[454] ‘If an Abipon die from being pierced by
+many wounds, or from having his bones broken, or his strength exhausted
+from extreme old age, his countrymen all deny that wounds or weakness
+occasioned his death, and anxiously try to discover by which of the
+jugglers and for what reason he was killed.’[455] I Among different
+races the holding of this belief has different results. With regard to
+Australia, Messrs. Spencer and Gillen in the passage quoted above
+continue as follows: ‘sooner or later that man or woman will be
+attacked. In the normal condition of the tribe every death meant the
+killing of another individual’—the guilty person being indicated by a
+medicine man.[456] The avenging party is at times merely directed by the
+medicine man to proceed in a certain direction and after a march, it may
+be of a considerable distance, discovers another local group which it
+entirely wipes out.[457] At other times an individual near by is
+indicated and at once dispatched. It is obvious that if such results
+commonly followed upon the death of every tribesman the population would
+rapidly diminish, and, as a matter of fact, serious as the consequences
+of this belief are, there are many indications that blood revenge is not
+carried out with the extreme rigour that the above passage would seem to
+indicate. Probably most deaths go unavenged,[458] yet in spite of this
+blood revenge must be accounted as a factor of importance in
+Australia,[459] especially as it affects women as well as men.[460]
+
+Among the races belonging to the second group we shall meet with a
+somewhat similar state of affairs. But, widespread as this belief is, it
+does not appear to provoke bloodshed among the other races belonging to
+this group on any large scale. We hear of feuds among the Eskimos and
+the punishment of witchcraft by death. Murder is also reported as
+occurring among the Eskimos. ‘It is not a rare occurrence that a man who
+is offended by another man takes revenge by killing the offender,’ and a
+feud then follows which may last for generations.[461] Blood feuds
+originating in actual murder are also recorded of various Indian
+tribes;[462] but it does not appear that bloodshed, owing to belief in
+witchcraft, occurs on any significant scale either in North or South
+America. Of the Haidahs we are told that ‘death is ascribed to the
+ill-will and malign influence of an enemy and one suspected of causing
+the death of a prominent individual must be ready to die’.[463] Niblack,
+speaking of the Coast tribes from Southern Alaska to British Columbia
+and thus including the Haidahs, says: ‘all severe diseases or illnesses
+are ascribed to the evil influence of enemies, and in the case of the
+death of an important personage, a victim is usually found who has
+presumably charmed away the life of the deceased.’[464] The implication
+is, of course, that a victim is only sought on rare occasions, as on the
+death of a prominent man.
+
+12. The custom of killing the old and the sick is of sufficient
+importance to deserve mention. Among these races it is not uncommon and
+is connected with the nomadic nature of their existence.[465] The
+Tasmanians would seem to have been in the habit of abandoning the sick
+and infirm.[466] There is some evidence of this habit in Australia,[467]
+but on the whole sick and aged are well looked after in that
+country.[468] ‘The Bushmen frequently forsake their aged relations when
+removing from place to place for the sake of hunting. In this case they
+leave the old person with a piece of meat and an ostrich egg-shell full
+of water; as soon as this little stock is exhausted, the poor deserted
+creature must perish by hunger or become the prey of wild beasts.’[469]
+The aged are not treated well by the Eskimos. In the Ungava district
+they are put to death,[470] and among the Central Eskimos a man may kill
+his aged parents.[471] ‘On the East coast (of Greenland) it sometimes
+happens that old people, who seem likely to die are drowned, or else
+drown themselves.’[472] For the most part the Indians treat their sick
+and aged well; but there are some instances to the contrary. The Queka
+Indians abandon the sick and aged.[473] The Ahts,[474] the tribes of
+Washington,[475] and the Chepewayans[476] did the same. The Central
+Californians killed the old people,[477] and, according to MacGee the
+Seri ‘often abandoned the sick and aged who cannot keep up with them in
+their constant wanderings to and fro’.[478] In some of the accounts of
+the Fuegians similar habits are attributed to them; there is, however,
+some reason to doubt their accuracy.[479] These practices certainly
+occur among the Zaporos.[480]
+
+13. We have now to mention certain other modes of elimination. That form
+of elimination, which we saw to be of great importance among animals in
+a state of nature whereby the young perish on a large scale because they
+are consumed by other species, is of little importance among men who
+have reached the stage of the lowest races known to us.[481]
+
+The subject of elimination from disease can be approached from different
+aspects. We can ask what evidence there is regarding the prevalence of
+disease among primitive races when they first came under the observation
+of Europeans. This evidence is of somewhat doubtful value. It is also of
+assistance to ask how far these races were immune from diseases
+prevalent in Europe; for it is in general to be inferred that marked
+liability to disease is a sign that no immunity has been evolved against
+disease because it was previously absent. We can further consider the
+question of the evolution of disease in general and ask to what
+conclusions it points. The latter aspect of the matter can be taken
+first.
+
+The organisms which cause disease do not belong all to one class. Some,
+such as the bacteria, are plants, others are animals. Further, those
+species which cause disease are closely related to other quite innocuous
+species. Non-virulent diphtheroid bacteria are, for instance, found in
+the throat. What has happened has been that certain species, belonging
+to different groups in the animal and vegetable kingdoms, have taken to
+a parasitic mode of life. It is not very difficult to imagine how this
+could occur. It is to be presumed that organisms now parasitic were once
+free-living and saprophytic. There is a bacillus which lives on grass;
+it is closely related to the tubercle bacillus but is harmless. Such an
+organism might be frequently swallowed; if liable to destruction,
+resistance might be evolved.[482] Its presence might be innocuous, or it
+might not be so and a new disease might be the consequence. The invasion
+of a host by a parasite appears usually to be followed by a struggle—on
+the part of the host to get rid of the parasite, and on the part of the
+parasite to maintain itself within the host—in the course of which
+struggle the parasite may develop activities noxious to the host. To
+this struggle there are different possible solutions. But, when we find
+the struggle in progress, it is a fair assumption that the association
+of host and parasite is recent. The very fact of disease, therefore,
+suggests that it is of relatively recent origin.
+
+There are two further facts which are relevant in this connexion.
+Diseases are very rare among species in a state of nature. Such diseases
+as we know of among animals and plants occur for the most part among
+domesticated species. Again, there are certain conditions which favour
+the evolution of disease; these conditions are found among domesticated
+species and also among civilized man. There are many ways in which
+disease can be transmitted—by insects, by liquid particles in the air,
+by drinking water, by water used for bathing, by water introduced within
+the tissues, and so on. Transmission by all these means, with the
+partial exception of transmission by insects, is obviously very greatly
+favoured by the aggregation of the members of the host species. In fact
+only when such aggregation occurs can we understand how disease on a
+large scale could be evolved. The aggregation of men, such as occurred
+within the third period, into villages and towns, gave rise to
+conditions under which bacteria could flourish in close proximity to
+man; under these conditions there was far more opportunity for bacteria
+and other micro-organisms to become parasitic than before. The
+suggestion, therefore, is that most diseases evolved in that relatively
+recent period when, owing to the increase in skill, men came to live in
+close proximity under settled conditions.
+
+This suggestion is supported by two other lines of evidence. It would
+appear that Australia and America were upon their discovery free from
+most of the diseases known in Europe. With regard to the former Davidson
+says: ‘Australia presents us with a spectacle of a continent, from the
+pathology of which entire classes of diseases, prevalent in other
+divisions of the globe, were, until comparatively recent times,
+completely absent. Thus the whole class of eruptive fevers—small-pox,
+scarlet fever, and measles—so fatal elsewhere, were unknown. Epidemic
+cholera, relapsing fever, yellow fever, whooping cough, and diphtheria
+were equally absent, as also was syphilis.... Leprosy was absent from
+the southern continent.’[483] The facts with regard to America are very
+similar. It has been asserted that the only lethal disease of importance
+present in America before the visit of Columbus was malaria, and it is
+worthy of note that malaria is an insect-born disease. The question
+whether tuberculosis was known in America before the discovery has been
+studied by Hrdlicka, who concludes that, though it cannot be affirmed
+that it did not exist, it is highly improbable that it did.[484] Again,
+the marked liability on the part of primitive races to common European
+diseases points strongly to the fact that no immunity had been evolved
+against these diseases because they were formerly unknown. Since contact
+with Europeans has been established, these races have been swept by
+epidemics, such as the epidemic of measles which carried off a large
+proportion of the population of Fiji in 1875.
+
+It is not to be concluded that most diseases are recent in the ordinary
+sense of the word, but only when a broad view is taken of human history.
+It is known, for instance, that tuberculosis, plague, leprosy, and
+bilharzia existed in ancient Egypt. Where and when diseases originated
+we cannot say, but the fact that certain widely-spread diseases can be
+traced to a previously limited and localized incidence—cholera, for
+instance, to the Ganges Valley—suggests that such diseases originated in
+those places in relatively recent times and spread thence. But in spite
+of such indications the place of origin of most diseases is obscure;
+syphilis was often said to have been introduced from America; the
+evidence, however, that it was apparently present in Germany in 1495 is
+against this view.[485] It is further of great interest to note that
+certain diseases may have evolved in very recent days. Diphtheria may
+date from the beginning of the last century and trench fever may be a
+new disease.
+
+Little as we may know regarding the facts concerning any one disease,
+the general conclusion is not doubtful. It was not until the third
+period, and, therefore, only among the races of the third group, that
+disease became a factor of the first importance in elimination. Some
+diseases may have reached the African races through Egypt; and to the
+extent to which this has occurred they are not typical representatives
+of the time preceding the last of the three periods.[486]
+
+14. In further support of this conclusion some passages may be quoted
+regarding the races in this group when they had been little influenced
+by contact with Europeans. Such passages are perhaps not of great weight
+as evidence of the former absence of disease; they are, however, worth
+notice because they also bear upon another subject that will come up for
+discussion in the ninth chapter. According to Bonwick ‘there are strong
+reasons to believe that, before connexion with the whites, the
+aborigines [Tasmanians] were a healthy as well as a happy people’.[487]
+Of the Australians Curr says that ‘as a rule the health of the blacks in
+their wild state was excellent’.[488] Longevity may be considered as
+evidence of good health, and of the presence of aged people in Australia
+many observers speak. ‘From numerous instances it would appear that the
+former generations were fairly long aged. Almost every small community
+would have in it two or three men or women over seventy years of age,
+and here and there some centenarians would be met with.’[489] So, too,
+Burchell records having noticed many old people among the Bushmen.[490]
+Writing of the Eskimos in a medical journal Smith calls them ‘uncommonly
+healthy’.[491] This is the opinion that one gains from other
+accounts,[492] some of which specially mention longevity as a
+characteristic.[493] ‘The North Americans are in general robust and of a
+healthful temperament, calculated to live to an advanced age.’[494]
+Another author says that the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains are ‘in
+general subject to few diseases’.[495] Krause quotes the opinion of a
+doctor who lived among the Thlinkeets in the year 1836 to the effect
+that they were a strong, healthy people.[496] Of the Shushwap we are
+told that they were formerly healthy and lived to a great age.[497] Hill
+Tout sums up the situation with regard to the Salish as follows: ‘the
+great age, to which both men and women formerly lived, shows the vigour
+of the race and the general wholesomeness of their lives and
+condition.’[498] ‘The Nootkas are generally a long-lived race, and from
+the beginning to the failing of manhood undergo little change in
+appearance. Jowitt states that during his captivity of three years at
+Nootka Sound, only five natural deaths occurred, and the people suffered
+scarcely any disease except the cholic.’[499] Powers, referring to the
+Californians as a whole, calls them ‘a healthy, long-lived race’,[500]
+and Baegert speaks of them as ‘strong, hardy, and much healthier than
+the many thousands who live in daily abundance’[501] [in civilized
+countries]. Among the Abipones ‘the diseases which in Europe fill houses
+with sick persons and graves with the dead bodies are unknown here....
+You scarce hear once in three years of any of them dying of a fever,
+pleurisy, or consumption.’[502] Hardt mentions the good health of the
+Botocudos[503] and King and Fitzroy consider the Patagonians to be very
+healthy.[504]
+
+15. There remains one other matter to be mentioned. There is abundant
+evidence that the rate of child mortality is very high amongst all these
+races. The causes of death are various; disease is seldom mentioned, and
+death is most often due to exposure as the result of improper treatment
+or of certain customs, or to want of suitable food. In Tasmania it was
+difficult to rear children largely owing to the fact that suitable food
+was not available.[505] Turner says of the Eskimos of the Ungava
+District that ‘many die in early childhood’,[506] and this would seem to
+be generally true of this race. The reason usually given is the absence
+of proper food;[507] and it is not difficult to understand that the
+peculiar Eskimo diet should be unsuitable for children. Child mortality
+is heavy among the Indians, ‘only a small proportion coming to
+maturity’.[508] The reason given in this case is generally the absence
+not only of knowledge with regard to the simplest requirements of
+children, but of any reasonable care of them.[509] To this we may add—as
+the evidence will show—the practice of extraordinary customs which seem
+designed to eliminate all but those with the strongest constitutions.
+‘With all the affection of the mother, the women are almost completely
+ignorant of ordinary sanitary rules as to feeding, exposure, &c., with
+the result that infant mortality is something terrible in almost every
+tribe.’[510] Heriot speaks of ‘incredible fatigues, whose excess
+occasions the death of many long before the age of maturity’.[511]
+According to Domenech: ‘many Indians die in infancy; their mothers, to
+inure them to suffering and to strengthen their constitution, do not
+take all the necessary care of them.... Till the age of ten or twelve
+years they are kept quite naked, having only in winter a garment which
+we would hardly call such in the warmest summer.’[512] Throughout
+America it is a common custom to bathe even new-born children in cold
+water at all seasons of the year, and to this Krause attributes the high
+child mortality that he records among the Thlinkeet.[513] ‘Many children
+[of the Eastern Tinneh] die at an early age,’ according to one
+author,[514] whilst from another we hear that ‘the infant is not allowed
+food until four days after birth, in order to accustom it to fasting in
+the next world’.[515] Nootka mothers ‘roll their children in the snow to
+make them hardy’,[516] and the Thompson Indians take small care of their
+children, allowing them to run about without any protection.[517] Of the
+Californians the Jesuit missionary Baegert, who dwelt long among them
+when they were almost uninfluenced by European culture, says: ‘that many
+infants die among them is not surprising: on the contrary, it would be a
+great wonder if a great number remained alive. For when the poor child
+first sees the light of day, there is no other cradle provided for it
+but the hard soil, or the still harder shell of a turtle, in which the
+mother places it, without much covering, and drags it about wherever she
+goes. And in order to be unencumbered and enabled to use her limbs with
+greater freedom while running in the fields, she will leave it sometimes
+in charge of some old woman, and thus deprive the poor creature for ten
+hours or more of its natural nourishment. As soon as the child is a few
+months old the mother places it, perfectly naked, astraddle on her
+shoulders, its legs hanging down on both sides in front, and it has
+consequently to learn how to ride before it can stand on its feet. In
+this guise the mother roams about all day, exposing her helpless charge
+to the hot rays of the sun and the chilly winds that sweep over the
+inhospitable country.’[518] Conditions seem to be much the same in South
+America. Dobrizhoffer tells us that the Abipones plunge their new-born
+babies into a cold stream,[519] and Guinnard says that very few diseases
+occur among the children of the Puelches, though child mortality is
+high.[520] ‘Few [Fuegian] women save all their children; most die in
+early infancy.’[521] So, too, among the Andamanese child mortality is
+said to be excessive[522] and is ascribed to injudicious management on
+the part of the parents.[523] According to the Sarasins it is the high
+death-rate that is the cause of the small size of the Veddah families
+which they observed.[524] New-born Ghiliak children are bathed ‘often
+when it is 40° below zero. The children who can survive such an
+experience are necessarily very strong.’[525] ‘According to Schrenck,
+the Ghiliak woman never dares “to give birth to a child at home; she
+must, in spite of severity of season or of stormy weather, go out of the
+hut for the purpose. In late autumn or in winter they build a special
+hut for the woman, but a very uncomfortable one, so that the mother and
+the child suffer the cold and feel the wind”.’[526]
+
+This concludes our survey of the races of the first group. Before we
+consider what conclusions are to be drawn from these facts, we have to
+deal in the same fashion with the races of the second group. This will
+form the subject-matter of the next chapter.
+
+
+
+
+                                  VIII
+                      PRIMITIVE AGRICULTURAL RACES
+
+
+1. It is necessary first to explain what races will be considered. The
+lower limit has already been made clear. As regards the upper limit,
+some description has been given of the stage of Neolithic culture, and
+the races to be considered here are those which may be in general
+compared with the Neolithic races. The comparison can only be rough; as
+we saw, the subsequent evolution of culture was rapid; metals came into
+use, and, generally speaking, about the time of the first taking of
+metals into use arose the first great empires. At this point we clearly
+enter upon a new epoch and the upper limit in time is defined by the
+rise of Eur-Asiatic civilization. We wish to study here the conditions
+anterior to this step in the evolution of culture. It so happens that
+this Eur-Asiatic culture has influenced in varying degrees many of the
+races of Africa, Oceania, and Asia. The upper limit among the races to
+be considered here is best defined by the degree to which they have been
+influenced by this culture. America stands apart as there has clearly
+been no influence of this culture upon the races in that continent. But
+it should be remembered that in some places in America a degree of
+culture was reached which was probably higher than that to which any
+Neolithic race attained.[527] Nevertheless all the races of America not
+already dealt with may be considered here. Many African races are
+acquainted with the use of iron; it has been suggested that the
+knowledge of the use of this metal originated in Africa; this, however,
+is doubtful and the existence of this practice is probably to be
+regarded as due to the spread of an element of Eur-Asiatic culture. The
+use of the plough is also an example of the spread of an element of this
+culture;[528] roughly speaking the use of the plough does not spread
+towards the west, south of the latitude of Lake Chad; towards the east
+it extends farther south, and on this account the Gallas, Somalis, and
+Abyssinians can scarcely be considered as representative of the second
+group of races.[529] The peculiarity of the Oceanic region is that many
+of the races now found there undoubtedly migrated from some point on or
+close to the Asiatic coast after Eur-Asiatic culture had reached a high
+degree of development. Nevertheless they are for the most part ignorant
+of the use of metal and of the plough.[530] The Dyaks are metal users
+and the plough is known in parts of Borneo. We shall not on this
+account, however, exclude the Dyaks from consideration here. The true
+Malays on the other hand will be excluded; they are Mohammedans and,
+originally located in Sumatra, spread in the twelfth century over a
+large part of this area. On the fringe of Asia are a number of races
+which, though in a broad survey are of no great importance, may be
+noticed here. Such are the Ostiaks, Yakuts, Chuckchees, Samoyeds, and so
+on.[531] What races are dealt with here may be made more clear by a
+reference to those which will be considered in Chapters X and XI. In
+those chapters we shall consider the ancient empires, the classical
+races, mediaeval and modern Europe and its derivatives as well as the
+chief races of Asia, whether pastoral such as the Arabs or existing by a
+higher form of agriculture than that practised by the races to be
+noticed here. In this manner we shall obtain a broad view of the
+conditions both before and after the rise of Eur-Asiatic civilization.
+
+It is obvious that we have before us a very large mass of material—too
+large, in fact, to be dealt with without further subdivision. It might
+seem that the only reasonable course is to distinguish between various
+grades of agricultural progress, and to consider in turn those races
+which fall into each grade. Such distinctions have been made by
+Professor Hobhouse and his collaborators, who recognize three grades of
+agriculture and two grades of pastoral nomadism. As has already been
+indicated, we do not find any correlation between economic stages and
+the factors bearing upon fertility and elimination. What we do find is a
+certain correlation between these factors and large geographical areas,
+and in what follows the races of the second group will be considered
+according to the geographical areas in which they are situated, and not
+according to the stage of economic progress which they have reached. The
+areas selected are as follows. There is, in the first place, America;
+secondly, there is Africa, and thirdly Oceania. The first two areas are,
+on the whole, fairly homogeneous; though the third area is not so
+homogeneous, the level of agricultural skill is fairly uniform—nearly
+all these races falling into Hobhouse’s second grade. Lastly, there are
+the Asiatic peoples among whom Eur-Asiatic culture has not penetrated;
+many of them are inhabitants of the northern fringe of the continent. It
+will be noticed that the pastoral races chiefly fall within the last
+group. The so-called pastoral races of America—the Navahos, for
+instance—have only acquired domestic animals since coming into contact
+with Europeans. The pastoral races of Africa are with difficulty
+distinguished from their neighbours, who also raise cattle but practise
+some agriculture at the same time. It will thus be observed that this
+mode of classification is, as a matter of fact, roughly in
+correspondence with the mode of classification based upon the stage of
+economic progress reached.
+
+_America_
+
+2. We have now to examine in turn the races of these four regions. The
+procedure will be that followed when dealing with hunting and fishing
+races. As before we begin with examples of intercourse before maturity.
+This may take the form of marriage before puberty or of less regular
+connexions. As Mr. Hartland says, ‘it would appear that sexual
+intercourse before puberty is either recognized by a formal marriage or
+tolerated as the gratification of a natural instinct among a great
+variety of peoples in all quarters of the globe’.[532] It will be
+sufficient here to note a few instances of this practice. Of the tribes
+of Guatemala, Bancroft says that ‘marriages take place at an early age,
+often before puberty’,[533] and the same would seem to be the case among
+the Navahos.[534] Accounts of the great laxity of manners and of early
+intercourse are given of some North American tribes—as, for instance, of
+the Hurons and the Illinois by Charlevoix.[535] The same is also
+commonly reported of the Brazilian tribes in such a manner as to leave
+little doubt that intercourse before puberty is common among them.[536]
+
+3. Generally speaking, throughout America lactation lasted two years or
+more.[537] The suckling period indeed sometimes extended over several
+years; thus among the Sioux it might be continued until the child was
+five years old;[538] of the Lengua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco,
+Hawtrey says that ‘it is customary to suckle children till five or six
+years of age’;[539] Bancroft reports that a child might be suckled until
+eight years old among the Chichmics.[540] Two years would appear to be
+about the minimum; in Mexico[541] and Guiana[542] it was three years or
+more. D’Orbigny gives three years,[543] and Forbes one or more, often
+two, for the Aymara Indians.[544] In Mexico suckling was said to last
+three or four years.[545]
+
+4. With regard to postponement of marriage the facts are very similar to
+those in respect to the races of the first group. As an almost universal
+rule girls are married soon after puberty, if not before. There is no
+postponement of marriage of a nature to affect fertility in any
+noticeable manner. There is at times a certain postponement of marriage
+among the male part of the population, and occasionally some evidence of
+lifelong celibacy. This, however, has no bearing upon fertility; it is
+of interest in another connexion, and we shall on that account return to
+it later.
+
+5. As noticed in the last chapter there are among nearly all primitive
+races a number of occasions upon which sexual intercourse is prohibited.
+Alone among these prohibitions, that against intercourse for some time
+after the birth of a child is of importance as a factor bearing upon
+fertility. We shall find that in Africa this prohibition becomes of very
+great importance. The evidence as to the existence of this prohibition
+in America is somewhat puzzling. In the last chapter two instances were
+given in which intercourse during lactation was prohibited in two
+hunting races. Both these instances are reported by authors who made
+their observations many years ago when the customs of the American
+Indians had been less modified by contact with white men than is the
+case with most of the observations upon which we have to rely. We also
+find that two other observers, who wrote more than a hundred years ago,
+record the existence of this custom. It is not clear to what tribes
+these remarks refer—whether to hunting peoples or to agricultural
+peoples, or to both. Weld says: ‘They suckle the few children they have
+for several years, during which time, at least among many of the tribes,
+they avoid all connexion with their husbands.’[546] Heriot speaks of
+‘the length of time employed by the women in rearing their children,
+whom they nourish for three or four years, during which period they
+cohabit not with their husbands’.[547] In addition to this evidence we
+have the following records of the existence of this practice for various
+agricultural races. Two eighteenth-century writers—Le Beau, speaking of
+the Iroquois,[548] and Charlevoix of the Illinois[549]—state that
+intercourse was prohibited during lactation. Speaking of the Crow tribe,
+Holder mentions that abstention from intercourse during lactation was
+observed.[550] In Mexico, according to Bancroft, the suckling period
+lasted for three years or longer, and during this time there was often
+no intercourse.[551] D’Orbigny says of the Moxos and Chiquitos that the
+mother ‘invariably suckles her children for three years or more, during
+which time she has no relations whatever with her husband’.[552] There
+do not seem to be any denials of the existence of this practice except
+in the following instance; in most individual cases there is no mention
+of the practice. The exception referred to is in the case of the
+Fuegians. Hyades and Deniker, referring to the statement of D’Orbigny
+mentioned above, remark that sexual relations are resumed within two
+months of the birth of a child among the Fuegians.[553] It is not
+possible to arrive at any conclusion as to what the condition of affairs
+was before the habits of the Indians had been much modified by contact
+with white men. The fact, however, that the habit is definitely recorded
+by various authors, who for the most part made their observations at a
+time when the habits of these races were far less modified than when the
+more detailed accounts were written from which these races are best
+known, strongly suggests that this custom was formerly widespread.
+
+There is no evidence of the use of any effective methods to prevent
+fertilization. We are told that among the Shawnees ‘the girls drink the
+juice of a certain herb which prevents conception, and often renders
+them barren throughout life’.[554] But in those cases which have been
+carefully investigated it would seem that such methods are not in fact
+effective. Hrdlicka, for instance, referring to a number of tribes,
+among whom are the Apaches, Navahos, Pueblos, Pimas, Nahua, Aztec, and
+Uti, says that ‘there is a very general belief among the Indians visited
+that sterility may be artificially induced’.[555] On investigation,
+however, it was found that the substances used were quite ineffective.
+
+6. Among agricultural, as among hunting and fishing races, we find
+numerous references to the small average number of children in a family.
+Speaking generally of the Indians of the North, Weld states that the
+number of children is small,[556] and Le Beau that the number of
+children born is less than in Europe.[557] Charlevoix comments on the
+small size of the family among the Iroquois and attributes it to early
+intercourse, abstention from intercourse during lactation, and to
+prolonged lactation.[558] Catlin, whose experience was chiefly obtained
+among the Mandans, has given the estimate quoted in the fourth
+chapter,[559] and Holder’s estimate for the Crow tribe has also been
+cited.[560] Of the Sioux we are told that ‘sterility among women is by
+no means uncommon’,[561] and of the south-west Texas tribes ‘they are
+not prolific—a woman seldom having more than three children’.[562] In
+South America the facts are similar. Nordenskiöld visited the tribes
+between Peru and Bolivia. ‘The families are not large,’ he says, ‘they
+live in monogamy, and one sees in each family one to three children; in
+the largest family that I saw (and that was among the Atsahuaca Indians)
+there were four children.’[563] Of the Aymara Indians of the same
+district we are told that ‘there seem to be but few large families—very
+seldom more than four children, and often less than that number’.[564]
+Spix and Martins, travelling in Brazil, ‘seldom saw more than four
+children in a family’.[565] Azara was much impressed by the small number
+of children that he observed in South America. He investigated the
+matter among the Guaranis with particular care, and found that the
+average number in a family was four.[566] Taking into account various
+factors he came to the conclusion that the number of children born was
+less than among the Spaniards.[567] Rengger, who also visited the
+Guaranis, is of the same general opinion though he estimates the average
+number in a family to be smaller than does Azara;[568] to the Guanas he
+allows only two or at the most three children.[569] According to von
+Martius the marriages of the Macusis ‘are not rich in children’.[570]
+D’Orbigny carefully investigated the average number of children in a
+family among the Moxos and Chiquitos; he found it to be roughly about
+two in the case of the former and three in that of the latter. He
+attributed the small number to early intercourse and also to abstention
+from intercourse at certain periods.[571] Two is the average number of
+children in a family of the tribes of the Upper Hualaga, and marriages
+are often sterile.[572]
+
+7. We have now to examine the extent of the practices of abortion and
+infanticide; with regard to the former, we may repeat what was said
+above—namely, that there is every reason to suppose the methods used are
+usually effective. Among the Sioux, Keating says that ‘married females
+frequently obtain miscarriages with the knowledge and consent of their
+husband’;[573] this fact is confirmed by Schoolcraft.[574] It was very
+common in the Crow tribe.[575] In a report upon the tribes of the
+South-western United States and Northern Mexico, Hrdlicka states that
+‘artificial abortion is practised by all the tribes visited’.[576] The
+tribes visited include, among others, the Apaches, Navahos, Pueblos,
+Pimas, Nahua, Otommi, and Aztec. The Pima Indians practised abortion if
+conception took place before the previous child had been weaned; the
+suckling period among these people lasted until the child was six or
+seven years old.[577] The habit is recorded of the Menomini tribe and of
+the Zunis, though it is rare among the latter.[578] Among the Cheyennes
+‘it has long been the custom that a woman should not have a second child
+until her first is ten years old’.[579] Abortion is not mentioned in
+this case, but in view of the widespread prevalence of this custom,
+abortion is presumably the means used to bring about this result. In
+Mexico[580] and throughout South America abortion was commonly employed.
+‘The use of the means of abortion is common and explains the small
+number of children’, says Karl von den Steinen of the Bakairi.[581] It
+is especially frequent in Brazil and among the Indians of the
+Chaco.[582]
+
+8. Compared with the prevalence of abortion, infanticide was not very
+common among the agricultural tribes of the northern half of the
+Continent. It was occasionally practised among the Sioux, and more girls
+were killed than boys.[583] Of the Creeks it is said that ‘to destroy a
+new-born infant is not uncommon’.[584] It was common among the
+Pimas.[585] Infanticide is usually confined to the killing of deformed
+children, and in this form it is recorded of the Apaches, Mohaves,
+Navahos, Zuni, and the Tepecano.[586] Infanticide is more common in
+South America. It is found in Brazil among the Guanas[587] and the
+Mbayas.[588] The former are said to kill more girls than boys. It is
+also practised to a considerable extent in the Chaco. ‘Infanticide is
+quite common among the Lenguas, an interval of seven or eight years
+being always observable between children of the same family.’[589] Grubb
+states that the first child is always killed if a girl.[590] The killing
+of deformed children is reported from many parts, including Dutch
+Guiana[591] and Peru.[592]
+
+9. War plays no less a part in the lives of the agricultural than of the
+hunting tribes in America. It was perhaps more murderous among the
+famous tribes of the Atlantic coast and the great plains than anywhere
+else except possibly Brazil. ‘As all nations of the Indians in their
+natural condition’, says Catlin, ‘are unceasingly at war with the tribes
+that are about them, for the adjustment of ancient and never ending
+feuds, as well as from a love of glory, to which in Indian life the
+battlefield is almost the only road, their warriors are killed off to
+that extent, that in many instances two and sometimes three women to a
+man are found in a tribe.’[593] Another author, himself a member of the
+tribe, describes the manner in which the young Ojebway Indian is brought
+up to regard war as his chief object in life. ‘When they are young a
+spirit of war is instilled into their bosom; and in order to excite them
+to courage and ambition, the parents and the old wise men recount to
+them the wonderful exploits of the braves in former days, such as a
+single warrior stealing up secretly to a village, killing a number of
+the enemy, taking off their scalps, and making his escape before the
+remainder were apprised of the slaughter.’[594] So again, ‘among the
+earliest songs to which a Dacotah child listens are those of war. As
+soon as he begins to totter about, he carries as a plaything a miniature
+bow and arrow. The first thing he is taught as great and truly noble is
+taking a scalp, and he wants to perform an act which is so manly. At the
+age of sixteen he is often on the warpath.’[595]
+
+The neighbouring tribes maintained feuds that must have been the cause
+of a regular and by no means inconsiderable amount of elimination. The
+Crows were at war with the Blackfeet,[596] the Sioux with the
+Ojebway,[597] the Minnetanes with the Shoshones.[598] The Sioux are said
+to have killed women.[599] Farther south the Yuchi and other members of
+the Creek Confederacy were very warlike.[600] The Pueblo Indians were
+more peaceful, though they were subject to vigorous and frequent attacks
+from the Apache and other neighbours.[601] The wars undertaken by the
+empires of Mexico and Peru were of rather a different nature. Both
+states pursued a regular policy of aggression towards the less advanced
+peoples who surrounded them. These wars partook more of the nature of
+raids upon the weaker nations for the purpose of robbery than of great
+sporting contests, as were on the whole the wars of the northern tribes.
+Throughout South America warfare seems to have been a regular feature of
+inter-tribal relation. It was usually very sanguinary. According to
+Wallace the Mandrucos fight with their neighbours every year.[602] Much
+the same is reported by Church of the Araras, Mogos, Masas, and other
+tribes of the Amazon basin,[603] and also by White of the north-western
+regions of the southern half of the Continent.[604] The peoples of the
+Chaco were formerly at continual war with the Guaranis.[605]
+
+10. There are frequent references to blood feuds in the accounts of
+these races. Blood feuds are only to be with difficulty distinguished
+from warfare; feuds between man and man and between family and family
+merge into those feuds between tribes that are called warfare. It will
+be sufficient here to note that a considerable amount of elimination
+must among certain tribes arise from that peculiar form of blood feud
+which is connected with the belief that natural death is caused by some
+enemy. In Guiana ‘a person dies and it is supposed that an enemy has
+secured the agency of an evil spirit to compass his death. Some
+sorcerer, employed by the friends of the deceased for that purpose,
+pretends by his incantations to discover the guilty individual or
+family, or at any rate to indicate the quarter where they dwell. A near
+relative of the deceased is then charged with the work of vengeance....
+If the supposed offender cannot be slain, some innocent member of his
+family—man, woman, or little child—must suffer instead.’[606] The Uaupes
+of the upper waters of the Rio Negro ‘scarcely seem to think that death
+can occur naturally, always imputing it either to direct poisoning or to
+the charms of some enemy, and on this supposition will proceed to
+revenge it. This they generally do by poison.’[607] It is difficult to
+ascertain how far these beliefs are acted upon; it seems nevertheless
+clear that among certain tribes a considerable amount of elimination
+must be attributed to this source.
+
+11. It is not necessary to repeat here what was said in the former
+chapter with regard to disease. Our conclusion was that in all
+probability most diseases did not evolve until at or about the beginning
+of the third period. We therefore regard this source of elimination as
+of relatively small importance among the races of this group whether in
+America or elsewhere. We may note a few examples of the evidence to the
+effect that these races were formerly on the whole remarkably healthy
+and long-lived. Catlin says that the Mandans were ‘undoubtedly a longer
+lived and healthier race’ than most civilized peoples.[608] According to
+Le Beau the Iroquois were ‘practically never ill’; in spite of a climate
+that he himself found trying, ‘they were’ he says, ‘nearly all strong
+and robust’, and had few diseases.[609] ‘On the whole, the Yuchi, men,
+women, and children, are a remarkably healthy set of people.’[610] The
+Shawnees are ‘very healthy and are exempt from many diseases’.[611] Spix
+and Martius, with their extensive knowledge of the Indians of Brazil,
+say in general that ‘the Indians are seldom sick and generally live to
+an advanced age’.[612]
+
+12. There is among the agricultural races of America as among the
+hunting races, and, as we shall see, among all primitive races, a very
+high rate of child mortality. As before we find the chief causes to be
+lack of knowledge, lack of care, lack of suitable food and surroundings,
+and certain peculiar customs.[613] It is not necessary to review the
+evidence in detail. Of the Sioux we are told that ‘many die in infancy
+caused by exposure’.[614] Another observer uses the same phrase, and
+adds that ‘their mothers, to inure them to suffering and to strengthen
+their constitution, do not take all the necessary care of them’.[615]
+Lumholtz attributes child mortality in part to the eating of unsuitable
+food.[616] Not only in North America but also in Brazil are new-born
+children regularly dipped in cold water.[617]
+
+_Africa_
+
+13. Pre-puberty intercourse is common throughout Africa both in the form
+of recognized early marriage and of irregular but tolerated early sexual
+relations. Among the Cross River natives ‘until she reach the age of
+puberty, a girl is permitted by her parents and by her betrothed to go
+about freely and have as many lovers as she pleases’.[618] A
+considerable proportion of marriages among the Ibo-speaking people of
+Nigeria take place before puberty.[619] In the Congo districts the habit
+is specially common.[620] Sexual relations commence early among the
+Bushongo; after reaching the age of puberty ‘a girl is not supposed to
+have further sexual relations before marriage’.[621] It is also recorded
+by van Overbergh of the Mangbetu,[622] by Delhaise of the Warego,[623]
+by de Rochebrune of the Onolove.[624] Speaking of the Bangala, Weeks
+says that ‘above the age of five years it would be impossible to find a
+girl who was a virgin’.[625] ‘The sexual morality of the Bahuana is
+conspicuous by its absence; the unmarried indulge as they please from a
+very early age, and the girls before puberty.’[626] Torday and Joyce,
+who are responsible for this statement, speak very similarly of the
+Bambala,[627] and du Chaillu of the Mpongwe.[628] The Masai and the
+Nandi in East Africa have a regularized system of intercourse before
+puberty.[629] It also occurs among the tribes inhabiting the Baringo
+district[630] and among the Swaheli.[631] Children of the Wapagoro, in
+what was German East Africa, are brought together by their parents when
+about seven years of age, and are separated for a period when
+menstruation begins—that is to say, about three years later.[632]
+Pre-puberty marriage was formerly very prevalent among the Makonde[633]
+and the Wanjamuesi[634] of the same district. ‘As regards the little
+girls over nearly the whole of British Central Africa, chastity before
+puberty is an unknown condition. Before a girl is become a woman it is a
+matter of absolute indifference what she does, and scarcely any girl
+remains a virgin after about five years of age.’[635] Similar testimony
+is given by Stannus[636] and by Maugham[637] for the same district.
+
+14. The suckling period would appear to last nearer three than two years
+on the average. A few examples may be given. Ewe-speaking people, two or
+three years;[638] Yoruba-speaking people, three years;[639] the Tenda,
+two and a half to three years;[640] in Liberia, three or four
+years;[641] the Kagero, two to three and sometimes five years;[642] the
+Hausa, two years;[643] the Bushongo, two years;[644] in the Congo Basin,
+at least two years on the average;[645] the Mangbetu, a year and a half
+or longer;[646] in West Africa, on the average two to three years;[647]
+the Mayombe, two years or longer;[648] in Uganda, at least two
+years;[649] the Nandi, two years;[650] the Kuku, three years;[651] the
+Wamakonde, Wakaua, and Wamuera, three years;[652] the Baganda, three
+years;[653] the Wadschagga, two years[654] the Wanjamuesi, two to three
+years;[655] the Wazaramo, two to three years;[656] the Baronga, three
+years;[657] in the Madi district of Central Africa, three years;[658] in
+South Africa, two years, according to Lichtenstein,[659] frequently
+until three years, according to Kidd.[660]
+
+15. There is little or no evidence of any postponement of marriage among
+girls. The facts with regard to men will be given later. According to
+Denham and Clapperton, girls in Bornu ‘rarely marry until they are
+fourteen or fifteen; often not so young’.[661] Among the Bangala, girls
+marry at the age of sixteen to eighteen.[662] ‘In the primitive Bantu
+tribe every girl gets married, some, however, sooner than others.’[663]
+The average age at marriage among girls south of Lake Nyassa is
+fifteen.[664] ‘For the whole of the Bantu tribes south of the Limpopo
+the average [age at marriage for girls] would probably be between
+fifteen and sixteen.’[665]
+
+16. Throughout the negroid and Bantu races of Africa sexual intercourse
+is almost invariably prohibited for some time after child-birth. As a
+rule the prohibition holds good so long as suckling lasts, and this we
+have seen to mean more nearly three than two years. In some cases the
+period is shorter, and there are instances where it only endures for a
+few months. There are also very rare examples of the exact
+opposite—namely, of a prohibition against breaking off intercourse. As
+the evidence given below shows, to this custom we must attribute very
+great importance.
+
+A Ewe-speaking woman ‘may not admit the male ... while suckling’.[666]
+Among the Yoruba-speaking people ‘during the period of lactation the
+wife must not cohabit with her husband’.[667] Intercourse during the
+suckling period is prohibited by the Kagero,[668] the Hausa,[669] and in
+Benin.[670] In the Warri district of the Niger Protectorate it is
+‘customary for a woman to avoid cohabitation with her husband for nearly
+three years after pregnancy’.[671] Mungo Park, who travelled through
+this district, observed that ‘three years’ nursing is not uncommon, and
+during this period the husband devotes his whole attention to his other
+wives’.[672] Other authors record similar facts for other West African
+races. The Moioa abstain for four years,[673] the Gallinas until the
+child can talk and walk,[674] the Hobbés during lactation;[675] Nassau,
+speaking generally of the Cameroon district, mentions three years,[676]
+and Reade, speaking of Ashanti, mentions the period of lactation.[677]
+With regard to the Congo district, Cureau,[678] Johnston,[679] and
+Ward[680] mention prohibition during the suckling period. Among the
+Bangala ‘during the suckling period the husband has no sexual relations
+with his wife, or the child will become thin and weak and probably
+die’.[681] Another account of the same people mentions two years as the
+length of the period.[682] Prohibition during lactation is also recorded
+of the Mayombe,[683] the Ababua,[684] and the Bayaka.[685] Intercourse
+is only resumed among the Mandja[686] and the Warega[687] when the child
+can walk. The Adio of the Upper Congo region form a curious exception;
+soon after birth intercourse again takes place; if it did not, the child
+would die, since the father would thereby show no affection for the
+mother.[688] The Kuku only interrupt intercourse for three or four
+months,[689] although suckling lasts three years,[690] and among the
+Nandi prohibition only extends over a period of three months,[691] while
+lactation lasts two years.[692] Similarly ‘among the Awa-Wanga many
+believe that within five or six days of the birth of a child the parents
+must cohabit or the child will die’.[693]
+
+The last-mentioned cases are rare exceptions; the customs that we saw to
+be normal in the west of Africa are also normal elsewhere in Africa. In
+Uganda ‘a woman must live apart from her husband for two years, at which
+time the children are weaned’.[694] A Baganda woman ‘lived apart from
+her husband for three years while nursing her child’.[695] When a woman
+in the region of the Rovuma river ‘bears a child she lives completely
+apart from her husband till the child is able to speak, as otherwise it
+is believed that harm, if not death, would come to the infant’.[696] A
+year is mentioned as the length of the prohibited period among the
+Swaheli,[697] and the duration of lactation as the period among the
+tribes of the Baringo district[698] and among the Wanjamuesi.[699] On
+the other hand the prohibited period is short among some of the tribes
+of what was German East Africa; it is two months in Konde-land,[700]
+three months among the Wapagoro,[701] and ‘a few months’ among the
+Wagogo.[702] In British Central Africa the wife does not resume sexual
+intercourse with her husband for two years, unless she is the only wife,
+when six months to one year is allowed to elapse.[703] In the Miri
+district the period is six months, although suckling lasts for two
+years,[704] and the same is recorded of the Atonga.[705] Speaking of
+Baronga, Junod says that there is no cohabitation until the child is
+weaned, and mentions that this is so among all the Bantu races of South
+Africa,[706] Kidd confirms Junod’s statement, and says that most Kaffir
+women live in strict seclusion from their husbands while they are
+suckling their children, which frequently lasts for three years.[707] In
+Loango the suckling period is the prohibited period.[708]
+
+17. Among the races hitherto surveyed there is no evidence of the
+existence of any practice that renders sexual intercourse fruitless.
+There are numerous instances of magical practices that are supposed to
+have this result, but we have no reason to think that any of them are
+effective. In Africa we again meet with similar magical practices, and
+we must similarly account them to be without effect. In this area,
+however, we also meet with for the first time practices of quite a
+different nature. Many races in different parts of the Continent are
+acquainted with means of preventing fertilization. It is not necessary
+to describe how this end is achieved.[709] Any one who is interested in
+the subject can turn to Junod’s account. The methods employed in other
+parts of Africa are apparently similar to those there described.
+Knowledge of these methods extends throughout South Africa,[710] the
+Congo,[711] what was formerly German East Africa,[712] and probably
+elsewhere. Generally speaking this practice is employed under two
+different circumstances; measures may be taken to prevent conception by
+those who are not married and who do not wish to be married for some
+time; they may also be used by married people under certain
+circumstances, as for example by parents in the Thonga tribe who may
+have intercourse when the child begins to crawl, but who must avoid
+conception until the child is weaned.[713] Again, young married couples
+in the neighbourhood of Port Herald live in a special house so long as
+they are unable to build a house for themselves, and during this time no
+children must be conceived.[714]
+
+18. Almost without exception the average number of children is
+everywhere recorded as small. Mungo Park, referring apparently to the
+Mandingoes, says that ‘few women have more than five or six
+children’.[715] In Northern Nigeria, four to five is given as the
+maximum number.[716] Talbot collected some statistics for the Ekoi
+people; the average number born to sixty-one married women was 4·3.[717]
+‘The marriages’, says Burton of the Egbas, ‘are not very prolific’.[718]
+Assinien women very exceptionally have more than six children, according
+to Mondière:[719] in Liberia families are said to be small.[720] Among
+the Bangala ‘it is rare for a woman to have more than two or three
+children’;[721] another observer, speaking of the same people, remarks
+that ‘there was much sterility’.[722] Cureau, speaking generally of the
+tribes of the Congo Basin, says that families are small.[723] Kuku women
+bear three children on the average.[724] The number of children is given
+as three to five for the Baholoholo,[725] three to four for the
+Bambala,[726] and the same for the Warega;[727] among the Mangbetu
+families are not large,[728] while ‘on an average a Bayaka woman bears
+three children; families of more than four are rare’.[729] Turning to
+the races of the eastern side of the Continent we find that the average
+Swaheli family is given as consisting of two children.[730] Figures have
+been collected concerning forty-nine families of the Akikuyu, from which
+it appears that the average number of children is between three and
+five.[731] The Bakene women ‘are, as a rule, strong and healthy and have
+children, though few of them ever have so many as six, three being the
+average number for each wife’.[732] Two or three—at the most
+five—children are born to the Wanjamuesi mother.[733] Among the tribes
+south of Lake Nyassa ‘the average number of children in a family is
+three to five’.[734] The Makalaka ‘race is not prolific, and the
+women ... seldom bear more than an average of three children.’[735]
+Lastly, the Hottentots have ‘seldom more than two or three children’,
+and ‘many of the women are barren’,[736] while similarly in Madagascar
+the natives ‘do not, as a rule, have large families, and a considerable
+portion is childless’.[737]
+
+19. Abortion is practised by many races in various parts of Africa.
+Among the Tenda people married women rarely practise abortion, unmarried
+women more frequently;[738] Tremearne mentions it in speaking of some of
+the Nigerian tribes.[739] It appears to be on the whole more common in
+the Congo district than elsewhere in Africa. ‘The practice of provoking
+abortion is a very common one throughout Congoland (though ignored, for
+example, by the Bayaka), but most of all in the North and Centre.’[740]
+With regard to particular races in this district, we find abortion
+mentioned as common among the Bangala,[741] Bahuana,[742] Warega,[743]
+Ababua,[744] and Onolove[745]; it exists but is less common among the
+Mangbetu,[746] and the Bushongo.[747] In what was German South-west
+Africa abortion is very frequently employed.[748] It would appear to be
+less frequently practised in the eastern half of the Continent. It is
+known among the Akamba[749] and the Swaheli.[750] In what was formerly
+the German Nyassa district[751] and in British Central Africa it is said
+to be not uncommon[752]; the same is said of the Zambezi Valley.[753]
+Abortion is ‘almost universally practised by all classes of female in
+Kaffir society’.[754] It is mentioned in connexion with Madagascar.[755]
+
+20. Almost every tribe throughout Africa kills children under certain
+circumstances which they believe to be unpropitious. Examples of such
+circumstances are peculiarities in the process of birth, the birth of
+twins, or the cutting of the upper teeth before the lower. Motherless
+children are also sometimes killed. The cumulative effect of these
+habits cannot be considerable, and we may disregard them. It is an
+almost invariable rule that infanticide—in the sense in which we use the
+term when speaking of the Australians—is unknown in Africa. The only
+exceptions are to be found among the Hottentots and in Madagascar—in
+both cases the races practising infanticide not being of Negroid or
+Bantu stock. The former are said to have killed their female children
+fairly frequently;[756] in Madagascar infanticide was very common.[757]
+Among the various unpropitious circumstances mentioned above, there is
+one which is widely recognized in Africa, and which is of interest to
+us. Children who are abnormal or deformed are nearly always killed.
+Among other instances this practice is recorded of the Hausa,[758]
+Kagero,[759] the Congo tribes generally—the Fangs being especially
+mentioned in this respect[760]—the Mandja,[761] the Basonge,[762] the
+Ababua,[763] the Bushongo,[764] the Wanika,[765] the Wakamba,[766] in
+the Lenda district,[767] in the Lind Hinterland,[768] in British Central
+Africa,[769] in Portuguese East Africa,[770] among the Kaffirs[771] and
+the Hottentots.[772]
+
+21. The nature and frequency of warfare varies very greatly in different
+parts of the Continent. Although among some few tribes and in some
+districts war is as murderous as in America, it is on the whole far less
+effective as an agent of elimination than in that country. The position
+is somewhat complicated by the fact that the more northern Negroid races
+have long been in contact with Hamitic and Semitic tribes; the latter
+have made war on the former and greatly influenced the history of the
+Negroid races. Movements have been set on foot and passed like waves
+over the whole Continent.
+
+War is not a very serious matter among the Gallinas of Sierra Leone[773]
+or the Ewe-speaking people of Togoland.[774] It was very different in
+Dahomey[775] and Benin;[776] the Amazons of the former region have often
+been described.[777] Tremearne gives an account of the head hunters of
+Nigeria, whose habits must have been the cause of a great deal of
+elimination.[778] Throughout the whole of this region, especially in
+Ashanti[779] and Benin, human sacrifice is practised on a large scale,
+and results in a considerable loss of life.[780] Passing farther south
+towards the Congo region, we find that warfare is a moderately important
+factor of elimination.[781] Weeks describes family, town, and district
+fights—the last two developing out of the former; considerable loss of
+life and material damage appears to follow.[782] Du Chaillu describes
+what he calls ‘blood feuds’ in the Shekiani tribe; ‘frequently a dozen
+villages are involved, ... the killing and robbing goes on for months
+and even for years’.[783] Again, ‘when war has rarely broken out in the
+country [of the Bakalai] there is no rest or safety. No man or woman in
+any village can take a step in any direction, day or night, without fear
+of death.... At last whole districts are depopulated; those who are not
+killed desert their villages.’[784] Burrows, describing the tribes of
+the Upper Welle district, says that they all live ‘in a perpetual state
+of internecine warfare’.[785] War and human sacrifice have a perceptible
+effect upon the numbers of the Banyala;[786] fighting is frequent among
+the Bambala, but is not very sanguinary.[787] Of the Bahuana we hear
+that ‘wars are frequent, and in some cases last for years’,[788] of the
+Bayaka that, though ‘frequent’, wars ‘do not seem to have any
+appreciable effect upon the population’.[789] The Baganda are a warlike
+people, and fighting occurs yearly with the neighbouring tribes. Though
+a regular cause of the loss of life, such wars are not so serious as the
+intermittent civil wars ‘which also broke out from time to time in
+Uganda between rival princes who laid claim to the throne. These latter
+wars were by far the most disastrous that could happen to the country;
+and during the few weeks they lasted, untold damage was done and a great
+loss of life took place.’[790] In this district the presence of the
+Masai tribe was a continuous source of murderous war.[791] Among the
+Akanda ‘no warriors but those who had killed a Masai were supposed to be
+able to marry’;[792] between the Akikuyu and the Masai perpetual war was
+waged.[793] Of the tribes of the Baringo district it is said that they
+are all good fighters, and that war is a sanguinary affair.[794] The
+pastoral Bahima are, on the other hand, a peaceable people.[795] ‘It is
+doubtful whether (in Central Africa) great loss of life occurs in any of
+the wars among the natives.’[796] In South Africa the military qualities
+of the Zulus are well known; all through this region in former days
+warfare was regularly waged, and was a constant source of
+elimination.[797] Of the Hottentots we hear that the tribes ‘were
+constantly at war with each other’;[798] from another account it would
+seem that the fighting was neither very prolonged nor sanguinary.[799]
+
+22. Belief in witchcraft as the cause of death is common throughout
+Africa; furthermore as a result of this belief the supposed offender is
+often slain. There seems to be no doubt that among many tribes this
+factor of elimination is of some importance. Speaking of Kalabar,
+Hutchinson says: ‘They cannot believe, or at least they will not try to
+understand, how natural causes create diseases, but attribute them and
+subsequent death to “ifod” or witchcraft. Hence a plan is adopted to
+find out the perpetrator by fixing on a number of persons, and
+compelling them as the alternative of the Egbo law of decapitation, to
+take a quantity of a poisonous nut, which is supposed to be innocuous if
+the accused be innocent, and to be fatal if guilty.’[800] Even among the
+relatively advanced Baganda, ‘death from natural causes rarely presented
+itself to the native mind as a feasible explanation for the end of life;
+illness was much more likely to be the result of malice finding vent in
+magical art’.[801] Torday mentions the Bayaka as an exception to the
+general rule in that they accept illness as a cause of death, though
+‘trials for witchcraft are not unknown’.[802] Though the belief is
+widespread that the cause of death is to be sought in magic, the amount
+of elimination varies considerably from place to place. Formerly in
+British Central Africa ‘it was so general that deaths due to it were in
+the larger villages matters of daily occurrence’.[803] Among the South
+African tribes ‘the number of persons who perished on charges of dealing
+with witchcraft was very great’.[804] In West Africa it was undoubtedly
+common.[805] For the Congo district, Burrows[806] and Du Chaillu,[807]
+for Central Africa, Werner[808] and Macdonald,[809] for South Africa,
+Junod,[810] and for Madagascar, Parker,[811] bring similar evidence.
+Speaking of the Congo region, Weeks says that three forms of death are
+recognized; (1) by act of God; (2) by another’s witchcraft; (3) by one’s
+own witchcraft. Thus to die by the swamping of a canoe is a case of the
+first, to die by being swamped and eaten by a crocodile is an example of
+the second, because ‘no crocodile will upset a canoe unless told to do
+so by a witch’. Deaths from the second cause and executions following
+upon them appear to be frequent.[812]
+
+23. With respect to disease the African races are in a somewhat
+different position when compared with the other races of this group.
+Owing to the fact that they have never been wholly cut off from
+Eur-Asiatic civilization, some diseases have penetrated among them which
+are not found, for instance, among the American agricultural races who
+were cut off from the rest of mankind long before the origin of the
+third period. It is a very difficult matter to decide what diseases are
+African in origin and what diseases have found their way into Africa
+from the north. It is possible that sleeping sickness and black-water
+fever are African in origin. It is certain, however, that most of the
+diseases which cause a large amount of elimination among the African
+races at the present time have been imported from Asia. Among the latter
+are dengue fever, small-pox, bubonic plague, cholera, Asiatic relapsing
+fever, dysentery, typhus, and syphilis.[813] Nevertheless in spite of
+the fact that disease is of more importance in Africa than in America,
+there is a considerable amount of evidence to the effect that upon the
+whole before the advent of the white man the African races were healthy
+and long-lived. Thus Theal says that the Bantu races of South Africa
+were formerly ‘subject to few diseases’,[814] and Roscoe, that the
+Baganda ‘were happy and healthy before the introduction of European
+civilization’.[815] In earlier days the Basuto were remarkable for their
+healthiness;[816] they lived to a great age. We are also told that the
+Hottentots suffered from few diseases.[817]
+
+24. We find many records of a high death-rate among children.
+Undoubtedly this is largely due nowadays to diseases that have been
+introduced into Africa within the last few hundred years. The evidence
+seems to show, however, that, when we discount this factor, child
+mortality is still high, and is due to ignorance and want of care on the
+part of the mother. Both Harris[818] and Talbot,[819] speaking of West
+Africa, remark upon the high rate of infant mortality, and connect it
+with want of care. ‘As soon as an infant is able to walk, it is
+permitted to run about with great freedom,’ says Mungo Park.[820]
+According to Du Chaillu, ‘they know nothing scarcely of the care of
+children, and lose a great proportion through mistake in treatment in
+infancy’.[821] In the Congo region, ‘that a great portion of the
+children die—once they are born—is evident from the Baptist Mission
+records, extending over more than twenty years. This is chiefly due to
+unsuitable, indigestable, or insufficient food. Grenfell has some notes
+on the preposterous attempts to feed infants a few weeks old with manioc
+paste.’[822] Among the Mangbetu many children die, ‘as they are left to
+look after themselves at about two or three years of age’.[823]
+Weeks[824] and van Overbergh[825] also record high infant mortality for
+other tribes of this region. It is interesting to observe that Delhaise,
+speaking of the Warega—an isolated and primitive people—says that
+disease is rare among the children, though the death-rate is high.[826]
+According to Gutmann, many children die in infancy among the Wadschagga,
+owing to the very unsuitable methods of feeding. A mother takes food
+from her mouth and presses it into that of her child.[827] Similarly a
+high infant death-rate and want of care is recorded of the Zulus,[828]
+Basutos,[829] and Kaffir[830] races generally.
+
+_Oceania_
+
+25. Intercourse before the age of puberty is not very common among the
+races of Oceania. In New Zealand, however, it was frequent. ‘It often
+happened that a girl would have intercourse with a youth before she
+arrived at puberty. At times marriage took place and was consummated at
+this early age.’[831] This state of things is confirmed by several other
+authors.[832] Dumas says it formerly occurred in Hawaii,[833] and from
+an account given by Kubary it seems to have been practised in the Pelew
+Islands.[834] Although Brainne does not actually say so, his account
+seems clearly to indicate that intercourse occurs before puberty in New
+Caledonia,[835] and the same may be deduced from Codrington’s account of
+Banks’s Island[836] and from Danks’s description of the marriage customs
+of the New Britain group.[837] Krieger mentions pre-puberty intercourse
+in British New Guinea,[838] while Murray says that among the Baru and
+other tribes girls are married when between seven and ten years old,
+adding that marriage is consummated immediately.[839] According to
+Seligman among the Sinaugolo ‘connection often takes place before
+menstruation is established’.[840] The same is reported as occurring
+among the Javanese[841] and very occasionally among the Topebatos of
+Celebes.[842]
+
+26. The average length of the suckling period would seem to be at least
+two years and is probably longer. A few facts may be given. In Samoa it
+lasts two years,[843] in the Solomon Islands two years or more,[844] in
+New Caledonia more than three years,[845] in Fiji two or three
+years,[846] in the Bismarck Archipelago often up to three years,[847] in
+what was German New Guinea about three years,[848] in Sarawak three to
+five years,[849] among the Bontoc Igorot slightly less than two
+years,[850] and among the Ainu four or five years.[851]
+
+27. Of postponement of marriage among girls there is again practically
+no evidence. In the Society Islands girls were married when between
+twelve and sixteen years of age.[852] In the Western Islands of the
+Torres Straits girls marry a few years younger than the men, of whom the
+age of marriage is given as between twenty and twenty-five.[853] Very
+occasionally, as in the above cases, there would seem to be some
+insignificant postponement of marriage. In general, however, it is clear
+that practically all women are married from the beginning of and
+throughout the mature period.
+
+28. The important taboo upon sexual intercourse for a period after
+child-birth is common. The Maori cease to cohabit ‘after child-birth
+till the child is weaned’.[854] ‘Throughout the Western Islands (of the
+Torres Straits) cohabitation ceases early in pregnancy and is not
+resumed for some time, the baby sleeping between the husband and wife.
+This restriction is in force in Maburag until the child spontaneously
+endeavours to move about. As a matter of fact another child is seldom
+born until the previous one is some three or four years old.’[855] In
+Savage Island ‘the child was usually suckled about twelve months, during
+which period there was strict sexual abstention between the
+parents’.[856] According to Kubary the prohibited period lasted ten
+months in the Pelew Islands,[857] and according to Krämer, six months in
+Samoa.[858] A married woman among the Sinaugola ‘is supposed to forego
+cohabitation during the period of suckling’.[859] In the neighbourhood
+of Finschafen in New Guinea, intercourse is not resumed until the child
+can walk and speak.[860] With regard to the Solomon Islands, Ribbe
+speaks of a ‘long period’ of prohibition;[861] with reference to New
+Caledonia, Glaumont speaks of several months[862] and another observer
+of a considerable time in this connexion.[863] ‘After the birth of a
+child (in the Bismarck Archipelago) the husband was not supposed to
+cohabit with his wife until the child could walk.’[864] ‘During the
+whole of this time [two or three years], unless he had more than one
+wife, a Fijian was obliged to lead a life of celibacy.’[865] The same
+author says that ‘in Tonga and the Gilbert Islands the separation is
+rigidly enforced’.[866] Another account places the length of the period
+of separation in Fiji at three or ‘even four years’.[867]
+
+29. Here, as elsewhere, we find numerous references to practices
+intended to render conception impossible. A good example is found in
+Seligman’s account of the Sinaugolo. ‘There is generally a woman in the
+village or one of the surrounding villages who is supposed to be gifted
+with a power inherited from her mother of causing women to become
+“hageabani”, literally incapable of having more children. Suppose that a
+woman considers that she has had enough children, she will by stealth
+seize an opportunity of consulting such a woman and will pay for
+services. The woman gifted with the power sits down behind and as close
+as possible to her patient, over whose abdomen she makes passes while
+muttering incomprehensible charms. At the same time herbs or roots are
+burnt, the smoke of which the patient inhales.’[868] Such practices are
+obviously purely magical, and are quite ineffective. There are many
+definite statements with regard to particular races that no effective
+practices are known. In a few cases it is asserted that conception can
+be and is prevented. Krieger, for instance, says that in what was German
+New Guinea methods of preventing conception are known.[869] Pfeil gives
+a circumstantial account of a method said to be employed in New
+Ireland.[870] It seems clear, nevertheless, that the prevention of
+conception can be of but little importance in this region.
+
+30. There is the same remarkable unanimity of evidence with regard to
+the small average size of families in Oceania as elsewhere. In New
+Zealand ‘families are usually small in number’.[871] According to
+Dieffenbach, ‘families are not large; there are rarely more than two or
+three children’,[872] while Brown says ‘they have very few children.
+Large families are never seen among them; perhaps two would be a high
+average compared with the number of marriages.’[873] There are rarely
+more than three children in a family in the Western Islands of the
+Torres Straits;[874] in the Eastern Islands the number varies from two
+to six, leaving childless marriages out of account.[875] In the Sandwich
+Islands the average is said to be three.[876] ‘There were few instances
+of large families’ in Samoa; ‘four or five would be the average.’[877]
+Three is said to be the average among the Aru Islanders,[878] while in
+the Pelew Islands marriages are reported to be often childless.[879] ‘I
+have never known’, says Melville of the Marquesas, ‘of more than two
+youngsters living together in the same home, and but seldom even that
+number.’[880] Tautain, who collected some figures for these islands,
+found the birth-rate to be very low.[881] In the Kingsmill Islands ‘a
+woman seldom has more than two children, and never more than
+three’.[882] Dr. Seligman is under the impression that ‘childless
+marriages are not very uncommon’ among the Koitu and Motu of New
+Guinea;[883] and Stone says of the latter that ‘as a rule their progeny
+is not numerous’.[884] Krieger remarks upon the small families in New
+Guinea, attributing the fact to abortion and infanticide.[885] In the
+Bismarck Archipelago ‘families as a rule are not very large.... A large
+number of the women have no children.’[886] Three is the average number
+in New Ireland; a family of four or five is considered large.[887] In
+New Caledonia there are seldom more than three in a family.[888] Fijian
+women are not prolific.[889] Ling Roth, surveying the literature of
+Sarawak, notes that the small size of the families has often been
+remarked upon, and quotes the statements of Houghton and Whitehead.[890]
+According to the former, ‘in general there are more than two children in
+a family; on an average three or four, very seldom only one child’. ‘The
+families of the natives’, says Whitehead, ‘are very small; in one or two
+instances I have known them to contain eight or more by one mother, but
+many women have only three or four, most one or two children; and it is
+by no means uncommon to find them childless.’ Brooke estimated ‘four or
+five births to every married woman’.[891] Wallace was impressed by the
+same fact, and took some pains to investigate the matter. ‘From
+inquiries at almost every Dyak tribe I visited, I ascertained that the
+women had rarely more than three or four children, and an old chief
+assured me that he had never known a woman have more than seven.’[892]
+So, too, according to Bock, ‘a Dyak family seldom consists of more than
+three or four children’.[893] Hagen estimates four children born per
+fertile married woman as the average among the Orang Kubu of
+Sumatra;[894] while Marsden, writing in the eighteenth century, was
+struck by the small average fertility; ‘women are by nature unprolific’
+in Sumatra, was his opinion.[895] Two or three is the average in
+Nias;[896] ‘the average number of persons in one family in Java, where
+it is perhaps as large, if not larger than elsewhere, is estimated at
+only four or four and a half’.[897] Kreutz has compiled some figures for
+Celebes. He makes two and a half children to be the average per married
+woman among the Tolage and four among the Topebatos.[898] The Ainus ‘are
+not at all prolific’;[899] while according to another author, ‘not many
+children are born, usually three or four’.[900]
+
+31. Abortion and infanticide are common, and there are many places where
+both practices are employed. Abortion is often spoken of among the
+Maoris; it would appear to be fairly common.[901] In the Murray Islands
+of the Torres Straits ‘abortion was very common’;[902] and in the
+Western Islands it is very frequent according to Haddon,[903] and
+similar facts are recorded of the Eastern Islands.[904] Abortion was
+known in Hawaii;[905] in the Kingsmill or Gilbert Islands it was
+extremely prevalent,[906] and also in Samoa.[907] It was practised at
+times in Rotuma[908] and in Savage Island.[909] Abortion seems to be
+fairly common in Fiji.[910] It is said to be ‘fairly frequent’ in the
+New Hebrides;[911] according to Jamieson, ‘a certain proportion of women
+die in endeavouring to procure abortion’.[912] There is very similar
+evidence from New Caledonia[913] and the Solomon Islands; it was
+probably more prevalent in the latter than in the former, especially
+among the south-eastern islands of the group.[914] In the Bismarck
+Archipelago it is reported to be frequently practised,[915] and so also
+in the Aru Islands[916] and the island of Flores.[917] Similar evidence
+comes from all parts of New Guinea.[918] It is specially mentioned for
+the Gulf of Geelink,[919] among the Baru tribe,[920] near Dorej,[921]
+among the Mafulu people,[922] among the Koitu and the Motu,[923] and the
+Southern Massim.[924] It is also practised in Nias,[925] Central
+Celebes,[926] among the Bontoc Igorot,[927] and in the Mitchell
+group.[928]
+
+32. Infanticide was very prevalent in New Zealand—far more so than
+abortion. ‘Infanticide is frequent among the New Zealanders’;[929]
+according to another observer ‘it was formerly very common’;[930] or
+again, ‘it was formerly very prevalent’.[931] We hear of the ‘wholesale
+destruction of human life through infanticide’.[932] There is evidence
+that girls were more often killed than boys.[933] Infanticide occurred
+in the Western Islands of the Torres Straits;[934] among the Eastern
+Islanders ‘after a certain number had been born, all succeeding children
+were destroyed’.[935] In the Gilbert Islands it is very prevalent;[936]
+in Samoa and Tonga,[937] on the other hand, it is either absent[938] or
+very rare.[939] It appears to have been fairly common in Savage
+Island,[940] in Tikopia (Barwell Islands),[941] and in Nissau.[942]
+‘Infanticide was committed on a large scale’ in Rarotonga[943] and in
+Funafuti,[944] but it probably reached its greatest extent in Tahiti.
+The famous secret society known as the Areoi is said to have enjoined
+the killing of all children upon its members. In any case it was very
+prevalent in the island, and not confined to the Areoi.[945] ‘The first
+missionaries have published it as their opinion that not less than
+two-thirds of the children were murdered by their own parents.’[946]
+Infanticide was not known in the Caroline Islands[947] (with the
+exception of Pelew). It was apparently as common in the Sandwich Islands
+as in Tahiti.[948] It was also practised in Fiji, but girls were
+destroyed in preference to boys.[949] Glaumond states that it is ‘very
+common’ in New Caledonia,[950] and this is confirmed by Bernard[951] and
+Moncelin.[952] The last named mentions that girls are killed in
+preference to boys. It is moderately common in the New Hebrides, and
+again more girls are killed than boys;[953] according to Meinecke it is
+not so frequent in Tala as in Fate.[954] Infanticide is ‘very common’ in
+Banks’s Island,[955] in Radack,[956] in Vaitapu,[957] and in the
+Marquesas.[958] It would not seem to be very prevalent in the Solomon
+Islands, except in Ugi, where both Elton[959] and Guppy[960] report it
+to be common. Otherwise, in the rest of the group it seems to be
+rare,[961] and is absent in San Christoval.[962] It was formerly common
+in the Bismarck Archipelago.[963] There is evidence of the existence of
+the habit in various parts of New Guinea; according to Seligman it is
+‘common’ among the Southern Massim;[964] among the Northern Massim it is
+practised if there is a large family of girls.[965] The same is said of
+the Mafulu people.[966] Otherwise it would seem, generally speaking,
+that infanticide is somewhat rare in New Guinea. Murray suspects its
+existence among the Baru tribe,[967] and Erdweg among the inhabitants of
+Tumleo.[968] Newton says that he only knows one district in British New
+Guinea where it is frequently practised.[969] So, too, among the Dyaks
+it is decidedly uncommon.[970] Lastly, it may be noticed that there
+exists ‘in some parts of the Solomons and New Hebrides a most remarkable
+state of things, all the children are killed, chiefly by infanticide, it
+would appear, and substitutes purchased’.[971]
+
+33. Warfare occurs everywhere in Oceania;[972] apparently there is not a
+single case in which it is definitely recorded to be absent. In some
+islands it is as murderous as anywhere in America, though on the whole
+it cannot be regarded as anything like such an important cause of
+elimination as in that Continent. The Maories were especially skilled in
+the art of war which ‘carries off a large number of their strongest men,
+and has often proved so destructive to a tribe, that it has been broken
+up entirely and has disappeared’.[973] In the Murray Islands there is
+frequent fighting and raiding of the neighbouring islands and
+coasts;[974] and the same is true of all the islands of the Torres
+Straits, though it is commoner in the western than in the eastern
+islands.[975] ‘A life for a life’ is, we are told, the principle
+underlying warfare among these people;[976] in the Sandwich Islands
+elimination from this cause must have been very considerable; we hear,
+for example, of ‘the sanguinary character of their frequent wars’.[977]
+It is much the same in Tahiti; ‘their wars were merciless and
+destructive’;[978] ‘occasions of hostility were also at times remarkably
+trivial, though not so their consequences.’[979] War seems to be equally
+frequent in Samoa, though possibly less murderous.[980] Brown believes
+that ‘the wars of the Samoans tended for a long time to check the
+natural increase of the population’.[981] ‘There was never any
+difficulty in finding a reason, if a fight was desired (in Rotuma), as
+any pretext could be seized.’[982] Such fights were sometimes followed
+by very considerable slaughter.[983] ‘War, either offensive or
+defensive, was their continual delight [in Rarotonga]. A state of peace
+was rarely known to continue long between the tribes.... These quarrels
+invariably led to fighting, in which the warriors of each tribe engaged
+with the utmost desperation and cruelty.’[984] War was the favourite
+occupation of the Kingsmill Islanders,[985] and in the Pelew Islands it
+was their ‘daily concern’.[986] Warfare is said to have been especially
+developed in the Marshall Islands.[987] According to Williams, ‘Fiji is
+rarely free from war and its attendant evils’;[988] ‘natural deaths are
+reduced to a small number among the heathen Fijians, by the prevalence
+of war and various systems of murder which custom demands.’[989] On the
+other hand, it is interesting to note that Thomson thinks that the
+destructive nature of warfare in Fiji is exaggerated as elsewhere in
+Oceania. He gives the following account of his own experiences in
+another island as an example of what he found warfare really to mean.
+‘As we travelled along the coast we found that every village had its
+frontier; a stream mouth, or a sapling stuck upright in the sand, beyond
+which none would venture. The natives did their best to dissuade us from
+crossing these boundaries by representing their neighbours as thirsting
+for the blood of strangers. But on the other side of the frontier we
+found a meek folk, lost in wonder that we had come through the last
+stage of our journey unscathed, so cruel and ferocious were its
+inhabitants. Every man lived in active terror of his neighbours, and
+went armed to his plantation, but this did not prevent him from being a
+most skilful and industrious husbandman, or from living to a good old
+age. The fear being mutual, there was scarcely any war; an occasional
+attack upon a woman or upon an unarmed man served to keep the hereditary
+feud alive.’[990] It may very well be that the murderous nature of
+warfare has often been exaggerated, and that as a matter of fact the
+true state of affairs often approximates more closely to the picture
+given by this author.
+
+In the New Hebrides fighting is said to be fairly frequent;[991] in New
+Caledonia it is certainly common, though perhaps not very serious.[992]
+So too in the Solomon Islands there is ‘unceasing war’.[993] According
+to Romilly, ‘in a battle the victorious party, if they can surprise
+their enemies sufficiently to admit of a wholesale massacre, kill not
+only the men, but also all the women and children’.[994] A very similar
+general impression is gained from descriptions of New Guinea. ‘The
+Western section of the Koita, especially the Arauwa and the Rokurokuna,
+were formerly involved in almost continual warfare with Kabadi; apart
+from this long continual struggle the Koita appear to have carried on
+little inter-tribal fighting.... A considerable number of people fell in
+these encounters.’[995] Other accounts of New Guinea give the impression
+that, however frequent the fighting, the losses were not large.[996]
+Among the Dyaks, on the other hand, warfare is not only frequent but
+also sanguinary;[997] women and children are killed at times.[998]
+Fighting occurs between the Ainu clans, and is the cause of much loss of
+life.[999]
+
+34. It is not necessary to discuss the prevalence of feuds in general,
+as they are not to be distinguished from warfare. But in addition to the
+special case of murder following upon natural death, one form of
+homicide deserves mention as it is of considerable importance in this
+region, though not uncommon elsewhere—especially in Nigeria. Head
+hunting is popularly connected with Borneo, but it is also practised in
+New Guinea and the neighbouring islands. The taking of a head is counted
+a proof of manliness; in Kiwai Island, Fly River, it enables a young man
+to secure a wife more easily.[1000] Thomson saw thirteen skulls over the
+door of a house in an inland village in Normanby Island.[1001] Woodford
+found whole villages devastated owing to the prevalence of this
+habit.[1002] Speaking of the New Hebrides, Hickson says that ‘in the
+olden times a fresh human head was an indispensable preliminary to any
+marriage negotiations’.[1003] Among the Sea Dyaks (Ibans) it is
+certainly a form of sport; the other inhabitants of Borneo are said only
+to practise it as a part of warfare.[1004] It is not true to say that in
+Borneo the taking of a head is indispensable for a youth who wishes to
+marry,[1005] though considerable prestige clearly attaches to it.[1006]
+Without doubt the practice is responsible for a large number of
+deaths,[1007] and the head of a woman or child is equally valuable as
+that of a man.[1008] The habit is also very prevalent among the Bontoc
+Igorot. ‘For unknown generations these people have been fierce head
+hunters. Nine-tenths of the men in the pueblos of Bontoc and Samoki wear
+on the breast the indelible tatoo emblem which proclaims them takers of
+human heads.’[1009] Women and children over five years of age are
+killed.[1010]
+
+The failure to recognize natural death as such is as prevalent in this
+region as in the others which we have surveyed. Speaking of New Guinea,
+Romilly says ‘in the native opinion there is no such thing as a “natural
+death”. If a man escapes a violent death and dies of fever or pneumonia,
+it is said that he has been bewitched and that a devil has killed
+him.’[1011] So, too, von der Sande in his description of Humboldt Bay
+records that ‘the opinion is generally held that death is always caused
+by the evil desire of other persons’;[1012] in consequence numerous
+murders follow.
+
+35. With regard to the prevalence of disease it is sufficient to say
+that disease was certainly less common than in Africa. It is probably
+true that disease was of as little importance as a factor of elimination
+as in America.[1013]
+
+The evidence with regard to infant mortality shows that it is again
+considerable, and due to ignorance and want of care. Speaking of New
+Guinea, Newton says that ‘the rate of infant mortality is high, but it
+is often due, so we suspect, to the absolute belief that a child must
+have some taro to eat—where taro is the staple food—if it is to
+thrive.... Infants not twenty-four hours old have had taro given
+them.’[1014] Kreutz found that many more children died in the second
+than in the first year; this he attributed to the fact that, whereas
+while in the first year they are well looked after, in the second year,
+when they begin to crawl about, they often die from want of
+attention.[1015] Turner states that not less than two-thirds of the
+children in Samoa died in childhood from carelessness and
+mismanagement,[1016] and of the Bontoc Igorot we are told that children
+are brought up without any sign of knowledge as to how they should be
+treated from the point of view of health.[1017]
+
+
+                                 _Asia_
+
+36. It is not worth while to deal at length with the remaining peoples
+who are to be classed with this group. For the most part they are
+herders of reindeer; the more western races have long been in contact
+with Eur-Asiatic civilization; even the Chuckee were discovered in the
+first half of the seventeenth century,[1018] while the Yukaghis were
+converted to Christianity two hundred years ago.[1019] It is interesting
+to note, however, that generally speaking the conditions among them are
+similar to what we have found elsewhere.
+
+Suckling lasts three years among the Koryak[1020] and the
+Tunguses,[1021] while Yakut mothers sometimes suckle their children
+until the latter are five years of age.[1022] There is no evidence of
+postponement of marriage; the early age at which it takes place has been
+remarked on for most of these races.[1023] As regards the number of
+children, Krasheninicoff says of the inhabitants of Kamtchatka that ‘in
+general these people are not fruitful’.[1024] Sograff comments on the
+small number of Samoyed children.[1025] Jochelson found an average of
+over five to married women above forty years old.[1026] Abortion and
+infanticide are common in Kamtchatka;[1027] Stellers comments especially
+on the prevalence of abortion which is very frequently employed.[1028]
+The Samoyeds destroyed deformed children.[1029] There are the usual
+comments on the general good health of these people. Both Ostyaks and
+Samoyeds ‘enjoy the best of health and attain a very old age’.[1030]
+Infant mortality is large.[1031]
+
+
+
+
+                                   IX
+            THE REGULATION OF NUMBERS AMONG PRIMITIVE RACES
+
+
+1. We have now to ask what light these facts throw upon the quantitative
+aspect of the problem. Remembering that among all the races concerning
+which facts have been given there exists that form of primitive social
+organization the nature of which has been referred to, we may first
+examine briefly the theory of population as it applies to society in
+which there is co-operation; for the existence of this primitive form of
+social organization implies co-operation. We may then go on to apply
+what we learn from this review of the theory of population to the facts,
+so far as they concern the races of the first and second groups. We may
+next ask how far we can apply what we learn from primitive races to
+prehistoric races up to the opening of the third period, and finally we
+may inquire how it is to be supposed that the transition took place from
+the conditions under which the pre-human ancestor, lived to those under
+which the earliest societies, of which we can indirectly gain any
+knowledge, must be supposed to have lived.
+
+Malthus was the first writer to set out a theory in detail and to
+support it with evidence.[1032] Of the origin of his book some account
+has been given in the first chapter. In this book Malthus, according to
+his own account, attempted to show three things—that population was
+limited by the means of subsistence, that it almost always increases
+when the means of subsistence increase, and that there are three checks
+upon increase—vice, misery, and moral restraint. By ‘vice’ and ‘misery’
+he meant disease, war, poverty, and so on. By ‘moral restraint’ he meant
+restraint from sexual intercourse. This last check was not mentioned in
+the first edition of the Essay; it was introduced for the first time in
+the second edition.
+
+It is important to observe the nature of the argument put forth by
+Malthus. (The whole theory is one of the comparative rapidity of the
+increase of population and of the increase of food.) Population, he
+said, when unchecked, increases in a geometrical ratio, food only in an
+arithmetical ratio. Therefore there must always be checks at work
+limiting population. He made a survey of the social conditions in
+different countries, and pointed to the evidence of the existence of
+various forms of vice and misery; where moral restraint was practised,
+there was less vice and misery; where no moral restraint was practised,
+vice and misery reached their greatest prevalence. Furthermore the
+checks taken together must always be effective; it was, according to
+Malthus, merely a question of what kind of checks should be in
+operation. It was desirable in his view to increase ‘moral restraint’ in
+order to decrease ‘vice’ and ‘misery’. It also follows that, if the
+checks were always effective, there could be no such thing as
+over-population. The conception of over-population, properly speaking,
+did not enter into the theory at all. It belongs to the later theory,
+which is based upon the productiveness of industry—an idea which finds
+no place in his book.
+
+In the later editions Malthus made certain reservations about the
+impossibility of subsistence increasing faster than in an arithmetical
+ratio. Facts incompatible with the theory regarding the increase of
+population in America had come to light, and he admitted the possibility
+of the increase of subsistence in a geometrical ratio in new countries
+under certain conditions. He maintained, however, that in general
+subsistence could not increase faster than in an arithmetical ratio, and
+that his theory was therefore in essential features still correct. The
+ratios were at the basis of his theory, and sum up the whole essence of
+the argument. It has frequently been said, however, that Malthus did not
+attach much importance to the ratios. Professor Nicholson, for example,
+says that he used them ‘not strictly—but as the basis for a
+simile’.[1033] But Professor Cannan has shown that there is no
+foundation whatever for this view, and quotes a passage from Malthus
+exhibiting the importance which the latter attributed to this part of
+his theory.[1034]
+
+That subsistence can only increase in an arithmetical ratio, or in other
+words that the periodical additions to the average annual produce cannot
+be increased, has long ago been disproved by statistics. Such figures as
+caused Malthus to make his reservations about new countries have been
+forthcoming for old countries also. In his own lifetime the census
+showed the falsity of the arithmetical ratio for so ‘old’ a country as
+England. It is not necessary to go into the facts, which are well known
+and beyond dispute. It is only the result of the proof of the fallacy
+contained in the arithmetical ratio part of the theory that concerns us.
+The result was that the whole argument collapsed, founded as it was on
+the comparative rapidity of the increase of population and of food. As
+Professor Cannan says: ‘The _Essay on the Principle of Population_ falls
+to the ground as an argument, and remains only a chaos of facts
+collected to illustrate the effect of laws which do not exist. Beyond
+the arithmetical ratio theory, there is nothing whatever in the _Essay_
+to show why subsistence for man should not increase as fast as an
+“unchecked population”. “With every mouth God sends a pair of hands,” so
+why should not the larger population be able to maintain itself as well
+as the former?’[1035]
+
+2. The answer to this question was in process of being discovered during
+the lifetime of Malthus. In the early years of the century attention was
+drawn to the high price of corn, to the position of agriculture, and
+especially to the fact that less rich land was being brought under
+cultivation. From the discussion which ensued, and to which Malthus
+contributed, there arose the idea of decreasing returns to agriculture.
+It has been pointed out that it must always have been recognized in
+practice that it did not ‘pay’ to employ more than a certain amount of
+labour on a given area of land. In these years, however, for the first
+time the principle which underlay this fact was made clear. West and
+Ricardo were chiefly responsible for bringing the matter to light. The
+development of the theory need not occupy us. It may be formulated
+shortly here. ‘Whether we consider an acre of land or a whole country,
+after a certain point is reached, the return to a given amount of labour
+and capital will diminish. It will do so, however, only under the
+supposition that the arts of agriculture, using the phrase in the
+broadest sense, remain stationary.’[1036] The law is not limited to
+agriculture. It is applicable to all industry. Whenever some agent in
+production, upon which an industry is absolutely dependent, is strictly
+limited, after a time equal increments of capital and labour will not
+produce equal returns. In other words the returns to the same doses of
+capital and labour will diminish. This, however, will only occur when,
+as stated above, the supply of some agent in production is restricted;
+otherwise when an industry enlarges there will, as a rule, be an
+increasing return. The more labour, apart from diminishing returns, the
+better.
+
+When speaking of agriculture it was said that diminishing returns only
+supervene when there are no improvements in the arts of agriculture.
+This is true in general of all other industries. Any increase in the
+arts of production will in general admit of more labour and capital
+being profitably employed; if there are no further improvements, there
+will after a time come a point when diminishing returns will again
+supervene. The following out of the working of these laws in detail
+would call for a long and intricate discussion. Since the problem of
+quantity is only touched upon in its broadest outlines, such a
+discussion is not necessary here. The broad fact which emerges, and
+which alone is relevant here, is that, since the laws in general are
+applicable to all industry, there will be, taking into account on the
+one hand the known arts of production and on the other hand the habits
+and so on of any people at any one time in any given area, a certain
+density of population which will be the most desirable from the point of
+view of return per head of population. There will, in fact, under any
+given circumstances always be an optimum number; if the population fails
+to reach that number or if it exceeds it, the return per head will not
+be so large as it would be if it attained that number. This conception
+is of such importance that its formulation in other words by a modern
+economist may be quoted. ‘At any given time, or, which comes to the same
+thing, knowledge and circumstances remaining the same, there is what may
+be called a point of maximum return, when the amount of labour is such
+that both an increase and a decrease in it would diminish proportionate
+returns.... If we suppose all the difficulties about the measurements of
+the returns to all industries taken together to be somehow overcome, we
+can see that at any given time, or knowledge and circumstances remaining
+the same, just as there is a point of maximum return in each industry,
+so there must be in all industries taken together. If the population is
+not large enough to bring all returns up to this point, returns will be
+less than they might be, and the remedy is increase of population; if,
+on the other hand, population is so great that the point has been
+passed, returns are again less than they might be, and the remedy is
+decrease of population.’[1037]
+
+This idea of an optimum number is one which can be developed in great
+detail. It is only necessary here to notice that when, as in the higher
+economic stages, the arts of production on the one hand are improving
+and the habits and so on of any people are on the other hand constantly
+altering, the most desirable density is in consequence frequently
+changing. In the lower stages, when progress in skill is slow and social
+conditions more or less stationary, the optimum number may remain about
+the same over long periods of time. Further, with regard to progress in
+skill, inasmuch as the productivity of labour is enhanced by every
+improvement in the arts of production, the result of such progress will
+be that the return per head will, as a rule, increase. Such progress
+will thus, as a rule, allow of a larger population which will have a
+larger income per head.
+
+This idea of an optimum density of population is wholly different to
+that put forward by Malthus. To him the problem was one of the relative
+increase of population and of food; with us it is one of the density of
+population and of the productiveness of industry. To Malthus the
+position was much the same in all ages; in his view population, except
+under unusual circumstances, had in any country at any given time always
+increased up to the limit of subsistence, and was in process of being
+checked—chiefly by vice and misery. In the modern view increase in skill
+has brought to an increasingly dense population a larger income per
+head. The chief cause of the largest possible income not on all
+occasions being reached is that at times the density of population
+increases beyond the optimum number for the given conditions, though at
+other times the failure of population to reach the desirable level may
+produce the same result.
+
+Though the problem of diminishing returns was being discussed as the
+successive editions of the _Essay_ appeared, the idea was not applied by
+Malthus to the population question. This was undertaken by later
+writers. The development of the modern theory need not detain us; it is
+of interest, however, to observe that J. S. Mill, whose influence over
+contemporary thought was so great, never shook off the deep impression
+made upon him early in life by the Malthusian theory. He exhibited a
+remarkable dread of over-population, and in his _Principles of Political
+Economy_ seems to have regarded diminishing returns as so often arising
+that only rarely could an increase in population be advantageous. He
+appears in fact to have thought that after a certain stage all further
+increase in population was harmful, and to have looked upon ‘the degree
+of industry which is required for the maximum productiveness of industry
+as something fixed once and for all’.[1038] Mill’s view, therefore,
+though founded upon the productiveness of industry, differs from the
+modern view to which it has given place. It has since been clearly
+established that there is no maximum density desirable from the point of
+view of productiveness; so long as skill increases, other things being
+equal, so long will the desirable density increase. The influence of
+Mill’s writings has had the effect of keeping alive in England longer
+than elsewhere the pessimistic view of the problem which the teaching of
+Malthus had originally given rise to.[1039] So strong were Mill’s
+opinions that he regarded the limitation of the family by virtuous
+restraint as one of the most desirable of social reforms. He was led in
+the following passage to express views that are strongly in contrast
+with those of the many who now deplore the decline of the birth-rate
+among the upper social classes of to-day. ‘Little improvement’, he said,
+‘can be expected in morality until the producing of large families is
+regarded with the same feelings as drunkenness or any other physical
+excess. But while the aristocracy and clergy are foremost to give the
+example of this kind of incontinence, what can be expected of the
+poor?’[1040]
+
+3. This conception of an optimum number holds good wherever there is
+social co-operation between groups of men living within definite areas.
+As we have seen a primitive form of social organization exists among all
+these races. This implies in itself a certain degree of co-operation. It
+remains to show that these races are all, without exception, divided
+into groups which are strictly limited to definite areas—contrary to the
+still common notion that they wander where they please—and we may
+further note that the inhabitants of these areas co-operate to a greater
+or less degree in the search for food, and that there is a social
+obligation upon each man to do his share. We may review the evidence,
+beginning with the first point, which is of such importance that it may
+be treated at some length.
+
+It is both misleading and dangerous to apply terms carrying modern legal
+conceptions to these races; unfortunately, any terms that may be used
+are to some extent biased. We have, however, somehow to describe the
+results of investigation into the customs of these races, and it has
+been found that among all these races, without exception, groups of men
+are recognized as, if not owning, then as enjoying the usufruct of
+certain very clearly defined areas. According to Ling Roth it is not
+clear whether the Tasmanian tribes had any definite hunting grounds or
+not.[1041] Bonwick confidently asserts that it was so,[1042] and Wheeler
+thinks that the conditions in Tasmania were probably the same as in
+Australia.[1043] From Australia we have abundant evidence; the facts
+recorded from different parts of the continent vary considerably, and we
+must either believe that customs differed from place to place, which is
+not at all unlikely, or that many observers are mistaken, which,
+considering the positive nature of their assertions, is not very
+probable. Wheeler has reviewed the evidence and sums up his conclusions
+as follows: ‘Our information shows the existence in some, at any rate,
+of the areas of Australia of what must be held to be private ownership
+in land, but it does not follow that the whole of the tribal territory
+was so allotted. The unit would generally be the individual family, but
+there are a few indications that the ownership might even be vested in
+single persons within the family, other than the head. The clearest
+mentions of individual or of family ownership seem to come from the
+south-eastern area, where the physiographic conditions are most varied,
+and where, in consequence, fishing rights become important. But it seems
+likewise that the rights of families or of individuals, as also those of
+local groups, were, in general, subject to tribal over-rights, though we
+have no clear information on this point.’[1044]
+
+There is no doubt, in the first place, that the tribes were everywhere
+restricted to clearly defined territories.[1045] Doubt only arises with
+regard to the smaller groups. The usual mode of living is in small
+groups of one to three families, which usually form a portion of a local
+group, but which may exceptionally be actual local groups. Only in the
+more fertile districts is the number of families living in contact
+greater.[1046] These local groups, into which the tribes are divided,
+seem generally to have their clearly defined areas within the tribal
+territory. Thus Brown, speaking of the Kariera tribe of Western
+Australia, says that ‘the country of a local group, with all its
+products, animal, vegetable, and mineral, belongs to the members of the
+group in common. Any member of the group has the right to hunt over the
+country of his group at all times. He may not, however, hunt over the
+country of any other local group without the permission of its
+owners.’[1047]
+
+In some parts no further subdivision of the land was recognized.
+‘I could not find’, says Brown of Western Australia, ‘any evidence
+of the individual ownership of any part of the soil or of any of
+its products. The whole of the territory of the group and
+everything in it seem to belong equally to all the members of the
+group.’[1048] In other parts we hear of family ownership;
+Stanbridge says of Victoria that the tribal land ‘has been from
+time immemorable parcelled out among its families and transmitted
+by direct descent to the present generation’.[1049] Further, some
+accounts speak of individual ownership. The natives of King
+George’s Sound ‘who live together have the exclusive right of
+fishing and hunting upon the neighbouring grounds, which are, in
+fact, divided into individual properties, the quantity of land
+owned by each individual being very considerable’.[1050] Eyre
+speaks of the parcelling out of territory among the individual
+members of the tribe. ‘Every male has some portion of land, of
+which he can always point out the exact boundaries. These
+properties are subdivided by a father among his sons during his
+own lifetime, and descend in almost hereditary succession.’[1051]
+As further examples of the ideas held by the Australians on the
+subject of property, it may be noticed that Smyth describes
+individual property in trees which passes by inheritance,[1052]
+while Lumholtz says that ‘if a native finds a hive of honey in a
+tree, but has not an immediate opportunity of chopping it out, he
+can safely leave it till some other day; the discoverer owns it,
+and nobody else will touch it, if he has either given an account
+of it or marked the tree, as is the custom in some parts of
+Western Queensland’.[1053]
+
+Wherever we turn we find similar evidence of the recognition of distinct
+areas over which groups have more or less exclusive rights.[1054] Every
+tribe certainly has its own clearly defined territory; it seems further
+very probable that in most places the tribal territory is divided among
+local groups, if indeed the subdivision does not go farther. The Bushmen
+were formerly divided into tribes occupying ‘well defined tracts of
+country, which they looked upon as their own ancestral hunting
+ground’.[1055] Their respect for property is shown by the fact that,
+when a man found a bees’ nest, he put his mark upon it, and
+thenceforward it became ‘the sacred property of the finder’.[1056]
+Klutschak describes distinct territories for the Eskimo tribes, who
+confine their seasonal migrations to these definite areas.[1057]
+Subdivision of land does not seem to go farther than subdivision among
+the villages; the inhabitants of a village had the right to refuse to
+allow any strangers to settle permanently in the neighbourhood. ‘If a
+new family wished to settle at an inhabited place, the newcomers had to
+await the consent of the people already settled there, which was given
+by certain signs of civility or welcome, the strangers having meanwhile
+put their boat ashore, but not yet begun bringing up their goods. If
+these signs were not given they pushed the boat off again and went on to
+look for another place.’[1058] It is so well known that the American
+Indians recognized clearly defined tribal boundaries that we need not
+attempt to illustrate the fact by means of references.[1059] It is
+perhaps not so well known that there are also many indications of family
+and even of individual property in land. In the first place we often
+hear of the right of the inhabitants of a village to clearly defined
+tracts. ‘Each tribe had its village sites and contiguous hunting and
+fishing grounds; as long as the people lived on these sites and
+regularly went to their hunting grounds, they could claim them against
+all intruders.’[1060] Of the Carrier Tribes, Harmon says that ‘the
+people of every village have a certain extent of country, which they
+consider their own, and in which they may hunt and fish; but they may
+not transcend these bounds, without purchasing the privilege from those
+who claim the land’.[1061] Of the Western Tinneh, Hill Tout records that
+the heads of the clan own the hunting grounds, ‘the limits of which were
+always very clearly defined’.[1062] Among the more nomadic Eastern
+Tinneh we hear that bands used the same hunting grounds; these areas,
+however, were not regarded as belonging exclusively to them.[1063] Among
+the Salish of the Interior, ‘all hunting, fishing, root and berry
+grounds were common property and shared in by all alike’; whereas among
+those of the coast the food grounds were the property of the septs and
+local groups.[1064] From other accounts it appears that family and
+individual ownership were recognized in some places. This applies
+especially with regard to the fishing stations of the Pacific Coast
+tribes, where ‘varying lengths of shore were held as private fishing
+rights by heads of families, and these rights were passed from father to
+son and were always respected’.[1065] Swanton gives an especially
+interesting account of the practices of the Haidahs of Queen Charlotte
+Islands. ‘Each Haidah family had its own creek or creeks, or portion of
+a creek, where its smoke houses stood. Some of the smaller creeks are
+said to have no owners; and, on the other hand, some families are said
+to have had no land. In the latter cases they were obliged to wait until
+another family was through before picking berries, and had to pay for
+the privilege. Any family might pick berries on the land belonging to
+another after the owners had finished picking, if it obtained the
+consent of the latter and paid a certain price.’[1066] Referring to the
+Sitkin Indians, Elliot says that ‘the coastline, and especially the
+margins of streams and rivers, are duly divided up among the different
+families. These tracts are regarded as strictly private property.’[1067]
+Krause further gives an account of what can only be called individual
+private property in land among the Thlinkeets.[1068] The remarkable
+system in vogue among the Veddahs deserves notice. ‘The whole Veddah
+country was divided into small hunting regions, of which each family
+possessed one. The arrangements were most elaborate; the size of the
+tracts varied in accordance with the goodness of the land, and each
+included a portion of hill country to which each family thus had access
+during the rainy season without trespassing upon the ground of other
+families.’[1069] Cooper has very fully reviewed the evidence for the
+Fuegians. It has been stated that communism existed among them. This is
+not correct. ‘While all Fuegians are nomads,’ he says, ‘yet a Yaghan,
+for instance, is chary of poaching on Alacalufan or Onan territory. Even
+within recognized tribal territory the existence of more or less
+definitely marked off family hunting grounds is explicitly attested for
+the Onas by Professor Furlong and Dr. Dabbene and implicitly by Dr.
+Gallardo.’[1070]
+
+4. Passing now to the races of the second group it is everywhere found
+that tribal territories are recognized, and it has been shown that,
+compared with hunting and fishing races, there is an increase in the
+number of cases in which land is held by smaller groups, if not by
+individuals, and a corresponding decrease in the number of cases in
+which communal ownership is recognized.[1071] The details of the
+variation in land tenure are not relevant, and a few descriptions of the
+conditions among different tribes will serve as examples of the manner
+in which groups of men among these races drew their means of subsistence
+from clearly defined areas. ‘Among the Navahos a section of territory
+was parcelled out and held as clan land and, as descent in the tribe was
+traced through the mother, was spoken of by members of the clan as “my
+mother’s land”. Upon such tracts the woman worked raising maize, &c.,
+and the product was recognized as their property.’[1072] Of the North
+American Indians generally we are told that ‘occupancy gradually
+established a claim or right to possess the tract from which a tribe or
+individual derived food. This occupancy was the only land tenure
+recognized by the Indian; he never of himself reached the conception of
+the land as merchantable.... As long as a person planted a certain tract
+the claim was not disputed, but if its cultivation were neglected, any
+one who chose might take it. Among the Zuni, according to Cushing, if a
+man, either before or after marriage, takes up a field of unappropriated
+land, it belongs strictly to him, but is spoken of as the property of
+his clan, or on his death it may be cultivated by any member of that
+clan, though preferably by near relatives, but not by his wife or
+children, who must be of another clan.’[1073] So, too, among the Omahas
+maize was cultivated in patches of one-half to three acres in size;
+property in these patches was recognized so long as cultivation was
+continued. Afterwards any one could take them.[1074] In Mexico there was
+an elaborate system of land tenure.[1075] Conditions in South America
+were very similar to those in North America. Spix and Martius speaking
+of Brazil say: ‘The savages consider the lands they have put under
+cultivation to be in some measure the property of their tribe.... One or
+several families unite to clear a part of the virgin forest and plant
+maize, manioc, cotton, or bananas.... The same ground is cultivated
+every year, because it would be too difficult every year to clear new
+portions of the forest.... A field cultivated for several years is
+considered to belong to a family, and the neighbours recognize these
+rights.’[1076]
+
+The rights over land are very similar in Africa. Bartle Frere says that
+‘it is clear, from the accounts of early Dutch and other travellers in
+South Africa, that every Hottentot tribe had its territory, into which
+strangers might not intrude for pasture or hunting, without the leave of
+the whole tribe; each kraal had its pasture lands distinct, over which
+the people of that section of the tribe moved their mat huts, as the
+need of their herds, for grass or water, rendered advisable. As each
+kraal had more or less of a family constitution, it is difficult to say
+how far the pasture lands were held in common, or as the property of the
+individual occupant.’[1077] Of the Ewe-speaking people, Ellis says that
+among most tribes there is no private property in land but that the
+family in occupation of any tract cannot be disturbed.[1078] Of the
+Yoruba-speaking people the same author says that land, belonging to the
+community collectively, is vested in the chief, who distributes among
+households and families as required. No man can be depossessed of land
+once allotted to him, and the usufruct descends to his children, but the
+land cannot be sold.[1079] ‘It is doubtful’, says Talbot, ‘whether any
+part of the Ekoi country remains at present unowned.’[1080] According to
+Scott Elliot the rights of property in land of the different families in
+Sierra Leone are carefully maintained, especially in times of
+famine.[1081] In Northern Nigeria a ‘man is free to mark out a farm on
+any unoccupied land’, and has a claim to it as long as he cultivates
+it.[1082] Among the Bangala of the Upper Congo ‘the boundaries of a town
+are well defined, and the lands belonging to a town are well known to
+all other towns in the neighbourhood. If an animal is killed on ground
+owned by a town other than that to which the huntsman belongs, he has to
+send a portion—generally the head—to the chief of the town which claims
+the ground.’[1083] Further, ‘every woman had her farm, which was her
+exclusive property, and not even a fellow wife had any rights over
+it’.[1084] The hunting grounds of the Bushongo are well defined; the
+usufruct of the soil belongs to individuals, and trees are private
+property.[1085] Among the Mangbetu ‘every tribe has an accurate
+knowledge of the boundary of the territory over which it can hunt, move
+about, and establish its villages’.[1086] Hobley states that among the
+Akamba there is individual property in land which passes on the death of
+the father to the sons.[1087] The limits of the properties are very well
+defined and well known among the Ababua; cultivation renders the title
+good.[1088] The Baganda ‘lived in their gardens or plantations. These
+gardens were often joined one to the other, and a number of people lived
+in a community, often forming four or five miles of continuous garden
+with families living each on their own plot.’[1089] Even the fallow land
+among the Akikuyu was ‘all in private ownership’, and could not be
+brought into cultivation without the owner’s consent.[1090] In British
+Central Africa a man making a garden is ‘perfectly free to choose so
+long as the ground is not in cultivation, or has not been bespoken by
+some one else; and, once marked, no one can interfere with it’.[1091] Of
+the same region we are told that ‘these negroes have clear ideas of
+property. The waste land is usually considered to belong to the chief,
+but plantations and enclosures belong personally to the individual who
+originally made them.... Natives have clear ideas of large or small
+estates, or of their kingdom; and in the case of the former they are
+marked by the planting of certain trees of thick growth, while of course
+streams and mountains are recognized as boundaries and natural limits of
+territories.’[1092] Of the Thonga tribe in Portuguese East Africa we
+hear that ‘each man has his own field which he tills’.[1093] Speaking of
+the Bantu races south of the Zambezi, Theal says that ‘the chief
+apportioned to each head of a family sufficient ground for a garden
+according to his needs, and it remained in that individual’s possession
+as long as it was cultivated’.[1094] So Conder says of Bechuanaland,
+‘the land belongs to the chief. He divides it among his head men and
+they in turn among their people. There is no division of grazing land.
+The mealie fields are practically the property of the cultivator so long
+as they are tilled. I found each patch to belong to an individual, and
+to be divided generally by untilled land from the next patch.’[1095]
+Among the Ovaherero the whole land is common property, but the rights of
+tribes and also of individuals to particular spots are recognized so
+long as they are occupied. Whoever first appropriates a spring and the
+surrounding pastures can maintain his right.[1096]
+
+The conditions in Oceania are in their main elements, which alone are
+relevant, similar to those in America and Africa. In the Pelew Islands
+every family had its plot of land, which was considered as private
+property so long as it was occupied and cultivated.[1097] In New Zealand
+‘land was held primarily by tribal rights; and within this tribal right
+each free warrior of the tribe had particular rights over some
+portion’.[1098] In Sarawak ‘each tribe had its limits, which have been
+handed down from father to son for ages, so that every old man of a
+tribe knows the exact extent of its district’.[1099] In British New
+Guinea we hear of ‘properly regulated and well-defined property rights,
+certainly not bounded by surveyed lines commonly used to indicate
+European land claims, but marked and known by natural features such as
+surface conditions afford’.[1100] It may also be noticed that rights
+over certain areas are recognized by the peoples of Northern Asia, such
+as the Tunguses and the Yakuts.[1101]
+
+5. Passing to the second and third points we find that within these
+areas there is evidence even among the most primitive hunters of
+co-operation in the search for food and of strict rules for the division
+of the available food. Coupled with this we find that there is a social
+obligation which is strongly enforced for every man to do his share.
+Thus, where hunting and fishing can only be carried out by joint
+parties, strict rules exist for the division of the catch among those
+who have taken part and among their dependents. This may be illustrated
+by a few examples. Howitt gives many details of the rules in force in
+Australia with regard to the division of food. These rules not only
+differ from place to place but also for the various forms of game. Thus
+among the Kurnai ‘a wombat is cooked, then cut open and skinned. The
+skin is cut into strips and divided with parts of the animal thus. The
+head to the person who killed the animal. His father the right rib;
+mother the left ribs and backbone, which, with some of the skin, she
+gives to her parents. Her husband’s parents receive some of the skin.
+The elder brother gets the right shoulder, the younger the left. The
+elder sister gets the right hind leg, the younger the left hind leg, and
+the rump and the liver are sent to the young men in the camp.’[1102] ‘If
+a man only killed enough game or procured enough food for himself, his
+wife and his children, then he need not divide with others; but if he
+found that his father had no food, he would give them what he had and go
+out and look for more.’[1103] ‘All the males in the Chepara tribe are
+expected to provide food, if not sick. If a man is lazy and stays in
+camp, he is jeered at and insulted by the others.’[1104]
+
+The principal features of the Australian customs as described above are
+to be found among all hunting and fishing races, though such elaborate
+rules as are usual in Australia are somewhat uncommon elsewhere. The
+Bushmen may have had their rules for the division of game; all we are
+told is to the effect that they shared food. ‘When one feasted they all
+partook; and when one hungered they all equally suffered.’[1105] We have
+evidence both of the sharing of food and of the dividing up of game
+among the Eskimos. Details of the latter are given by Nansen;[1106] with
+regard to the former we have frequent references to the division of food
+within the villages among all who need it.[1107] Of the Eskimos we are
+also told that ‘it might be considered a law that every man, as far as
+he was able to do it, should practise the trade of a hunter on the sea,
+until he was either disabled by old age or had a son to succeed him.
+This duty neglected, he brought upon himself the reprehension not only
+of the other members of his own family, but also of the wider
+community.’[1108] Rules for the division of food were almost universal
+among the Indians; when a hunter of the Hare tribe kills an animal, he
+is only allowed the tongue and ribs; the rest is distributed according
+to a system.[1109] So, too, among the Lillooet a regular partition of
+the game took place, of which one of the features was ‘that the persons
+who had the game had no preference over others’.[1110] Such phrases as
+‘studied equity in the distribution of necessaries’,[1111] which is
+applied to the Seri Indians, indicate the existence of similar
+rules.[1112]
+
+Conditions are similar among the races of the second group. In Fiji
+‘public opinion took care that no man in the community shirked his
+work’.[1113] In New Ireland, ‘should a man neglect his family, a mode of
+punishment very similar to one practised by schoolboys among civilized
+races is adopted. A double row of men, women, and children—the whole
+population of the village—armed with stiff birches is formed; and at a
+signal from the chief the delinquent is obliged to run a certain number
+of times through the lines and receive a general castigation from the
+rods of the villagers’.[1114] Of the Pawumwa Haseman says ‘all work
+together.... If any one refuses to assist in planting, the chief forces
+him to work. I saw one Indian with a long scar on the side of his head
+and neck, the result of punishment for laziness.’[1115]
+
+6. It is thus clear that within any group in any primitive race, the
+members of which co-operate together to obtain their food from a
+definite area to which they are confined, the principle of the optimum
+number holds good. There is, that is to say, taking into account the
+abundance of game, the fertility of the land, the skilled methods in
+use, and all other factors, a density of population which, if attained,
+will enable the greatest possible average income per head to be earned;
+if the density is greater or if it is less than this desirable density,
+the average income will be less than it might have been. Obviously it
+must be a very great advantage for any group to approximate to this
+desirable density. There are three possibilities open to any group. The
+desirable number may be approached, it may be exceeded up to the point
+where men can only just exist, or it may not be reached. Extreme
+departures from the optimum number must be very disadvantageous; if
+numbers increase until they are limited by starvation only, then no
+benefit arises from the use of any skilled methods that may be known.
+Under such circumstances all inventions in the methods of hunting,
+fishing, and cultivating the ground profit nothing. Social conditions
+must also inevitably be unstable where starvation alone limits numbers.
+
+This being so, how are numbers regulated? We may observe to begin with
+that there is a number of factors at work among all these races which
+incidentally limit increase. This they may do either by decreasing
+fertility or by increasing elimination. To the former class belong
+pre-puberty intercourse and prolonged lactation, to the latter war and
+lack of care of children. Two characteristics of these factors are
+noteworthy. The effect they have upon the limitation of increase is
+incidental; it is the chance accompaniment of the practice of certain
+customs or of certain habits. In the second place the working of any
+single factor, so far as it reduces fertility or increases elimination,
+is fairly regular; in any primitive race at any given time such habits
+as prolonged lactation and early intercourse, when they occur, cause a
+certain definite reduction of fertility; and such customs as those of
+war and those connected with the upbringing of children cause a certain
+definite amount of elimination. The nature of the factors present and
+the degree of their incidence varies considerably from race to race, but
+it follows from what has been said above that in any primitive race over
+a considerable length of time the amount by which fertility is decreased
+and the amount of elimination which is caused remain fairly constant.
+
+There is another class of factors the primary and not the incidental
+function of which it is either to reduce fertility or to cause
+elimination. These factors are prolonged abstention from intercourse,
+abortion, and infanticide. The view put forward here is that normally in
+every primitive race one or more of these customs are in use, and that
+the degree to which they are practised is such that there is an approach
+to the optimum number. With regard to this view we may first deal with
+the question as to the prevalence of these customs. We may then refer to
+the evidence as to the nature and origin of these practices. We shall
+then be in a position to ask how it may be supposed that they are so
+practised as to bring about that amount of restriction of increase which
+will result in an approach to the optimum number being made.
+
+7. The evidence regarding the practice of these customs—prolonged
+abstention from intercourse, abortion, and infanticide—has already been
+given in the last two chapters. This evidence is also summed up in the
+Appendix to which the reader is invited to turn. No attempt has been
+made to conduct an exhaustive inquiry; but it is claimed that there is
+ample evidence of the widespread prevalence of one or more of these
+practices. There is no indication of the correlation of any one practice
+with any one economic stage. As far as the evidence goes, any practice
+may be in use in any economic stage. To the meaning of this we shall
+refer later. It is further claimed that, when the influence of contact
+with Europeans is taken into account, the evidence of the existence of
+these customs is still more impressive; for the observations upon which
+we have to rely have for the greater part been made after these races
+had been in contact with Europeans, and such contact is followed by a
+diminution of these practices.
+
+One of the first changes brought about by this contact is connected with
+the introduction of diseases previously unknown. These diseases are
+often peculiarly fatal, causing a very high death-rate, and it is clear
+that, unless the practices of abstention from intercourse, abortion, and
+infanticide were largely abandoned, the race would perish. There is no
+difficulty in understanding how these practices would actually be
+abandoned soon after the introduction of disease. The proximate causes
+of these practices are largely, as we shall see, the difficulty of
+transporting many young children and the undesirability of having more
+than one child during the period of lactation. If disease began to carry
+off many children, the immediate causes for these practices would
+largely or entirely disappear and so would the customs themselves.[1116]
+
+Apart from the introduction of disease, the effect of contact is in
+other ways to reduce the extent of these practices. Contact has often
+resulted in warfare between aboriginal races and European settlers—as in
+Tasmania, Australia, and America, or as between the Bushmen and the
+Boers. The largely increased death-rate would, as in the case of
+disease, be followed by a diminution of the extent of these practices.
+Further, under other conditions, as for instance in Polynesia, the
+efforts of missionaries have long been directed to putting a stop to
+these customs.[1117] We may also note that there is often a bias on the
+part of observers to under-estimate the extent of the employment of
+infanticide and abortion. Many observers are attracted by the races who
+come under their notice and seem to think that these practices are
+incompatible with the kindly nature or pleasant disposition of the
+people they describe—that in fact the attribution to them of such
+customs as a normal feature of existence is a kind of libel—and if they
+report them at all, they persuade themselves into thinking that they are
+infrequent and abnormal. We have only to remember the objection taken to
+the interpretation of the finds in neolithic graves in England as
+evidences of infanticide—an objection based on the dislike of believing
+that our ancestors could have been guilty of such a habit. Or, again, we
+may remember that Tacitus, when desirous of holding up the Germanic
+tribes as an example to the Romans of his day, declared that they never
+committed infanticide—the implication being again that infanticide is to
+be regarded as a degenerate and unworthy custom.[1118]
+
+Nevertheless, in spite of all such tendencies working for the rapid
+disappearance of these customs, and in spite of the bias against
+believing in their existence, there is, as the Appendix shows, ample
+evidence that one or more of these practices are recorded for almost
+every people.
+
+8. We may now consider the evidence regarding the origin and nature of
+these practices. We shall find that abortion and infanticide arise owing
+to the difficulty of providing for more than one child at a time. We
+shall also find that these customs are practised as normal features of
+social life and in such a manner as to keep the number of children at a
+fairly constant average figure. There is frequently a belief that a
+particular number of children is the right number of children. Further,
+it will be seen that the number of children to be preserved is a matter
+for consideration in which the wishes of not only the parents but also
+of the relations and of the community in general have to be taken into
+account, and that the practices are enforced by social pressure.
+
+A large amount of evidence has been given to the effect that the number
+of children is always small—the number, that is to say, after these
+practices have taken effect. This is in itself evidence, it may be
+noticed, that these practices do result in reducing the number of
+children to a small constant average. Some additional evidence may now
+be noted.
+
+According to Curr infanticide in Australia ‘resulted principally from
+the difficulty, if not the impossibility, of transporting several
+children of tender age from place to place on their frequent
+marches’,[1119] and later he observes that ‘infanticide was common among
+the Bangerang.... They themselves gave as their reason for it the
+impossibility of the woman carrying more than one infant in their
+constant wanderings.’[1120] ‘Every child which was born before the one
+which preceded it could walk was destroyed, because the mother was
+regarded as incapable of carrying two,’[1121] says another observer of
+the Narrinyeri tribe. Considerable information is given by Howitt for
+various Australian tribes. ‘Infanticide is practised by the Mining to
+some extent, the mode of killing being by starvation. After a few days
+of short commons the child becomes peevish and troublesome, and in
+consequence more neglected, being placed by itself away from the camp
+and fires, and it is said to be afflicted with Mupurn (magic). When
+death ends its sufferings Mupurn is the cause. The reason they give for
+this practice is that if their numbers increase too rapidly there would
+not be enough food for everybody. Yet they are very fond of their
+offspring, and very indulgent to those they keep, rarely striking them,
+and a mother would give all the food she had to her children, going
+hungry herself.’[1122] ‘In the Tongaranka tribe the practice of
+infanticide was common, because a baby was frequently too much trouble
+to look after, and it was often the mother who killed it. But it was not
+done until the family consisted of three or four; but after that too
+much work in hunting had to be done to keep the family in food.... In
+the Mukjarawaint tribe the children belonged to the grandparents, though
+the parents had care of them. If, for instance, a boy was born and then
+a girl, the father’s parents might take them, or the mother’s parents,
+and so also with another couple of children. If, then, another child was
+born and one of the grandparents took it, it would be kept. If not, it
+was killed, there being too many children. The grandparents had to
+decide whether a child was to be kept alive or not. If not, then either
+the grandfather or father killed it, by striking it against the mother’s
+knee, and then knocking it on the head.... According to Buckley, if a
+family increased too rapidly in the Wadthawing tribe, as, for instance,
+when a woman had a child within twelve months of the previous one, there
+was a consultation in the tribe as to whether it should live or not....
+Infanticide in the Kurnai tribe arose through the difficulty of carrying
+a baby when there were other children, especially when the next youngest
+was not able to walk.’[1123] Of the aborigines of the River Darling we
+are told that ‘it seems to have been the custom to kill many of the
+children directly after birth, to save trouble and privation in time of
+drought, when long distances must be travelled in the search for food
+and water’,[1124] and the same proximate cause of infanticide is
+mentioned by Beveridge.[1125] Of the women in the Port Lincoln district
+it is said that they put forward as the cause of infanticide the fact
+that they ‘cannot suckle and carry two children together’;[1126] similar
+reasons are said to be given by the women of Central Australia.[1127]
+Speaking of the natives of Port Darwin Foelsche says that the reason for
+infanticide is that ‘too many children encumber the parents in
+travelling about for food’.[1128] It is also worthy of note in connexion
+with Howitt’s statement about there being at times a dread of
+over-population that, according to Spencer and Gillen, this is not the
+case at any rate in Central Australia;[1129] according to Curr, however,
+‘in many tribes there is a great fear of a want of food arising from
+over-population’.[1130] Among the tribes of Port Lincoln ‘the number of
+children reared by each family is ... very limited, rarely exceeding
+four’, and ‘if a mother has children in rapid succession ... the young
+infant is killed’.[1131] In the Dieyerie tribe about 30 per cent. of the
+children are destroyed at birth.[1132] In the neighbourhood of Port
+Darwin children are killed ‘where a woman has more than three or
+four’.[1133] In Central Australia ‘each mother only rears, upon an
+average, two children’.[1134] Among the Northern tribes of Central
+Australia the number of children is kept down by infanticide to two or
+three.[1135]
+
+Similar evidence is forthcoming for other races of this group. Thus of
+the Puelches Guinnard says that ‘among these almost primitive creatures,
+children are not nearly so numerous as might be imagined, for the
+existence of the new born infant is submitted to the judgment of the
+father and mother, who decide on its life or death’.[1136] Charlevoix
+says of the Abipones that ‘they seldom rear but one of each sex,
+murdering the rest as fast as they come into the world, till the eldest
+are strong enough to walk alone. They think to justify this cruelty by
+saying that, as they are almost constantly travelling from one place to
+another, it is impossible for them to take care of more infants than two
+at a time; one to be carried by the father, the other by the
+mother.’[1137]
+
+Turning to races of the second group in Funafuti every mother was
+allowed to keep alternate children, but the second, fourth, and so on
+had to be destroyed.[1138] ‘A Tikopian family is usually limited to four
+children, any excess of this number being killed by burying them alive
+in the house or just outside it; occasionally five or six may be kept
+alive but never more. If the first four children are girls one or more
+of these may be killed in the hope that the succeeding children may be
+boys, in which case the lives of the boys would be spared.’[1139] In New
+Guinea, in the later years of marriage, abortion is used in order to
+lessen the number of children, since a large family would mean too much
+work for the parents.[1140] In the Kingsmill Islands ‘a woman seldom has
+more than two children, and never more than three; when she discovers
+herself to be enceinte for the third or fourth time, the foetus is
+discharged by a midwife’.[1141] In the Sandwich Islands, ‘however
+numerous the children among the lower orders, parents seldom rear more
+than two or three, and many spare only one; all the others are
+destroyed, sometimes shortly after birth, generally during the first
+year of their age’.[1142] ‘They consider three children a burden,’ says
+the same author in another passage, ‘and are unwilling to cultivate a
+little more ground, or undertake the small additional labour necessary
+to the support of their offspring during the helpless period of infancy
+and childhood.’[1143] ‘No married pair (among the Gilbert Islanders) are
+allowed by their law to have nor bear more than four children, that is
+only four children get the chance of life. The woman has the right to
+rear or to endeavour to rear one child. It rests with the husband to
+decide how many children shall live, and this depends on how much land
+there is to divide.’[1144] In Fiji ‘infanticide is more prevalent among
+the poor classes than the rich’.[1145] Speaking of the Murray Islands
+Hunt says that ‘after a certain number had been born, all succeeding
+children were destroyed, lest the food-supply should become
+deficient’.[1146] Codrington says of the Melanesians that ‘abortion and
+infanticide were very common. If a woman did not want the trouble of
+bringing up a child, desired to appear young, was afraid the husband
+might think the birth before its time, or wished to spite her husband,
+she would find some one to procure abortion.... Infanticide was more
+prevalent in some islands than others.... The old women of the village
+generally determined whether a new-born child should live; if not
+promising in appearance or likely to be troublesome, it was made away
+with.’[1147] Among the Mafulu of British New Guinea a woman must not
+give birth to a child unless she can give a pig to a village feast, and
+consequently children are often destroyed either by abortion or
+infanticide, both of which are common.[1148] Of the Western Islands in
+the Torres Straits we hear that ‘few women rear more than three
+children, and besides most of those born before marriage are doomed to
+be killed immediately after birth, unless the father—which is seldom the
+case—is desirous of saving the child.... Even of other infants some,
+especially females, are made away with in a similar manner when the
+mother is disinclined to support it.’[1149] Of the Eastern Islands it is
+said that ‘after a certain number had been born, all succeeding children
+were destroyed, lest the food-supply should become insufficient’.[1150]
+
+Rengger, who remarks upon the small number of children among the
+Guaranis, traces it to the regular practice of abortion after a certain
+number had been born.[1151] ‘Infanticide is quite common among the
+Lenguas, an interval of seven or eight years being always observable
+between children of the same family. Not only are babies, which are born
+in the interval, immediately killed, but abortion is also
+practised.’[1152] Among the Creek Indians ‘to destroy a new-born infant
+is not uncommon in families that are grown so numerous as to be
+supported with difficulty’.[1153] Of the Cheyennes it is said that ‘it
+has been the custom that a woman should not have a second child until
+her first is ten years old. When that age is reached, the man is likely
+to go with his wife and child to some large dance or public gathering,
+and there ... to announce publicly that now this child is going to have
+a little brother or sister.’[1154] There is sometimes evidence, for
+instance among the Sioux[1155] and the Brazilian tribes,[1156] that
+abortion is committed after consultation with the husband. Among the
+Pima Indians ‘sometimes a mother nursed a child until it was six or
+seven years old, and if she became pregnant in the meantime she induced
+abortion’.[1157] In Fiji there was no cohabitation until the child was
+two years old. ‘This separation ... was in bygone times invariably
+enforced’ and abortion was practised when there had been enough
+children.[1158] Speaking also of Fiji Seeman says that ‘relatives of a
+woman take it as a public insult if a child should be born before the
+customary three or four years have elapsed, and they consider themselves
+in duty bound to avenge it in an equally public manner’.[1159] Similarly
+Gutmann says of the Wadschagga that it is considered most disgraceful if
+a woman, who is still suckling a two years child, again becomes a
+mother, and that in consequence abortion is frequent.[1160] In German
+New Guinea, according to Krieger, only three children are as a rule
+brought up owing to a fear of scarcity of food.[1161] In Radeck ‘every
+mother is allowed to bring up only three children; every fourth and
+succeeding one she is obliged to bury alive herself’.[1162] Infanticide
+was ordered by law in Vaitapu and not more than two children were
+allowed in a family.[1163] Of the Roro-speaking tribes of New Guinea we
+are told that ‘formerly it was not customary for a woman to have
+children until her garden was bearing well’.[1164] In the New Hebrides
+‘infanticide was sadly prevalent. As the burden of plantation and other
+work devolved on the woman, she thought she could not attend to more
+than two or three children, and that the rest must be buried as soon as
+born.’[1165] In the New Britain group ‘after marriage children are not
+borne by the woman for a period of from two to four years. I am informed
+that this is the result of a popular dislike to speedily becoming a
+mother on the part of the women, who use various means to procure
+abortion and use them successfully.... A considerable period elapses
+between the birth of one child and the birth of another. The general
+term is about three years. One child is always well out of hand before
+another appears.’[1166] We may also note that, according to Rivers,
+infanticide is frequent among the Todas and is practised not when food
+runs short but as a regular custom.[1167]
+
+It will be remembered that, when setting out in the last two chapters
+the evidence for the extent of abortion and of infanticide, these
+practices were in many cases stated to be committed when there was a
+certain number of children thus corroborating the evidence given to this
+effect above.
+
+9. We are now in a position to discuss the manner in which numbers are
+regulated among these races, leaving until later the discussion as to
+how the position among these races was derived from that among species
+in a state of nature. Everywhere groups of men are, as we have seen,
+confined to definite areas. Among the few things which the men composing
+these groups do know with accuracy are the limits within which their
+food must be obtained. Further they co-operate in the search for food.
+It follows, therefore, that within any such area there is—taking all the
+relevant facts into account—an optimum number. The advantages to any
+group of approaching this number are immense; a wide departure from this
+number can only be socially disastrous. We found that within any group
+there is a number of factors—some of which reduce fertility and others
+of which increase elimination—and that the average amount of restriction
+of increase resulting from the action of these factors was fairly
+constant. We also found that there were certain other factors—prolonged
+abstention from intercourse, abortion, and infanticide—which are
+everywhere present and considerably restrict increase. If, as we shall
+see later, there is reason to think that some approach to the optimum is
+everywhere attained, it is clear that the former factors cannot of
+themselves alone sufficiently restrict increase. It is therefore to the
+latter factors, the primary function of which it is to restrict
+increase, that we must look when we seek for the mechanism by which
+numbers are brought near the desirable level.
+
+It is clear how these factors originate. Among more or less nomadic
+peoples abortion and infanticide are practised because of the difficulty
+of transporting and of suckling more than one child at a time.
+Abstention from intercourse arises as a taboo. The problem we have to
+face is how these practices could come to be of the necessary intensity.
+Now men and groups of men are naturally selected on account of the
+customs they practise just as they are selected on account of their
+mental and physical characters. Those groups practising the most
+advantageous customs will have an advantage in the constant struggle
+between adjacent groups over those that practise less advantageous
+customs. Few customs can be more advantageous than those which limit the
+number of a group to the desirable number, and there is no difficulty in
+understanding how—once any of these three customs had originated—it
+would by a process of natural selection come to be so practised that it
+would produce an approximation to the desirable number. There would grow
+up an idea that it was the right thing to bring up a certain limited
+number of children, and the limitation of the family would be enforced
+by convention.
+
+Though, however, adjustment is understandable as the result of a natural
+selection of customs, the evidence shows that there is even among the
+most primitive races at times at least some deliberation as to whether a
+child shall be allowed to live. In the more advanced races there is
+increasing evidence of deliberation. It cannot be supposed that in
+deliberation of this kind there is any grasp of the true position
+regarding the importance of the optimum number, but it may be supposed
+that under these circumstances the actual position at the moment as to
+whether there are too many or too few in the group does weigh when
+taking the decision. To all members of such a group, confined as they
+are within the knowledge of them all to a limited area, the
+disadvantages of too many mouths must be obvious. Therefore even among
+the more primitive races there may be some semi-conscious adjustment of
+numbers by means of one of these methods. However this may be, it is
+clear that, even if there is no semi-conscious deliberation among the
+lower groups, there is to some extent an automatic adjustment to the
+needs of the moment. Suppose disease or severe weather, for instance, to
+produce a higher rate of infant mortality, then abortion and
+infanticide, inasmuch as they are practised because of the difficulty of
+transporting more than one child, will be less practised.
+
+10. Leaving aside for the moment the evidence that an approximation to
+the desirable number is in this manner attained, we may note that in
+order that the system should be effective, something more is necessary.
+The conception of an optimum number involves the idea of a standard of
+living. The attainment of the optimum number indicates that the highest
+standard, which is possible taking all the circumstances into account,
+has been reached. In order that the standard of living may be
+maintained, it is not merely enough that numbers should be restricted;
+the younger generation must become proficient in the skilled methods
+which make this standard possible of attainment, and in particular it is
+important that the young men should not marry unless they are both
+energetic and skilful—unless, that is to say, they are both willing to
+keep up and are capable of keeping up the standard of living previously
+attained. There is abundant evidence to the effect that pressure is
+exerted upon the younger generation. It is commonly recognized that
+among primitive races the girls marry at or soon after puberty. It is
+not so often recognized that the young men not infrequently do not marry
+until some years later. The inefficient and the physically incapable
+sometimes do not marry at all. In such facts we may see evidence of the
+pressure exerted by social conditions and conventions. We find also that
+not only are young men carefully instructed in the skilled methods, but
+that the parents of the bride anxiously inquire as to the bridegroom’s
+energy and capability of supporting a family. The conditions regarding
+marriage have been much studied, and in marriage by service and marriage
+by purchase we can observe the pressure which forces a young man to show
+himself proficient in the skilled methods which are in use among his
+people. Obligations on the would-be bridegroom to work and save up the
+purchase money or to serve his future parents-in-law make it necessary
+for the young man to learn skilled methods and to exhibit energy and
+competence before marriage, whereby it is in any case rendered unlikely
+that new families will be set up which will adopt a lower standard of
+living than that of the previous generation. At the evidence for these
+facts we may now glance.
+
+In Australia betrothals generally take place in infancy and marriage
+follows later; these betrothals are usually arranged as exchanges, but
+the system shows some features of marriage by purchase.[1168]
+Considerable postponement of marriage is often observed, especially
+among the less skilled members of the community; thirty is mentioned as
+a not uncommon age for marriage.[1169] Among the Eskimos there is a very
+strong feeling that a boy must show himself proficient in the difficult
+arts of hunting and fishing as practised by them. A young man seldom
+marries until he is over twenty, though often betrothed when an
+infant.[1170] Before that age he cannot learn all the methods of hunting
+game, managing a kayak, and so on. Marriage is considered impossible
+because he would not be in a position to maintain his family, and it is
+the necessity of showing that he is in this position before marriage is
+allowed which is remarked upon by all observers of Eskimo life.[1171]
+The usual form of marriage in America is by purchase.[1172] As a rule,
+the amount to be paid is relatively large, and the boy must either spend
+some time in getting it together or else obtain it from his father. At
+other times marriage is by service. Thus among the Kenai the bridegroom
+performs a year’s service,[1173] and among the Haidahs boys were often
+betrothed at an early age and went to live with the girl’s family and
+worked for them until marriage.[1174] A Seri bridegroom leaves his own
+family and enters that of the bride for a year; ‘he must display and
+exercise skill in turtle fishing, strength in the chase, subtlety in
+warfare and all other physical qualities of competent manhood’.[1175]
+Among the Jakun a husband ‘is expected to provide a hut, cooking pots
+and other necessary articles such as will suffice to enable
+house-keeping to be started with reasonable comfort’.[1176] Among the
+Fuegians ‘as soon as a youth is able to maintain a wife by his exertions
+in fishing and bird catching, he obtains the consent of her relations,
+and does some piece of work, such as helping to make a canoe, or
+preparing sealskins’.[1177]
+
+In this connexion it may be noticed that we often hear of the scorn
+poured upon the weak and unsuccessful; it appears to be the case that
+such men sometimes never marry.[1178] Among the Kutchins ‘poor men,
+whose abilities as hunters are small, and who have been unable to
+accumulate herds, remain bachelors’.[1179] One of the most difficult
+things an Eskimo has to learn is how to catch seals. ‘The poor wretch’
+that cannot do so ‘is despised to the last degree, and is obliged to
+subsist on women’s diet, such as scolpings, which he can fish for on the
+ice, mussels, periwinkles, dried herrings, &c.’[1180] With regard to
+postponement of marriage, from twenty-three to twenty-five is the usual
+age of marriage for men among the Thompson Indians,[1181] from
+twenty-one to twenty-five for men among the Lillooets,[1182] and
+twenty-five among the Abipones.[1183]
+
+With regard to the races of the second group, among the Topebatos men
+marry when about eighteen. They have both to present gifts to, and to do
+work for, their future parents-in-law.[1184] The bridegroom also works
+for his future parents-in-law among the Bontoc Igorot.[1185] In Fiji
+‘young men of the lower orders married rather late in life for a
+primitive people, rarely, it appears, before the age of
+twenty-five’.[1186] Later the same author says that ‘marriages were
+often delayed for years when the bridegroom’s family were too poor to
+acquire property commensurate with their pride’.[1187] In the Maldive
+Islands ‘although a man is allowed four wives at a time, it is only on
+condition of his being able to support them’.[1188] In the Caroline
+Islands ‘a suitor serves for his wife in the house of his father-in-law
+elect as Jacob did with Laban and frequently has his pains for
+nothing’.[1189] Marriage by purchase is common in New Guinea and often
+results in a postponement of marriage while the purchase money is being
+collected.[1190] Speaking of the New Britain Group, Danks says ‘some I
+have met who have never married, but the cause lay in their inability to
+raise the shell money with which to purchase a wife’.[1191] In Sumatra
+marriage by purchase is said to constitute a certain hindrance to
+marriage, in spite of which, however, there are few celibates.[1192]
+Among the Negritos of Zambala the amount of the purchase money is large
+and ‘there is no doubt that the gifts made represent almost all the
+wealth of which a young man and family can boast’.[1193] In the Western
+Islands of the Torres Straits men marry when between twenty and
+twenty-five years old,[1194] marriage being by purchase.[1195] In
+certain cases where head hunting is practised prowess in this art must
+be shown before marriage.[1196] In certain parts of Borneo ‘it is a rule
+among all the tribes that no youth can regularly wear a mandan, or be
+married or associate with the opposite sex, till he has been on one or
+more head hunting expeditions’.[1197]
+
+Marriage by purchase is often found in Africa. The necessity of
+collecting the purchase money frequently involves some postponement of
+marriage. Formerly among the Thonga a man generally married when about
+twenty-five years old,[1198] but there was some variation in the age
+owing to the varying difficulty experienced in getting together the
+necessary cattle.[1199] Sooner or later nearly all the men among this
+tribe get married;[1200] and this is true of all Bantu peoples. ‘The
+kind of individual called a bachelor does not abound among the Bantu.
+The wretched, the invalids, the weak-minded only, are deprived of the
+legal marriage which for the black man is and remains the one object in
+life.’[1201] Sometimes in South Africa ‘a young man too poor to acquire
+a wife by the transfer of cattle would make an arrangement with the
+father of the girl to live with her and serve him’.[1202] Among the
+Baronga young men do not marry for several years after puberty.[1203]
+Werner’s description of marriage among the Zulus is of particular
+interest. ‘The price paid by the Zulus (under the name of Lobola) and
+others cannot properly be called purchase, being rather in the nature of
+a settlement or guarantee that the suitor is able to support a wife; it
+is held by her family in trust for her and her children.’[1204] The same
+author, speaking generally of British Central Africa, says that ‘young
+men may have to wait for some years, owing to lack of means or other
+reasons. In the country under the Angoni chiefs they are called on ...
+to “serve their time”, herding the chief’s cattle, and later, perhaps,
+going to war.’[1205] The men of the Akikuyu are described as ‘not
+marrying very young’.[1206] Roscoe enumerates the various articles
+required to make up a bride’s price among the Baganda, and adds that
+‘they were difficult to obtain and represented a large sum to a poor
+person, so that it took him a long time to collect them; a man
+frequently spent twelve months begging among his relatives and friends
+the amount asked; for though as a rule he had secured some of the things
+before he went to ask for the lady, there would still be a balance to
+find’.[1207] Among the Wapagoro regular sexual intercourse is practised
+by children. At puberty they are separated and the boy must then begin
+to collect the purchase money, and not until he has finished may
+intercourse be resumed.[1208] Plas notes postponement of marriage among
+the Kuku owing to the amount of the purchase money.[1209] An interesting
+account of the Akamba is given by Dundas. ‘During his lifetime a man so
+divides his stock that he allots a portion to each of his wives. On his
+death the portion of each wife goes to her son or sons.... If the cattle
+left are not numerous enough to buy a wife for each son they are left
+with the eldest son until the increase suffices for the purchase of a
+wife for him. When the increase is again large enough it is given to the
+second son to buy a wife, and so on until each has a wife.’[1210]
+According to Johnston, ‘the Masai warrior is not allowed by the elders
+of his tribe to marry until he has reached about thirty years of age and
+has accumulated a fair amount of property or else so distinguished
+himself by his bravery as to merit an early retirement’.[1211] Among the
+Bangala, if a man is accepted by a girl he has to pay the ‘bespoke’
+money, after which ‘the girl is reserved for him until such time as he
+can pay the whole or larger part of the marriage money’, and, while he
+is collecting this money, he will build a house if he does not already
+own one.[1212] Further, ‘a man can marry as many women as he can afford
+to pay marriage money for, but to each he must give a house’,[1213] and
+as a result of the high marriage price, if his family cannot help him, a
+man ‘cannot save enough to procure a wife until he is thirty or even
+older’.[1214] Cureau states that in the Congo basin a bride’s relatives
+are much interested in estimating a suitor’s capabilities of supporting
+a family and of, in general, doing well.[1215] Among the Ekoi people,
+‘by a native custom if a man wishes to marry an Ekoi maiden he must
+serve her people for some considerable time, usually from two to three
+years. His work mostly consists in helping to clear bush for next
+season’s farms, but other services may be required of him. During this
+time he is expected to make presents to the relations of his future
+wife.’[1216]
+
+Very similar institutions are found in America. Among the Nandowensis,
+‘when one of their young men has fixed upon a young woman he approves
+of, he discovers his passion to her parents, who give him an invitation
+to come and live with them in their tent. He assiduously accepts the
+offer, and by so doing engages to reside in it for a whole year, in the
+character of a married servant. During this time he hunts, and brings
+all the game he kills to the family, by which means the father has an
+opportunity of seeing whether he is able to provide for the support of
+his daughter and the children that might be the consequence of their
+union.’[1217] Among the Ojebway Indians marriage is also by service and
+the future father-in-law is described as being anxious that the suitor
+should be a good hunter.[1218] Of the Natchez it is said to be ‘rare for
+young men to marry before they be five-and-twenty. Till they arrive at
+that age they are looked upon as too weak, without understanding and
+experience.’[1219] According to Dorsey, men of the Omaha tribe did not
+marry formerly until between twenty-five and thirty.[1220] Among the
+Attakapas, ‘if a savage desires to marry a girl whose father is still
+living, he approaches the latter; the latter then inquires if he is a
+brave warrior, a good hunter’, if he can make weapons, and so on.[1221]
+In Mexico men married about twenty.[1222] In British Guiana marriage is
+by service, and the bridegroom must show that he is capable of taking a
+man’s part; within a certain time he must clear a piece of land of a
+given area.[1223] Another author gives further details: ‘Before he is
+allowed to choose at all he must prove that he is a man and can do a
+man’s work.’ There are various tests. Among others ‘he clears a space in
+the forest to be planted with cassaba, and brings in as much game and
+fish as possible, to show that he is able to support himself and
+others’.[1224] In Peru a man had to be twenty-four years old before he
+could marry.[1225] Von Martius states that the system of marriage by
+purchase in Brazil is to be regarded as a symbol that the bridegroom can
+support a family.[1226] Men among the Guanas marry when over
+twenty.[1227]
+
+11. The evidence so far adduced shows that the mechanism whereby numbers
+may be kept near to the desirable level is everywhere present. When
+inquiring into the nature of the mechanism, we found certain indications
+that it was effective. The regularity with which certain customs are
+practised, the small average number of children, and other facts afford
+strong but not conclusive evidence that an approach is normally made to
+the optimum number. We may now ask what further evidence there is as to
+the position in this respect.
+
+Conclusive evidence is not available. It is only when we are able, as
+among some of the races in the third group, accurately to measure the
+average income over a period of years during which numbers are changing
+that we can arrive at a definite result. With regard to other races we
+have to adopt methods which, though less precise, nevertheless afford
+important evidence. We may inquire into the general conditions of life
+and ask whether there are indications of the approach to the highest
+standard of living within reach, or whether living is more usually
+reduced to the bare level of subsistence. We may ask whether famine and
+starvation frequently occur, what the average physical condition of the
+people is, whether old age is often reached, whether, in short, the
+conditions are such as we should expect to find them when the optimum
+number was approached, or as we should expect to find them when the
+numbers reached the maximum which could just be kept alive.
+
+The conception of savage life which formerly prevailed was that
+primitive races were always in a condition of semi-starvation.[1228] In
+this connexion it has to be remembered that the conception of the
+optimum number has regard to all the conditions, and that among these
+races, taking the degree of skill, social customs, and so on into
+account, there would be, even if the optimum number was attained, times
+of scarcity, if not of famine. The existence of times of scarcity,
+therefore, is no evidence that, so far as numbers are concerned, these
+races have not attained the best conditions possible for them. It is
+undoubtedly the fact that they are physiologically adapted to withstand
+periods of scarcity in a manner that civilized men are not adapted, and
+it is interesting to observe that, according to the results of certain
+experiments, occasional periods of semi-starvation are far less harmful
+than is continual under-feeding.[1229]
+
+Descriptions of the Australians suggest the picture of anything but an
+emaciated people in a condition of semi-starvation. In one place Spencer
+and Gillen speak of them as well nourished;[1230] in another place they
+describe a typical Arunta as ‘by no means poor in physique; in fact he
+might often serve a sculptor for a model, and, when walking behind a
+native, you are continually struck with his proportions and beautiful
+carriage’.[1231] These authors go on to say, however, that ‘there are
+times when he is hard pressed and during a long continuance of drought
+his life is not a happy one’.[1232] So, too, Schürmann says of the
+tribes of Port Lincoln: ‘the male sex exhibits a great deal of unstudied
+natural grace in their deportment, their walk is perfectly erect and
+free, motions of the body easy and gestures natural under all
+circumstances.’[1233] Further, we are told that ‘their food, if of
+indifferent quality, was at least wholesome and readily procurable, six
+hours a day abundantly sufficing for that purpose, so that hunger was
+little known’,[1234] and that ‘in most of the districts with an
+indigenous population game is so abundant compared to the number of
+inhabitants, as to enable every one to procure for himself and his
+family as many pounds of meat a day as his heart desired’.[1235] Perhaps
+this is too optimistic a view; there are certainly many references to
+lean times when food is difficult to procure. ‘In few parts of
+Australia’, says Thomas, ‘can the native count on anything like regular
+supplies of food’,[1236] and we hear of those powers of enduring hunger
+and thirst so common among these races and so incomprehensible to
+Europeans.[1237]
+
+Burchell is enthusiastic about the Bushmen; ‘as we rode onwards, I could
+not cease admiring the beautiful symmetrical form of our Bushman guide,
+who walked and sometimes ran before us, with a gait the most easy and
+free that I ever beheld. All the limbs, unshackled by clothing, moved
+with a grace never perhaps seen in Europe. The contemplation of his
+well-proportioned, although small and delicate figure, his upright manly
+port, his firm and bold step, and the consciousness of liberty which
+beamed in his countenance afforded us indescribable pleasure.’[1238]
+Nevertheless the Bushmen had ‘periods of fasting’[1239] and were ‘often
+destitute of food for several successive days during seasons when both
+roots and game were scarce’.[1240] They were also ‘capable of remaining
+a long time without food, and could then devour immense quantities of
+meat without any ill effect’.[1241]
+
+In most countries a lean season occurs periodically once or more every
+year. Such lean seasons are more exacting in some regions than others.
+The Australians manage to subsist for the most part without storing up
+food;[1242] in other countries the storing of food becomes a
+necessity.[1243] We often find that where food has to be stored up the
+stock runs low towards the end of the lean season. The Eskimos have to
+depend for many months upon the food they have preserved, and if for any
+reason, as for instance the late formation of the floe, their
+calculations are upset, they may be placed in a very trying
+situation.[1244] Of them we hear stories, as of other races, regarding
+their powers of withstanding hunger; ‘a man who has eaten nothing for
+three days, at least nothing but sea grass, can manage his little kayak
+or canoe in the most furious waves’.[1245]
+
+Of the Kutchins of the Peel River we are told that they are ‘an athletic
+and fine-looking race, considerably above the average stature, most of
+them being upwards of six feet in height and remarkably well
+proportioned’.[1246] ‘The Indians north of the Columbia are, for the
+most part, good-looking, robust men, some of them having fine,
+symmetrical forms. They have been represented as diminutive; with
+crooked legs and uncouth features. This is not correct; but, as a
+general rule, the direct reverse is the truth.’[1247] The Montagnais are
+described as ‘tall, strong, erect, well-proportioned and agile’;[1248]
+on the other hand, we hear that they are liable to shortages of food,
+are able to go without food for three days together at a time, and are
+guilty of great excesses of eating and drinking when food is
+plentiful.[1249] Hardisty says that the Loucheux can always obtain food
+except under very unfavourable circumstances.[1250] ‘It sometimes
+happens that the Ahts are in straits for want of food, when the fish do
+not appear until late in the spring,’[1251] but ‘they can bear the want
+of food a long time without becoming exhausted’.[1252] The account of
+the Californians given by the acute Jesuit missionary Baegert is of
+particular interest. ‘Notwithstanding the barrenness of the country, a
+Californian hardly ever dies of hunger, except perhaps now and then an
+individual that falls sick in the wilderness and a great distance from
+the mission, for those who are in good health trouble themselves very
+little about such patients, even if these should happen to be their
+husbands, wives or other relations, and a little child that has lost its
+mother or both parents is also occasionally in danger of starving to
+death.... The food of the Californians is certainly of a mean quality,
+yet it keeps them in a healthy condition, and they become strong and
+grow old in spite of their poor diet.’[1253] ‘Californians can endure
+hunger easier and much longer than other people; whereas they will eat
+enormously if a chance is given.’[1254] Three days without food appeals
+differently to an observer in a mission station on the one hand and to a
+prisoner among the Indians on the other. ‘So protracted was the hunger
+we experienced,’ says Cabeça de Vaca, ‘that many times I was three days
+without eating anything. The natives also endured as much, and it
+appeared to me a thing impossible that life could be so prolonged.’ The
+same author goes on to say, however, that ‘they are a merry people
+considering the hunger that they suffer; notwithstanding they never
+cease to dance nor to observe their festivities and ceremonies. To them
+the happiest part of the year is the season of eating prickly pears; for
+then they have hunger no longer, and pass all the time in dancing and
+they eat day and night.... It occurred to us many times while we were
+among this people, and there was no food, to be three or four days
+without eating, when they, to revive our spirits, would say to us not to
+be sad, that soon there would be pears and we should enjoy plenty, and
+drink of the juice, and that our bellies would be very big, and we
+should be content and joyful, having no hunger.’[1255]
+
+It is submitted that the conditions indicated by the type of evidence of
+which examples have been given above are not compatible with the state
+of existence on the bare means of subsistence.[1256] With this evidence
+there should be considered the facts given in the sixth chapter
+regarding the good health and advanced age to which these races
+generally attain.
+
+Turning to races of the second group, in the Eastern Islands of the
+Torres Straits ‘nutritious food is generally very scarce at the end of
+the dry season’.[1257] The Dyaks usually experience a season when it is
+difficult to procure food.[1258] We are told that famine was unknown in
+Fiji,[1259] but that from November to February there was sometimes a
+scarcity when the last yam crop had been consumed and the next crop had
+not ripened.[1260] So too among the Baganda ‘no one ever went hungry
+while the old customs were observed’,[1261] but there are at times lean
+seasons. ‘When food is abundant they have their three meals daily; when
+it is scarce they content themselves with two, and hope for the rain and
+a plentiful supply of fruit.’[1262] Cureau, describing the races of the
+Congo Basin, gives a general description of the conditions which
+corresponds very closely with that just quoted for the Baganda.[1263] In
+British Central Africa “the time of hunger” comes after the rains, when
+the last year’s corn is eaten, and the new is not yet ripe—about
+March’.[1264] Of the Kagero of Northern Nigeria we are told that the
+‘people are naturally more healthy and better conditioned in December,
+say, than in August’, because towards the end of the year there is
+plenty of food from the harvest whereas later in the wet season there is
+usually a scarcity.[1265] So of the Mandja of the Northern Congo we are
+told that ‘generally by the month of October, the Mandja family has
+consumed its reserves of food; thereupon follows want for two
+months’.[1266] In North America Catlin describes times of scarcity among
+the Mandans[1267] and im Thurm describes similar conditions in
+Guiana.[1268]
+
+Of the fine development of physical form there is abundant evidence. The
+inhabitants of Timor Laut are ‘handsome-featured fellows, tall, erect,
+and with splendidly formed bodies’.[1269] One of the earlier travellers,
+Kotzebue, was very much struck with the physical features of the
+inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands[1270] and of Radeck.[1271] So, too,
+in Africa the Akikuyu are ‘exceedingly strong, muscular, healthy and
+well set up’.[1272] ‘The Damaras, generally speaking, are an exceedingly
+fine race of men. Indeed it is by no means unusual to meet with
+individuals six feet and some inches in height, and symmetrically well
+proportioned withal. Their features are, besides, good and regular; and
+many might serve as perfect models of the human figure.’[1273] As in the
+case of the races of the first group, we are told that formerly these
+people lived to a great age. ‘Under natural conditions the Bantu were a
+longer lived people than the Europeans.’[1274] Catlin was greatly
+impressed with the physical fitness of the North American Indians. He
+never saw ‘a more hardy and healthy race of men’, while the women were
+‘exceedingly healthy and robust’.[1275] According to Heriot, ‘the North
+Americans are in general robust, and of a healthful temperament,
+calculated to live to an advanced age’.[1276] Du Pratz speaks highly of
+the physical characteristics of the Natchez and much similar evidence
+could be quoted.[1277] Azara, for instance, says that the Payaguas lived
+to an advanced age[1278] and also mentions especially the fine physical
+features of the Mbayas[1279] and of the Charruas.[1280] Of the Mandrucos
+Wallace says that ‘their figures are generally superb; and I have never
+felt so much pleasure in gazing at the finest statue, as at the living
+illustrations of the beauty of the human form. The development of the
+chest is such as I believe never exists in the best formed Europeans,
+exhibiting a splendid series of convex undulations, without a hollow in
+any part of it.’[1281] Humboldt remarks of the Chaymas that both men and
+women ‘are very muscular, but fleshy and plump’.[1282] So, too, Spix and
+Martius, speaking of Brazilian tribes, say that ‘the Indians are seldom
+sick and generally live to an advanced age’.[1283]
+
+Lastly it may be observed as evidence of some weight that, as between
+different races, the higher the skill and the greater the natural
+richness of the surroundings, the higher, so far as we can judge, is the
+return per head. Though the return cannot be measured, all that we know
+of the conditions of life point to this conclusion, whether we contrast
+the agricultural races in general with the hunting and fishing races, or
+whether we contrast such hunting and fishing races as those of the
+north-west coast of America with the Fuegians.
+
+12. The conclusions derived from a study of the first two groups are
+therefore to the effect that an approximation to the desirable number is
+normally attained by the practice of one or more of the three customs
+mentioned. As a result, the small average size of the family is arrived
+at—the size being just about that which allows for the average mortality
+from various causes later in life, so that in the next generation there
+will be as nearly as possible the same number of adults as in the former
+generation. It may be that, as an occasional coincidence, just that
+amount of reduction of fertility and just that amount of elimination
+necessary to bring about approximation are effected by means of those
+factors which were described as having incidentally these results. But
+such a coincidence must be very rare and the evidence shows that the
+practice of one or more of the other class of factors is widespread, if
+not universal. Further, it has been shown that a more or less automatic
+adjustment is attained by means of variations in the intensity of the
+operation of these latter factors, whereas it is difficult to see how it
+could come about by variations in the former factors only, and, however
+unprogressive social organization and general conditions may be, some
+adjustment must be necessary from time to time.
+
+It has been observed that there is no apparent connexion between the
+practice of any of these customs and the different economic stages, and
+it may be stated that an investigation undertaken to see if any
+connexion could be detected was without result. This conclusion is not
+surprising. The problem of how to control numbers is one which is
+presented to all races at all times. We have grouped races according to
+their economic status; but there is no reason to expect that under any
+one economic system a particular method of controlling population would
+be adopted more than any other method—no reason, for instance, why
+infanticide rather than abortion should be practised under one system
+rather than under another. As has been said, the problem is always
+present, and the method adopted must originally have depended upon some
+factor quite independent of the economic stage; abortion, for instance,
+might have been practised in one country because of the presence of some
+herb which experience showed to be effective, while in another country a
+taboo upon sexual intercourse for magical reasons might have been
+developed into a taboo during lactation.
+
+This survey of primitive races is limited to the elucidation as to what
+is normally the position as regards the regulation of numbers. The
+evidence is not sufficiently detailed to allow us to judge whether in
+any one particular instance there was or was not a close approximation
+to the desirable number before contact with Europeans had changed their
+conditions. It is merely suggested that there was in general a tendency
+for such an approximation to occur and it may further be deduced that,
+since the desirable number remained the same over a great length of
+time, rendering the approximation, so to speak, easy of attainment, the
+adjustment to the optimum number normally came about. And in this
+connexion the limitation to clearly defined areas may be borne in mind.
+The very fact of the universal recognition and careful maintenance of
+these areas is an indication that such was the normal condition.
+Migration is abnormal, and this fact is apt to be forgotten for two
+reasons. First, when reviewing the course of history, migrations stand
+out as the chief, if not the only, known facts and the huge intervals of
+time between one movement and another are forgotten. Secondly, our
+knowledge of primitive races is largely derived from observations made
+when migration had been set on foot owing to contact with Europeans, as,
+for instance, in America. Migration may be a disturbing factor,
+upsetting the adjustment of numbers; but it is an abnormal condition and
+hence it is disregarded here.
+
+And here, in answer to the objections that a greater prevalence of
+infanticide and so on is assumed than there is evidence for, we may,
+bearing in mind the many reasons why the evidence is deficient, reply
+that this assumption is not unreasonable. If such an assumption is not
+made, the position among these races is not comprehensible. It may be
+granted, for instance, that there is evidence of the practice of
+infanticide on a large scale among certain Australian tribes; but it may
+be pointed out that similar evidence is lacking in the case of other
+tribes. Allowing that a far more detailed examination of the evidence is
+desirable than there is space for here, especially with regard to the
+nature of the evidence and the date to which it refers, we may ask what
+it is supposed was going on among those tribes who did not, as it may be
+alleged, practise infanticide—abortion and abstention from intercourse
+being uncommon or unknown in Australia. The fecundity of all Australians
+is presumably very similar; it would be very remarkable indeed if it
+were not. The factors tending to lessen fertility and to produce
+elimination do not differ so very much from one tribe to another. It
+must follow that, if one tribe practised infanticide on a large scale
+and maintained its numbers nevertheless, another tribe which did not do
+so must have been rapidly increasing. This rapid increase is not
+compatible with the strict maintenance of well-defined territories and
+with all that we know of normal inter-tribal relations, and it is
+submitted that the assumption made here, namely that infanticide or some
+other custom was almost always practised, provides the only explanation
+of the position.[1284]
+
+Lastly it may be recalled that there are many indications that fecundity
+is somewhat less among these races than among modern races. However this
+may be, it has always to be remembered that the power of increase is
+nevertheless huge. It has been, for instance, calculated that between
+the years 1906 and 1911 the population of the world was increasing at
+such a rate that it would double itself in about sixty years. At this
+rate of increase the estimated population of the world in 1914—namely,
+1,694,000,000—would be produced by the progeny of a single pair in 1,782
+years.[1285] Furthermore, this is occurring under conditions in which
+the increase is everywhere obviously and severely checked in very many
+ways; therefore, even if the fecundity among these races is less than
+among civilized races, it must not be thought that there is thereby
+brought about any considerable alleviation of the problem as to how
+numbers should be controlled.
+
+13. We have now to ask how far the conclusions to which we have come
+regarding primitive races are applicable to prehistoric races. In the
+first place, they are clearly only applicable to races among whom social
+organization has become established; for it is only when men begin to
+reap the advantages of co-operation that the conception of the optimum
+number arises. As we have seen, it is not possible to say when primitive
+social organization arose. It must certainly have been present in the
+Upper Palaeolithic; the evidence of the presence of a large body of
+tradition is otherwise incomprehensible. As suggested, it may very well
+be that we should look for the origin of social organization in the
+Lower Palaeolithic. Among the Tasmanians, whose skill was not much in
+advance of that of Acheulean man, there was a primitive form of social
+organization. Nevertheless, wherever the beginnings of social
+organization are to be placed, we must suppose that a long period of
+time elapsed before it assumed that rigid form characteristic of
+primitive races. Giving all due weight to this consideration, we must
+assume that in, and perhaps before, the Upper Palaeolithic era the
+position with regard to numbers was in all essentials similar to that
+among primitive races. It is not uncommon to meet with statements to the
+effect that man was a wanderer until he began to practise agriculture.
+This is a mistake if it implies that after social organization had
+arisen definite areas for different groups of men were not recognized.
+There can be no direct proof of this; but the fact that, wherever we
+look, absolutely without exception we find among all primitive races the
+recognition and careful maintenance of such areas, just as much among
+hunting and fishing as among agricultural races, must lead us to suppose
+that among the more skilled hunters of pre-history similar conditions
+normally obtained. It is altogether unreasonable and without foundation
+to suppose that the recognition of areas is a development subsequent to
+the separation of primitive races from the main line of social
+evolution. If then the recognition of areas, which probably arose with
+the development of social organization, was a characteristic of the
+later prehistoric races, we are led to conclude that the desirability of
+attaining to and maintaining the optimum number must have had the same
+consequences as among primitive races. It must, in other words, have
+resulted in the practice of infanticide, of abortion, or of abstention
+from intercourse. For there is no reason to assume that the factors
+bearing upon fertility and elimination reached a considerably greater
+intensity than among primitive races. We have, however, no reason to
+assume that any one of these habits was practised rather than another,
+for there is, as we have seen, no correlation between these factors and
+stages in economic development. All that we assume is that in one way or
+another adjustment was brought about, and in corroboration of this we
+may note, as will be pointed out in the next chapter, that as
+prehistoric races emerge into the light of history there is abundant
+evidence of the practice by them of one or other of these customs.
+
+14. Lastly we may ask how we are to view the change from the conditions
+under which the pre-human ancestor must have lived to the conditions
+which we have found reason to attribute to prehistoric races. The
+conditions to which species in a state of nature are subjected, and to
+which therefore we assume the pre-human ancestor to have been subject,
+were described in the second chapter. We found that the fecundity of any
+species was connected with the sum of all the unavoidable dangers as we
+called them to which the young of the species are exposed. A limit is
+set to the development of the strength of fecundity beyond a certain
+point by the fact that it cannot be to the advantage of any species that
+its “fecundity should increase considerably beyond the point which
+ensures the survival of the species, as such an increase would intensify
+the struggle between the members of the species—this intensification of
+the struggle not bringing any corresponding advantages.”
+
+We are ignorant with regard not only to the form of the pre-human
+ancestor, but also with regard to the conditions under which he lived.
+We must suppose, however, that his fecundity, like that of any other
+species in a state of nature, was of a strength that enabled a
+sufficient proportion of his offspring to survive the unavoidable
+dangers. As we have seen, that which marks the setting out of man on the
+path which led to the dominion over all other species was the growth of
+his intellect. The most obvious consequence of this increase in
+intellectual power must have been to enable man to protect himself
+against many of these dangers. We do not know to what dangers he was
+subject, but they must in all probability have been many and serious in
+view of his relatively poor equipment with means of defence. Yet we have
+only to look at the Tasmanians to find that, when a degree of skill had
+been reached not far superior to that of Lower Palaeolithic man, he had
+freed himself from most of these dangers. Parasites were not then, so
+far as we can tell, a serious menace, and against the attacks of other
+species he could defend himself with almost complete success. Whether
+his fecundity had come to differ from that of the pre-human ancestor by
+that time we cannot tell; in any case the fecundity of prehistoric man
+was evidently in the main a legacy of the pre-human ancestor—a degree of
+fecundity that had been evolved in the face of quite other conditions.
+Since the time of prehistoric man fecundity has increased—this increase
+being apparently in the main in the nature of a modification due to
+changed conditions of life.
+
+It appears that we must regard the growth of intellect as having enabled
+man to avoid the serious consequences which a fecundity in excess of
+that necessary to ensure survival would otherwise have brought about.
+Excessive fecundity, not therefore being a disadvantage, was not reduced
+by selection. It must be remembered that human fecundity is only
+relatively excessive; actually man is a slow-breeding animal, and when
+we speak of this relatively excessive fecundity, we are not to think of
+such a degree of fecundity as would occupy so prominent a place among
+the bodily functions as to render man less adaptive than he would have
+been had it been less. Fecundity, in other words, could only have become
+disadvantageous had it led to greatly increased competition among the
+members of the species without any corresponding advantage. This might
+perhaps have happened, had not the growth of the intellect indirectly
+produced new causes of elimination and intensified some of the formerly
+existing factors. Thus the change in food and in the mode of life was
+evidently productive of a higher infant mortality; such changes were due
+to the growth of the intellect, and the higher mortality consequent upon
+them, if not, as is possible, an actual advantage, was at least
+countenanced by natural selection.[1286] Such changes therefore were,
+other things being equal, tolerated, as were also abstention from
+intercourse due to taboos, pre-puberty intercourse, prolonged lactation,
+and so on. The practices of abortion and infanticide together with
+prolonged abstention from intercourse—also due to the intellect—enabled
+man completely to escape any disadvantages which might have arisen from
+his relatively excessive fecundity—the reserve, so to speak, of
+fecundity being possibly an advantage.
+
+In some such manner as this it seems that we have to regard the present
+position of man with reference to fecundity. The strength of fecundity
+is in the main a legacy from ancestors who were subject to wholly
+different conditions. It is excessive relatively to his present needs;
+this excess has, however, not been a disadvantage; for the consequences
+which might have been deleterious have been avoided owing indirectly to
+the modifications of the conditions of life and directly to the rise of
+certain customs all ultimately traceable to the growth of the intellect.
+
+
+
+
+                                   X
+                            HISTORICAL RACES
+
+
+1. In this chapter we deal with the factors bearing upon fertility and
+elimination in the third of the three groups described in Chapter V. In
+one important respect this and the following chapter are contrasted with
+the preceding chapters. In the latter we were dealing, not with the
+facts derived from the peoples whom it was our object directly to
+investigate, but with the facts derived from primitive races with the
+object of throwing light upon prehistoric races. Here we are dealing
+with the facts relating to the peoples whose position it is our object
+to consider. The setting out of the facts relating to these races
+presents great difficulties. The amount of information is huge, but for
+the most part it is far from being of a satisfactory nature, and the
+rapid changes which have occurred within the historical period increase
+the difficulties. Only a brief review of the subject, designed to
+illustrate the more important features, is attempted.
+
+The races under consideration are divided into four sub-groups.
+Sub-group 1 includes the civilizations of Egypt, Mesopotamia, Greece,
+and Rome up to the fall of the Western Empire. In these countries we
+have some knowledge of the progress from Neolithic culture to a culture
+exhibiting a far greater command over nature. From this culture is
+derived the later civilization of Europe, which we consider under
+sub-groups 3 and 4—the former beginning with Europe after the fall of
+the Western Empire and ending roughly about A. D. 1760, the date given
+by Marshall as marking the beginning of the industrial system, the
+latter beginning about 1760, and including all European races and their
+derivatives in America, Australia, and so on. Generally speaking,
+therefore, sub-group 1 includes the ancient empires, sub-group 3 Europe
+from the Roman Empire to the rise of the industrial system, and
+sub-group 4 the epoch of the industrial system.
+
+There remain those races which have passed beyond the culture of the
+races included in the second group, but which have been out of the main
+stream of the evolution which led to the industrial evolution. In
+sub-group 2 are included India, China, Persia, Japan, and also the
+partly nomadic Arabs and certain other Asiatic peoples. In late years
+the customs of the races in this sub-group have been influenced by
+contact with Europeans; changes due to this contact will be disregarded,
+as were similar changes in the races belonging to the first and second
+groups.
+
+In one very important respect the conditions with regard to all races in
+the third group differ from those in the preceding groups. Disease is a
+factor of the greatest importance, and we may consider in the first
+place the facts regarding the prevalence of disease in all groups. What
+little there is to be said regarding war, famine, and child mortality in
+all the races of this group may also be considered together. With regard
+to the other factors we find that in many respects the conditions in the
+first two sub-groups are similar and are contrasted with those in the
+latter two sub-groups. Therefore, after considering disease and the
+other factors mentioned for all groups taken together, it will be
+convenient to deal with the sub-groups separately, taking the ancient
+empires and the Asiatic peoples first, and mediaeval and modern Europe
+afterwards.
+
+2. Something was said in Chapter VI with regard to the evolution of
+disease. It was there shown that in all probability most diseases
+evolved relatively late in history. The more settled conditions of the
+Neolithic Age may have provided the first suitable surroundings for the
+evolution and spread of disease. The taking of metals into use was
+followed by an increase in the density of population when conditions
+became yet more favourable. The use of metals was followed by the rise
+of the first civilizations. It was then that men first came to dwell in
+towns and cities, and it is interesting to observe that the earliest
+cities were very compact. Mr. Hall, speaking of Minoan civilization,
+says that the towns were very cramped, ‘more so than the most confined
+of European mediaeval cities’.[1287] On the rise therefore of these
+early civilizations the conditions were strongly contrasted with those
+which, we imagine, must have been prevalent before, and favoured the
+spread of disease as it had never been favoured before. From the rise of
+the early civilizations until within the last hundred years, conditions
+have remained favourable. They may perhaps have been most favourable in
+European towns in mediaeval and later times. According to Rogers, ‘the
+habits of the people were favourable to pestilence. Every writer during
+the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries who makes his comment on the
+customs and practices of English life, adverts to the profuseness of
+their diet and the extraordinarily uncleanliness of their habits and
+persons. The floor of an ordinary Englishman’s house, as Erasmus
+describes it, was inconceivably filthy, in London filthier than
+elsewhere, for centuries after these events. The streets and open
+ditches of the towns were polluted and noisome beyond measure. The
+Englishman disdained all the conditions of health.’[1288]
+
+Turning to the evidence, we find that facts are very scanty for the
+earliest times of this period. Such evidence as we have points to the
+prevalence of disease during the early civilizations. We know that
+pestilence swept over Egypt—the references to the subject in the Bible
+being familiar. But precisely what diseases were prevalent are not
+known; the descriptions of the symptoms are seldom sufficiently accurate
+even in mediaeval times to make it possible to identify the
+diseases.[1289] From other evidence it appears that in any case
+tuberculosis, leprosy, plague, and bilharzia were common in Egypt. There
+is much evidence to show that most diseases only reached Europe in
+relatively late times. Plague, for instance, probably first reached
+Europe in A. D. 542. It is possible, however, that the pestilence which
+ravaged most of Europe between A. D. 164 and 188 was plague.[1290]
+Generally speaking, the evidence points to the conclusion that many
+diseases came from the East, where they in all probability originated.
+Plague, cholera, and small-pox all seem to have had their origin in
+India. This conclusion is in harmony with what we know of the origin of
+civilization, for it is where men first came to dwell in close proximity
+that we should expect to find that disease originated.
+
+With regard to mortality from disease very little accurate information
+is available until modern times. It is quite impossible to say, for
+instance, whether disease was the cause of a higher mortality in the
+Middle Ages than in the times of the Early Empires. All we know is that
+it was in both cases an important factor of elimination. Within the last
+century disease has come to be in an increasing degree under the control
+of scientific methods. Some diseases such as small-pox have been almost
+banished from this country; others, such as diphtheria, have been
+rendered less lethal. Of the Early Empires there are of course no exact
+facts. Macdonell, working on figures from the _Corpus Inscriptionum
+Latinarum_ of the Berlin Academy, found that there was a very low
+expectation of life in ancient Rome as compared with the present day.
+Whereas in England at the age of fifteen the expectation of life for
+boys is forty-five years and for girls forty-eight years, in Rome it was
+twenty and fifteen years respectively; and again, whereas in England at
+the age of thirty the expectation of life for men is thirty-three, and
+for women thirty-six years, in Rome it was nineteen and fourteen
+respectively. He also found that, though the death-rate was less high,
+the position was much the same in the provinces of Hispania and
+Lusitania as in Rome. In Africa, however, the expectation of life was
+higher, but this may perhaps be due to the presence of a large number of
+colonists.[1291] There is abundant evidence of a high rate of mortality
+in Europe up to the opening of the last century. We must remember, says
+Rogers, that ‘in the Middle Ages the risks of death from disease were
+far greater than they are at present, that medical skill was almost
+non-existent, that the conditions of life were eminently unwholesome,
+that the diet of the people, during fully one-half of the year, though
+abundant, was insalubrious’;[1292] and in another place he says that ‘in
+the large towns the deaths, to judge from the return up to the
+eighteenth century, greatly exceeded the births’.[1293] Theilhaber,
+quoting Goldstein, gives figures which corroborate this view for Basel
+and Frankfort.[1294] Halley constructed one of the earliest tables of
+mortality for the city of Breslau for the years 1687 to 1691, and they
+show that the mortality was ‘considerably higher than that shown by
+modern statistics’.[1295] Price constructed a table for Northampton for
+the years 1735 to 1780, and it shows a death-rate of 249·31 per thousand
+for the ages 0–2, which is far higher than at the present day.[1296]
+
+Finally, though disease has nowadays very largely come under scientific
+control, by far the greater number of deaths is due to disease. Thus in
+1917 there were 498,922 deaths among the civilian population of England
+and Wales. Of these, 20,480 were due to violence (not suicide), 2,495 to
+suicide, 2,485 to ill-defined or unknown causes, and 2,598 took place
+during pregnancy. Of the remainder all were due to defined diseases.
+Enteric fever (typhoid and paratyphoid) accounted for 977, measles for
+10,538; whooping cough, 4,509; tuberculosis for 59,934; syphilis for
+2,127; cancer for 41,158; pneumonia for 39,832; diphtheria and croup for
+4,498; meningitis for 4,761; organic heart disease for 52,692;
+bronchitis for 38,907; other respiratory diseases for 7,031; diarrhoea
+for 13,311; nephritis and Bright’s disease for 14,298; and congenital
+debility for 23,850.[1297]
+
+3. Warfare is the second factor—disease being the first—which among
+these races is remarkable in that its effects are not regular. It is
+wholly impossible to estimate the loss of life in war until modern
+times. Contemporary statements nearly always hugely exaggerate the
+numbers engaged in battle and the number slain. ‘In the first Battle of
+St. Albans we have been told that five thousand persons were slain. It
+is almost certain that not much more than half that number were in
+action.’[1298] This is probably equally true of nearly all such
+statements. With regard to elimination through warfare there are two
+facts to be borne in mind. The first is that, even if the contemporary
+statements were correct, war is by no means so important a factor as it
+seems at first sight. A practice which resulted in the conscious
+limitation of each family by one child would have greater results over a
+period of years than there is ever claimed as the direct result of
+warfare in reducing numbers over a similar period. The second is that
+the indirect elimination following upon warfare is of far greater
+importance than the direct elimination. Famine and disease following
+warfare were until recent times responsible for many more deaths than
+warfare itself. When we are told that during the Thirty Years’ War the
+population of Würtemberg was reduced from 500,000 to 46,000,[1299] it
+has to be remembered that disease and famine played a greater part than
+loss of life in battle. Further, when the direct effects of warfare as a
+whole are contrasted with those of disease, it is apparent that they are
+relatively insignificant. Elimination from disease, though irregular, is
+always in progress within this period; there are lengthy epochs when
+there is little or no loss through war. Again, the great epidemics are
+far more destructive of life than the great wars; Hecker, for instance,
+after a lengthy examination of the various accounts, came to the
+conclusion that about a quarter of the inhabitants of Europe perished
+during the Black Death.[1300]
+
+The nature which warfare assumed in this period is obviously connected
+with the rise and consolidation of large states. Warfare becomes a
+matter of policy; it is no longer a cause of a regular degree of
+elimination. There is among the races under review in this chapter every
+degree between the kind of warfare typical of the races previously
+reviewed and that typical of this period. The nomadic races of Asia have
+at least until recent times maintained a form of regular warfare.
+Vambéry states that there is ‘inveterate and irreconcilable enmity’
+between two tribes of Turkomans.[1301] We are told that among such a
+primitive people as the Nagas the tribes were formerly in a state of
+constant hostility.[1302] Among these people also head hunting was
+formerly common and the victims sometimes included women.[1303] ‘One
+individual showed Mr. Carnegie his apron which recorded the deaths of
+twenty-five individuals—men, women and children—slain by his own
+hand.’[1304] Generally speaking, however, we have in this period to
+think of warfare as typically of a different nature to that which we
+have noticed before, but whether it on the whole accounts directly for a
+higher degree of elimination, it is not possible to say.
+
+The features of warfare which are of importance here are its relatively
+slight effect in producing elimination, its irregular action, and its
+important consequences in bringing about disease and famine. With
+disease we have already dealt. Famine appears here for the first time
+among the more important factors of elimination, and its appearance is
+obviously connected with the higher organization of society which, if
+broken down, as by warfare, may give rise to famine.[1305] Social
+organization may be broken down by other causes than war, as by some
+failure in government. Famine may also result from exceptionally bad
+weather in any period; but it would seem that when a certain stage of
+organization has been reached the danger is greater than before or
+afterwards. There were great famines in England in the years 1194 to
+1196, 1257 to 1259, and 1315 to 1316, since when famines have been
+unknown. These famines were all connected with bad weather, but the fact
+that they have not occurred since is to be attributed rather to superior
+social organization and increasing knowledge than to better climatic
+conditions. The sudden and prolonged changes of climate which occur in
+certain places, as for instance in Peninsular India, tax the resources
+even of modern knowledge and skill. In the case of famine, more so even
+than in the case of warfare, the loss of life is apt to be
+overestimated. Famine somehow strikes the imagination and gives it a
+prominence in history which it does not deserve. It is in reality a
+minor factor.
+
+Before leaving the subject of warfare, it is interesting to note, in
+view of what will be said later regarding the influence of Christian
+teaching in assisting to put a stop to abortion and infanticide, that
+the early Church was also opposed to warfare. According to Clement of
+Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen, and Lactantius, all warfare was unlawful
+for the converted. Under Domitian a Christian soldier who refused to
+fight was executed. There was a controversy between Celsus and Origen on
+this matter. The view of the latter was that the prayers of Christians
+were more effective than their swords. This attitude, however, was soon
+abandoned, and by the time of Constantine the army was largely
+Christian.[1306]
+
+4. In the groups already discussed we have found child mortality to be
+an important factor. We traced it to certain factors such as
+carelessness, ignorance, and practices such as bathing new-born babies
+in cold water. Within the historical period child mortality also plays
+an important part. Though there is little or no evidence of the practice
+of such customs as those referred to, ignorance and carelessness are
+familiar enough among the less educated classes at the present day, and
+in addition disease exacts a very heavy toll of infant life. In fact,
+whereas among primitive races the actual cause of the death of children
+appears generally to be exposure or debility following on the results of
+ignorant and careless treatment, among the races of this group the
+actual cause of death is usually disease to which children have been
+more or less predisposed by the treatment they have received.
+
+There is little exact evidence as to the conditions among the historical
+races, but the general impression gained from the literary evidence is
+that infant mortality was high. The high rate of child mortality among
+Asiatic races is well known. In the period 1902 to 1911 the average
+deaths of children for one thousand births was in the United Provinces
+352, in Bombay 320, in Burma 332, and in the Punjab 306.[1307] Referring
+to these figures, Wattal comments on the ‘extremely unsanitary
+conditions of child-birth and the appalling ignorance prevalent on the
+subject’.[1308] With regard to ignorance it is everywhere the same
+story. Of the modern Egyptians we are told that ‘the children are foul
+in the eyes, and are allowed to munch such indigestible dainties as
+beans and bread as soon as they have teeth with which to bite, while the
+mother protests to the lady doctor that nothing but milk has ever passed
+the child’s lips, though its little hand may actually be holding a hunch
+of raw potato’.[1309]
+
+Of the Middle Ages again there is no exact evidence, but all we know
+points to a very high child mortality. Some figures for the eighteenth
+century from the country have been quoted and doubtless there was a
+considerably higher death-rate in the towns.[1310] From the general
+conditions and from the prevalence of disease it is obvious that it
+could not have been otherwise.
+
+Within the last century there has been in most European countries a
+considerable decrease in child mortality. The degree of mortality varies
+greatly from country to country. For the same period as that for which
+the Indian figures were given the figures are for England and Wales
+127·3, France 132·4, Germany 186·6, Hungary 207·6. New Zealand 64·4,
+Sweden 84·4, Australia 87·5, and Scotland 116·1.[1311] Some further
+reference to this subject and particularly to the differences between
+the various countries will be made in Chapter XI.
+
+5. With this reference to the importance of disease, war, famine, and
+child mortality throughout the historical period we may pass to the
+consideration of the remaining factors, dealing first with the ancient
+empires and Asiatic peoples and afterwards with Europe from the fall of
+the Roman Empire. We shall find that considerable differences exist
+regarding the importance of the various factors as between these two
+divisions. Roughly speaking, with the exception of the importance of
+disease, conditions in the ancient empires and in Asiatic countries are
+similar to those in previous groups. In Europe after the introduction of
+Christianity we shall find that certain factors become of little or no
+importance, whereas others appear for the first time, and finally in the
+modern period we shall discover further changes. It is therefore
+convenient to consider the conditions in the first two sub-groups taken
+together and afterwards those in the latter two sub-groups.
+
+All the evidence goes to show that celibacy and postponement of marriage
+were very rare in the ancient empires and are very rare among Asiatic
+peoples. The only instances to the contrary are such cases as those of
+the later days of the Roman Empire; such cases are wholly exceptional
+and what there is to be said about them will be deferred to the next
+chapter. Generally speaking, every one married at or soon after the age
+of puberty. In Greece ‘in various places criminal proceedings might be
+taken against celibates’.[1312] Though the figures on which he worked
+were small, Macdonell found that marriages in Rome took place between
+the ages of ten and twenty.[1313] In all these countries we find
+examples of religious celibacy. In Egypt[1314] and Chaldea[1315] there
+were celibates of both sexes for religious reasons, in Rome there were
+vestal virgins, in Persia Sun Priestesses who did not marry, and in
+India and Tibet there are similar examples.[1316] But unlike Christian
+celibacy, these instances of celibacy were of no importance whatever as
+regards the question of numbers. The religious celibates never formed
+more than an insignificant fraction of the whole population. In general,
+as we shall see later, marriage was strongly encouraged by religions
+other than Christianity for the mass of mankind. The one other important
+exception would seem to be Buddhism, which not only forbade marriage to
+the sacerdotal caste, but discouraged marriage among all those who would
+attain to wisdom. It would appear, however, that celibacy, though
+possibly widespread in the earlier days of Buddhism, soon ceased to be
+practised except by a small proportion of the adherents of Buddha. ‘It
+is said that in Nepal, under the modern Gurkha rule, the celibate
+occupies a lower position than the married monk, to whom the services in
+the temples are committed. It is said, too, that the Lamas of Sikkim and
+other northern countries constantly have children living with them,
+though they do not admit them to be their own. Yet for all that celibacy
+is the rule, and, nominally at any rate, the great majority of Lamistic
+monks in Western Asia are unmarried coenobites, who live together in
+monasteries.’[1317]
+
+Much evidence could be given as to the view taken of celibacy and of the
+duty of marrying early. ‘The Oriental’, says Polak, ‘does not understand
+how any one can remain a celibate who has the chance to marry.’[1318]
+‘Le célibat’, says Fustel de Coulanges, ‘devait être à la fois une
+impiété grave et un malheur; une impiété, parce que le célibataire
+mettait en péril le bonheur des mânes de sa famille; un malheur, parce
+qu’il ne devait reçevoir lui-même aucun culte après sa mort et ne devait
+pas connaître ce qui réjouit les mânes. C’était à la fois pour lui et
+pour ces ancêtres une sorte de damnation.’[1319] Doughty describes the
+reasons for the absence of celibacy among the Arabs.[1320] The same
+conditions are found in China.[1321] Of Corea, Ross says ‘the male human
+being who is never married is never called a “man”, whatever his age,
+but goes by the name of “yataw”, a name given by the Chinese to
+unmarriageable young girls, and the man of thirteen or fourteen has a
+perfect right to strike, abuse, order about the “yatow” of thirty who
+dares not so much as open his lips to complain’.[1322] ‘Among natives of
+India’, says Kerr, ‘it is considered an indispensable duty to enter into
+the marriage state.’[1323] ‘A Hindoo male’, according to Wattal, ‘must
+marry and beget children—son, if you please—to perform his funeral rites
+lest his spirit wander uneasily in the waste places of the earth. The
+very name of son, “Putra”, means one who saves his father’s soul from
+the hell called “Puta”. A Hindoo maiden unmarried at puberty is a source
+of social obloquy to her family and of damnation to her ancestors. Among
+the Mohammedans, who are not handicapped by such penalties, the marriage
+state is equally common, partly owing to Hindoo example, and partly to
+the general conditions of life in primitive society where a wife is
+almost a necessity both as a domestic drudge and as a helpmate in field
+work.’[1324]
+
+Early marriage is considered to be a duty for all. Westermarck quotes
+Mohammed as saying: ‘whenever a servant of God marries verily he
+perfects half his religion’.[1325] According to the Laws of Manu it is a
+religious duty incumbent upon all.[1326] In the Vedic Age marriage was
+much encouraged and offspring greatly desired.[1327] Confucianism and
+Zoroastrianism similarly encouraged marriage. ‘A youth’, says Dubois,
+speaking of India, ‘who was not married before he was eighteen was
+considered by them to be sinning against the command of the Creator,
+which says “Increase and Multiply”.’[1328] ‘Almost all Chinese,’ says
+Gray, ‘robust or infirm, well formed or deformed, are called upon by
+their parents to marry so soon as they have attained the age of
+puberty.’[1329] ‘Marriage and the upbringing of offspring became a duty
+incumbent upon every Chinese who is normally fit for marriage’,[1330]
+say two modern Chinese authors. Similar statements are to be found
+regarding Burma,[1331] Upper Siam,[1332] Persia,[1333] the
+Mongols,[1334] and the Kalmucks.[1335]
+
+6. Marriage before the age of puberty is not uncommon and is very
+prevalent in India. It is doubtful how far intercourse takes place
+before maturity. In the North-West Provinces of India it is stated that
+in most cases there is no cohabitation before puberty.[1336] This
+statement is confirmed by Risley; he further states that in Bengal
+cohabitation begins at once.[1337] In India in 1901, 243,500 girls were
+married under the age of five, 2,030,000 between the ages of five and
+ten, and 6,585,000 between the ages of ten and fifteen.[1338] Eram,
+speaking generally of the East, states that pre-puberty marriages are
+not rare.[1339] We hear that 10 per cent. of the Kirghiz marry before
+the beginning of menstruation.[1340] Among the Annamites[1341] and the
+Todas[1342] intercourse sometimes occurs before puberty. Macdonell’s
+figures for Rome, already referred to, show that marriage must sometimes
+have taken place before puberty.
+
+7. The ancient Egyptians suckled their children for two or three
+years.[1343] The suckling period is prolonged in Arabia.[1344] In the
+Koran mothers are recommended to suckle for two years.[1345] Among
+Asiatic races lactation is usually extended for a considerable length of
+time. The Japanese sometimes do not wean their children until the fourth
+year.[1346] The poorer classes in Persia suckle until the third
+year.[1347] In Upper Siam ‘infants are generally suckled three
+years’.[1348] In Turkey lactation is also prolonged.[1349] Generally
+speaking, the evidence is to the effect that the suckling period is
+always prolonged—the average being perhaps somewhere about two to three
+years.
+
+8. In sub-group 1 many examples are found of restraint from sexual
+intercourse being imposed upon married persons at certain seasons.
+Examples from Egypt are given by Müller.[1350] According to the Laws of
+Manu separation from the wife was obligatory at certain periods—for
+instance, at new and full moon and on certain days of the month.[1351]
+Similar conditions existed in Persia.[1352] Such restrictions, however,
+are not of much importance. Of prolonged abstention from intercourse
+there is little evidence. In China, according to Gray, ‘a husband is not
+expected to cohabit with his wife after she has conceived, nor after the
+child is born, during the whole period that it is being nourished at the
+mother’s breast. Any violation of this rule is supposed not only to
+cause the child to become sickly but to provoke the displeasure of the
+ancestors and to bring misfortune upon all members of the family.
+Wealthy Chinese are generally very careful in the practice of such
+abstention.’[1353] It is quite clear, however, from what we know of
+Chinese fertility that this custom is not widely practised among the
+people as a whole. Smith speaks of ‘the objection of the Arabs to
+intercourse with a nursing mother which was supposed to hurt the
+suckling’.[1354] In Turkey also there is said to be no intercourse
+during lactation.[1355] There are thus indications of the practice of
+this important custom, and it may be that it existed in such a degree as
+to have exerted considerable influence.[1356]
+
+9. There is a general impression that the knowledge of contraceptive
+methods has only been acquired in modern times. This, however, is not
+correct. We have already seen that there is evidence of their use in the
+second group. In the third group there is evidence of the knowledge of
+certain methods in early times. Theilhaber gives some particulars
+regarding their employment among the Jews, German tribes, Arabs, the
+Franks before their conversion to Christianity, the Greeks, and the
+Romans.[1357] Methods are employed at the present day in China[1358] and
+in India,[1359] though there is some doubt as to how far they are
+effective. According to Wattal there is some statistical evidence from
+India which may be interpreted either as a result of such practices or
+as a result of abstention from intercourse.[1360] There is not
+sufficient evidence to allow of any exact estimate being made of the
+extent of these practices. Generally speaking, however, it would appear
+that it is not until we arrive at the latest period of human history
+that we find these practices to be of considerable importance.
+
+10. With regard to the size of families in early times there is little
+exact evidence. Among Asiatic peoples at the present day we have some
+evidence of the degree of fertility, whereas hitherto the evidence has
+been only that of the number of children surviving after infanticide and
+infant mortality had taken their toll. This evidence from the Asiatic
+races we may now turn to discuss, but we may note before doing so that
+the evidence for the remaining races of the first sub-group gives a
+rather different impression than that which we obtain when studying
+primitive races; upon the whole we get the impression that families were
+at least not so markedly small as among primitive races.[1361]
+
+Fertility is often said to be higher in the East than in Europe. So far
+as India is concerned this is not so. The error has arisen because
+attention has been paid to the crude birth-rate. When the crude
+birth-rate is corrected for the number of married females of
+reproductive age, then the true birth-rate is found to be lower than in
+Europe. ‘The total number of births registered in England and Wales
+during the year 1911 was 881,138, which when calculated on the total
+population gives a crude birth-rate of 24·4 per thousand. The total
+number of births registered in India during the same year was 9,209,703,
+which when calculated on the total population gives a crude birth-rate
+of 38·59 per thousand. It would seem therefore that the fertility in
+India is higher than in England. But this is not so. The total number of
+females of reproductive age (15 to 45) in England and Wales at the
+census of 1911 was 8,988,745 and if we calculate the births per thousand
+of such females the figure stands at 98. The total number of females of
+those ages in India in 1911 was 71,535,861 and the corresponding Indian
+figure is 128. If, however, we calculate the births on the number of
+married females of reproductive ages the Indian figure stands at 160
+while the English figure is 196.’[1362]
+
+The fertility in other Asiatic countries is often said to be very high;
+it is asserted to approach 50 per 1,000 in China. Exact figures are,
+however, lacking. There is no doubt that the corrected birth-rate would
+be much less. Among nomadic people the evidence is to the effect that
+the number of children is small, and this is probably connected with the
+practice of abortion, which is common for instance among the Arabs.
+
+11. We have now to give some account of the factors which have a bearing
+upon elimination in the third group. Of these the first is abortion.
+Classical literature is full of references to the subject. Plato and
+Aristotle both permitted abortion. ‘No law in Greece or in the Roman
+republic or during the greater part of the Empire condemned it.’[1363]
+‘A long chain of writers both pagan and Christian represent the practice
+as avowed and almost universal. They describe it as resulting, not
+simply from licentiousness or from poverty, but even from so slight a
+motive as vanity which made mothers shrink from the disfigurement of
+child-birth. They speak of a mother who had never destroyed her
+offspring as deserving of signal praise and they assure us that the
+frequency of the crime was such that it gave rise to a regular
+profession.’[1364] The practice was more common in Rome than in
+Greece.[1365] It was deplored, nevertheless, by many authors including
+Ovid, Juvenal, and Seneca. Some details of the methods employed are
+given by Theilhaber.[1366]
+
+In sub-group 2 we find the practice to be widespread. Eram comments upon
+its frequency throughout the East.[1367] Wilkins says that ‘the crime of
+procuring abortion is one of the commonest in India’, and quotes Dr.
+Chevers as saying that abortion is ‘an act of almost daily commission’
+and has become ‘a trade among certain of the lower midwives’. It is
+especially common in Bengal—perhaps 10,000 being destroyed
+monthly.[1368] According to Matignon, in China abortion is legal and
+usual during the three-year suckling period.[1369] It is also common in
+Annam,[1370] in Japan,[1371] Persia,[1372] and Turkey.[1373] Infanticide
+was condemned by Mohammed but not abortion, which is frequent among the
+Arabs.[1374] In Turkey it is very common;[1375] it is said to be brought
+about after the second birth if the husband consents.[1376] The fact
+that in later times we hear of enactments against abortion among the
+Burgundians, Ripuarians, Visigoths, Bavarians, Saxons, Frisians, and
+Lombards seems to point to the conclusion that the practice was common
+before their conversion to Christianity.[1377]
+
+12. There is some reason for believing that infanticide was common among
+the Egyptians at the time of Moses.[1378] ‘The ancient Jews seem to have
+themselves practised infanticide, for as late as the time of Isaiah they
+are reproached with the habit of “slaying the children in the valleys
+under the clefts of the rocks”. In 2 Chron. xxviii. 3 and xxxiii. 6 the
+same statement is made. It is true that these cases may have partaken of
+the nature of human sacrifices rather than of ordinary infanticide, but
+the two generally prevailed together, and we have express testimony that
+both of them existed at that time among all the surrounding nations,
+Phoenicians, Aramaeans, Syrians, and Babylonians as well as among their
+kindred the Carthaginians.’[1379]
+
+Glotz has an interesting chapter on the subject of infanticide in
+Greece. In prehistoric times in Greece the head of the family could, as
+among all people of ‘Aryan origin’, dispose of his children as he
+wished.[1380] After examining the myths it is clear, according to Glotz,
+that infanticide was a daily occurrence during the period at which myths
+were being formed.[1381] In historical times it was universal. Most
+often infanticide was ordered by the father, who generally on the fifth,
+sometimes on the seventh or tenth, day after the birth publicly
+proclaimed whether he would keep the child or not.[1382] If he decided
+not to keep the child, it was exposed, and there is reason to think that
+most of the exposed children died.[1383] Infanticide was enjoined by the
+ideal legislation of Plato and Aristotle and by the actual legislation
+of Lycurgus and Solon. Summing up his examination of this subject Glotz
+says: ‘L’opinion de la Grèce ancienne est donc à peu près unanime. Reçue
+dans la vie privée, cette pratique a été admise en droit par les
+législatures et fondées en raison par les maîtres de la pensée.’[1384]
+
+In very early times infanticide was general in Rome. Later the right of
+the father to destroy his children was somewhat restricted. ‘The power
+of life and death, which in Rome was originally conceded to the father
+over his children, would appear to involve an unlimited permission of
+infanticide; but a very old law, popularly ascribed to Romulus, in this
+respect restricted the parental rights, enjoining the father to bring up
+all his male children, and at least his eldest female child, forbidding
+him to destroy any well-formed child till it had completed its third
+year, when the affections of the parents might be supposed to be
+developed, but permitting the exposition of deformed or maimed children
+with the consent of their five nearest relations.’[1385] There is
+evidence to show that this permission was frequently utilized. The plots
+of Plautus and Terence sometimes turn upon the reappearance of children
+supposed to have been destroyed. ‘Pliny says that infanticide is really
+a lamentable necessity “seeing that the fertility of some women is so
+over-abundant in children that it needs some such practice to
+counterbalance it” while ... Seneca saw nothing reprehensible in
+it.’[1386] Suetonius has several allusions to the matter which prove
+that infanticide was accepted by the Romans in a very matter-of-fact
+spirit. For instance, in describing the public grief for the death of
+Germanicus, he mentions that many women exposed their infants. The
+opening of the fourteenth episode of the _Golden Ass_ of Apuleius
+describes how a husband before going forth on a journey directed his
+young wife that the coming babe if a girl was to be destroyed; the whole
+being related as a perfectly natural and common occurrence.[1387]
+
+Among the Arabs it was very prevalent before the time of Mohammed, by
+whom it was forbidden. Instances are given by Smith to show the extent
+of the practice.[1388] Discussing the matter in another place Smith says
+that Wilken ‘doubts whether among the Arabs the practice was carried to
+such an extent as to do more than keep the sexes balanced—men being more
+exposed than women to violent deaths; but there is evidence that, at any
+rate in some places and at some times, there was a strong pressure of
+public opinion against bearing any daughter, even though she were the
+only child of her parents. If we take along with this the fact that
+wealthy and powerful men had often several wives, there can, I think, be
+no question that, at least in some parts of the country, wives must have
+been so scarce that the mass of the tribesmen must have been driven to
+practise polyandry.’[1389] The evidence from China is somewhat
+conflicting; this is probably to be accounted for by the variations in
+habits in different parts of the country. Norman has collected evidence
+to show its wide extent. ‘The testimony’, he says, ‘of a Chinese teacher
+is as follows: “Infanticide is very common among the poor, and even
+people in pretty easy circumstances. There is hardly a family in which
+at least one child has not been destroyed, and in some families four or
+five are disposed of.”... Another man, who is now a member of the
+Christian Church, says that in his village there is hardly a family that
+has not destroyed two or three children.... A lady contributor to the
+_North China Daily News_ furnished the following statistics: “I find
+that 160 Chinese women, all over 50 years of age, had borne 631 sons and
+538 daughters. Of the sons 366 or nearly 60 per cent. had lived more
+than 10 years; while of the daughters only 205 or 38 per cent. had lived
+10 years. The 160 women had, according to their own statement, destroyed
+158 of their daughters; but none had ever destroyed a boy. As only four
+women reared more than three girls, the probability is that the
+infanticides confessed to are considerably below the truth. I have
+occasionally been told by a woman that she had forgotten just how many
+girls she had had more than she wanted. The greatest number of
+infanticides confessed to by any one woman is eleven.”’[1390] Gray
+states that infanticide prevails to a huge extent and gives an example
+of a young husband who had had three sons and four daughters. Of the
+latter three had been killed.[1391] According to Douglas the practice
+prevails among the poorer classes ‘to an alarming extent’.[1392] Abeel
+speaks of infanticide in China as ‘very common’.[1393] ‘In Pekin,’ he
+says, ‘after deducting more than one-half for the natural deaths the
+number of exposed children is, according to Barrow, about 4,000 a
+year.... In some Provinces not one in three is suffered to live.’[1394]
+The practice is said to be specially prevalent in South China.[1395]
+Milne says that in Canton ‘infanticide was rare. Dr. Williams, however,
+states that though the practice is rare in Canton it is common in Amoy.
+He thinks that in general the proportion of children killed is not
+great, but mentions two provinces wherein the practice prevails to an
+atrocious extent, twenty to thirty per cent. of the female children,
+therefore, ten to fifteen per cent. of the total number of infants born,
+being put to death.’[1396] The important fact, upon which we shall
+comment in the next chapter, seems to be that in China infanticide is
+practised not so much as a regular habit as in times of distress. Moule
+thinks that infanticide is connected with times of want, and Douglas
+that it is in general only committed by the poorer classes in times of
+distress. Norman emphasizes the fact that it is chiefly committed by the
+poorer classes. Giles denies its existence altogether.[1397] It is
+therefore of particular interest to find two modern Chinese authors
+speaking as follows. ‘One must not assume that such a custom is
+prevalent; flagrant and sometimes dramatic accounts, of which we have
+heard so much, only hold true in certain districts and at times of
+famine.’[1398] According to Faulds infanticide was formerly common in
+Japan.[1399]
+
+It is said that infanticide was formerly characteristic of five-sixths
+of British India.[1400] Recently it was common in Central India,
+Rajputana, Cutch Bhooj, Agra Province, Khondistan, among the Jats, and
+in the Punjab generally.[1401] The Mysore census for 1852 showed that in
+a population of 3,410,382 there was a 10 per cent. excess of males in
+the adult population in spite of a 16 per cent. excess of female
+births.[1402] It is stated to exist among the Nagas[1403] though the
+evidence is conflicting.[1404] It was formerly ‘very common all over the
+Jeypore country’.[1405] It was especially prevalent among the Khond
+people,[1406] where ‘it was expressly sanctioned and promoted by their
+religious doctrine’.[1407] It was also common among the Todas.[1408]
+‘Lieut.-General Walker estimated that about 33,000 female children were
+annually put to death in Cutch and Gujerat, a rate amounting to about
+one-fourth of the total births and therefore to about half of the girls
+born. Watson and Kaye assert that “no criminality either by law or usage
+was ever attached among the Rajputs to infanticide. The child was
+smothered in milk or else opium was smeared upon the mother’s breasts in
+quantities sufficient to cause immediate death.” The _Encyclopaedia of
+India_ asserts that in one of the districts of this Province, while
+there were 82,400 boys, there were only 35,137 girls at the 1874
+enumeration, a discrepancy which clearly showed that more than one-half
+of the girls had been destroyed.’[1409]
+
+It is worthy of note that in addition to infanticide ‘the wilful neglect
+of female children operates destructively in every town and village
+throughout the length and breadth of India’.[1410] This is especially
+noticeable where in recent days infanticide has much diminished. Thus in
+Rajputana girls are allowed to die when in the case of a boy medical aid
+would be summoned.[1411]
+
+Infanticide was extensively practised among the Teutonic tribes before
+their conversion to Christianity.[1412] The well-known statement of
+Tacitus that the Germans did not practise infanticide is certainly
+erroneous. Lecky suggests that the whole passage is to be taken rather
+as an indirect way of scolding his own people than as a sober statement
+of fact about another. ‘Guizot regards the picture which Tacitus draws
+as being analogous to the portrait Fenimore Cooper gives of the Red
+Indians.’[1413] There is ample evidence that the practice was common.
+‘Grimm declares that “all the Teutonic Sagas are full of the exposure of
+children, and there can be no doubt that in the early days of heathenism
+it was lawful”. Müller says that all the Teutonic races in early times
+had the right of exposing their children, but in the course of centuries
+it came to be exercised only by the parent.... It is related that, when
+in A. D. 1000 the Norsemen of Iceland were converted to Christianity,
+they stipulated that the right of slaying their infants should not be
+removed.’[1414] There is evidence from graves that infanticide was
+practised in Neolithic times in England.[1415] It is thus of particular
+interest to notice that, where we can catch sight of peoples emerging
+out of the prehistoric period, we find infanticide established as a
+practice; the conclusions derived from the direct evidence of the
+peoples of this group are thus linked on to the conclusion to which in
+the last chapter we came from indirect evidence.[1416]
+
+13. Turning to sub-groups three and four, disease, war, famine, and
+child mortality have already been dealt with. The remaining factors are
+those in respect of which there is a contrast between these sub-groups
+and those just considered. Furthermore, as regards these factors there
+are certain important differences as between what we may call mediaeval
+and modern races.
+
+Of pre-puberty intercourse there is no evidence. Among modern races it
+is certainly negligible. If it occurred at all in the mediaeval period
+it was very uncommon, and we may therefore regard this factor as of no
+account. Hitherto we have found that, though far from being universal,
+it is a fairly common practice. Its disappearance thus makes one
+distinction between these races and those which we have previously
+studied.
+
+The length of the suckling period marks a similar distinction. It is not
+possible to lay down any hard and fast distinction; even at the present
+day in certain country districts it is prolonged, as, for instance, in
+Hungary for several years according to Gönezi.[1417] Generally speaking,
+however, the tendency has been for a reduction to the conditions which
+now rule in Western Europe.
+
+14. A far more remarkable difference between these races and those
+hitherto considered is provided by the conditions regarding celibacy and
+the postponement of marriage. Hitherto we have found that, with the
+exception of a very few individuals who chiefly for religious reasons
+did not marry, all women, if indeed not married before puberty, got
+married soon after. Such postponement of marriage as occurred was
+confined to men, and therefore neither celibacy nor postponement had any
+effect upon numbers. At this point we come upon wholly new conditions.
+
+The views of St. Paul with regard to marriage are well known and the
+attitude of all early Christians authors is similar though usually more
+pronounced. If marriage was tolerable, virginity was in any case
+preferable. ‘For why’, says Tertullian, ‘should we long to bear
+children, whom, when we have them, we desire to send before us ...
+ourselves also longing to be removed from this most wicked world....
+Therefore whether marriage be for the sake of the flesh, or of the world
+or of having descendants, not one of these necessities belongeth to the
+servants of God.’[1418] Such a passage as this can be paralleled in the
+works of almost any of the Fathers. They return to the subject over and
+over again. St. Augustine did not avoid the practical difficulty. ‘But I
+am aware’, he says, ‘of some that murmur. What, say they, if all men
+should abstain from sexual intercourse, whence will the human race
+exist? Would that all would thus; ... much more speedily would the City
+of God be filled and the end of the world hastened.’[1419] There are
+many decrees of the early Council regarding celibacy. It was first
+enjoined by the Popes in 385.[1420] Gregory VII was very zealous on
+behalf of celibacy, and owing to his efforts it became very general in
+Europe in the eleventh century though it was not rigidly enforced until
+the thirteenth century among the clergy.[1421] Much earlier, however, in
+certain countries celibacy had come, under the influence of Christian
+teaching, to be of importance. It was initiated by Paul the Theban and
+St. Antony after the Decian persecution[1422] and according to Schönberg
+there were at one time in a single diocese in Egypt 20,000 men and
+10,000 women celibates.[1423] It was felt to be necessary to take steps
+to limit the extent of the practice, and in 381 the Council of Saragossa
+forbade virgins to take the veil unless over forty years of age.[1424]
+Thus under the influence of Christianity celibacy became for the first
+time in human history a factor of importance. That the celibate is to be
+preferred to the married state is emphasized by the Council of
+Trent.[1425]
+
+Also in this period for the first time in the history of the world
+postponement of marriage became of importance. The evidence as to the
+age at marriage is unfortunately far from exact. There is, however, a
+very large amount of evidence which shows that, at least in the society
+typical of most European countries from the tenth century onwards,
+marriage was, except among the privileged classes, always somewhat, and
+often very long, postponed both for men and women, though more for the
+former than the latter. This postponement was brought about by the
+pressure of social conditions, customs, and laws. To these conditions
+and customs it will be necessary to refer in the next chapter, and it
+will suffice to say here that, generally speaking, in the country there
+was a limited number of households and that, until death made vacancies,
+there was no house for those wishing to marry, who in consequence had to
+wait, and that in the towns guild restrictions bound apprentices for a
+large number of years during which they might not marry, and that at
+many times in many places the poor were prohibited from marrying.
+
+There is very little statistical evidence. The matter has been
+investigated by Rubin, who worked with the Danish figures for the
+sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. ‘It was the universal
+rule’, he says, ‘that as soon as the obstacles ... were surmounted,
+every one proceeded to get married.’[1426] Apart, therefore, from
+religious celibacy, there was no voluntary celibacy such as we find at
+the present day. But these obstacles in the case of the dependent class
+were serious, and marriage was long postponed by men in this class,
+though postponed for a shorter time by women than by men. ‘Even though
+the social and economic structure of the community of old restrained one
+section of the population—the dependent section—from marriage, the other
+part of the population, the independent section, married far earlier
+than nowadays. There was perhaps ... some holding back in certain
+circles of the best society. But for ordinary independent people
+marriage at an early age was a matter of course. Those who could marry
+early, then, did so. But those who were unable to marry till late in
+life—when they no longer held the position of journeymen, labourer,
+&c.—yet married.’[1427] With regard to women there was ‘a state of
+affairs resembling that found in the case of men, a compulsory condition
+of celibacy for certain sections of the population.... In certain
+classes of the population there were a good many more unmarried women at
+something over twenty years of age than there are now.’[1428] Summing up
+his conclusions the same author says ‘in spite of the fact that in the
+independent section of the community marriage took place, as a rule, at
+an earlier age in the eighteenth century than it does now, the average
+age of marriage was yet higher at that time, because the more numerous
+dependent class married later’, and adds that ‘there must have been a
+difference between the age of the bride and bridegroom considerably
+greater than in the marriages of our time’.[1429]
+
+The state of things indicated above is that typical of mediaeval Europe
+and lasted up to the industrial revolution. It is not to be supposed
+that there was any abrupt change from the conditions prevalent before;
+on the contrary the conditions described developed slowly as European
+mediaeval society assumed its typical aspect. The growth of these
+conditions is connected with the disappearance of abortion and
+infanticide, and, as we shall see; there is evidence that there was a
+lengthy period during which these customs continued to be practised
+after the introduction of Christianity.
+
+The transition from the conditions of what we have called the mediaeval
+period to those of the modern period was relatively sudden. The economic
+changes connected with the rise of the industrial system in the latter
+half of the eighteenth century did away with the obstacles to marriage
+which have been mentioned. As a result the average age at marriage was
+lowered. In England between 1867 and 1888 it was for men twenty-six and
+for women twenty-four. The question of the age at marriage in the modern
+period need not detain us because it was not the variations in that
+factor which have controlled numbers. There have been variations, but
+these variations have been compensated for by other factors.
+
+Celibacy for religious reasons, which at certain times and places was of
+great importance in the mediaeval period, has ceased to be of any
+importance in the modern period. On the other hand, for the first time
+in history voluntary celibacy on grounds other than religious has come
+to be of importance. ‘In the course of this century [nineteenth century]
+Wappaus found that in Saxony 14·6 of the unmarried adult population died
+single; in Sweden 14·9 per cent., in the Netherlands 14·2 per cent., and
+in France 20·6 per cent.’[1430] The returns of the thirteenth United
+States[1431] Census showed that of the females 35–44 years of age 10 per
+cent. were single.
+
+In this connexion there is another matter which may be mentioned here.
+It will be referred to in detail later on. Whereas in the mediaeval
+period the independent class married early and the dependent class
+considerably later, in the modern period this has been reversed. It is
+now the wage-earning class which marries earlier than the independent
+class.
+
+15. Contraceptive methods were known in the mediaeval period,[1432] but
+there is no evidence that either these practices or restraint from
+intercourse between married persons were of any importance. According to
+Rubin, ‘so far as the eighteenth century ... is concerned, it may be
+taken as a fact that in the main the limit of fertility of marriage was
+set by nature alone.’[1433] This applies equally to the whole of the
+period. In this respect, therefore, this period resembles those which
+preceded it.
+
+Whatever effects may have to be attributed to these factors in the
+former periods, it is within the modern period that they first become of
+primary importance. Something was said in the First Chapter as to the
+history of the so-called Neomalthusian propaganda, and it was pointed
+out that it began relatively early in the century. It is obviously very
+difficult to obtain any definite facts regarding the extent of these
+practices, but a very great body of evidence points to the conclusion
+that, not only have these practices come to be of great importance, but
+also that it is by means of variation in their use, together with
+deliberate restraint from intercourse between married persons, by which
+population has come to be regulated.
+
+With regard to definite evidence the results of an inquiry carried out
+by the National Birth-Rate Commission may be quoted. Of 481 schedules
+issued, 366 gave definite replies regarding the limitation of births. In
+288 cases the marriages were specifically stated to be limited, and in
+203 of these 288 cases there were further particulars. In 105 cases
+(51·7 per cent.) limitation appears to have been due merely to
+restriction of intercourse to periods when conception was believed to be
+unlikely or to abstention from intercourse. There were 98 cases in which
+contraceptive methods were apparently employed.[1434]
+
+16. We now come to a consideration of the three practices which we found
+to be of such importance in the first two groups. Of prolonged restraint
+from intercourse imposed as a social custom there is no trace. It was
+certainly not characteristic of the mediaeval period; it is possible
+that in the earlier portion of the period, of which in these respects we
+have little definite knowledge, the practice may have been continued
+from the times previous to conversion to Christianity, just as we shall
+find that abortion and infanticide were continued in some cases. It is
+important also to notice that abortion and infanticide, at least in the
+form of well-recognized social customs, are also absent. For the first
+time in history none of these practices are in common use. We may
+shortly consider how they came to disappear.
+
+‘Abortion’, says Lecky, ‘was probably regarded by the average Roman of
+the later days of Paganism much as an Englishman in the last century
+regarded convivial excess, as certainly wrong, but so venial as scarcely
+to deserve censure. The language of the Christians from the very
+beginning was widely different. With unswerving consistency and with the
+strongest emphasis, they denounced the practice, not simply as inhuman,
+but as definitely murder.’[1435] The evidence goes to show that the
+Christian objection to abortion was the chief factor in bringing this
+practice into discredit. The Christian attitude was due to the belief
+that children in the womb possessed souls. St. Clement of Alexandria,
+for instance, was of opinion that such children had guardian angels. It
+is probable that abortion was not stamped out altogether; it may have
+continued to some extent throughout the whole mediaeval period; it is
+known to be practised to a considerable extent among the less educated
+classes in the more advanced countries at the present day.[1436] Figures
+have been given which show that abortion is at the present day a
+considerable factor in France. But it is clear that from being a factor
+of the first importance it has come to be altogether a secondary factor
+and what is more to be regarded definitely as criminal.
+
+The first protest against infanticide was made by Philo in the first
+century A. D.[1437] The Christians opposed infanticide as they did
+abortion, but it does not appear that Christian influence played as
+large a part in putting down this practice as it did in the case of
+abortion. Speaking of the later days of the Empire, Lecky says that ‘the
+legislators then absolutely condemned it and it was indirectly
+discouraged by laws which accorded special privileges to the fathers of
+many children.... Pagan and Christian authorities are united in speaking
+of infanticide as a crying vice of the Empire and Tertullian observed
+that no laws were more easily or constantly evaded than those which
+condemned it. A broad distinction was popularly drawn between
+infanticide and exposition. The latter, though probably condemned, was
+certainly not punished by law; it was practised on a gigantic scale with
+absolute impunity, noticed by writers with most frigid indifference,
+and, at least in the case of destitute parents, considered a very venial
+offence.’[1438] Finally in 374 Valentinian made all infanticide a
+capital offence and particularly enjoined the punishment of exposition.
+There is much evidence to show that many centuries elapsed before the
+practice was finally suppressed in Europe. It was apparently common in
+France up to the time of Charlemagne, who made it a capital offence. A
+law of the Spanish Visigoths in the seventh century punished both
+abortion and infanticide with death.[1439]
+
+The disappearance of both these practices is connected with the
+evolution of the typical conditions of mediaeval society which are
+marked, as we saw, by postponement of marriage and religious celibacy.
+As the former went out the latter came in, and we shall find that
+numbers came to be regulated by the peculiar methods of the latter
+period as they had previously been regulated by those of the former.
+
+17. Mention may perhaps be made of the influence of venereal disease.
+Gonorrhoea has long been prevalent; there is some reason to think that
+it was known in Assyria. Syphilis is of more recent introduction into
+Europe and may be of more recent evolution. Though syphilis is a
+frequent cause of abortions, still-births, and infant mortality, it does
+not produce sterility. The presence of gonorrhoea tends to prevent
+conception in women and, if not cured within a certain time, it may
+cause permanent sterility. A considerable proportion of the sterile
+marriages at the present day may, as indicated in the Fourth Chapter, be
+due to gonorrhoea. Though no great influence is to be attributed to
+venereal diseases when the whole question is broadly viewed, it may be
+remembered that within the third period they have been prevalent and
+thus further distinguish that period from the first two periods.[1440]
+
+
+
+
+                                   XI
+            THE REGULATION OF NUMBERS AMONG HISTORICAL RACES
+
+
+1. At the beginning of the Ninth Chapter it was shown that under any
+given conditions there is a certain density of population which is the
+most desirable. What was there said applies whenever men enjoy the
+benefits of co-operation. In the first and second groups, most men are
+engaged in the production of food, and, except in some races in the
+second group, the distinction between rich and poor, the division of
+labour, and other complications of social life are not far advanced.
+Where such complications are much increased, as in the third group, it
+may seem that so simple an idea as that of an optimum number is no
+longer even in general valid. It must suffice here to state that such
+complications do not destroy the general validity of this view. In fact
+the quotation from Professor Cannan given in the Sixth Chapter has
+direct reference to modern conditions, and the principle there laid down
+was intended by him to apply to the economic conditions of the present
+day, though it is, as he says, also applicable to any society once
+co-operation has arisen.
+
+Among the complications of social life to which we may refer are those
+connected with property, the division of labour, and the division into
+classes. The latest development connected with property—the introduction
+of the capitalist system and the appearance of a large class of wage
+earners—does not change the general position. One remarkable modern
+development of the division of labour results in one country devoting
+itself largely to manufacture while another may devote itself to the
+production of food. Of all such complications there is only one which so
+modifies the idea of an optimum number as to require mention in a broad
+survey. That complication is the division into classes. Where there is a
+more or less well-marked division into classes performing more or less
+well-defined kinds of labour, there is nevertheless generally such an
+ebb and flow between them that there can hardly be any question, broadly
+speaking, of over-population in any one class. This, however, may not
+always be so, and in particular at the present day it may be that in the
+lowest social class there is over-population though not in the nation as
+a whole. It may be that in this class there is a failure to attain to
+such a standard of living as is within reach owing to over-population,
+and whether this does in fact happen will have to be discussed later.
+
+In the Ninth Chapter, when discussing the data of the first and second
+groups, we showed how approximation to the desirable number might be
+brought about and we further came to the conclusion that normally there
+was such an approximation. It is proposed here to treat the data for the
+third group in the same fashion, though the treatment will be even
+slighter than in the case of the other groups. Subsequently we shall
+discuss the chief causes of failure of adjustment in this and in the
+preceding groups. Lastly we shall touch upon the questions of migration
+and war which have often been held to be caused by over-population.
+
+2. The difficulties in dealing with the first sub-group are so great
+that we shall only devote a very few words to the consideration of the
+problems that arise. The facts regarding the social conditions in Egypt,
+Assyria, and other great empires are very scanty. It is only with regard
+to Greece and Rome that we have any considerable amount of information.
+Our conclusions as to what was in the main the position with regard to
+the ancient empires will be rather in the nature of a deduction when we
+have completed our sketch of all the races in the third group.
+
+How adjustment may be conceived to have come about in these races is in
+the absence of knowledge of their social conditions not possible to
+illustrate. We know, however, that the social life of these races was
+based upon the cultivation of the land. It is true that in addition to
+the cultivator we find the artisan and the wage-earner.[1441] The
+question as to how the increase of the artisan, merchant, and
+wage-earning classes may be kept down to the desirable level will be
+discussed when dealing with the third and fourth sub-groups, and, as in
+general the conditions are probably much the same everywhere, we may
+omit the consideration of what happens among these classes in this
+sub-group. With regard to the cultivators we have already seen, when
+dealing with the second group, how, when either family or village
+communities are limited to a certain area, we can understand that the
+undesirability of such an increase as would cause the average earnings
+to fall below the possible maximum not only might, but actually does,
+result in a limitation of increase. So again here among the cultivators,
+we can suppose that the danger of an undue increase was brought to
+notice in the same fashion. We shall also discuss in some little detail
+what happens among the cultivators in the third sub-group, and thus we
+can omit the consideration of what facts there are for this sub-group
+and merely ask what methods there are whereby increase could have been
+checked.
+
+Of fertility we have little evidence. It has to be remembered that on
+general grounds fecundity was if anything greater than among the races
+of the former groups. Lactation was apparently often prolonged and
+pre-puberty marriage may not have been uncommon. Disease and war were
+very important as factors of elimination, and moreover they were both
+erratic in their action. It is no longer possible to think of a certain
+average degree of elimination from these causes which varied little from
+year to year. On the other hand there is no difficulty in supposing that
+abortion and infanticide were employed in varying degrees to meet the
+situation. It may be observed that abortion in Rome and infanticide in
+Greece were practised systematically, and not merely when pressure had
+arisen but in order that it might not arise. Thus Hesiod recommends the
+cultivator not to bring up more than one son at home, for thus ‘wealth
+will increase in the house’.[1442] What practices were in use among the
+Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Hittites, and other peoples we do not
+know in any detail, though there is considerable evidence of the
+prevalence of infanticide. There may have been a tendency to practise
+these customs to some average degree, but there is no difficulty in
+supposing that following upon war and pestilence there would be such a
+relaxation as soon to bring numbers up to the former level. The question
+as to how far we may assume these methods to have been effective will be
+left for discussion until later in the chapter.
+
+3. There is a great variety of races in the second sub-group; they fall
+under the headings of the more or less nomadic peoples, the more
+primitive peoples of India, who in many respects are comparable to the
+races of the second group but who have been to some extent influenced by
+Eur-Asiatic culture and the chief races of India and China. Those races
+which fall under the second and third headings are predominantly
+agricultural; 75 per cent. of the population of Bengal, for instance, is
+supported directly or indirectly by agriculture. Whether, as in many
+parts of India, the village community system obtains,[1443] or whether,
+as in China, there is family or individual ownership of the land,[1444]
+what was said above regarding the possibility of the desirable number
+making itself felt also applies here. So also does what was there said
+about the position of the artisan and wage-earner. As a typical example
+of the manner in which the pressure is felt where the family system
+obtains in an agricultural community, we may take the conditions in
+China as described by two Chinese authors. ‘In a village the well-to-do
+family is a rare exception, and the typical family is the working-class
+family. The father is, as a rule, a husbandman, and the sons follow his
+footsteps. If they do not possess a piece of land of their own they
+cultivate either the land of the ancestral hall, of the village temple,
+or that of any private owner. The mother, daughter, and daughter-in-law
+do the household work together, and also add considerably to the family
+income by such employment as may be carried on in the home. The earnings
+of all the members of a family are given to the mother in a hotch-potch
+for the maintenance of the corporate whole. The family from our point of
+view is a living organism which possesses a spirit quite apart from the
+individuals who form it. Each member does not live and work for himself,
+but for the family to which he belongs. Every other member has a claim
+on his earnings.’[1445] Another author, after describing this system,
+tells us that ‘any member of the family who should disgrace himself in
+any way, as by becoming an inveterate gambler and permanently neglecting
+his work, or by developing the opium vice to great excess, would be
+formally cast out, his name being struck off the ancestral register. Men
+of this stamp generally sink lower and lower, until they swell the ranks
+of the professional beggars, to die perhaps in a ditch.’[1446]
+
+With regard to the nomadic peoples we always find that they are
+restricted to clearly marked territories. Robertson Smith, after
+describing the local groups among the Arabs, goes on to say that ‘the
+nomadic Arabs, whose way of life supplied the type in which all Arabian
+society was mainly moulded, are not to be thought of as roaming quite at
+large through the length and breadth of the peninsula. Each group, or
+confederation of groups, had its own pastures, and still more its own
+waters, beyond which it could not move without immediate risk of a
+hostile encounter.’[1447] Somewhat similar conditions are recorded of
+all nomadic people.[1448]
+
+4. When we consider the factors which bear upon fertility and
+elimination, we find that, as in the first sub-group, war and disease
+are of importance—especially the latter—and that, further, the amount of
+elimination to which they give rise is very irregular from one period to
+another. For some thousands of years India appears to have been subject
+to the passage of scourge after scourge, sweeping away hundreds of
+thousands of the population. Famine at times is the cause of many
+deaths, and is due in part, as it is in varying degrees among all races,
+to climatic factors. It happens, however, that in India these conditions
+are such as to produce famine more often than anywhere else. Peninsular
+India is ‘subject to excessive variations [of rainfall] distributed
+quite irregularly and over very long periods. In such regions years of
+adequate rainfall and abundant yield may follow in successive decades at
+a time during which a considerable population settles and opens up the
+country; then follow a few years of drought with high temperature and
+aridity; and unless migration and storage works are practicable and are
+executed in time, the land is deserted.’[1449] Famine is also due at
+times to some failure in social organization or to some failure to keep
+up the previous level of skill, as, for instance, to maintain irrigation
+works.
+
+Fecundity, as we have seen, is probably, on the whole, higher among
+these races than among the races of the second group. Pre-puberty
+marriage in India probably has a considerable influence in reducing
+fertility, at least among the Hindu part of the population. With regard
+to practices limiting fertility and causing elimination, we have seen
+that infanticide and abortion are widespread and perhaps to some small
+extent contraceptive practices or prudential restraint are employed by
+all these races. It may also be noticed that there is plenty of evidence
+that in former times in any case marriage customs existed which ensured
+that before marriage took place the bridegroom was competent to support
+a family at the recognized standard of living. ‘The days are still
+remembered when no young Munda could marry before he was able to
+construct a plough with his own hands, nor would a Munda girl be given
+away in marriage before she could, with her own hands, weave mats with
+palm leaves and spin cotton.’[1450]
+
+5. There is no reason for thinking that over-population occurs among the
+nomadic people such as the Arabs; presumably the methods we have seen to
+be in use are effective. There has been much discussion as to whether
+over-population exists in India, and there is a very great difference of
+opinion on the matter. Hitherto, in order to throw some light on this
+point, we have had to rely on general evidence; here, for the first
+time, there is some exact evidence of the kind which should enable a
+definite answer to be given. What we want to know in the case of India
+is whether the real income per head is increasing or not with the
+increase of population. Unfortunately the evidence in India is somewhat
+contradictory. It has recently been summed up by Wattal.[1451] He shows
+that some of the arguments in favour of the view that there is no
+over-population are of very doubtful validity. It has been said, for
+instance, that large areas are sparsely populated; in this connexion it
+has to be remembered that the soil is poor in these areas. It has also
+been said that the complaints about insufficiency of labour point to the
+same conclusion. There are, however, many reasons to account for this
+fact. On the other hand, Wattal points out that the acreage per unit of
+the agricultural population hardly exceeds one and a half acres and
+further shows a tendency to fall. He also points out that in Europe 250
+persons to the square mile is thought to be the limit of density where
+agriculture is practised, whereas in India from four to five times that
+number in many places find their support on an area of this size. He
+finds the explanation of this not in any superiority of soil or of skill
+but in the lowness of the standard of living. Four persons subsist on an
+income that would hardly support one person in Europe. The lowness of
+the standard of living, the small area of land per head, and the
+tendency for the amount of land per labourer to decrease points strongly
+to the conclusion that over-population does occur in many parts of
+India.
+
+It is also probable that many parts of China are over-populated. The
+apparent overcrowding and the low standard of living lend support to
+this views and in this connexion it is interesting to note that
+infanticide is practised not so much as a regular custom but at times
+when, numbers being so great, no further increase could be supported.
+Moule says that infanticide is ‘local and spasmodic’ rather than
+‘chronic and national’ and notices that it is especially connected with
+‘want from flood, or famine or civil war’.[1452] There is much other
+evidence to the same effect.[1453] It will be remembered that some
+evidence was given in the last chapter pointing to the great prevalence
+of infanticide; it is necessary to remember that such conditions are
+consistent with a state of over-population. The prevalence of such a
+custom in no way shows that numbers are as a result being kept down to
+the desirable level. These customs may bring about this result, or they
+may, in a country in the position in which there is reason to believe
+that many parts of China now are, merely eliminate those for whom there
+is no place at all. Almost the same amount of infanticide, which would
+limit numbers to a desirable level in a country where such a level was
+being maintained, would, in a country where numbers were already
+excessive, merely cut off those for whom enough food to support
+existence could not be found.
+
+What, then, is the cause of the over-population which almost certainly
+exists in parts of India and China? The irregularity of the factors of
+elimination is itself no bar to the adjustment of population, but this
+irregularity may indirectly have an important bearing upon the outlook
+of man and ultimately upon the behaviour of the mass of the population.
+Great scourges must tend to produce a hopelessness of outlook. When time
+and again war and disease sweep through a country, there must arise a
+tendency for the standard of living to be lost sight of. Gradually there
+may come about a condition of things when there is no hope or fear.
+European influence may have had an ill effect. The lessening of
+elimination through disease and war does not of necessity in itself tend
+to bring about any over-population. On the contrary, it tends rather to
+remove the causes which produce degraded social conditions and the
+consequences referred to above which flow from them. But in other ways
+European influence is not beneficial. Those customs, for instance, which
+insist upon the bridegroom possessing a certain degree of skill break
+down, and unless a more or less distinctly formulated ambition takes
+their place, there is nothing to ensure that the necessary effort to
+secure the highest standard of living that is possible will be made.
+
+That which is common to these races, where over-population is suspected,
+is the absence of hope and fear alike, of ambition and of a standard of
+living; they are contented to subsist on what will just support life.
+Such conditions are fatal to the attainment of the desirable number.
+Abortion and infanticide may still be practised, but as a rule only in
+the presence of absolute need, not as regular customs before the need
+arises. To the bringing about of these conditions the factors mentioned
+above contribute, but they probably never represent the whole cause. In
+these cases we seem always to find that political misfortunes have
+overtaken these peoples. They have suffered from oppression in one form
+or another and gradually the old customs have been lost; hope and
+ambition have faded from the outlook. In consequence of oppression the
+mass of the people has by degrees sunk to a degraded condition in which
+neither the former customs are practised nor is an individual effort, as
+a rule, made towards the attainment of the best which the skilled
+methods available, surroundings and so on, make possible.
+
+It is also probable that there is over-population in Egypt; it is
+probable, that is to say, that with the recent increase of the fellaheen
+population there has been a decrease in the income per head. Any one who
+has had an opportunity of watching the behaviour of the fellaheen side
+by side with that of members of some race such as the Somalis cannot
+fail to have been very much impressed. The fellaheen cultivate one of
+the richest countries on earth, and they have within their grasp and to
+some extent within their use a considerable degree of modern skilled
+methods. At an Egyptian port these men were to be seen at work during
+the war. From time to time Somalis disembarked with shiploads of camels.
+The Somalis live in a country which relatively to Egypt is infertile and
+have little knowledge of skilled methods. Stepping ashore for the first
+time in a modern port, bewildered as was inevitable with his
+surroundings, the Somali, nevertheless, showed himself a man. He carried
+a certain pride with him. The fellaheen grovelled to him; the Somali
+obviously despised him. The Somali is a man who has not suffered from a
+tradition of oppression as has the Egyptian fellah; it is easy to
+understand how among the Somalis conditions would arise and would be
+maintained whereby excess of numbers would not reduce them to a bare
+level of subsistence, whereas among the fellaheen numbers probably tend
+to be regulated by the ability of the land to keep men alive in spite of
+the possibility of the return per head being far higher in Egypt than in
+Somaliland.
+
+6. Passing to the third sub-group we come for the first time upon
+conditions substantially different to those with which we have hitherto
+met. All those factors, which in previous groups we have noticed as
+having a bearing upon fertility, have either diminished in importance or
+more often have vanished altogether. Lactation was not prolonged, there
+was no pre-puberty marriage, and there is no evidence of restraint from
+intercourse between married persons being imposed as a social custom.
+Though the knowledge of contraceptive practices may have been present
+there is no evidence of their extensive use. It has also to be
+remembered that fecundity, if anything, was increasing. On the other
+hand disease was the cause of a very high death-rate, higher almost
+certainly than in any previous age.
+
+The most striking difference, however, between this and former
+sub-groups is the absence of abortion and infanticide. Further, we find
+what we have never found before, or rather never in such a degree as to
+be of any importance, postponement of marriage and celibacy; in other
+words, for the older methods there has been substituted a new method
+whereby fertility may be reduced. We have now to inquire how the
+realization of the desirability of some limitation brought about the
+most important factor—postponement of marriage—and how effective it was.
+With regard to religious celibacy, which was of less importance and
+ceased to be of any importance in England during the sixteenth century,
+we may merely notice its existence. Under conditions, such as we shall
+describe, and which rendered marriage difficult, monastic institutions
+were obviously a refuge for many for whom there was little prospect of
+marriage.[1454] The estimates of the number of religious celibates are
+too vague and conflicting to be worth analysing. It can only be regarded
+as a secondary factor representing the most extreme result of the
+working of the pressure which we are about to describe.
+
+7. The following sketch is in the main confined to conditions in England
+since the thirteenth century, and we may first notice that in that
+century ‘almost every one not only possessed land, but cultivated
+it’.[1455] Yet the serf, in addition to the pressure to postpone
+marriage which was felt by all cultivators, was definitely restricted
+with regard to marriage. Besides being unable to move away from his
+manor, ‘the serf was disabled from marrying his daughter without licence
+and fine. Very numerous instances are found of these kinds of payment,
+under the name of mercheta, in the earliest times. Similarly fines are
+paid for marrying a daughter outside the manor, for marrying a nief, i.
+e. a female serf, who was possessed of property, and men of another
+manor for marrying a female serf from her lord’s manor. I have found
+traces of this custom,’ says Rogers, ‘though they become very infrequent
+far on into the fifteenth century.’[1456] Such facts are to be regarded
+as the legal enforcement among serfs of that amount of postponement
+which was on the average enforced by circumstances upon cultivators in
+general. As villein tenements were usually indivisible, the question
+arises as to what happened when there was more than one son. ‘The
+indivisibility of villein tenements is chiefly conspicuous in the law of
+inheritance; all the land went to one of the sons if there were several;
+very often the youngest inherited; and this custom, to which mere chance
+has given the name of Borough English, was considered as one of the
+proofs of villeinage. It is certainly a custom of great importance, and
+probably it depended on the fact that the elder brothers left the land
+at the earliest opportunity and during their father’s life. Where did
+they go to? It is easy to guess that they sought work out of the manor
+as craftsmen or labourers; that they served the lord as servants,
+craftsmen and the like; that they were provided with holdings, which for
+some reason did not descend to male heirs; that they were endowed with
+some demesne land, or fitted out to claim land from the waste. We may
+find for all these suppositions some supporting quotations in the
+records. But still it would be hard to believe that the entire increase
+of population found an exit by these by-paths. If no exit was found, the
+brothers had to remain on their father’s plot, and the fact that they
+did so can be proved, if it needs proof, from the documents. The unity
+of the holding was not disturbed in this case; there was no
+division.’[1457] Here we see the pressure at work. The tenement would in
+general be of the size which could well support a family, and a tenement
+might not be divided, thus ensuring that there was no overcrowding of
+families until life could only just be supported.
+
+8. Far more important than any particular disabilities regarding
+marriage which attach to serfs are the conditions making very difficult
+any increase in population which are always found among cultivators.
+When a village has as many hands as it requires, the number of houses is
+not increased. Speaking generally of the Middle Ages Pollard says that
+‘the number of holdings was almost stationary and the number of families
+fixed’.[1458] The number of hands in a village found to be required
+would be about that which experience has shown to produce the largest
+average income. Any further increase is made very difficult, if not
+impossible. ‘Country life was as elsewhere rigid in its habits; young
+people found it difficult to establish themselves till some married pair
+had passed from the scene and made a vacancy in their own parish; for
+migration to another parish was seldom thought of by an agricultural
+labourer under ordinary circumstances. Consequently whenever a plague or
+famine thinned the population, there were always many waiting to be
+married, who filled the vacant places.’[1459]
+
+Such always are the conditions among cultivators in a settled country;
+it is forced to the notice of every one that not more than a certain
+number of hands are required and postponement of marriage is thus
+imposed upon the younger people. Neither land nor houses are available
+for them at an early age. ‘Before the Reformation, not only were early
+marriages determinately discouraged, but the opportunity for them did
+not exist. A labourer living in a cottage by himself was a rare
+exception to the rule; and the work of the fields was performed
+generally ... by servants who lived in the families of the squire or
+farmer, and who, while in that position, commonly remained single, and
+married only when by prudence they had saved a sufficient sum to enable
+them to enter some other position.’[1460] Miss Davies, working on
+figures for the parish of Corsley, found reason for thinking that at any
+one time there was usually a number of younger people who were debarred
+from marrying and were waiting their turn, so to speak, until they could
+step into places vacated by members of an older generation.[1461]
+
+9. In addition to those who cultivated the land there were merchants and
+craftsmen who for the most part lived in the towns. ‘The essence of the
+mediaeval town was the formation of gilds of merchants and craftsmen’
+and ‘within the limits of the corporation gilds had the monopoly of
+manufacture or trade’.[1462] Membership of a guild was a birthright or
+an inheritance, and newcomers could only enter after a long period of
+apprenticeship. The result of this system of apprenticeship was to bring
+about the postponement of marriage, and thus to limit the undue increase
+of population. ‘The position of a son who acquired a holding when his
+parent died is analogous to that of an apprentice who cannot set up as a
+master till given permission by the proper authorities. It is quite
+plain that in the eyes of the ordinary man in the sixteenth century one
+of the advantages of a system of compulsory apprenticeship was that it
+prevented youths marrying at a very early age, e. g. an Act (2 and 3
+Philip and Mary) forbids the admitting of any one to the freedom of the
+City of London before the age of twenty-four, and enacts that
+apprentices are not to be taken so young that they will come out of
+their time before they are twenty-four. The reason alleged for this rule
+is that distress in the city of which “one of the chief occasions is by
+reason of the over-hasty marriages and the over soon setting up of
+householdes by the younge folke of the city ... be they never so younge
+and so unskilful”.’ Again a petition of the weavers states (Hist. MSS.
+Com. Cd. 784, p. 114): ‘whereas by the former good laws of their trade
+none could exercise the same until he had served an apprenticeship for
+seven years and attained the age of twenty-four, now in these disordered
+times many apprentices having forsaken parents and masters ... refuse to
+serve out their time, but before they are 18 or 20 years old betake
+themselves to marriage.’[1463]
+
+Rubin, whose conclusions regarding the age at marriage in the sixteenth,
+seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries have already been quoted, sums up
+the position in these words: ‘The domestic servant class then, as now,
+was unmarried, but that class was much more numerous than at present.
+Subordinates in the industrial class and in handicrafts were not, as in
+our own time, free and independent, but lived for the most part in the
+houses of their masters, and, at any rate, were accustomed to wait until
+they became masters before marrying; the chances of attaining the
+position of master were greater than now. The same rule applied to other
+journeymen in various employments, whether in town or country.’[1464]
+
+Thus in the town as well as on the land the pressure was at work. The
+result was twofold. Marriage was made difficult, and many sought refuge
+in lifelong celibacy in religious institutions. Again, a standard of
+skill was insisted upon which tended to ensure that young husbands would
+be able to support a family as well as ensuring that they would not have
+a family at all until there was a place for them. And it must be assumed
+that the number of families felt to be desirable was somewhere about
+that which given all circumstances produces the maximum benefit from
+co-operation. It may also be observed that we can in evidence of the
+above kind detect the recognition of a standard of living—the essential
+feature in any community in which an approach to the desirable number is
+to be attained. For this standard of living is only the income per head
+which, given all the circumstances, is the highest within reach.
+
+10. Regulations prohibiting the marriage of the poor were not uncommon
+in this period. ‘In Bavaria ... the regulations of the Government and
+the Police Ordinances of 1616 forbade the marriage of servants, day
+labourers, and others without property, and the punishments by which
+those were threatened by the legislation of 1751 who, without the
+permission of the superior authorities, entered into wedlock, and were
+afterwards unable to support themselves without begging or the like,
+extended to corporal chastisement and the like.’[1465] The Poor Law
+Commission of 1834 obtained reports regarding the regulations in various
+European countries. Of Denmark we hear that ‘all those persons who are
+in receipt of parish relief are not allowed to marry unless by
+permission granted on special grounds by the Commissioners’.[1466] In
+Würtemberg no subject of the state could marry until he possessed ‘the
+rights of a member of a community or a settled non-freeman. But even
+such a one must prove to the magistrates before his marriage that he
+possesses sufficient means of subsistence. The want of such means of
+subsistence is considered as existing, (_a_) in every one who is not
+primarily qualified in the exercises of a liberal art or science, or for
+exercising on his own account, commerce, a profession, agriculture or
+some other business sufficient for the support of a family, or possesses
+sufficient property for the independent support of a family; and (_b_)
+in every one who, at the time of the intended marriage, is the subject
+of political or police investigation, for vagabondage, prodigality,
+habitual idleness, notorious propensity to drinking, or repeated fraud,
+repeated theft or systematic begging, or who has been punished for the
+same, during the two years immediately preceding, or who in the course
+of the three preceding years (except in the case of misfortune not
+incurred by his own fault) has received assistance from public funds for
+his own support, or is in receipt of such at the time of the intended
+marriage.’[1467]
+
+11. Somewhat similar conditions to those which led to postponement of
+marriage in England were operative elsewhere. Looking at this period in
+general there is little doubt that the restrictions upon increase were
+upon the whole effective. There were fluctuations in the nearness of
+approach to the desirable number; at times for some reason too great an
+increase became noticeable. Adjustment, however, soon followed. ‘There
+was reason to believe that towards the middle of the fifteenth century
+there was a considerable increase in population, unaccompanied by any
+great improvement in the means of production, and consequently a
+relative over-population in many European countries. The frequent
+complaints of poverty and lack of employment which led eventually to
+stringent measures against foreign competitors, confirms the evidence
+from other sources to show that the gilds were being overstocked with
+journeymen who could hardly hope to attain the position of householders
+and employers. In the callings where the old-world organization was
+effective there was an increasing tendency, during the fifteenth
+century, to restrict the avenues by which the freedom to exercise a
+craft could be obtained; larger fines were demanded on admission, while
+the social qualifications of those who were eligible as apprentices were
+raised.’[1468] At other times certain social changes caused
+over-population. Such was the case in the sixteenth century owing to the
+enclosures. ‘According to one calculation made in 1548 three hundred
+thousand men had been thrown out of work by the decay of agriculture—or
+about ten per cent. of the whole population.’[1469] What is important,
+however, is that in general the determination of the people to maintain
+the standard of living brought about adjustment—which at this period
+usually took the form of making marriage more difficult.
+
+There were also instances of a definite failure over a long period to
+achieve adjustment. Such a case is that of Ireland in the eighteenth
+century. The potato was introduced about 1585, and when taken into
+cultivation throughout the country could have enabled a larger
+population to subsist at a higher standard of living. So degraded,
+however, did the social conditions become, that the introduction of the
+potato merely enabled a larger population to subsist at the lowest
+standard which would support life. The conditions of that period have
+been described in the following passage by Goldwin Smith: ‘The mass of
+the people were socially and economically in a state the most
+deplorable, perhaps, which history records as having existed in any
+civilized nation.... The Irish gentry were probably the very worst upper
+class with which a country was ever afflicted. Their habits grew beyond
+measure brutal and reckless. Their drunkenness, their blasphemy, their
+ferocious duelling, left the squires of England far behind.... Over the
+Roman Catholic poor on their estates these “vermin of the kingdom”, as
+Arthur Young calls them, exercised a tyranny compared with which the
+arbitrary rule of the old chiefs over their clans was probably a
+parental authority used with beneficence and justly repaid by gratitude
+and affection.... All moral restraints on the growth of population were
+removed by the compulsory ignorance into which Protestant ascendancy and
+the penal laws had plunged the Catholic peasantry and by the abject
+wretchedness of their lot.... The island became utterly overcharged with
+population.’[1470]
+
+In this period it is not common to find over-population on this scale
+for so long a time. In all countries there were periods when population
+was excessive, but as a rule the circumstances were seldom such that the
+vigour of the people did not before long bring about a return to a
+higher standard.
+
+12. In the fourth sub-group there is available a far larger amount of
+information, and more exact estimates as to the position are rendered
+possible than could be the case before. We have first to ask whether
+there is evidence of over-population. Where, as in this period, there
+has been a rapid increase in numbers the question is more easy to answer
+than when asked in connexion with periods which, compared with the
+present conditions, were relatively static. We can form a judgement
+based upon the relative increase in wealth and in population and upon
+the average real wages over a number of years. The following figures
+show that wealth has grown more quickly than population.[1471]
+
+                   _Wealth of Great    _Population._
+                      Britain._
+                             £
+                  1865  6,113,000,000  1861 28,927,485
+                  1875  8,548,000,000  1871 31,484,661
+                  1885 10,037,000,000  1881 34,884,848
+                  1895 10,663,000,000  1891 37,732,922
+                  1905 13,036,000,000  1901 41,458,721
+                  1909 13,986,000,000  1911 45,216,665
+
+The following figures show that real wages have risen during the
+period.[1472] With regard to the drop in real wages in the last years
+shown in this table it has to be remembered that such minor fluctuations
+may be due under complex modern conditions to a variety of causes. The
+condition of credit, the share taken of the total income by capital and
+many other factors, the action of some of which, there is good reason to
+think, was the cause of the decline in real wages noticeable in the
+early years of the present century, all affect real wages.
+
+                   _Nominal Wages._  _Cost of Living._     _Real Wages._
+ 1880                            100               100               100
+ 1881–5                          101                96               105
+ 1886–90                         104                89               117
+ 1891–5                          110                88               125
+ 1896–1900                       115                87               132
+ 1901–5                          121                91               133
+ 1906–10                         126                94               134
+ 1911                            128                96               133
+ 1912                            132               100               132
+ 1913                            134               100               134
+
+All the evidence points to the same conclusion—namely, that throughout
+this period there has, on the whole, been an increase in the average
+real income per head, and that therefore there has been no
+over-population in England. On the whole the same conclusion applies to
+other countries in which the industrial conditions are more or less
+similar. It is well known that during this period there have been very
+remarkable fluctuations in the birth-rate. In England it was stationary
+from about 1840 to 1880. Since that date it has declined by about
+one-third.[1473] It seems clear that during this latter period the rapid
+increase of the former period ceased to be economically advantageous. In
+other words the decline has been in response to changing economic
+conditions. What we have now to ask is how the desirability of a limited
+increase under the conditions existing in this period can have been so
+realized that the adjustment of numbers to economic requirements took
+place.
+
+13. The factors bearing upon fertility and elimination are in this
+sub-group in the main the same as those in the former sub-group. The
+factors which did or may have limited fertility in the earlier groups
+are again absent. Postponement of marriage is, as in the third
+sub-group, an important factor and in addition for the first time
+contraceptive practices play a large part. The importance of
+contraceptive practices, together with the decline in the birth-rate,
+due to the start made in this period towards the mastering of disease,
+are the chief differences to be noticed when comparing conditions in
+this sub-group with those in the former. It may also be noticed that the
+factors of elimination are more regular in their operation; epidemics of
+disease are rare and war does not now, as so often formerly, indirectly
+cause a large death-rate. The methods of limiting increase are confined
+to those which reduce fertility with the exception of the practice of
+abortion, which is still of some importance in the lower social classes.
+It is important to observe that, although the postponement of marriage
+has throughout the period had an important bearing upon fertility, it
+has not been, as in the former sub-group, by raising or reducing the age
+of marriage that the change in fertility has been chiefly due.[1474]
+This change has been due to diminished fertility which is to be chiefly
+accounted for by the conscious limitation of fertility in the form
+either of abstention from intercourse between married persons or of the
+use of contraceptive practices. We are not able to measure the
+prevalence of the different forms of conscious limitation and thus
+definitely to associate them with the declining birth-rate. We do not
+find, however, any such increase in other factors, such as venereal
+disease, which diminish fertility, as will account for the facts. We
+have no reason for supposing that fecundity has diminished, and as we
+have strong reasons for thinking that conscious limitation has been
+increasingly practised, we must attribute the changes to this
+cause.[1475]
+
+14. In this sub-group we may roughly distinguish between property
+owners, professional classes, peasant proprietors, and wage earners. The
+distinguishing feature has been the rise of a very large wage-earning
+class not possessed of property. The peasant proprietor, who, though a
+property owner, is to be distinguished from other property owners, is of
+little importance in England. In other countries, however, the class of
+peasant proprietors is of importance, and we may first ask how the
+desirability of limiting increase is brought home to them.
+
+As we have seen, wherever men owe their living to the produce of a
+definite area of land, whether ownership is vested in families or in
+village communities, the situation is in the main always much the same.
+That more than a certain number cannot maintain the standard of living
+upon a certain area must be obvious. It may be more or less definitely
+realized by each individual; it is also enshrined in the social
+conventions of such people. The conditions in French rural districts
+have been much studied, and there is a large amount of evidence pointing
+to the conclusion that families are consciously limited owing to the
+realization that large families are not economically advantageous. Legal
+regulations and social customs as to the inheritance of landed property
+are of considerable importance in France and other countries in this
+connexion, but there is no space to enter upon the subject here. The
+conditions are, generally speaking, clear; any one who is acquainted
+with the conditions of life in the country districts of France,
+Switzerland, or Norway, for instance, has probably observed what is
+going on. Somewhat as has been described for the Middle Ages in England,
+the number of houses, and consequently the number of families, is not
+increased. Further, when marriage takes place the number of children is
+clearly limited by considerations based on the economic conditions.
+There is, of course, always an opportunity for the young people to go to
+the towns and work for wages, and we must now ask what the conditions
+are among the wage-earning classes.
+
+Hitherto, with the exception of the artisans of the Middle Ages, we have
+always found men in groups of varying size supporting themselves upon a
+restricted area. In the case of the wage earners it is more difficult to
+understand how the desirability of limitation can become translated into
+customs or habits whether consciously or unconsciously followed,
+because, first, we are no longer dealing with a small group confined in
+the knowledge of all of them to a certain area, and, secondly, because
+restrictive customs in the nature of taboos have little chance of
+establishing themselves to-day. There are no restrictions of importance
+on the entrance to various trades; there is at least nothing comparable
+to the restrictions imposed by the guilds. A young man of the
+wage-earning class finds no hindrance to marriage and further finds that
+the maximum rate of earning he is ever likely to attain to is within his
+grasp at an early age. Why therefore should he not marry early? Compared
+with the mediaeval period he does marry early. As Rubin says, ‘the
+journeymen and servants of former times were as a rule unmarried, while
+in our times skilled workmen and factory employees, on account of the
+high level of their earnings (and the fact that they are received in
+money, not in kind), and because, for the greater part, as stated
+earlier, they attain no better position by waiting—are married as
+journeymen or labourers.’[1476] We have now to ask why the wage earners
+should, if they do not limit fertility by postponing marriage, limit
+fertility by conscious restriction of their families.
+
+This is not an easy question to answer. As there are no barriers to
+marriage, so to the production of a large family there are no barriers
+in the form of social conditions or customs which must be conformed to.
+There is apparently no hindrance to the production of as many children
+as can be fed—that is to say, to the increase of population to the level
+at which life can just be supported. Such an increase, however, does not
+take place. To understand why it is so we must first realize how
+powerful the desire to better the social conditions and to raise the
+standard of living has been among the wage earners. Mr. and Mrs. Hammond
+have lately described the conditions under which the village labourer
+existed in the earlier years of the last century.[1477] During the
+agricultural depression which followed the Napoleonic Wars the most
+determined effort was made by the governing classes to induce the
+labourer to lower his standard of living in the very mistaken hope that
+such a change would ease the position. Above all things the labourers
+were urged to abandon the use of wheaten bread and to accept some
+substitute. All kinds of arguments and many forms of pressure were
+employed. The labourers, however, were obstinate. They clung to their
+standard of living and in England, at least since the Industrial
+Revolution, this determination to maintain, and if possible to raise,
+the standard has been powerfully manifested by the wage-earning
+class.[1478] Returning now to the question we have to answer, we may say
+that this determination becomes translated into a system of family
+limitation, and that the decline in the birth-rate which is due to
+conscious limitation has been in correspondence with changing economic
+conditions. The previous rate of increase was no longer desirable in the
+interest of the wage-earning classes, and it has been checked.
+Nevertheless it has not been checked by a fully conscious realization of
+the position. At the most there has only been a semi-conscious
+understanding of what is involved. In the main we have to think of this
+determination as achieving its end by an unconscious adaptation of
+social habits and practices to the needs of the time. There have been
+other factors at work tending in the same direction. The influence of
+factory legislation in restricting the employment of children has been
+to render large families of less economic advantage. Again among more
+highly paid sections of the wage-earning classes certain influences,
+which are not economic at all but rather social, have also tended
+towards reduction in fertility.
+
+It may be observed that, where the determination to maintain the
+standard of living is not strongly manifested, there over-population may
+occur. Thus in England, and in all industrial countries, there is at the
+bottom of the social scale a thriftless, unskilled, and casually
+employed class in which the limitation of families is little, if at all,
+practised. Among this class the desire to improve conditions is seldom
+shown and in consequence the birth-rate is not limited. If the members
+of this class ‘restricted considerably their rate of growth, there is’,
+says Hobson, ‘reasonable ground for holding that they would make a
+double economic gain, being paid at a higher rate, for more efficient
+and more regular work.’[1479]
+
+The conditions among the professional classes need not detain us. In
+addition to feeling, as do the working classes, the benefit in a general
+way of restriction, there are many other factors which come in. Of these
+perhaps the most important is the question of the age at which the
+maximum income is attained. As these classes form only a small
+proportion of the population, and as we shall have to discuss in the
+following chapter the causes of the lower rate of increase in these
+classes than among the wage-earning class—having in view the possible
+bearing upon certain problems of qualitative change—we can omit any
+further discussion here, merely observing that no question of
+over-population arises. Possibly there may be relative under-population
+in something the same way as there is over-population in the lowest
+grade—whether this is so or not depending largely upon the ease with
+which the professional classes are recruited from below.
+
+15. The discussion of historical races has been brief and was only
+entered upon in order to round off the subject. There are other points
+in connexion with the adjustment of numbers to which allusion must be
+made. It will be convenient, however, first to review shortly our
+conclusions regarding the problem of adjustment as a whole and then to
+ask in respect of the various periods in turn what we are led to think
+that the position must have been.
+
+Reasons have been given for thinking that, if any general change in
+fecundity has taken place in the course of history, it has been in the
+direction of increase. In any case fecundity is very large—the
+theoretical power of increase, that is to say, is very great. Some
+figures were given at the end of the fourth chapter in illustration of
+this fact. There is a tendency noticeable in nearly all discussions of
+questions of quantity to under-estimate the power of increase. Another
+calculation previously given may therefore be recalled. It has been
+shown that at the present average rate of increase of the population of
+the world—a rate of increase which is obviously everywhere very severely
+restricted—a single pair would produce in 1,750 years descendants equal
+in number to the present population of the world.
+
+In connexion with the under-estimation of the power of increase, is the
+over-estimation of the relief given by any factor which allows of a
+growth of population—increase in skill or migration, for example. It is
+constantly assumed that, when such a factor can be detected in
+operation, there is, so to speak, a complete outlet for fecundity. This
+is the idea which lies at the basis of such statements as those which
+speak of ‘surplus population’ as being drawn off by migration. When,
+however, a calculation is made, it is seen that the relief given is,
+except under very unusual circumstances, almost negligible. It was shown
+on p. 105 that under the circumstances mentioned a population of
+1,000,000 would remain stable so long as to each married woman there was
+born an average of two children. But if the average was 2½ children,
+then in a hundred years the population would be 3,050,000. It follows,
+therefore, that most unusually favourable circumstances only make room
+for a fraction of the possible increase and that migration likewise only
+draws off an insignificant fraction of the possible additions to the
+population.
+
+Starting with such considerations and taking into account the fact that,
+wherever social co-operation exists, there must be within any area a
+certain desirable density of population—the optimum number—it has been
+argued that there will come about an approximation to this number owing
+to the practice of certain habits and customs restrictive of increase.
+It has further been argued that, except under most unusual
+circumstances, habits and customs having primarily, and not merely
+incidentally, this result, must everywhere exist. This is seldom
+realized. Professor Myres, for instance, after remarking upon the
+fertility of ancient Egypt and of Assyria, says that ‘anything like
+infanticide was out of the question’.[1480] It is clear from the context
+that he is thinking not of infanticide in particular but of any
+practices restrictive of increase—the implication being that in a
+fertile country, where skill is increasing, there is a sufficient outlet
+for the increase of population resulting from the power of human
+increase. Again, it has been asserted that the Bantu races do not commit
+infanticide—at least on a large scale—as do many other primitive races,
+because, inasmuch as they have been in movement for an unknown length of
+time, the attrition following upon the war that is always in progress at
+the fringe of the movement is sufficient to absorb the ‘surplus
+population’. But it has been forgotten that the Bantu races practise
+prolonged abstention from intercourse—a custom quite as effective as
+abortion and infanticide—as may be seen when the evidence as to the
+small average number in a family is considered;[1481] for the average
+number in a Bantu family is as small as among primitive races in
+general, and it cannot be held that attrition through war falls
+seriously upon others than adults. It therefore follows that war among
+these people affords but an insignificant amount of relief.
+
+16. Turning now to the methods of adjustment, we may take the first two
+groups together and afterwards the third group. War and migration,
+however, may be put aside and considered separately at the end of the
+chapter. As regards the first two groups it is necessary to say no more
+than this: evidence has been produced to show that everywhere among
+primitive races either abortion, infanticide, or prolonged abstention
+from intercourse are practised in such a degree and in such a manner as
+to have as their primary result the restriction of increase.
+
+The question as to how far these practices are effective in bringing
+about an approximation to the desirable number is not easily answered.
+As regards those primitive races which have come under European
+observation there is no definite evidence because, before exact
+observation could be made, the conditions of life had wholly changed.
+But, putting aside the fact that the evidence, such as it is, does
+suggest an approximation, it may be observed that conditions were such
+as to render an approximation easy. Skill increased so slowly that for
+long periods of time the desirable number remained about the same; the
+factors of elimination, such as war and disease, were not erratic in
+their action; social organization was not complex in the economic sense
+and therefore the danger of break-downs followed by changes in the
+desirable number was absent. Thus we may conclude that, in all
+probability, in primitive society an approximation was normally
+attained.
+
+In the third period we meet with wholly different conditions. Social
+organization becomes elaborate in the economic sense, war and disease
+become erratic in their operation, and, relatively to what was the case
+before, skill increases rapidly. As a result the desirable number
+frequently changes, becoming on the whole larger, particularly in those
+periods with which we are best acquainted. There has in consequence
+grown up an idea that throughout human history population has been
+increasing, whereas in fact it is far more correct to regard population
+as normally having been stable. It may not improbably turn out that the
+third period is in this respect peculiar and we may be approaching a
+period when population will again normally be stable. However that may
+be, the changes mentioned tend to make adjustment more difficult; on the
+other hand, there have been at the same time at work changes tending to
+facilitate adjustment among which growing freedom from convention and
+increasing sensitiveness to the economic situation may be particularly
+noticed. As regards the methods of adjustment, evidence has been adduced
+to show that, up to the opening of what we have called the mediaeval
+period, one or other of the same methods were in use that were in vogue
+before, that all these methods ceased to be practised in the mediaeval
+period and were replaced by postponement of marriage, and that finally
+in the modern period deliberate restriction has replaced postponement of
+marriage.
+
+The question of the effectiveness of adjustment in this period has been
+touched upon. In general it may be said that under-population is rare.
+Under-population seldom arises and then generally as a result of the
+abnormal incidence of war or disease. It sometimes happens that for a
+long period an area once densely populated maintains but a sparse
+population and this is not infrequently taken to indicate
+under-population. But such situations generally arise when for one
+reason or another—such as the destruction of capital during prolonged
+war, or the breakdown of artificial works upon which the food-supply
+depends—there has been a decrease in the density desirable. Thus the
+Mesopotamian watercourses were neglected by the Mongol conquerors in the
+thirteenth century and in consequence the optimum number for that area
+declined. Such a situation should therefore not be taken as indicating,
+without further inquiry, under-population.
+
+Over-population is less rare. It may be due to the neglect of ancient
+practices having as their effort the restriction of increase without the
+taking into use at the same time of new practices. This sometimes
+happens when a higher and a lower civilization come into contact and has
+been one of the causes of over-population in India. It may also arise
+when on the passing away of old practices some influence may militate
+against the taking up of new practices. In this manner the influence of
+the Catholic Church, which has been directed against contraceptive
+practices, may have tended to produce over-population in Ireland. More
+commonly, however, over-population arises in this period as the result
+of a spirit of apathy and listlessness. Under such circumstances, which
+are usually the result of social oppression or political misfortunes, no
+effort is made to keep up the standard of living and in consequence the
+machinery designed to restrict increase breaks down.
+
+Taking the third period in more detail, we have as regards the last
+section of that period definite evidence to the effect that
+approximation is fairly close. There are minor fluctuations in the
+nearness of approach to the desirable number. That, however, which it is
+in any broad view of the whole problem of quantity desirable to
+emphasize, is the nearness of approach—the fact that in any country at
+any given time within this period the numbers present are, roughly
+speaking, those economically desirable. We shall, indeed, find later,
+when dealing with war and when referring again to this subject in the
+next chapter, that minor differences in the nearness of approach as
+between countries in close proximity may be of considerable importance.
+
+Within the mediaeval period, in spite of the very high death-rate from
+disease, over-population occurred in England from time to time. The fact
+that wages rose after the Black Death, and that, after the decline in
+the population which took place in the last years of the seventeenth
+century and in the opening years of the eighteenth century, the average
+man was more prosperous, points to this conclusion, as does the fact
+that frequent attempts were made to render the restrictions upon
+marriage more severe. It seems probable that there was a similar
+tendency towards over-population in most European countries, and the
+reason would appear to be that postponement of marriage did not bring
+about a sufficient restriction of increase; postponement of marriage was
+not in fact a sufficient substitute for abortion, infanticide, and
+abstinence from intercourse, in spite of the prevalence of disease.
+Under-population was less frequent; when it occurred it was sometimes
+due in part to a spirit of luxury and selfishness following upon a
+period of expansion and prosperity, as in the later history of Spain.
+There may for similar reasons be under-population among the richer
+classes in Europe and America to-day.
+
+With regard to the preceding period we have considerable knowledge of
+the conditions in Greece and Rome. The history of both countries
+presents very similar features. In the earlier times practices
+restrictive of increase comparable with those found among primitive
+races were operative. There followed a vigorous epoch of colonization
+and then a period of decadence. These periods of decadence have been
+much discussed. In these discussions it is sometimes forgotten that the
+destruction of capital in civil war on a large scale, especially in the
+last century B. C. in Rome, must have diminished the numbers desirable.
+But in spite of this it is clear that we are here again in the presence
+of examples of decline, at least among the richer classes, owing to the
+presence of selfishness and luxury; this is certainly the conclusion to
+which a study of Polybius leads as regards Greece, while the admirable
+works of Sir Samuel Dill render the position in Rome equally
+clear.[1482] Our knowledge of Egypt, Assyria, and Babylonia is
+insufficient to enable any judgement to be passed on conditions in these
+countries.
+
+18. Our conclusions, therefore, are broadly as follows. Within the first
+two periods failure to approach the optimum number is rare. Within the
+third period departures away from the desirable number are less rare but
+are usually checked so long as the tone of society remains healthy and
+vigorous. In an oppressed society over-population not infrequently
+arises; in a selfish and luxurious society there may at times be
+under-population.
+
+In the main, changes in numbers come about in response to economic
+requirements. We should not therefore attribute directly to changes in
+the quantity of population great historical events. Thus we may agree
+with Mr. Keynes when he says that ‘some of the catastrophes of past
+history, which have thrown back human progress for centuries, have been
+due to the reactions following on the sudden termination, whether in the
+course of Nature or by the act of man, of temporarily favourable
+conditions which have permitted the growth of population beyond what
+could be provided for when the favourable conditions were at an
+end’.[1483] But we cannot agree when he says that ‘the great events of
+history are often due to secular changes in the growth of population and
+other fundamental economic causes, which, escaping by their gradual
+character the notice of contemporary observers, are attributed to the
+follies of statesmen or the fanaticism of atheists. Thus the
+extraordinary occurrences of the past two years in Russia, that vast
+upheaval of Society, which has overturned what seemed most
+stable—religion, the basis of property, the ownership of land, as well
+as forms of government and the hierarchy of classes—may owe more to the
+deep influences of expanding numbers than to Lenin or Nicholas; and the
+disruptive powers of excessive national fecundity may have played a
+greater part in bursting the bonds of convention than either the power
+of ideas or the errors of autocracy.’[1484] In the first passage it is
+suggested that consequences of great import may follow when events so
+derange social organization that the numbers previously maintained
+cannot be supported. To this we may agree; the attribution of the
+catastrophe is not directly to changes in numbers. In the second passage
+it is suggested that national fertility may be so much in excess of
+requirements as to disrupt social organization. To this we cannot agree.
+In general increase is in response to economic requirements and, when it
+is in excess and is not within a reasonable time curbed, the conditions
+which result are not those which, though they may have important
+consequences, produce the kind of result here attributed to them.
+
+19. Both war and migration are frequently said to be the consequences of
+over-population. We may take migration first.
+
+It may be as well to give some typical expressions of this point of
+view. Mr. Haddon says, ‘when reduced to its simplest terms a migration
+is caused by an expulsion and an attraction, the former nearly always
+resulting from a dearth of food or from over-population, which
+practically comes to the same thing. Sooner or later a time comes when
+the increase of the population of a country exceeds its normal
+food-supply.’[1485] In the Report of the National Birth-Rate Commission
+we read that ‘a pressure of population in any country brings as a chief
+historic consequence overflows and migrations into neighbouring and
+other accessible countries’.[1486] Professor Myres, speaking of the
+Greek migrations of the eighth to the sixth centuries B. C., attributes
+them to the fact that ‘population had overtaken the means of
+subsistence’.[1487]
+
+It is not altogether clear what is meant by such statements. Very
+frequently it seems to be implied that there commonly exists a condition
+in which there is more than enough food in an area occupied by an
+existing population, that sooner or later population catches up, so to
+speak, the food-supply and that migration afterwards follows any further
+increase of population. We may first look at this point of view. All
+that has so far been said goes to show that only for very short periods
+and under very unusual circumstances can there be under any conditions
+of social organization a state of under-population. Even if we put aside
+the idea of an optimum number, we must regard the population, which any
+area is capable of supporting, as strictly limited. Given the vast power
+of increase that we know always to be present, there cannot commonly be
+a condition of under-population—a condition, that is to say, in which
+population has ceased to increase before it was checked by the food
+limit. For we are not dealing with the spread of population into
+unoccupied areas; that occurred perhaps before there was any social
+organization. We are dealing with a period in which all portions of the
+earth’s surface, relative to the degree of skill attained, had long been
+fully occupied. Though increase of skill may at times enable regions
+previously quite infertile to be occupied, this is altogether an
+exceptional case; increase of skill normally merely allows of an
+increase of density in the same area. General considerations point to
+the normal condition being of necessity either one in which population
+has increased up to the level of subsistence or one in which it has
+increased to the optimum level, and the evidence presented shows that as
+a rule some approximation to the latter condition is attained. General
+considerations on the one hand and the evidence on the other both render
+wholly unacceptable the idea that commonly there is a condition of
+under-population which is followed by migration when the pressure due to
+the catching up of the amount of food available by the increase of
+population begins to be felt. Further, no support is given to this view
+by the facts known regarding any particular migration. What evidence is
+there, with regard to the Greek migrations referred to by Professor
+Myres, that for some unknown length of time, for some unknown reason,
+the increase of population had not reached the limit made possible by
+the food-supply? Unless there is definite evidence of peculiar
+circumstances in some peculiar combination, such a theory cannot be held
+to account for migration. The idea of population catching up the means
+of subsistence and bringing about a crisis followed by migration is the
+product of an altogether unhistorical view of the matter.[1488]
+
+We do know, indeed, that at times a condition of under-population arises
+chiefly owing to the irregular action of certain factors of elimination.
+Disease has been known to remove one-third of the population of a
+country in two or three years. There does not, however, appear to be a
+single instance in which migration can be traced to the recovery from
+such a catastrophe. What appears usually to happen is that there is a
+certain relaxation of the pressure which before either hindered marriage
+or caused abortion or infanticide to be practised; population increases
+until the pressure again makes itself felt. And it may be observed that
+it is not following upon exceptional conditions such as these that
+migration is supposed by the authors quoted to take place. It is
+supposed to take place because not infrequently there is a condition of
+under-population for which there is in fact no evidence whatever. This
+view further clearly implies an over-estimate of the relief afforded by
+migration. The calculations given on a previous page apply here.
+
+The view criticized above is sometimes so expressed as not to lay stress
+upon under-population as the condition which ultimately gives rise to
+migration. It is merely asserted that over-population is in some manner
+the cause of migration, and we may now examine this view. Let us recall
+what we found to be the condition in those countries in which
+over-population had undoubtedly occurred. We found the distinguishing
+feature of the social conditions of those countries to be the absence of
+hope, of a spirit of enterprise, and of a determination to maintain a
+standard of living. It most emphatically is not where such conditions
+are prevalent that migration takes place. All that we know of migration
+points to precisely the opposite. It is not from countries in the
+condition of India and China at the present day or of Ireland in the
+seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that waves of migration arise.
+Migrating races exhibit the opposite characters. With them we associate
+enterprise, hopefulness, courage, and so on. The conclusion cannot on
+general grounds be doubtful. Migration does not arise where a condition
+of over-population has come about. Further, if we examine the evidence
+of particular migration in no case can it be shown that migration has
+begun as a direct result of those conditions.[1489] It is true that
+compared with the numerous migrations of which we have knowledge, there
+are but few cases concerning which we have detailed information of the
+social conditions. But where this information does exist, in no instance
+do we find evidence that migration began after a condition of
+over-population had come about.
+
+It may be that what is implied by those who put forward the view that
+migration is somehow connected with over-population is somewhat
+different. It may be implied that migration occurs when what we have
+called the optimum number has been attained. If our general conclusions
+on this subject are borne in mind, it is clear that something more than
+this is required as an explanation. Migration occurs irregularly at long
+intervals; adjustment of population to some point approximating to the
+desirable level is always going on. Clearly it cannot be in the ordinary
+process of adjustment that some impetus to migration occurs; there must
+be some particular predisposing factor or factors at work. What are
+these factors? It would seem to rest with those who put forward the
+theory to show what they are, and this has not been done.
+
+On the other hand, there is another explanation which appears to account
+at least in part for nearly every migration of which we have some
+knowledge of the circumstances, and it may be that an explanation on
+similar lines accounts at least in part for most of the later migrations
+in history. There is nothing novel in this explanation; it is admitted
+as an explanation of many migrations by Mr. Haddon.[1490] He admits that
+many migrations have been undertaken for political or religious reasons
+and instances the voyage of the _Mayflower_ and the Islamic and
+Buddhistic movements. That which is common to these explanations is that
+migration is undertaken in response to some idea. There is no question
+of over-population at all, and in all those cases in which we have any
+detailed knowledge of the conditions connected with migration we find
+that we can point to some idea as the motive force. Why, therefore, when
+details are not known, should another explanation be sought? It is
+suggested that essentially the same explanation is the most reasonable
+explanation of all migrations, at least in historical times. With regard
+to the earlier movements we find that migrations appear to occur where a
+high level of skill has been reached in some area. Where races are in
+contact with others of a markedly lower degree of skill there arises a
+tendency for the former to eject the latter. The immediate motive is
+desire to possess their land where the land is fertile relative to the
+skill of the first mentioned race. Thus the Bantu people have pushed
+back the Bushmen until the latter were left with regions infertile
+relatively to the Bantu culture. Throughout human history there must
+have been this tendency for migrations to follow the great steps in the
+acquirement of power over nature. But there is no reason to think that,
+even in early times, migrations only arose as a result of increase of
+skill. What we know of even the most primitive races, such as the
+Australians, shows that we can imagine movements to have been initiated
+quite apart from any differences in skill. The accounts given of the
+respect in which the older men are held among the Australians renders it
+possible to understand how an impulse to movement might be initiated by
+them which, once having taken shape, might have far-reaching
+consequences. We have further accounts of the existence of a spirit of
+restlessness among primitive races. This restlessness proves on analysis
+to be nothing more than the currency of an idea—an idea that some
+benefit would arise if a movement took place.
+
+We have, however, to remember when dealing with this matter that many if
+not most of the migrations of pre-history were probably not migrations
+at all in the usual sense of the term. They are probably better thought
+of as driftings of people; they may have occupied very long periods of
+time and have been connected with slow changes in climate. At any one
+time the movement may have been quite imperceptible, and, when this was
+so, such driftings are seen clearly enough to have had nothing to do
+with over-population if the immensity of the power of increase is borne
+in mind.
+
+Some reference may now be made to the much-discussed theory to the
+effect that historical migrations are due to climatic changes. Ellsworth
+Huntington has put forward in a number of publications the view that not
+only have important climatic changes occurred within the historical
+period, but that these changes have been what he calls ‘pulsatory’—that
+is to say, there has been an alteration between humid and arid
+conditions in many parts of the world.[1491] This view has been
+contested.[1492] In particular doubt has been cast upon the ‘pulsatory’
+nature of such changes as have taken place. Whether this view as to
+climatic change is correct or not is of no particular importance for our
+present purpose; for on the one hand it has been shown that certain
+migrations, particularly those in Central Asia, where the evidence as to
+the pulsatory nature of the change is said to be most clear, are
+explicable as due to political changes,[1493] while on the other hand it
+does not appear to be possible in general to correlate the migrations of
+history, which are essentially rapid movements, with slow changes of
+climate. It seems likely that population would adjust itself to slow
+climatic changes without difficulty or with as little difficulty as it
+adjusts itself to other changes which alter the optimum density. Extreme
+climatic changes very slowly brought about, as doubtless took place in
+pre-history, might result in driftings,[1494] but the less extreme
+changes in climate during the historical period have in all probability
+been without any pronounced effect upon movement.
+
+Enough has been said to show that, whereas there is much that can be
+adduced both on theoretical grounds and after a review of the evidence
+against the theory attributing migration to over-population, there is
+much to recommend the extension of the explanation already admitted in
+many cases. But even if migration is not a result of over-population, it
+may seriously affect the adjustment of population, once it has been set
+on foot. And it is to the observation of the secondary disturbing effect
+of migration on population that we may attribute the error of tracing
+migration to over-population.
+
+When, however, all allowances are made, the easy manner in which the
+common theory of migration is assumed to be true and is used by writers
+of great authority is very surprising. Mr. Hogarth, for instance, in a
+well-known and very delightful book alluding to the Chaldean or fourth
+great wave of migration from Arabia, is led to explain all these Arabian
+migrations as follows: ‘The great Southern Peninsula’, he says, ‘is for
+the most part a highland steppe endowed with a singularly pure air and
+an uncontaminated soil. It breeds, consequently, a healthy population
+whose mortality, compared with its death-rate, is unusually high; but
+since the peculiar conditions of its surface preclude the development of
+its internal food-supply beyond a point long ago reached, the surplus
+population which rapidly accumulates within it is forced from time to
+time to seek its sustenance elsewhere.’[1495] Let us consider this
+theory for a moment. To begin with, so far as relatively to the
+civilizations of the valleys of the Nile and of the Euphrates disease
+was rare and the death-rate on that account low, so far the position in
+Arabia merely approximated to that normal among primitive races.
+Therefore the healthy conditions taken by themselves do not necessarily
+form an incentive to migration. The remainder of the argument rests upon
+an over-estimate of the relief afforded either by increased skill or by
+migration. It is implied by Mr. Hogarth that, could additional skill
+have been applied to the increase of food, the ‘surplus population’
+would have been absorbed; but that it was not so absorbed and found
+relief in migration. The calculations already given show how illusory is
+the idea that relief can be thus afforded. In such arguments the
+strength of human fecundity is always under-estimated. Further the
+theory assumes a condition of things within Arabia which is very
+difficult to understand. The Chaldean migration took place about 800 B.
+C., the third or Aramean, about 1500 B. C., the second or Canaanite,
+about 2500 B. C., and we may add a fifth or Islamic in the seventh
+century A. D. The shortest interval between these movements is 800
+years. We are asked to suppose that for several hundred years there was
+an increase of population over and above that which could properly be
+supported; for evidently it is not supposed that the increases occurred
+only shortly before the migrations. Now we know that abortion and
+infanticide were practised regularly in Arabia. The increase therefore
+must have been small compared with the possible increase, and yet these
+methods were not according to the theory effective in producing that
+position which it must be the object of every vigorous society to
+attain. A very small increase in the degree to which these practices
+were performed would have brought about this result, and is it not far
+more reasonable to suppose that an approximation to this desirable
+position was normally attained rather than to suppose that there was a
+chronic failure the results of which could only have been socially
+disastrous?
+
+There are two other considerations which may be adduced in favour of the
+view here advanced. Migration, in the first place, takes place rather
+from vigorous communities than from countries where social conditions
+have long been depressed by over-population. In the second place, the
+migrations in question are susceptible of another explanation. Regarding
+the only one of these migrations of which we have detailed knowledge—the
+Islamic—we know that it was prompted by the currency of an idea, and why
+should we not assume that the previous migrations were so prompted
+rather than fall back on the theory of over-population which raises so
+many difficulties?
+
+20. It has often been said that war is a ‘biological necessity’.
+‘Wherever we look in nature’, says General von Bernhardi, ‘we find that
+war is a fundamental law of development. This great verity, which has
+been recognized in past ages, has been convincingly demonstrated in
+modern times by Charles Darwin. He proved that nature is ruled by an
+unceasing struggle for existence, by the right of the stronger, and that
+this struggle in its apparent cruelty brings about a selection
+eliminating the weak and the unwholesome.’[1496] This has been a
+favourite contention of German publicists.[1497] It is not necessary to
+show here that such views rest upon a fundamental misunderstanding as to
+what is implied by the term ‘struggle for existence’. The error has been
+recently exposed by Mr. Chalmers Mitchell, who in particular has pointed
+out that there is nothing in the relationship between species in a state
+of nature which can in any sense be called war and further that modern
+nations are not units of the same order as species.[1498]
+
+It has also been held that war originates from the necessity for the
+search for food. ‘La guerre’, said Comte, ‘constitue à l’origine le
+moyen le plus simple de se procurer les subsistances.’[1499] There is no
+foundation whatever for this view based either on what we know of
+species in a state of nature or of the conditions obtaining among
+primitive races. The same may be said of the theory that ‘eagerness to
+acquire property was originally the cause and object of war’.[1500]
+
+The idea that over-population is the cause of war is sometimes carried
+back to some such ‘biological’ origin as that indicated above; in
+disproof of such views no more need be said. More often we meet with
+statements such as the following: ‘The population question pushes
+Germany on. For the most part it is inland peoples that have most
+severely felt that pressure of a growing population. Islanders and coast
+dwellers can expand over the seas. But when inland peoples outgrow their
+bounds, they must burst them.’[1501] Such a statement is a striking
+example of the over-estimation of the relief afforded by war and by
+migration and of the under-estimation of the power of fecundity. What
+has been said above regarding migration is again applicable here.
+
+If our contention that over-population is not the cause of migration is
+well founded, then the argument that war is also due to over-population
+falls to the ground. Precisely the same conditions which are supposed to
+push nations on to fight are also supposed to push them on to migrate.
+As we shall see later, this by no means implies that questions of
+population do not at times enter into the situation when war breaks out.
+
+What then is the cause of war? It is probable that the instinct of
+pugnacity led to fighting when men lived in groups of families—at least
+between the males for the headship of the family. It is further probable
+that, as social organization slowly evolved, sporadic fighting of this
+kind was continued and led to fighting between groups. But in very early
+times tradition began to overlay and obscure the manifestations of
+instinct; the manner in which this occurs will form an important part of
+the discussion in the second part of this book. It is enough to say here
+that among primitive races tradition can be of such a nature as
+altogether to overlay the instinct of pugnacity, as among certain
+peoples, who though not devoid of the instinct scarcely ever fight
+because of the existence of powerful social conventions and customs
+inhibiting its expression. Thus, though war may form an outlet for
+pugnacity, it can no longer be said that it is the direct consequence of
+pugnacity. War, in fact, gradually becomes a custom. That this is now
+essentially the nature of war needs no proof. It is obviously at the
+present day a mode of action whereby the highly organized governments of
+modern nations try to achieve some political end.[1502]
+
+It has, however, to be remembered that warfare takes a place among the
+factors of elimination and that the greater the amount of elimination
+through war, the less need there is for the practices of abortion and
+infanticide. But this is quite a different thing from saying that
+warfare results from over-population or from the pressure of population.
+It merely implies that, given the power of increase, warfare is a factor
+which may perform to a small degree the elimination necessary in order
+that numbers should not exceed the desirable limit and is therefore
+tolerated—other things being equal—as a factor in social life by the
+natural selection of customs.
+
+It has nevertheless to be allowed that, when war breaks out, the
+position as regards population may form an element in the situation—just
+as the passions which have been aroused may do so though they cannot be
+regarded as the cause of modern war. Let us consider the late war.
+Broadly speaking in all European countries increase in population was in
+response to economic requirements. Yet there were what we have called
+minor fluctuations away from the desirable economic density. France and
+Germany represented two opposite tendencies—towards under- and
+over-population respectively. These relatively slight differences were
+greatly exaggerated in popular opinion owing to the attention paid to
+the birth-rate. The Germans were thinking and talking of expansion
+whereas the French were stay-at-home people. The Germans looked across
+the frontier and thought they saw a half-empty country which they could
+well develop with their ‘surplus’ population, while the French thought
+they saw a teeming population ready to burst its bonds and overwhelm
+them. Again, as between England and Germany it appeared to many Germans
+that, while Germany had little or no opportunity of expansion, Great
+Britain had owing to her overseas dominions ample opportunity. But
+increase is governed by the conditions within a country, and the fact
+that emigration from Great Britain to Greater Britain was possible did
+not enter into the situation as regards the control of increase in Great
+Britain; very many people in this country, however, as well as in
+Germany, if they did not actually think that it did so, at least held
+opinions which were in fact founded upon this supposition. Thus though
+in actual fact England broadly speaking restricted her population as did
+Germany in accordance with the economic situation within the country,
+yet the position of England with reference to Greater Britain had an
+influence upon the situation, and many Germans thought that unless there
+was an outlet for ‘surplus population’ Germany would eventually be
+over-populated, whereas the fact is that, as we have seen, so long as
+conditions remain healthy in a country, over-population does not
+arise.[1503]
+
+This subject could be elaborated at great length. Upon analysis it would
+always be found that, though certain aspects of the population problem
+and certain mistaken views of the position may and do predispose nations
+and governments towards war, it is not true strictly speaking to say
+that the population question is in any sense a cause of war. War has now
+merely become a mode of action whereby an organized state tries to
+achieve certain political ends. It is within the power of mankind to
+renounce this mode of action. There is nothing in the nature of man or
+of social organization which renders war inevitable. ‘Dieu ne leur a
+donné ni des canons de vingt-quatre ni des baïonnettes, et ils se sont
+fait des baïonnettes et des canons pour se détruire.’[1504]
+
+
+
+
+                                  XII
+                          SOME MODERN PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. The present period, which may be dated from 1760 in England and from
+rather a later date in most European countries, has been marked by an
+unparalleled increase of population. The rate of increase has for some
+years been slowing down. This outburst of population is sometimes
+referred to as though there was something mysterious about it. It was,
+in fact, merely the response to increase in skill, and similarly the
+declining birth-rate is, at least for the most part, merely the response
+to the fact that skill is no longer increasing so fast.[1505] The fact
+that the upper social classes began to restrict their increase before
+the lower social classes is partly due to the fact that they are more
+sensitive to economic requirements. This point is almost always
+overlooked in discussions of the question of differential fertility, and
+when forming any judgement on this subject the possible loss in quality
+has—though it is a very difficult problem—to be balanced against the
+gain in arriving at an adjustment of quantity. There may be more to be
+said for Mill’s opinion quoted on a previous page than most eugenists
+would be willing to admit.
+
+Before we go on to notice some of the many problems that arise,
+something may be said as to the future. So deeply have men been
+impressed by this increase that the most pessimistic prophecies have
+been published as to the fate in store for the human race. Numerous
+calculations have been made to show that within a certain length of time
+there will only be standing room. Mr. Knibbs has calculated that, if the
+rate of increase of the population of the world obtaining in the five
+years preceding 1911 was to be continued, there would in 500 years be
+246,114 millions. He is appalled by the prospect. ‘No artifices of
+cultivation,’ he says, ‘nor any possible diminutions of human stature,
+so as to decrease the necessary quantity of food per person, can
+possibly relieve the gravity of the situation. In no case can the
+increase of 1 per cent. per annum be maintained for five
+centuries.’[1506] This pessimism is baseless; he appears to regard
+increase as something inevitable that cannot be stopped—forgetting that
+throughout the greater part of human history numbers have been for all
+practical purposes stationary, and that increase only exceptionally
+outruns economic requirements.[1507] There is no room, it is true, for
+mere complacency. Though the desirable density may as a rule result from
+economic pressure without conscious effort, it does not follow that it
+would not be better if adjustment was consciously brought about. And it
+may be that if and when men begin consciously to adjust numbers, they
+may have to take some criterion other than the economic into account. To
+this point we may now turn.
+
+2. So far we have proceeded on the assumption that the only criterion
+was the economic criterion—that the only test whereby the desirable
+number might be ascertained was the test founded on the average income
+per head. There does not seem to be any reason for supposing that there
+is any limit to the increase of skill in the production of food, and
+that therefore there is any limit to the desirable number so long as the
+criterion remains economic. This suggests that at some point mankind
+will have to introduce another method of estimating what density is
+desirable, as it is clear that the economic advantages of increase
+somewhere come into conflict with other ideals as to desirable social
+conditions. In other words, at some point a larger income would not be
+worth having if it necessitated too large a population.
+
+It would require a lengthy discussion of many points and the weighing up
+of many factors before it would be possible to come to any definite
+conclusion on this subject. It may be observed that there are those who
+with some apparent reason doubt whether, taking the broadest view of
+human welfare, a denser population than that now existing in Belgium can
+be thought desirable. It also seems reasonable to hold that our great
+cities, and in particular London, have passed the limit that allows of
+the development of the most healthy social conditions. It is a matter of
+doubt whether such agglomerations of population are or will remain
+necessary even if the total population of the country was to increase.
+There are two considerations which are relevant here. First it may be
+objected that in spite of the high average density of population in this
+and other countries, it is still easy to find large areas which are
+sparsely populated, and that their existence shows that there can be as
+yet no question of overcrowding beyond what is the socially desirable
+limit. But it must be remembered that the great mass of the population
+scarcely ever moves out of the densely populated areas, and that if they
+attempted to get out into the country, if only for holidays—as with
+increased leisure and higher incomes they will soon attempt to do—there
+would soon be little left of the solitude which can now be easily found.
+
+The other consideration that is very relevant in this connexion is the
+average income per head. ‘Before the war’, says Professor Bowley, ‘the
+home income would not have yielded more than £230 gross annually per
+family of five, or £170 net after all rates and taxes were paid and an
+adequate sum invested in home industries.’[1508] No one can regard this
+position as satisfactory. On all hands it is agreed that it must be
+increased even by those who with justice insist upon the fact that any
+general improvement must be accompanied by a decrease in the emphasis
+now laid upon material comfort. Income can, of course, be increased
+without increasing population, but probably it cannot be increased so
+fast.
+
+3. There are at least two other points of view from which the density
+desirable may be considered. England, for instance, is in a peculiar
+position with regard to her food-supply, a fraction only of which is
+produced in the country while the rest is imported. Only by this method
+can England maintain her present population. How far in the case of war,
+or in a lesser degree in the case of social or economic disturbances
+elsewhere, such a position is compatible with national safety is
+certainly a matter for careful consideration. It seems scarcely likely
+that the decision would ever be taken to limit population on this
+account alone in view of the economic sacrifices which it would entail.
+
+In addition to treating the question as it affects safety in the sense
+just alluded to, it may also be treated from the purely military point
+of view. The desire for a dense population so frequently expressed from
+the sixteenth century onwards, as noted in the first chapter, is largely
+based on the fact that the larger the population the more potential
+soldiers there are. Harrison, for instance, wrote as follows: ‘Some also
+do grudge at the great increase of people in these days thinking a
+necessary brood of cattle far better than a superfluous augmentation of
+mankind. But if it should come to pass that any foreign invasion should
+be made, which the Lord God forbid for his mercy’s sake, then should
+these men find that a wall of men is far better than stacks of corn and
+bags of money, and complain of the want when it is too late to seek the
+remedy.’[1509] This attitude was especially noticeable in Germany before
+the war. A German author comments on the ‘mad craze for numbers’, and
+goes on to add that ‘at the back is rather the desire, which I admit is
+often vague, for as many soldiers as possible’.[1510] It is by no means
+absent in England. In the second Report of the National Birth-Rate
+Commission we read as follows: ‘But in the event of a war similar to
+that which we have just experienced, what would happen to us with a
+greatly reduced birth-rate? Surely all we have would be taken, and we
+must become slaves—as we should be to-day if we had entered on the
+struggle with Germany without adequate man-power. Moreover what would
+happen to our Empire?’[1511] It may be doubted whether there has been
+produced by such considerations in recent times even in Germany any
+effect upon numbers; probably economic forces have overruled such
+considerations altogether. It is possible that they may have had some
+influence upon military nations in earlier days. It is to be imagined
+and certainly to be hoped that they will not mould views on this subject
+in future.
+
+4. As has been indicated, such departures as there are among European
+nations at the present day from the desirable density are of the nature
+of minor fluctuations. Europe is not from the point of view of
+productiveness over-populated (or was not in 1914; it is very difficult
+to sum up the position in this respect since the loss of capital owing
+to the war). There is no ground for the pessimism of Sir Thomas Holdich,
+who says that ‘Asia affords no asylum for overcrowded Europe’.[1512]
+
+It may be observed that the phenomenon of unemployment as generally seen
+in industrial countries is not evidence of over-population. It has been
+shown by Beveridge that unemployment, such as now occurs in England, is
+in no way connected with over-population. It is due to certain
+maladjustments in the industrial system, such as the decay of
+industries, the seasonal and cyclical fluctuations of trade, and the
+position as to the normal reserve of labour. The industrial system so
+functions that, unless special measures are adopted, there is always a
+certain amount of unemployment. Unemployment is thus ‘a problem of
+industry’ as Beveridge has called it.[1513] It may also be observed that
+the remarkable differences in the return per head as between different
+countries are in any case very largely due to the amount of skill
+employed and not to the nearness of approximation to the desirable
+number.[1514]
+
+At any given time in any nation it is desirable either that population
+should be stable or that there should be a certain ratio of increase. It
+is clear that increase may be brought about under many different
+conditions. A high birth-rate and a high death-rate may give the same
+ratio of increase as a low birth-rate and a low death-rate. These
+conditions have been much studied; the consideration of them falls
+outside this book. But we may note that, as far as numbers and the
+direct effect of the environment are concerned, but not necessarily so
+far as quality is concerned, a low birth-rate and a low death-rate
+represent more healthy conditions than a high birth-rate and a high
+death-rate. There is a certain correlation between the birth-rate and
+the death-rate, though it is often exaggerated. In Japan, for instance,
+there has recently been a tendency towards a decrease in the birth-rate
+and an increase in the death-rate. It is necessary to beware of those
+sweeping generalizations which assert that a high birth-rate means a
+high death-rate and vice versa. It may also be noted that the decrease
+in the birth-rate has been attained in different European countries in
+very different ways. Thus, whereas in England the decrease has been
+general throughout the country, in Germany it has been almost entirely
+confined to the towns.[1515]
+
+Here, however, the discussion is limited to general principles; problems
+of this nature cannot be further inquired into. We have already noted
+that minor fluctuations in the nearness of approach to the optimum
+number as between neighbouring countries may increase, if it does not
+give rise to, friction between them. We may further note here that such
+consequences only follow when there are differences of nationality
+involved. When within an area inhabited by one nationality some part of
+it is becoming under-populated—say the urban districts—population flows
+in from other districts and in this case from the country. But when one
+country is tending towards under-population and a neighbouring country
+towards over-population, there is but little flow of population and but
+little adjustment. Various difficulties, some legal, others sentimental,
+check the movement towards the less fully populated country.
+Nevertheless, there is some movement. Thus there were resident in France
+in 1911 1,132,696 foreigners.[1516] But this immigration only went a
+little way towards bringing up the population towards the level which
+was apparently economically desirable, and there thus arose a position
+which aggravated the tension between France and Germany.
+
+There are certain ‘new’ countries where curious conditions obtain. Their
+position cannot be judged in the same manner as can that of a country
+which has long been settled. The occupation of such countries can only
+proceed at a certain pace, and if it went more quickly we should have a
+peculiar condition of relative over-population. There is reason to think
+that population in many of these countries has not grown as quickly as
+it might have done, and that there is, in fact, a condition of relative
+under-population.
+
+5. This leads us to refer to the methods of limiting increase in use at
+the present day. It is clear that some methods are necessary. Even if it
+should be thought advisable that population should increase, it cannot
+possibly be desirable that it should increase as fast as is possible. It
+therefore falls to those who disapprove of certain methods to suggest
+others. This problem is seldom faced by those who would dissuade men and
+women from certain practices. The attempt to advise in these matters
+without regarding the problem as a whole is strongly to be
+deprecated.[1517]
+
+Abortion is condemned on every hand, and we are thus left with
+postponement of marriage, restriction of intercourse between married
+persons, and the use of contraceptive methods as the means of bringing
+about the limitation of families. There is much to be said for the
+postponement of marriage for a certain period after the age of puberty.
+That education should be completed, and that a certain experience of
+life should be gained, before the choice of a partner is made and the
+responsibilities of setting up a home are undertaken, are obviously
+desirable. In order, however, that postponement of marriage should be
+effective, it would require that the average age at marriage should be
+so late as to produce many undesirable consequences. It seems certain
+that, not only under present conditions, but under almost any conditions
+of social life that we can picture, late marriage must be accompanied by
+a system of prostitution and irregular sexual habits which nearly every
+one agrees in deploring. Apart from this almost overwhelming argument
+against late marriages, there are many other objections. It is not a
+good thing on the whole for children that their parents, should be
+beyond a certain age.[1518] Much can be urged with force against late
+marriage on the lines that after a certain age the outlook and habits of
+celibates so change as to render them less fitted to bring up a family.
+As few will be found to advocate late marriage as the only method, we
+may leave the matter at this point.
+
+With regard to restriction of intercourse, the most important question
+is whether it can possibly be effective. Very serious doubts arise on
+this account when it is proposed to rely on this method alone. Late
+marriage might be in practice effective because sexual desire would find
+its satisfaction apart from marriage. Abstention from intercourse
+implies that sexual desire will not find its satisfaction; on this
+account it is likely that it can only be effective when accompanied by a
+system of prostitution that we have already agreed to regard as
+undesirable. Apart from this there are strong arguments against this
+method founded on the undesirable psychological results of abstention.
+It is in fact perhaps scarcely possible to think of a marriage system as
+satisfactory in which what we must regard as the physical object of
+marriage is not realized.
+
+We are thus led to speak of the use of contraceptive methods and we may
+glance at two sides of the matter—ethical and physiological. It is a
+notable fact that all religious bodies, so far as their opinions can be
+discovered, are strongly opposed to this method.[1519] This objection is
+founded upon many considerations, of which the most striking is perhaps
+that the method allows of, or rather that it encourages,
+self-indulgence. Those whose attention has been drawn to the problem of
+the causes of the progress and decay of civilization will not fail to
+feel the force of any argument against the spread of habits which
+encourage self-indulgence. But it may be suggested that the normal
+exercise of any physical function can scarcely be called
+self-indulgence. There is a mean in the satisfaction of physical
+appetites, on the one side of which is self-indulgence and on the other
+side asceticism. It is a question whether those who disapprove of these
+methods because they encourage self-indulgence are not in fact demanding
+an ascetic life. As a form of self-discipline there may be much to
+recommend ascetic practices, but that is another matter. The fact is
+that in the use of these methods there is nothing which necessarily
+encourages self-indulgence. They make it possible to exercise a normal
+function; they do not necessarily lead to its over-use. This would seem
+to be without doubt the most tangible objection to these methods. The
+other objections are on the whole rather of a religious than of an
+ethical nature, and as such fall outside the scope of this book.[1520]
+
+In addition to the ethical there is the physiological aspect of the
+matter. There are several different methods employed to prevent
+conception. It is a matter of great importance to know which of them can
+be employed without causing ill health. With regard to this little is
+known and opinions vary. More than this need not be said.
+
+It is no part of the object of this book to advocate any particular
+methods;[1521] it is only intended here to show what problems arise at
+the present day from the quantitative aspect of the whole matter. It may
+be suggested that upon the question of the methods of limiting
+population it is desirable that there should be some consensus of
+opinion. Man has not only to settle how far he is going to limit
+population, but how he is going to do it.
+
+6. We may now glance at certain questions which if they are to be
+referred to at all in this part of the book are most easily introduced
+here. These questions are not directly concerned with the quantitative
+aspect of the problem; their importance lies chiefly in their bearing
+upon the qualitative aspect.
+
+It is a familiar fact that at the present day the birth-rate is higher
+among certain sections of the population than among others. There is
+reason to believe that this was also the case in some of the older
+civilizations—notably in Rome. We may first look at the facts and
+afterwards at the causes. Many investigations have shown that there is a
+higher fertility among the lower social grades. Heron found that there
+is a high average correlation between the birth-rate and conditions
+which indicate a lower social grade, such as the number of pawnbrokers
+per 1,000 inhabitants, the amount of child employment, pauperism,
+overcrowding, and other indications of poverty and lack of
+culture.[1522] Whether a differential birth-rate results or not in a
+differential contribution to the next generation depends on whether
+there is a differential survival rate, and if so, whether it compensates
+for or not the differences in the birth-rate. The following extract from
+the Report of the National Birth-Rate Commission throws light upon this
+point. Using material provided by the Registrar-General for England and
+Wales giving the births for 1911 classified according to the occupation
+of the father, the following is the position:
+
+
+‘Classifying into groups arranged in descending order of social grade we
+have:
+
+     _Social Class._      _Births per 1,000 married males aged under 55
+                                             years._
+ Upper and middle classes                      119
+ Intermediate                                  132
+ Skilled workmen                               153
+ Intermediate                                  158
+ Unskilled workmen                             213
+
+‘The rate of mortality in the first year of life is also provided in
+these groups, and follows the same order, viz. 76·4, 106·4, 112·7,
+121·5, 152·5. If, however, we multiply the birth-rate by the difference
+between unity and the proportion of deaths, i. e. the proportion of
+survivals in the first year, the resulting effective birth-rates are
+still in the same order, viz. 110, 118, 136, 139, 181, after the hazards
+of the first twelve months have passed. We must conclude, therefore,
+that the initially higher birth-rate of the lower classes is not so
+reduced by heavier infant mortality that their effective birth-rates are
+brought into approximate equality with those of the wealthier classes.
+We have no material allowing us to extend the comparison to later years
+of life; but equally we have no reason to suppose that such an extension
+would change the order.’[1523]
+
+
+All available evidence goes to support this conclusion, namely, that the
+higher the social status the lower is the fertility, and that this
+initial difference is not removed by subsequent differential mortality.
+This is apparently true not only for England but also for other
+countries in which the economic situation is similar, and is a
+relatively recent phenomenon.[1524]
+
+7. In looking for the causes of this differential increase as between
+various sections of the population, we have to remember that, in
+accordance with what has been said in the last chapter, we suppose the
+position in regard to population in the nation as a whole to be ruled by
+economic factors. If there is an increase, then we suppose that increase
+to be somewhere about that which the economic situation demands in order
+that the greatest income per head should be gained. It follows that
+generally speaking the conditions we find among the mass of the
+industrial population excluding the lowest class approximate to those
+which are demanded; but it is possible that, just as the increase among
+the lowest class is excessive, so the increase among the higher social
+class may be too small judging from the economic standpoint. We have
+here to ask what factors there are which bring about a lower fertility
+among the upper classes, recollecting that this low fertility may not be
+wholly due to an approximation to economic requirements, but may
+represent a failure in adjusting increase to the economic situation.
+
+Among the factors which bring about a low fertility in these classes,
+those connected with differences in education and the age at which the
+maximum income is obtained are the most important. Education is
+continued in these classes up to an age at which men in the industrial
+classes are earning almost the maximum wage to which they will ever
+attain. Even when education in the ordinary sense of the word is
+finished, there usually follows a period when the salary gained is low,
+or when perhaps a premium has to be paid in order to obtain a start in
+whatever profession is chosen. Doctors and barristers seldom begin to
+earn until some years after their education is complete. Further, when
+they do begin to earn, the income is often for many years low, and may
+in some cases not reach the maximum until late in life. Among the
+industrial population conditions are wholly different, and the maximum
+rate of wages is soon reached. Whatever forces, therefore, may be
+playing upon the industrial population, there are in addition the above
+forces playing upon the professional classes which account for the lower
+rate of increase among them.
+
+There are also many other factors at work in the same direction. In the
+life led by the upper social classes there are more numerous ways in
+which the desire for relaxation, change, and pleasure may find
+satisfaction than among the lower classes. Life is in many ways more
+varied. This has an influence upon fertility in two ways. When a
+marriage takes place among the upper social classes it involves to a far
+more considerable extent than among the lower classes a renunciation of
+much that has given pleasure hitherto. When a man marries and ‘settles
+down’ he gives up, as a rule, many activities from which he had derived
+pleasure before. Further, after marriage the possibility of indulging in
+many of the pleasures which this varied life offers is often
+incompatible with the bringing up of a family. Children are often in the
+way. Again, though children are no longer the economic asset among the
+lower classes which they were before the passing of the Factory Acts,
+the possession of children is generally looked upon among those classes
+as a support in old age when the power of earning has gone. Children, on
+the other hand, among the upper classes have rather to be provided for,
+and in any case are seldom regarded as a support.[1525]
+
+Very many other factors might be mentioned, but enough has been said to
+show how in the main the different fertilities may be explained. The
+insufficient income of many of the less well-paid groups of the higher
+classes is often alleged as a cause of low fertility. This view is well
+founded when, as often occurs, social conventions force a so-called
+higher standard of living upon them—a standard which merely involves the
+expenditure of more money than among the industrial classes in
+preserving appearances without adding to welfare. When, however, this is
+extended to classes in which income has reached, say, between £600 and
+£1,000 a year, it cannot be allowed that income is truly insufficient.
+It is in such cases only insufficient when more than is reasonable is
+expended in the way of material satisfaction. A man cannot be heard to
+say that he cannot afford a large family as otherwise he will not be
+able to keep a motor-car—so long, that is to say, as the motor-car is
+not necessary to his profession.
+
+7. This differential fertility occurs in countries where the population
+is less homogeneous than in England, and thus assumes importance in
+another aspect. For whether we assume the differences between the
+elements in the population to be due to inherited characters or to
+varying social traditions—a question to be discussed later—a change in
+the proportion of the different elements will be of great importance.
+According to Hill, who has investigated this matter in America, the
+percentage of white women of native parentage under 45 years of age
+bearing no children is 13·1, while the percentage of foreign women is
+5·7. The average number of children for white married women of native
+parentage is 2·7, and for similar women of foreign parentage 4·4. Among
+the foreign women the average number of children for a married English
+woman is 3·4, for a German 4·3, for an Italian 4·9, for a Pole
+6·2.[1526] The above is only one example of conditions which obtain in
+many countries raising difficult problems.
+
+The same problem arises in an even more important form when there are in
+the same country races as different as the white and the negro. In the
+United States and in South Africa the problem assumes greater importance
+than elsewhere. In the latter country the negroes are increasing faster
+than the white element of the population. In America this has not been
+the case in the last hundred years; but the fact that the white element
+has maintained its relative position is due to the fact that in addition
+to the increase in the native-born white population there has been an
+increase due to immigration.[1527]
+
+8. The question of the relative rate of increase of the population of
+different countries is a somewhat different matter. It is due to many
+factors, one of the less important of which is that the population of
+various countries does not approach equally closely to the number
+desirable in each country. The chief factor is the variation in the arts
+of production in use in each country. It is only an extension of this
+fact that the natural resources of different countries have been more
+exploited in some cases than in others. In Russia the arts of production
+in use are less advanced than in more western countries. The
+introduction of western methods into such a country enables a rapid
+increase of population to take place. During the same period the
+increase can only be slow in countries which already use these methods,
+and thus, so long as the knowledge of the arts of production is not
+equal in all countries, different rates of increase are liable to arise
+when knowledge spreads into a more backward country.[1528]
+
+Such changes are altering the composition of the population of the
+world. The following figures have been given for Europe. Out of 1,000
+inhabitants there were in the years named the following proportion of
+Teutonic, Romance, and Slav elements:
+
+                                 1801 1850 1905
+                        Teutonic 375  369  273
+                        Romance  355  321  251
+                        Slav     268  310  375
+
+
+
+
+                                  XIII
+                        THE QUALITATIVE PROBLEM
+
+
+We now approach the second part of the problem, and turn from a
+consideration of the quantity to a consideration of the quality of the
+population. In the second and third chapters we found that reproduction
+was a necessity, and that to the fact of reproduction can be traced the
+origin of problems both of quantity and of quality. In the third chapter
+we further found that the position of animals and plants in a state of
+nature as regards problems of quality was in its broadest aspect simple.
+The changes in the forms of organisms, which, when viewed as a whole, we
+call evolution, are due to changes in the physical basis from which new
+generations arise. The long procession of organisms, usually of
+increasing complexity, from the simplest type to the immediate ancestor
+of rational man, thus owes its being to a long procession of changes in
+the germ-cells.
+
+When treating of the quantitative problem among men, we considered a
+large amount of evidence which bears also upon quality, and this
+evidence, supplemented as and where necessary, will enable us to make
+some estimate of the importance of qualitative changes among men. This
+is the object of the remaining chapters. We have to try and estimate how
+far human history is comparable with changes among species in a state of
+nature—is due, in other words, to germinal changes. There are two other
+possible causes of change among men—the direct influence of the
+environment and the influence of tradition—and in order to estimate the
+importance of germinal change, it will be necessary also to consider
+what importance is attributable to these two factors. To one of
+them—namely to tradition—we shall find reason to attribute great
+importance. Tradition, in fact, comes ultimately to be of more
+importance than germinal change among the underlying causes of history.
+But tradition is profoundly influenced by the quantity of population
+among other factors, and, therefore, to the extent to which this is so,
+the determining factor in human history is still bound up with the
+population problem. As history ceases to be strictly correlated with
+changes in quality, it comes to be influenced by a factor the nature and
+strength of which is largely determined by the quantity of population.
+Thus the two aspects of the whole problem are linked together in the
+case of man in a manner that does not obtain among species in a state of
+nature.
+
+The attempt to deal with this problem will be undertaken in the
+following manner. In Chapter III reference was made to the influence of
+the environment upon growth and upon the adult form. In Chapter XIV this
+subject will be developed so far as species in a state of nature are
+concerned, and the results of the inquiry will be applied to man in
+Chapter XV. The subject-matter of Chapter XV will be confined to the
+influence of the environment upon human bodily and mental characters.
+The influence of the environment as a stimulus affecting the direction
+in which mental characters are used will be left to a future chapter.
+
+We next turn to inquire what influence changes in the germ-cells have
+had. Before we can make any progress it is necessary to ask what
+characters—physical and mental—have their basis in the germ-cells, and
+an inquiry into this subject will occupy Chapter XVI. In Chapters XVII
+and XVIII we ask what evidence there is of selection and other factors
+throughout human history which we have reason to suppose have a bearing
+on change in the average germinal constitution of the human species.
+This will among other things necessitate an examination of the facts in
+Chapters VII, VIII, and X in order to ascertain what bearing they have
+upon selection. Having thus some knowledge of what is inherited, and
+having discussed the occurrence of such factors as in human history may
+have brought about changes from one generation to another in the
+character inherited, we shall be in a position in Chapter XVII to
+attempt an estimate of the results which the factors—selection and
+others—have had upon physical characters. We shall find that as regards
+these characters the position is more or less clear; we shall find, that
+is to say, that the influence of selection and other factors, considered
+in conjunction with the influence of the environment discussed in
+Chapter XV, does enable us in the main to understand how the physical
+evolution of man has come about. With regard to mental characters to be
+discussed in Chapter XVIII, we shall find that the task cannot be
+similarly completed. With a far less degree of certainty than in the
+case of physical characters we shall arrive at some idea as to how
+mental characters have evolved. This, however, still leaves unanswered
+the problem as to how far the evolution of mental characters accounts
+for what we call history. To attack this problem it is necessary to
+consider how the environment acts as a stimulus upon the mind,
+conditions the degree to which and the direction in which the mind is
+used, and thus leads to the building up of tradition. In Chapter XIX we
+consider the nature of human mental endowment and the manner in which
+tradition is built up and handed on. In Chapter XX we consider the
+nature of the environment under which human mental activities have been
+exerted. This will enable us in Chapter XXI to survey the broad facts of
+history and to come to some conclusion as to the parts played
+respectively by the changes in human mental endowment, by the direct
+influence of the environment upon the mental faculties, and by its
+influence as a stimulus upon the exercise of these faculties. In a
+concluding chapter the results of the whole inquiry will be summed up.
+
+
+
+
+                                  XIV
+       THE INFLUENCE OF THE ENVIRONMENT AMONG ANIMALS AND PLANTS
+
+
+1. A brief inquiry into the part played by the environment among animals
+and plants forms a necessary introduction to a similar inquiry as
+regards man such as we shall undertake in the next chapter.
+
+In the second chapter something was said as to fertilization and as to
+the development of the zygote or fertilized egg to the adult form. It
+has been shown by Herbst that, if this process of development is to
+result in a normal adult, all the factors comprising the normal
+environment must be present. Herbst ascertained the exact composition of
+sea-water at Naples.[1529] Using as his material the larvae of
+sea-urchins, he changed slightly in many different ways the composition
+of the water. The experiments were very exhaustive. At every stage in
+the development he observed the results of abstracting one or more of
+the constituents of sea-water—the normal environment of the larvae.
+Commenting upon the results of these experiments, Jenkinson says:
+‘Whatever may be the ultimate explanation of the facts, there can be no
+doubt whatever that the most complete demonstration has been given of
+the absolute necessity of many of the elements occurring in ordinary
+sea-water, its normal environment, for the proper growth and
+differentiation of the larva of the sea-urchin. Nor is this all. Some of
+the substances are necessary for one part or phase of development, some
+for another, some at the very beginning, others only later on. Thus
+potassium, magnesium and some degree of alkalinity are essential for
+fertilization, chlorine and sodium for segmentation, calcium for the
+adequate cohesion of the blastomeres, potassium, calcium and the
+hydroxyl-ion for securing the internal osmotic pressure necessary for
+growth, while without the sulph-ion and magnesium the due
+differentiation of the alimentary tract and the proper formation of the
+skeleton cannot occur; the secretion of the skeleton depends on the
+presence of some sulphate and alkalinity, the skeleton requires calcium
+carbonate, cilia will only beat in an alkaline medium containing
+potassium and magnesium, and muscle will only contract when potassium
+and calcium are there.’[1530]
+
+Summing up the results of these and other experiments, Jenkinson says:
+‘Every factor, or nearly every factor [of the environment], is necessary
+for this or that phase or part of the process, some for the whole. Light
+of a certain wave length will accelerate development; light of another
+kind, or, in some instances, darkness, will retard it, or will stop it
+altogether; a certain degree of heat is indispensable; oxygen is
+required for respiration, water for growth; some eggs demand constant
+agitation, others complete rest; fertilization or segmentation or
+gastrulation, or some one or other of the later phases of development
+may depend absolutely on the presence of some particular chemical
+element; remove the factor in question, whatever it may be, and that
+particular process will not occur, and the specific typical end which is
+reached in normal development will not be attained.’[1531]
+
+Putting aside until later the question as to what is implied by the term
+normal environment, we may now ask what the relation is between heredity
+and environment. To regard a developing organism as subject to the
+action of two forces, one tending to thrust it in one direction and the
+other in another, is to view the matter in a wholly false light.
+Heredity and environment are, as is clear from the evidence given above,
+complementary one to the other; without a germinal constitution there
+can be no organism; without appropriate stimuli an organism cannot
+develop. Similarly it is misleading to speak of the relative importance
+of the two factors unless the terms are very clearly defined. To see
+that careful definition is necessary, we have only to remember that,
+because, with the exception of the anaerobic bacteria, all organisms
+require free oxygen, environment might be held to be all important.
+Here, however, we are not concerned with the problem as to the
+conditions under which we might speak of the relative importance of the
+two factors; we have merely to note that they are essentially
+complementary.
+
+2. We may now observe that, just as a normal adult only develops under
+normal stimuli, abnormal stimuli experimentally induced may be followed
+by every kind of result from the most extreme to the most insignificant
+changes both of form and of life-cycle. We may note the results of a few
+of the vast number of experiments which have been made. With regard to
+plants it has been shown that ‘each developmental stage depends upon
+special external conditions, and in cases where our knowledge is
+sufficient, a particular stage may be obtained at will. In the Green
+Algae, as in the case of the Fungi, we may classify the stages of
+development into purely vegetative growth (growth, cell-division,
+branching), asexual reproduction (formation of zöospores, conidia), and
+sexual process (formation of male and female sexual organs). By
+modifying the external conditions, it is possible to induce algae or
+fungi ... to grow continuously for several years, or, in the course of a
+few days, to die after an enormous production of asexual or sexual
+cells. In some instances even an almost complete stoppage of growth may
+be caused, reproductive cells scarcely being formed before the organism
+is again compelled to resort to reproduction. Then again the sequence of
+different stages of development may be modified as we desire.’[1532]
+
+Another kind of experiment shows that foliage shoots can be converted
+into runners and vice versa; it is, for instance, possible to induce a
+germinating tuber of the potato to form foliage shoots under the
+influence of a higher temperature. The transfer of plants from one
+environment to another is often followed by remarkable changes. MacLeod,
+for instance, states that a species of Philodendron which has large
+leaves pierced with round holes was cultivated for many years in the
+Botanical Gardens at Ghent in a greenhouse which was rather cool and
+dry. The holes were found to be rare; at times it was not possible to
+observe a single perforation in any of the leaves of a specimen. In
+every other respect the plants were healthy. The plants were later
+transferred to a greenhouse that was warm and moist and after a few
+months the new leaves were found to be abundantly perforated.[1533]
+Bonnier made some very interesting observations on the dandelion. He
+found that the plant, when sown at a high altitude in the Pyrenees,
+produced very short stems with hairy, dark green leaves and a compact
+flower. On the other hand, seeds gathered from such plants growing at a
+high altitude and sown in the neighbourhood of Paris produced after
+three years elongated stems with less hairy and brighter leaves, or, in
+other words, plants very similar to those grown from seeds obtained in
+the neighbourhood of Paris. The modifications acquired during a given
+time by a lowland plant grown at a high altitude, or by a highland plant
+grown at a low altitude, took about the same time to disappear on
+returning the plants to their original climates.[1534] Similarly
+‘Schubeler sowed seeds of various plants in different latitudes in
+Norway and proved that the brilliancy of the flowers increased with the
+latitude. So great was the difference that it was difficult to conceive
+that they were produced from the same batch of seeds.’[1535]
+Observations on European peach-trees transported to Réunion were made by
+Bordage. Such trees lost their deciduous habit and became evergreen,
+though in some cases it took twenty years before the change was
+complete.[1536] Lastly the red primrose ‘reared at a temperature of
+30°–35° C. (with moisture and shade) has pure white flowers, but the
+same plants reared at 15°–20° C. have red flowers. If the white-bearing
+plants are brought into a cooler place, the flowers that are already in
+bloom remain white, but those that develop later in the cooler
+temperature are red.’[1537]
+
+We may also notice the results of some of the experiments upon
+developing animals. Stockard experimented with the fish _Fundulus
+heteroclitus_. He subjected the eggs both before cleavage began, and
+after the two- and four-celled stages had been reached, to solutions of
+magnesium salts in sea-water. The eyes of a large percentage of the
+embryos were abnormal. In some cases there was a single median eye; in
+other cases there was a median eye showing signs of a double
+structure.[1538] ‘In a long series of experiments Féré has shown that
+monstrosities can be produced by exposing the hen’s egg to the
+unfavourable influence of a large variety of substances. Vapour of
+ether, alcohol, essential oils, nicotine, mercury and phosphorus,
+injection of alkaloids such as morphine, nicotine, strychnine and
+others, of bacterial toxins (those of tubercle and diphtheria), of
+peptone, dextrose, and glycerine, several alcohols, certain salts ...
+are all harmful, retarding and distorting the embryo to a greater or
+less extent.’[1539] Many experiments show the effect of differences in
+food, temperature, and humidity upon developing organisms. Agar carried
+out some experiments on a small water-flea, Simocephalus. This animal is
+enclosed in a kind of shell composed of two valves, somewhat like a
+mussel. Normally the edges of the valves nearly meet, so that if a
+section is cut across the animal transversely the shape of the body
+enclosed in the valves is oval. When the food was varied in a certain
+way, Agar found that the edges of the valves were turned outwards so
+that the shape of a transverse section was no longer oval but bell-like.
+He also found that the length was reduced by exposure to a high
+temperature.[1540] Experimenting with a beetle, Tower found that both
+the colour and the colour pattern could be modified by changes in
+temperature and humidity.[1541] Similarly Morgan showed that a species
+of the fruit fly exhibited a peculiar formation of the abdomen in the
+presence of moisture; when raised in dry conditions the abnormality
+disappeared.[1542] Poulton obtained some remarkable results when working
+with the larvae of moths. ‘Larvae surrounded by the leaves on which they
+fed, became, in the majority of species, light brown or light grey in
+colour. If, however, an abundance of twigs had been mixed with the
+leaves of the food plant, they became dark in colour. The larvae of the
+Peppered Moth afforded the most striking result of all, for when reared
+among green leaves and shoots they became bright green without
+exception, whilst in the presence of dark brown twigs they nearly all
+assumed a corresponding colour.’[1543]
+
+A Japanese experimenter exercised rats for 90 to 180 days; he found that
+this long-continued exercise markedly increased the weight of the heart,
+kidneys, and other organs on an average to about 20 per cent.[1544] A
+thickening has been observed in the stomach of a gull fed on grain for a
+year and this change is said to take place under natural conditions in
+the herring gull, which feeds in winter on fish and in summer on grain.
+Conversely if graminivorous birds are fed on a carnivorous diet, the
+gizzard assumes the form of a carnivorous bird’s stomach. Cuvier found
+the length of the intestine of the wild boar is as 9 to 1 and of the
+domestic boar as 13·5 to 1, a difference which is in part probably due
+to diet.[1545] The colour of birds’ plumage is affected by their diet.
+Hempseed causes bullfinches and other birds to become black. Cayenne
+pepper causes yellow to change to orange red. In the New York Zoological
+Gardens it has been shown that some birds, such as the bobolink, may be
+so dieted that they keep their breeding plumage throughout the year and
+will sing their spring song in mid-winter.[1546] Warren produced marked
+changes in the common water-flea, Daphnia, by keeping them in a confined
+space for many generations. ‘Semper and de Varigny found that when
+fresh-water snails were reared in vessels of a shape that allowed them
+abundant water but very little surface in which to take exercise they
+developed into dwarf forms. Every precaution was taken to procure
+abundant food, perfect aeration and thorough removal of waste products.
+De Varigny’s experiments were particularly careful and point
+convincingly to the conclusion that the condition of dwarfing was the
+restricted area for exercise.’[1547] Lastly it may be remembered that,
+as is well known, parasites may induce remarkable changes in their
+hosts.
+
+3. From what was said in the third chapter it follows that the results
+of artificial subjection to abnormal stimuli just described are to be
+interpreted as examples of the fact that different responses are given
+to different stimuli by the same or approximately the same germinal
+constitution. But large and conspicuous changes of this nature are not
+visible only as the result of artificial circumstances. Many species are
+normally subject to more or less definite and sudden changes in the
+surroundings, and some of them exhibit more or less definite responses
+to such changes. This is especially obvious in the case of sessile
+organisms the outward form of which is clearly modified by the
+surroundings. Thus ‘the water ranunculus, when growing submerged beneath
+the surface of a pond, produces leaves the blades of which are cut up
+into a number of fine thread-like segments. As soon as the top of the
+plant reaches the surface of the water, those leaf-rudiments which are
+just commencing their existence, proceed to develop in a totally
+different fashion. The leaves to which they give rise possess a wide and
+unpointed blade, which floats upon the surface of the water. The two
+sets of leaves are as utterly different in their appearance as it is
+possible for leaves to be. Yet the effect of the external conditions
+upon the young leaf-rudiment determines which of the kinds is to
+appear.’[1548]
+
+Examples may also be found in the life-history of free-living organisms.
+One is afforded by the common honey-bee. As is well known, a queen bee
+differs markedly from a worker bee in shape. Both queens and workers
+arise from fertilized eggs; whether a queen or a worker develops from
+any one egg appears to depend wholly on the environment—a larva that
+gives rise to a queen receiving in the first place different and
+presumably more nutritious food than that received by a larva giving
+rise to a worker, and, in the second place, inhabiting a cell which
+differs in size and shape from that inhabited by a worker larva. Another
+is afforded by the life-history of the plant lice (Aphids). At certain
+seasons of the year winged forms appear. It has long been suspected that
+the appearance of winged forms depends on some environmental stimulus.
+That this is so has been rendered practically certain by the work of
+Shinji, who has shown that aphids reared on plants watered with certain
+solutions are winged almost without exception.[1549]
+
+Among mammals the assumption of a winter coat by the lemming, ptarmigan,
+and variable hare is a similar phenomenon. Sir John Ross has told how a
+Hudson Bay lemming was protected from the cold on board his ship by
+keeping it in the cabin. It retained its normal summer coat during the
+winter. On exposing it in a cage on deck to a temperature of 30° below
+zero, the fur on the cheeks and a patch on each shoulder became
+perfectly white during the first night. After another day’s exposure
+‘the patches on each shoulder had extended considerably, and the
+posterior part of the body and the flanks had turned a dirty white....
+At the end of a week it was entirely white except in a dark band across
+the shoulders prolonged posteriorly down the middle of the back.’[1550]
+
+A curious example of the importance of the environment before birth is
+afforded by the difference between the mule and the jennet. The former
+is the product of a cross between a stallion and a she-ass, the latter
+between a jackass and a mare. There is every reason to believe that it
+is not the fact that horse-ancestry is in one case traced through the
+father and in the other case through the mother that gives rise to the
+difference; the difference can only be attributed to the fact that in
+one case the period before birth is passed within a mother of one
+species and in the other case is passed within a mother of another
+species.
+
+4. We are now in a position to discuss what is meant by the term ‘normal
+environment’. There is a more or less definite range of variations of
+the environmental stimuli to which species in a state of nature are
+subject. The range may differ greatly from species to species, but
+remains more or less constant for any species. So long as the variations
+fall within this range, the environment may be described as normal. Such
+variations will be followed by different responses on the part of
+similar germinal constitutions, and the variations among the members of
+any species under a normal environment are due to the combined influence
+of differences in the environment and of differences in the germinal
+constitutions. From time to time in a state of nature organisms are
+subject to variations of the environmental stimuli which fall outside
+the normal range, and there are thus produced extreme modifications
+similar to those which can be experimentally induced. Thus Gemmill on
+examining a large number of fish embryos found monsters with a single
+eye very similar to those experimentally produced by Stockard.[1551]
+
+It may next be observed that there is a marked difference in the degree
+to which sessile organisms on the one hand and free-living organisms on
+the other hand respond to differences in the normal environment. The
+former are much more susceptible to differences—or at least to certain
+differences. Sessile organisms, for instance, differ from one another
+very greatly in form and such variations are known to be chiefly due to
+differences in the environmental stimuli. Free-living organisms do not
+vary in this manner. The reason is fairly clear. All species are adapted
+to a particular niche in nature, and among the former the mode of
+adaptation of necessity takes the form of susceptibility to surrounding
+conditions; a tree or a sponge must be able to adapt itself to its
+actual surroundings. A free-living organism is, on the other hand,
+adapted by its specific form to its niche in nature and, in order that
+it may reach and maintain this form, it must exhibit a relative lack of
+susceptibility to surrounding conditions.
+
+5. The broad features of the situation among species in a state of
+nature are now fairly clear. By outward inspection it cannot be
+ascertained whether any particular characteristic is of the nature of a
+modification or of a mutation. But we know that among sessile organisms
+outward form is largely of the nature of modification, whereas among
+free-living organisms, which interest us more closely because conditions
+are more nearly comparable to those obtaining among men, modifications
+play a much smaller part. A large number of measurements has been made
+of certain features of particular species in a state of nature as, for
+instance, by Allen for the squirrel and Weldon for the common shrimp.
+Though on general grounds we may have reason to suspect how far the
+variations recorded are of the nature of modifications, we can arrive at
+no certain answer. Observations made on members of a species in a state
+of nature, some of which are subject to conditions that differ from
+those to which the rest of the members are subject, are of more
+assistance for our present purpose. Thus the tiger ranges from tropical
+to temperate regions. Tigers from the former regions exhibit certain
+differences from those from the latter regions in respect of the
+condition of the coat. It is possible that these differences are purely
+environmental. Again certain marine molluscs from cold waters exhibit
+differences when compared with members of the same species from warmer
+waters; these differences may again be purely environmental. In those
+cases in which a species has within recent years spread to a new
+environment, it is often found the degree of variation has increased.
+Thus Bumpus found that the egg of the common sparrow is more variable in
+the United States than in England;[1552] it has also been noticed that
+the variation of the common periwinkle is greater in America than in
+England—both these species having been recently introduced into
+America.[1553] It is also of interest to observe that Montgomery found
+greater variations among migratory than among non-migratory species of
+birds and the greatest variation among those that had the widest
+range.[1554] Though, until the matter has been put to the test of
+experiment, nothing can be affirmed as to the nature of these
+differences, it is probable that in part at least these differences are
+environmental. Such observations help to exhibit the degree of
+importance that we are led to attribute to modifications among
+free-living animals in a state of nature. It must also be borne in mind
+that departures from the normal range of variations of the environmental
+stimuli are not so very infrequent and that more or less extreme
+modifications, as result, for instance, from the attacks of parasites,
+do occur.
+
+Lastly we may go a step farther and ask what happens when the
+environment changes. This inquiry, if pursued, would lead us beyond the
+scope of this chapter. A reference, however, to this problem may assist
+to render the relation of a species under natural conditions to its
+environment rather more clear. Change of environment may be due either
+to the migration of some or all the members of a species to a locality
+where the environment is different, or to an actual change in the
+environment in the same locality. If the change is at all marked, then
+there will be a different response on the part of the germinal
+constitution to the new conditions. Let us suppose that the diet is
+changed and that some members of a species of bird take to a diet of
+grain having previously existed on a diet of fish. There will be a
+different response in that the stomach will assume a different form. But
+it is most unlikely that the old germinal constitution will be that
+which gives the best response to the new conditions. Almost certainly a
+somewhat different type of germinal constitution will be that which will
+give the best response to the new conditions, will be that, in other
+words, from which there will arise the form of stomach most suited to
+dealing with grain. If and when, therefore, a mutation arises exhibiting
+this changed type of germinal constitution, it will be favoured, and in
+this manner a new variety and ultimately a new species may be formed. It
+has thus to be remembered that, although the germinal constitution to
+some extent responds differently to different stimuli, it is very
+unlikely that any average type of germinal constitution will give the
+best response to any other environment than that to which the species is
+now subject. It does not therefore follow that, because the responses of
+the germinal constitution are various, there are not factors making for
+a change in the germinal constitution when the environment changes.
+
+Summing up what we have said, we have to think of every species as
+living under a more or less clearly defined environment into which very
+many elements enter; whether the variations in these elements are great
+or small, there is an average condition, and to that average condition a
+certain type of germinal constitution gives the best response. In the
+case of a free-living animal in the adult form the germinal constitution
+does not respond readily to ordinary variations from the normal, though
+it has to be remembered that extreme influences such as those caused by
+parasites may cause marked reactions. Further, it has always to be borne
+in mind that during development all animals and plants are particularly
+susceptible to environmental changes. It is not possible to make any
+precise statement as to how far the differences we see under natural
+conditions are modifications and how far mutations. All that we can say
+is that the part played by the environment in producing modifications is
+on the whole smaller in the case of free-living animals than in the case
+of sessile animals and of plants.
+
+
+
+
+                                   XV
+               THE INFLUENCE OF THE ENVIRONMENT UPON MAN
+
+
+1. The way has now been cleared for a consideration of the influence of
+the environment upon man. The relation of the ancestors of man to the
+environment must have been the same as that between any wild species and
+its environment. In the course of his history man has moved away from
+this position until his relation to the environment has become so
+different from that described for other animals and plants that we can
+no longer speak of a normal environment. This has not come about because
+man is not subject to the same laws as are other organisms. It has come
+about because his relation to the environment has been modified in many
+ways.
+
+The conception of the normal environment involved the idea that, much as
+the different elements composing the environment might vary, there was
+some more or less clearly defined limit to their variations. In one
+sense this remains true for man; but the variations are so much greater
+in degree and in kind that there is a clear distinction between the
+conditions obtaining among civilized races and those obtaining among any
+wild species. Let us glance for a moment at what has happened. It is
+obvious that man has varied his surroundings in every respect, not only
+with regard to what we may call external circumstances, but also with
+regard to nutrition and to customs and habits that we sum up under the
+name of use. The most obvious changes in external circumstances are
+those connected with the spread of man to every corner of every
+continent. Man has become subject to every extreme of heat and cold,
+humidity and aridity, of barometric pressure and all that goes to make
+up climate. There is in addition a vast mass of artificial influences,
+due in the first place to various methods of protection adopted against
+climate. Every description of house is known, involving all degrees of
+access to fresh air. Dress again varies almost infinitely—the variations
+all being of possible influence upon the development of mental and
+physical characters. The aggregation of men into towns involves exposure
+to smoke, noise, and vibration among other factors. Modern industrial
+conditions in particular expose workers to varied surroundings. Human
+diet has become equally varied. The cooking of food was an innovation
+involving great changes in the factors which play upon the digestive
+organs. Innumerable animals and plants have been drawn upon by man as
+food. Perhaps more important than the variations in what man eats are
+the variations in what he drinks. Under the heading of use come all
+those habits such as reading, washing, smoking, and shaving. Various
+occupations bring with them various degrees of muscular activity or
+involve its reduction to next to nothing. There are various modes of
+riding and various ways of sitting. Lastly the prevalence of disease has
+introduced another factor which has a profound influence upon mental and
+physical characters.
+
+This varying of the environment has come about gradually, slowly at
+first and with increasing speed latterly, until at the present day, of
+four men having their homes in the same town one may do clerical work
+involving no exercise, another may labour in a cotton mill where it is
+warm and moist, a third may perform hard physical labour in a mine in
+semi-darkness where the air is full of a particular kind of dust, and a
+fourth may work on board ship exposed to all the rigours of the
+Atlantic. To such differences may be added all the differences between
+meat-eaters and vegetarians, smokers and non-smokers, alcoholic drinkers
+and abstainers, and so on. Contrast the variations in the environment of
+modern man with the variations in the environment of any species in a
+state of nature and it will be apparent why it was said above that the
+relation of man to his environment was clearly distinguishable from that
+of any species in a state of nature to its environment.
+
+We are about to consider in this chapter the influence of the
+environment upon the physical basis of life; we shall be concerned, in
+other words, with its function as the complement of the germinal
+constitution. The discussion will be limited to the notice of such
+factors as are in operation; of the possible effects of the environment
+there is no need to speak. From two other points of view also the
+environment is of importance; as a factor in selection it will be
+considered in Chapters XVII and XVIII; as the subject-matter, so to
+speak, upon which mental processes work, it will be considered in
+Chapters XIX and XX. It is important to distinguish the influence of the
+environment in this latter respect from the sense in which it is
+considered in this chapter. The failure to do so has vitiated many
+contributions to the subject. It is felt that the environment is somehow
+of great influence in social life and it is not realized that, if in the
+respect in which it is considered in this chapter we find reason to
+conclude that its influence is not great, there is another field in
+which its influence may be established.
+
+When considering the influence of the environment on man, it is
+convenient to distinguish between physical and mental characters. Mental
+characters may be considered under the head of the intellect, the
+disposition, and the temperament. It must, however, be clearly
+understood that this is merely a distinction convenient for our present
+purpose which is not based upon, and does not imply, any fundamental
+distinction. Mental characters, such as the instinct of gregariousness,
+and physical characters, such as head form, are for our purpose merely
+characters resulting from the play of certain stimuli upon a certain
+germinal constitution.
+
+2. It is remarkable how little on the whole is known with regard to the
+influence of the environment on man. For the most part we have to depend
+upon observations as distinguished from experiments. Though a few
+experiments have been made, some deliberately but others accidentally,
+we are for the most part in the position with regard to man that we
+should be with regard to other animals, had we only such observations to
+go on as those quoted respecting the size of marine molluscs, the
+variation in the coat of the tiger, and the changes in the sparrow and
+the periwinkle when introduced into America. Though such observations
+may strongly suggest certain conclusions as to the part played by the
+environment, no definite or precise results can be reached.
+
+We may first consider some evidence bearing upon the influence of
+particular factors such as exercise and climate. We may disregard those
+rare cases of extreme modifications deliberately induced, such as the
+distortion of the shape of the head or of the feet by pressure. These
+extreme modifications approximate to mutilations such as amputation of
+the finger-joints or the knocking out of the incisor teeth.
+
+It is well known that exercise has considerable effect upon the
+development of the muscles. It is also well known that there is a
+clearly defined point for each individual beyond which exercise will
+produce no further effect. Though exercise has a considerable effect
+upon other organs, especially certain internal organs, it is probable,
+not only that it has more effect upon the muscles than upon any other
+system of organs, but that the effect upon the muscles is relatively at
+least as great as, if not greater than, the effect upon any organ of any
+other factor that we shall consider except disease. Owing to differences
+in the amount of exercise the bodily development of man in a modern
+community varies very considerably; owing to such modifications clerical
+workers differ from blacksmiths, whether or not there are also germinal
+differences. So too owing to differences in habits men of one race
+differ from men of another race. Darwin, for instance, refers to the
+thin legs and thick arms of the Payagua Indians who spend a large part
+of their lives in canoes.[1555] It is certain that all such physical
+differences are not due to germinal differences and that environment in
+the shape of use is in part the cause. The position is similar with
+regard to certain peculiarities observable among races that have adopted
+unusual modes of squatting.
+
+Little is known as to the effects of use upon mental characters. To some
+degree no doubt the intellect is developed by use, though, perhaps, the
+degree to which this is so is apt to be exaggerated in popular
+estimation owing to the fact that modes of thinking acquired through
+education add to the efficiency of the faculty, which result is mistaken
+for the effects of use. That the effects of exercise are not great is
+shown by the experience of the Workers’ Education Association. This
+institution gives advanced courses to men often of middle age who have
+received but little intellectual training in early life. It does not
+appear that the strength of their intellects is much less than it would
+have been had they received a university training. It seems at any rate
+certain that the differences in the amount of use now obtaining between
+the various professions and classes in England have less effect
+generally upon mental than upon physical characters. Given, for example,
+two men of equal intellect, one of whom received the best educational
+training of the day, and the other of whom received the training given
+to the working classes, it does not seem that at the end of the training
+there would be anything like the same difference as regards strength of
+intellect between them as there would be between two men, one of whom
+received an athletic training and the other of whom did not.
+
+3. Physical changes are not infrequently observed to follow upon changes
+in the environment, though, when these changes are complex, it is often
+impossible to say with which features of the environment the changes are
+connected. Thus ‘the Anthropological Committee of the British
+Association long ago showed the beneficent effects of the Factory Acts,
+which rescued young children from the hardships of daily toil. Boys of
+nine years in 1873 had a height and weight equivalent to the height and
+weight of boys of ten years old in 1833.’[1556]
+
+It is known that stature has increased in certain European countries
+during the last century. Soren Hansen gives the following figures for
+Denmark:[1557]
+
+                1852 to 1856 165·42 cm. average height.
+                1879 „  1888 167·78  „     „       „
+                1891 „  1900 168·43  „     „       „
+                1904 „  1905 169·11  „     „       „
+
+Similarly the stature of the Dutch has increased from 165·5 cm. in 1866
+to 167 cm. in 1883 and to 168 cm. in 1899. A number of reasons has been
+suggested to account for this marked increase, the higher standard of
+living, the decrease in the incidence of disease which is known to
+inhibit growth, and the smaller number of children in a family. This
+last factor is certainly of importance at the present day. From some
+observations made in an English manufacturing town Ewart concludes that
+when children are born at a longer interval than two years they are on
+an average three inches taller and three pounds heavier than children
+born at a shorter interval.[1558] It is a fair assumption that in
+families, where the income is small, the fewer the children the more
+favourable would be the environmental conditions.
+
+The physical inferiority of people living in poorly endowed surroundings
+is often thought to be at least in part due to modifications induced by
+hard conditions. Thus physical inferiority is noticeable in districts in
+Europe that are markedly poorly endowed, as for instance in the area
+between Limoges and Périgueux in France. So far as this is so, the
+causes may have to be sought in climatic differences as well as in other
+differences more directly comparable with those which exist between
+well- and ill-treated children in the same country.
+
+4. The influence of climate upon man has long attracted attention.
+Statistical evidence has been produced showing that the shape of the
+head—a characteristic usually considered not to be in any way
+susceptible to such differences in the environment as occur between one
+climate and another—is modified by climate. Boas produced figures
+showing that the cephalic index (a measure obtained by calculating the
+relation of breadth of the head to the length which is put at 100) of
+Sicilians born in America to be 80, while that of Sicilians born in
+Sicily is 78, and of Hebrews born in America to be 81, while that of
+Hebrews born in Eastern Europe, whence the immigrants came, is 83. It
+would appear that the Hebrews who are broad-headed in Europe become
+narrower-headed in America, and that the Sicilians who are narrow-headed
+in Europe become broader-headed in America. There would thus seem to be
+an approximation in America to a cephalic index the mean of which lies
+between 80 and 81.[1559] These results have been severely criticized
+from many points of view. Sergi claims to have shown that the results
+are the ‘pure effect of illusion due to the statistical methods employed
+by the author’.[1560] It has also been suggested that the results are
+due to selection. In this connexion it is interesting to note that both
+Ammon and Levi obtained somewhat similar results and that they both
+attributed them to selection. The former, working with figures from
+Baden, found that the inhabitants of cities tended to become
+longer-headed and concluded that the short-headed type tended to die out
+under the conditions of city life.[1561] Levi, working on Italian
+figures, came to the same conclusion and attributed it to the same
+cause.[1562] Others have suggested that the methods of nursing children
+may affect the shape of the head and that the changed habits of the
+immigrants in America may account for the changes in the shape of the
+head. Though it has certainly not been proved that the environment can
+in the manner suggested change the shape of the head, the question
+cannot be regarded as settled.
+
+Observations have been made on the cephalic index of Jews which may
+perhaps be held to lend support to the views of Boas. Huntington gives
+the following table:[1563]
+
+   _Country._    _Cephalic Index of    _Cephalic Index of   _Difference_
+                       Jews._             other Races._
+ Caucasus               87·5                  87·4              0·1
+ Galicia                83·6                  84·4              0·8
+ Baden                  83·5                  84·1              0·6
+ Little Russia          82·9                  83·2              0·3
+ Turin                  82·4                  84·9              2·5
+ Lithuania              81·7                  80·6              1·1
+ Russian Poland         81·9                  80·9              1·0
+ White Russia           80·9                  82·5              1·6
+
+It would appear that there is a tendency for the cephalic index of Jews
+to vary as does that of the surrounding types. Fishberg has attributed
+this fact to intermarriage[1564] and this may be in part at least the
+explanation, though in the present state of our knowledge the possible
+influence of the environment cannot be altogether excluded.
+
+The uncertainty surrounding the matter is in fact a good example of the
+state of our knowledge regarding many similar problems affecting
+man.[1565] Boas himself, it may be noticed, only believes in a ‘strictly
+limited plasticity’[1566] of head form; it is indeed evident that this
+and other physical characters which distinguish the races of man are for
+the most part of the nature of mutations and not of modifications.
+Europeans who migrate to tropical climates and the inhabitants of
+tropical climates who come to live in Europe retain the greater part of
+their distinguishing physical characters.
+
+The manner and degree in which tropical climates influence Europeans is
+a matter of considerable interest. There is as yet but little known on
+the subject. Sir Patrick Manson, writing in 1907, said that ‘although
+many attempts have been made to trace and explain the effect of
+temperature on the physiological processes of the human body, more
+especially in reference to the pathological proclivities to which
+atmospheric heat and cold may conduce, it cannot be said that any
+important conclusions have been attained.... But though we may not be
+able to indicate precisely the way in which our bodies are
+physiologically affected by extremes of atmospheric temperature,
+especially prolonged high temperature, our sensations, the loss of
+physical and mental energy, the modification of physical characteristics
+undergone by white races when placed for several generations in tropical
+conditions, and the dark skins of all tropical races indicate that the
+white races on first arrival are not in all respects adapted for
+tropical conditions, that they are somehow prejudicially affected
+thereby, and that while living in tropical countries they are more open
+to certain pathological risks than are the natives of those
+countries.’[1567] Since the year in which Sir Patrick Manson wrote
+further information has been obtained on this subject. Our knowledge is,
+however, still scanty. With regard to actual facts it is known that the
+pulse, rate of breathing, and temperature of the body do not vary when
+measured in Europe and when measured among white men under tropical
+conditions. The number of red blood-corpuscles and the amount of
+haemoglobin in the blood is the same and metabolism is not less intense.
+On the other hand the rate by which a nervous impulse travels along a
+nerve decreases in Europeans the longer they live in the tropics. The
+muscles and the connective tissue become more elastic. The well-known
+pallor of Europeans living in the tropics is due to a thickening and
+softening of the epidermis, which becomes opaque.[1568]
+
+It is very difficult to arrive at any conclusions as to what the effects
+of a tropical climate upon Europeans really are. It is necessary to
+discount the effect of tropical diseases and of the habits and customs
+of Europeans living in the tropics. On the whole it is probable that the
+popular notion of the considerable and generally injurious nature of the
+modifications undergone by Europeans living in the tropics is
+exaggerated. It is said that, for example, in Java, when sanitary
+conditions are good and reasonable habits adopted, the death-rate among
+European children is less than in Europe. Nevertheless a tropical
+climate does have an injurious effect upon Europeans. There is no doubt
+that Europeans in the tropics are more irritable and in general more
+highly strung than in their native land. Clearly in some fashion the
+nervous tone is injuriously affected by residence in tropical climates.
+In a similar manner nervous tone is affected by many elements in the
+environment in civilized countries, such as vibration, noise, and so on,
+leaving aside the effect of food, drink, and disease. To the importance
+of disease in this respect we shall return later. As regards noise,
+vibration, and so on, but little is known—their influence being possibly
+considerably greater than is usually suspected.
+
+5. Ellsworth Huntingdon has in recent years in a number of publications
+elaborated a theory according to which climate has been one of the main
+factors in determining where civilization shall develop and flourish. As
+this theory depends upon the supposed direct influence of the
+environment on man, it may be noticed here. He has made observations
+which are interpreted as showing that there are optimum climatic
+conditions under which the maximum energy is exhibited. These conditions
+arise when the average temperature of day and night together lies
+between 58° F. and 71° F. and when there is a certain degree of
+moisture. His observations, made in America, were based on the output in
+piece-work factories and on similar data and tend to show that not only
+do all European races, including the Finns, display most energy under
+these optimum conditions, but also the Japanese and the negroes. He then
+proceeds to show that where these optimum conditions prevail in the
+world, there to-day are to be found the highest forms of civilization.
+Upon these data he raises a very far-reaching theory to the effect that
+throughout history civilization has arisen and flourished only where
+there has been an approximation to these climatic conditions. To the
+obvious difficulty that former civilizations have often flourished in
+countries the climate of which at the present day is far from these
+optimum conditions, he replies that climate has changed, a theory which
+he has for some years strongly advocated.[1569]
+
+It may be said that there is nothing novel in the idea of optimum
+climatic conditions.[1570] In the previous section it was pointed out
+that Europeans in tropical climates suffer from injurious mental
+disturbances. What is remarkable is that the optimum conditions for
+negroes should be the same as for Europeans. It will require more proof
+than has yet been advanced before this can be accepted. Further, the
+changes in climate which the theory demands have not been proved.
+Professor Gregory has reviewed the question and his conclusions do not
+support those of Huntingdon—at any rate not in such a manner as to
+render the theory tenable.[1571] Nevertheless, whatever the fate of the
+theory in its present form may be, its enunciation has raised many
+interesting questions and has incidentally helped to show how little we
+know at present regarding the effect of the surroundings on man.
+
+6. When men move from one climate to another they come under the
+influence not only of changes in temperature and moisture but also of
+food and sometimes of altitude and other factors about the effects of
+which there is a considerable amount of information. A vegetarian diet
+is said to produce changes in the gut; but changes in beverages are
+probably of far greater importance than changes in food. The effects of
+alcohol have been closely studied, chiefly with regard to its influence
+upon nervous tone. Nervous tone is affected in an important manner by
+many drugs, as for instance by opium, and in a lesser degree by tea and
+coffee. Changes in nervous tone are of such importance that its
+susceptibility to various influences has to be borne in mind. It is
+quite possible that the introduction of a new form of beverage into a
+country might have a perceptible effect upon the average condition of
+nervous tone and thus have a bearing upon the course of history.
+
+Altitude is known to have various effects upon physical characters. The
+fact that the larger lung capacity of those who live at high altitudes
+diminishes on descent to the plains, as recorded by Darwin of the Quicha
+Indians, is evidence that this character is in part at least
+environmental.[1572] The effect of high altitudes has lately been
+studied in much detail. It is known that there is among other changes an
+increase in the number of red blood-corpuscles in the blood.[1573]
+
+7. Attempts have been made to obtain more precise information by the use
+of statistical methods. Thus the correlations have been measured between
+the state of children’s eyesight and fifteen environmental conditions.
+The mean of the correlations was found to be 0·04—only one reaching
+0·1.[1574] Again the association between various intellectual and
+physical characters and conditions, which were taken as representing a
+good or bad environment, has been measured. A slight association was
+found between intelligence in boys and few people per room and no
+association between eyesight, condition of glands and hearing, and bad
+economic and moral surroundings.[1575] Somewhat different results have
+been reached by American workers, who find that by employing
+psychological tests a fairly well-marked difference can be detected
+between children in the same school whose parents belong to different
+social classes and who would therefore be subject to different home
+conditions.[1576]
+
+The interpretation of these results is difficult. Before any definite
+conclusion could be reached with regard to any one character, it would
+be necessary to measure the effect of every factor in the environment
+upon that character. As the matter stands there is strong but not
+conclusive evidence of the small influence of the surroundings, so long
+as we suppose that innate differences do not exist between the subjects
+measured. But if innate differences exist, then the interpretation of
+the absence of any marked degree of correlation must be that the common
+elements of the environment supplied by the community are of greater
+importance than the innate differences. We shall find reason to conclude
+in later chapters that small innate differences do exist, and, if this
+is so, then the interpretation of these results is not at variance with
+the general, though necessarily vague, conclusions derived from the
+evidence previously given, i.e. that the influence of the environment as
+represented by the variations actually occurring in the elements of the
+surroundings hitherto mentioned is small.
+
+8. There is another class of factors which may be summed up under the
+heading of disease. It was remarked that disease may produce notable
+results among species in a state of nature. Compared, however, with the
+state of things among men, and especially in the later stages of
+history, disease is rare among such species. Among men it comes to
+assume a peculiar importance.
+
+Disease results both from the attacks of parasites and from other
+causes. The various classes of disease will be referred to in the next
+chapter. We are here concerned only with the results, and we may think
+of the disease as affecting particular organs in the body and as
+affecting the general functioning of the organs. Every organ in the body
+is liable to be attacked by disease and the modifications produced are
+in many cases familiar. Thus all physical and mental characters may be
+directly and to almost any degree modified by disease. Again it is known
+that the result of disease in children is to inhibit growth, and that
+the growth thus lost is not subsequently made up. Disease may thus be
+said to draw upon the capital and not upon the income of children.[1577]
+We may here confine ourselves to some notice of the effect of disease on
+the general functioning of the bodily organs which though not so
+familiar is more important from our point of view.
+
+The functioning of the bodily organs has been found in late years
+largely to depend upon certain glands—known as the endocrinous or
+ductless glands—in a manner and to a degree altogether unsuspected. The
+thyroid gland, for example, manufactures a secretion which is essential
+to the proper growth and normal metabolic functions of the whole body.
+If it is removed from a child, the whole body is stunted and mental
+deficiency results. Certain maladies, such as goitre, cretinism, and
+others are known to be connected with a diseased condition of the
+thyroid. Profound modifications of both physical and mental characters
+may thus follow when these glands cease to function normally, which is
+known to be the case in certain specific diseases and may arise in other
+ways which are not fully understood.
+
+Temperament depends upon the general functioning of the bodily organs
+and upon the actual condition of the nervous system. Disease, whether it
+takes the form of a failure of the ductless glands to function as they
+should, or some other form, always affects the general functioning of
+the body and thus has a direct bearing upon temperament. Thus ‘we know
+now’, says Mr. McDougall, ‘that defect of the functions of this organ
+(thyroid) may reduce any one of us to a state of mental apathy bordering
+upon idiocy, and that its excessive activity produces the opposite
+effect and may throw the mind into an over-excitable condition verging
+upon maniacal excitement. Again we know that certain diseases tend to
+produce specific changes of temperament, that phthisis often gives it a
+bright and hopeful turn, diabetes a dissatisfied and cantankerous turn.
+It is clear that in some such cases of profound alteration of
+temperament by bodily disorder the effects are produced by means of the
+chemical products of metabolism, which, being thrown out of the diseased
+tissues into the blood and reaching the nervous system by way of the
+blood-stream, chemically modify its processes. It is probable that every
+organ in the body exerts in this way some influence upon our mental
+life, and that temperament is in large measure the balance or resultant
+of all these many contributory influences.’[1578]
+
+Thus in addition to the more obvious direct effects of disease upon
+mental and physical characters, there are the more subtle and profound
+effects upon temperament, and in our general summing-up we shall find
+reason to attribute no small importance to temperament in its influence
+upon progress. It thus becomes of importance to observe that in
+particular regions of the world certain chronic and non-lethal diseases
+are very common. Clearly the result of disease upon temperament is
+greatest when it takes the form, not of kill or cure—which is on the
+whole the case in temperate climates—but of chronic non-lethal maladies
+which are common in tropical climates, especially in Africa. The
+hook-worm disease is an African disease which has been introduced into
+America. The hook-worm (Ancylostomum duodenale) is an internal parasite
+which attaches itself to the lining of the intestine and causes bleeding
+and anaemia. Death may ensue, but the patient usually lives a long time.
+It is a most debilitating disease; it is said to affect some 50 per
+cent. of the inhabitants of some tropical and sub-tropical countries.
+Even as a mild infection it is the cause of much invalidity and heavy
+economic loss. The laziness and degeneracy of the ‘poor white trash’,
+who are said to belong to the purest-blooded English stock in the United
+States, are due not so much to the environment[1579] and heredity as to
+the ravages of these parasites. In a public lecture, delivered before
+the University of Pennsylvania, in 1915, Allan Smith, citing the factors
+which have caused the Southern States to lag in American progress,
+mentioned that the hook-worm disease ‘stands with malaria as worse than
+wars and the devastations of battles and worse than all other pathogenic
+agencies in combination’. Through the influence of these diseases ‘the
+men and women of the South, bred from the best colonial stock, offspring
+of pioneers, with the blood of English gentry and of continental
+cavaliers in their veins, sank lower and lower in physical degeneration
+and squalor, were derided and denounced as lazy and shiftless and
+condemned in popular opinion as worthless and a disgrace’.[1580]
+
+There are many other tropical and sub-tropical diseases of a somewhat
+similar nature. Among them may be mentioned the ‘yaws’—marked by various
+eruptions probably due to a spirochaete—the guinea-worm, which lives
+buried in connective tissue; bilharzia, a trematode worm which lives in
+the bladder and infects nearly 50 per cent. of the inhabitants of Egypt;
+and elephantiasis, due to a worm related to the guinea-worm. The manner
+and degree in which these various diseases affect the nervous tone
+varies very much. In general the result is debility and a lowering of
+the nervous tone. So too malaria is a cause of debility, and the main
+reason for the decadence of Ancient Greece has been sought in this
+disease.[1581]
+
+9. The results of the inquiry so far, though illuminating, are
+indefinite. This is largely because we are ignorant regarding innate
+differences. The consideration of the evidence as to identical twins
+offers a way out of this difficulty. It is known that there are two
+kinds of twins. There are the so-called identical twins, between whom
+there is a very close resemblance, and other twins between whom there is
+no greater resemblance than between any two children of the same
+parents. It was formerly thought that there was a sharp distinction
+between the two kinds of twins—identical twins arising from a single
+ovum, which completely separated into two halves during early
+development, each half giving rise to one child, ordinary twins arising
+from the simultaneous fertilization of two ova. If this was so, then
+identical twins would always have approximately the same germinal
+constitution, whereas other twins would have germinal constitutions as
+different as on the average are those of the offspring of the same
+parents. That identical twins do thus at times arise is practically
+certain, but it has recently been shown that the supposed sharp
+distinction between identical and other twins does not exist.[1582] This
+may be explained by various assumptions. It may be supposed that some
+ova are binucleate or that some ova are penetrated by two spermatozoa;
+again the earlier or later separation of the blastomeres may have a
+bearing upon the position. Under any of these circumstances twins
+intermediate between identical twins and ordinary twins would
+arise—twins, that is to say, not having approximately similar germinal
+constitutions, but germinal constitutions more nearly alike than those
+of ordinary twins. However this may be, it is sufficient for our purpose
+to note that so-called identical twins are always more alike in their
+germinal constitutions than are ordinary twins and may quite frequently
+have practically similar germinal constitutions. It, therefore, follows
+that differences between identical twins must be very largely of the
+nature of modifications. It is thus of great interest to ask in what
+these differences consist.
+
+Galton collected data regarding thirty-five cases of identical twins. He
+summarizes the information about them up to the time at which they left
+the family circle as follows. ‘In a few of these not a single point of
+difference could be specified. In the remainder, the colour of the hair
+and eyes were almost always identical; the height, weight, and strength
+were nearly always so. Nevertheless I have a few cases of a notable
+difference in height, weight, and strength, although the resemblance was
+otherwise very near. The manner and personal address of the thirty-five
+pairs of twins are usually described as very similar, but are
+accompanied by slight differences of expression, familiar to near
+relatives though unperceived by strangers. The intonation of the voice
+when speaking is commonly the same, but it frequently happens that the
+twins sing in different keys.’[1583] He goes on to say that ‘both twins
+are apt to sicken at the same time in no less than nine out of the
+thirty-five cases. Either the illnesses, to which I refer, were
+non-contagious, or, if contagious, the twins caught them simultaneously;
+they did not catch them the one from the other. This implies so intimate
+a constitutional resemblance, that it is proper to give some quotations
+in evidence,’[1584] and he proceeds to give detailed evidence. Later he
+remarks on the ‘similarity in the association of ideas. No less than 11
+out of the 35 cases testify to this. They make the same remarks on the
+same occasions, begin singing the same song at the same moment and so
+on.’[1585] With regard to tastes and dispositions Galton says that ‘in
+16 cases—that is in nearly one-half of them—these were described as
+closely similar; in the remaining 19 they were much alike, but subject
+to certain named differences. These differences belonged almost wholly
+to such groups of qualities as these: the one was more vigorous,
+fearless, energetic, the other was gentle, clinging, and timid; or the
+one was more ardent, the other more calm and placid; or again the one
+was the more independent, original, and self-contained; the other the
+more generous, hearty, and vivacious. In short the difference was that
+of intensity or energy in one or other of its protean forms; it did not
+extend more deeply into the structures of the characters. The more
+vivacious might be subdued by ill health, until he assumed the character
+of the other; or the latter might be raised by excellent health to that
+of the former. The difference was in the key-note, not in the
+melody.’[1586] Galton sums up the evidence as follows: ‘It follows from
+what has been said concerning the similar dispositions of the twins, the
+similarity in the association of their ideas, of their special ailments,
+and of their illnesses generally, that the resemblances are not
+superficial, but extremely intimate. I have only two cases of a strong
+bodily resemblance being accompanied by mental diversity, and one case
+only of the converse kind.’[1587]
+
+It has to be remembered that up to this period the twins had been reared
+under very similar conditions indeed; Galton in fact says that they had
+been reared ‘exactly alike’.[1588] He goes on to ask what changes were
+produced when they left the family and went out into the world. He sums
+up the result of his inquiries into this point as follows: ‘Here are 35
+cases of twins who were “closely alike” in body and mind when they were
+young, and who have been reared exactly alike up to their early manhood
+and womanhood. Since then the condition of their lives has changed; what
+change of nurture has produced the most variation?... They (the 35
+cases) showed me that in some cases the resemblance of body and mind had
+continued unaltered up to old age, notwithstanding very different
+conditions of life; they showed me that in other cases the parents
+ascribed such dissimilarity as there was, wholly or almost wholly to
+some form of illness.’[1589] ‘We may, therefore, broadly conclude that
+the only circumstance, within the range of those by which persons of
+similar conditions of life are affected, that is capable of producing a
+marked effect on the character of adults, is illness or some accident
+which causes physical infirmity.’[1590] Galton then turns to consider
+the details regarding twenty cases of unlike twins and he finds that in
+spite of similar surroundings no growing resemblance can be
+traced.[1591]
+
+10. In attempting to sum up our conclusions on this subject, we may
+first ask what influence is to be attributed to the environment and then
+ask what bearing such influence has upon the main problem under review
+in these later chapters. It has always to be recollected that changes in
+the environment may have the most extreme results. Some examples were
+given of experiments upon developing animals, and it was shown that in
+the case of fish, for example, monsters of various kinds can be
+produced. So too doubtless extreme modifications could be produced in
+the case of man and are occasionally produced by untoward surroundings
+and by such customs as those of the distortion of the head and of the
+feet. What we want to know, however, is not what modifications can be
+produced, nor what exceptional modifications sometimes arise, but what
+changes are induced by the variations in the environment which usually
+occur.
+
+The answer is that, putting aside disease among the factors and leaving
+out for the moment temperament among the characters, such variations as
+occur are of little importance. This applies to both physical and mental
+predispositions and includes the effect of not only such factors as
+climate and so on but also of such factors as are summed up in a good or
+bad home environment. It is probable that physical predispositions are
+on the whole more susceptible to such changes as occur than are mental
+predispositions. There is no reason, for instance, to think that the
+normal variation of any factor which influences mental predispositions
+produces as much effect as does use upon muscular development. But it is
+also further clear that, though we must, keeping aside for the moment
+questions connected with disease and with temperament, think of such
+modifications as occur as not of much importance, nevertheless these
+modifications are of greater importance than among species in a state of
+nature closely related to man. Consider for a moment muscular
+development. Side by side in the same street may live a man whose daily
+work is wholly sedentary and whose muscles are in consequence
+undeveloped, and a man who works in a mine or engineering shop and
+develops his muscles accordingly. Nowhere among vertebrate animals in a
+state of nature are such differences found.
+
+Though but little is definitely known on the subject, it seems that
+temperament is more susceptible to changes in the environment than are
+other mental or physical characters. Changes of climate, for example,
+appear to produce more marked changes in temperament than in any other
+character. Temperament is certainly very susceptible to the influence of
+disease, which may also profoundly affect all characters both mental and
+physical. It is probably in its effects upon temperament that disease
+has its chief importance. We may even have to recognize in the effects
+produced by certain tropical diseases a serious hindrance to progress in
+tropical countries. It is difficult, however, to disentangle from the
+effects of disease in this sense the effects which it produces in the
+sense awaiting consideration in later chapters. Clearly the wide
+prevalence of disease, where such is the case, must form an important
+factor in the surroundings which the mind has for the subject-matter of
+its activities—but on this and on allied subjects there will be more to
+say later.
+
+We have already in what has just been said referred to one kind of
+modification in its effect upon progress. Upon this subject in general
+it may in the first place again be emphasized that, so far as is at
+present known, there are no grounds for believing that modifications of
+the kind considered in this chapter give rise to mutations. From this it
+follows that the results of modifications are not cumulative. Unless in
+every successive generation the modification is induced, it will not
+reappear. Secondly these modifications on the whole tend, as in the case
+of the effect of disease upon temperament, to be connected with a
+condition of things that acts as a drag upon progress rather than as a
+spur to progress. The reason for this is clear in the light of what has
+been said in the last chapter. It was there shown that the germinal
+constitution among species in a state of nature has come to be through
+the action of selection of such a kind that under certain stimuli it
+gives rise to a certain form. This form is that which is best adapted to
+meet the normal features which characterize the niche in the organic
+world which the species occupies. Large modifications only become
+apparent when the species or certain members of it are no longer subject
+to their normal environment. To meet the new surroundings a somewhat
+different germinal constitution would give a better response. In other
+words the most satisfactory conditions are those under which
+considerable modifications do not arise.
+
+Lastly we may again refer to a point that has already been alluded to.
+Great stress has been laid by certain authors, for instance by Professor
+Ridgeway, upon the influence of the environment upon man. Ridgeway in
+one passage speaks as follows: ‘My argument was, and is, that as the ice
+sheet receded, man passed upwards from the south or south-east into
+Europe, and settled in the three southern peninsulas, gradually
+spreading northwards over the Alps and extending eventually up to the
+Baltic. As they gradually spread upwards, under the influence of the
+environment (and in the environment I, of course, include food), they
+grew less dark, those of them who settled permanently along the axis of
+the Alps tending to have shorter skulls, while those who had passed
+upwards earliest became the most blonde and tallest people in the
+world.’[1592] It is clear from other passages that Ridgeway is including
+two very different things under the phrase—the influence of the
+environment. He is thinking of the production of modifications such as
+have been studied here, and also of the elimination of certain types
+under the influence of the environment. He does not make it as clear, as
+is perhaps desirable, to which of these two factors he attributes most
+importance. But what is more relevant to our argument is that to include
+the results of selection under the heading of the influence of the
+environment is somewhat misleading. Selection is a wholly different
+matter and, unless it is carefully distinguished from other factors,
+confusion of thought results. The effects which follow from elimination
+owing to climate and food should not be summed up under the heading of
+the influence of the environment; in this book they are considered in
+Chapters XVII and XVIII.
+
+
+
+
+                                  XVI
+                            HEREDITY IN MAN
+
+
+1. Having touched upon the influence of the environment in producing
+modifications, we have now to approach the subject of the selection of
+characters, both mental and physical. It is proposed to consider in this
+chapter what it is that is inherited, and in the two following chapters
+to consider the results of selection.
+
+What is meant by saying that any character is inherited is clear from
+former chapters. There are certain predispositions in the germinal
+constitution of every individual—predispositions to give rise to certain
+characters under certain conditions and to other characters under other
+conditions. There is a predisposition, for instance, in the species of
+primrose referred to in Chapter XIV to give rise to red flowers at a
+certain temperature and to white flowers at a different temperature, the
+colour of the flower being equally inherited in both cases. We may
+therefore take as our starting-point the fact that there are in the
+constitution of every individual many such predispositions.
+
+From the results of breeding experiments upon Mendelian lines certain
+conclusions have been reached which carry us farther. These experiments
+have shown that certain unit-characters can be isolated which behave in
+a certain manner when crossed, and from the manner in which they behave
+it is deduced that they depend upon unit-factors in the germinal
+constitution which are invariable. The number of unit-characters which
+have been detected in any one species is not large; it is true that in
+one species of insect about two hundred unit-factors have been found,
+but even this number can only form a small proportion of the total
+number if it is the case that the germinal constitution consists
+entirely of unit-factors which on crossing give the Mendelian ratio.
+This is the working hypothesis which is put forward as the explanation
+of inheritance, and which it is the object of investigators now to test.
+We may consider for a moment what it is that this hypothesis implies.
+
+We have to think of the germinal constitution as containing a very large
+number of factors—predispositions in other words. The characters to
+which these factors give rise may be the characters which we see when we
+examine any individual, but more often they are not. There are, for
+instance, cases in which the colour of a flower or of the coat of a
+mammal are unit-characters but more often such visible characters are
+the product of two or more unit-factors. There are many cases now known
+in which the visible character is in this fashion due to the presence of
+several unit-factors. With regard to this hypothesis in general all that
+can be said is that at present no facts are known which are definitely
+in contradiction to it. It is the only hypothesis which holds the
+field.[1593]
+
+Up to the present very few unit-factors have been distinguished in man.
+It has been found that brachydactyly—a peculiar malformation of the
+hand—presenile cataract, tylosis—a thickening of the hands and of the
+soles of the feet—epidermolysis bullosa—a blistering of the skin—and
+night blindness behave as simple Mendelian characters. So too does eye
+colour, pigment in front of the iris being dominant to its absence—in
+other words, brown, green, and hazel being dominant to pure grey and
+blue. There is also some reason for thinking that musical ability is a
+recessive character. On the hypothesis outlined above it must be
+supposed that most of the visible characters of man are the product of
+several unit-factors which have not yet been identified. What appears to
+happen when matings take place between people of different colour,
+stature, and so on is that there is a blending of characters in the
+offspring. Such appearances are not incompatible with the hypothesis—the
+assumption being that many unit-characters are concerned.
+
+This question as to the ultimate nature of inheritance has been
+introduced here because of its inherent interest. It is not as a matter
+of fact strictly relevant. What we require to know is rather what
+predispositions are present in the germinal constitution. It is this
+which is essential; the precise manner in which the predispositions are
+represented in the gametes, whether by unit-factors or not, is not
+essential to the present inquiry. We require to be able to give some
+answer to such questions as whether disease, intellect, and temperament
+are represented in the germinal constitution or not, and we can find an
+answer to these questions without concerning ourselves with the ultimate
+nature of inheritance.
+
+2. Since studies of inheritance on Mendelian lines do not at present
+enable us to say what human characters are inherited, we are dependent
+for our knowledge of this subject chiefly upon biometry. The method
+pursued by biometricians is as follows. The particulars with respect to
+any character—say stature—are noted both for the parents and for the
+children. The average degree of resemblance between parents and children
+can thus be measured and expressed numerically. If the resemblance was
+complete, if, that is to say, in respect of any character children
+exactly resembled their parents, the fact would be expressed by saying
+that the correlation was equal to unity. When the resemblance is less,
+the fact is expressed by representing the degree of resemblance as a
+fraction. It must be emphasized that this method merely measures the
+average degree of resemblance; it does not without further inquiry tell
+us how far that resemblance is due to inheritance. So far as such
+degrees of resemblance are found, it is quite possible, supposing that
+we had no further knowledge of the subject at all, that they might arise
+as follows. It might be that all men had the same germinal constitution,
+and that the degree of resemblance was due to the fact that fathers and
+their children were brought up under more or less similar surroundings.
+Though this fact should be borne in mind, such an explanation of the
+resemblances found in the cases that will be quoted in what follows is
+as a matter of fact shut out, and we may accept the correlations as a
+measure of the degree of likeness due to inheritance.
+
+The correlations between parents and children and between children of
+the same parents have been determined in respect of many characters—both
+mental and physical—and found to be about 0·5. Thus, in respect of
+height the correlation between father and son was found to be 0·514,
+between father and daughter 0·510, between mother and son 0·494, between
+mother and daughter 0·507, between brother and brother 0·511, between
+sister and sister 0·537, between brother and sister 0·553. So too the
+average parental correlation in respect to eye colour is 0·495, and the
+average fraternal correlation is 0·475. With regard to ability the
+fraternal correlation is 0·46, the correlation between sisters 0·47, and
+that between brother and sister 0·44.
+
+All that has been said with regard to the nature of fertilization and
+development lead to a similar conclusion. In the processes of maturation
+and fertilization we can detect a mechanism whereby the bearers of
+inherited qualities are transmitted from parent to child. In development
+we see how, when the appropriate stimulus plays upon the fertilized egg,
+an adult member of the species grows up. It is only when we suppose that
+within the fertilized egg there are certain predispositions in respect
+of every character which are derived from the parents that we can in any
+way understand how adult individuals come into being.[1594] And it must
+be emphasized that, however much opinions may differ regarding the
+precise nature of the mechanism of inheritance, there is no difference
+regarding the fact of inheritance. All biologists are agreed on this
+subject up to a point; the matters in debate are not strictly relevant
+here.
+
+3. There are certain points, however, which, in view of the form which
+the discussion in the following chapters will take, require further
+treatment. As regards physical characters, it is sufficient to think of
+all such characters whether great or small as inherited. But with regard
+to disease it may be as well to consider further to what degree it can
+be said to be inherited.
+
+What we call disease falls under two headings: disease due to the
+attacks of parasites and disease due to structural defects or
+weaknesses. Parasitic infections are of post-conceptional acquirement;
+they may be acquired, it is true, before birth, but such an acquirement
+is strictly analogous to the ‘catching’ of a disease after birth. In the
+sense, therefore, that parasites are not transmitted from the parent to
+the ovum, as the germinal constitution is transmitted, disease is never
+inherited.
+
+It has been shown, however, that in the case of certain diseases, such
+as tuberculosis, a definite susceptibility to contract the disease is
+inherited. In other words, given an equal exposure to infection, some
+men do not ‘catch’ the disease, some only experience a mild form, and
+others die rapidly of it. It is probable that there are innately given
+degrees of susceptibility to all diseases which are caused by the
+invasion of the body by small, chiefly unicellular, parasites, which
+produce their harmful effects by the secretion of toxins. The same does
+not apply to the diseases caused by the attacks of the larger
+multicellular parasites, such as tapeworms, which, at any rate to a
+large extent, produce their harmful effects directly by causing lesions
+of the tissues. As to how far we have to think of different kinds of
+susceptibility to different diseases, or how far diseases go in classes,
+so that susceptibility to one disease goes with susceptibility to
+another disease and vice versa, little is known, but it is probable that
+in some cases at least there is a linkage of susceptibilities, that, for
+instance, susceptibility to scarlet fever is to some extent linked with
+susceptibility to measles. We must suppose that there are structural
+peculiarities which underlie these different susceptibilities. Though
+various hypotheses have been put forward, we are still ignorant as to
+their nature. But whatever the exact nature of these structural
+differences, it is clear that they are inherited like any other physical
+character.
+
+We have therefore to note that (_a_) susceptibility to specific
+infections is inherited. If gross anomalies, such as polydactyly and
+syndactyly (malformations of the hand) are to be accounted as diseases,
+then we may note that (_b_) gross anomalies are inherited. (_c_) Minor
+anomalies are also inherited. Under this head come haemophilia, due to
+some peculiarity in the blood-vessels, which results in their not
+contracting as they should and to the absence of coagulating power in
+the blood, albuminuria, due to some defect in the filtering apparatus in
+the kidney, albinism, myopia, icthyosis, and others, all of which are
+clearly due to structural peculiarities. Further, we may note that (_d_)
+‘other conditions due, it would seem, to disturbances of metabolism,
+underlying which may very possibly be finer anatomical variations, have
+for long been noted as tending to be inherited; such as obesity,
+diabetes, gout, and chronic rheumatism’.[1595] Lastly (_e_) certain
+nervous diseases are inherited. We may distinguish two classes of
+nervous disease—the homeomorphic and the heteromorphic. ‘In the former
+the offspring show the same lesions and symptoms as the parents. These
+are cases more particularly of lack of development or of premature
+atrophy of certain groups of nerve cells.’[1596] In the latter the
+parent may suffer from one kind of disease, while the offspring may
+exhibit one or more of a group of other diseases. This is attributed to
+a lack of development of the highest nerve-centres as a whole. There is
+a lack of ‘perfect stability and co-ordination of various parts so that
+according to the strains to which the individual members of family are
+subjected, now one, now the other series of centres may show itself
+unable to respond adequately, and one or the other form of mental
+disturbance and nervous disease may result. Here are to be included the
+condition of insanity, familial epilepsy and the neuroses.’[1597] In
+other words, we sometimes find stocks in which there is a nervous
+weakness, which may manifest itself in very various ways, including
+hysteria, epilepsy, inability to control impulse, delusion, and so on.
+Alcoholism is sometimes spoken of as though it was to be regarded as an
+irresistible impulse to drink. Probably we should rather imagine that a
+condition of general nervous weakness may at times manifest itself in
+the form of a loss of control with regard to the use of alcohol.
+According to Mott ‘there can be no doubt that neurasthenics, epileptics,
+imbeciles, degenerates, eccentrics, and potential lunatics—all those
+indeed with an inherent narrow margin of highest control—possess a
+marked intolerance to the effects of alcohol’.[1598] Certain facts are,
+however, very puzzling. Suicide, for example, would seem to be a manner
+in which general nervous weakness may manifest itself. Nevertheless, the
+tendency to suicide appears sometimes as a very definite and peculiar
+disease which manifests itself generation after generation at a certain
+age. Perhaps in these cases we should rather see an example of how the
+same outward circumstances—here the knowledge of the family
+history—tends to cause a general nervous weakness to manifest itself in
+the same way, rather than an example of a specific nervous
+weakness.[1599]
+
+4. What we know as temperament stands half-way between physical and
+mental characters. As we have seen, temperament depends upon influences
+exerted by the functioning of the bodily organs on the nervous system
+and upon the peculiarities of the nervous system itself. Though on this
+account temperament or nervous tone is peculiarly susceptible to
+environmental influences, a certain condition of nervous tone is
+innately given. We must suppose the actual structure of the nervous
+system to be largely inherited, and we must suppose that the manner in
+which the bodily organs function is largely due to their innate
+organization. We have thus to think of a certain temperament as always
+given in the germinal constitution. An extreme example is an innate
+defect of the thyroid gland which can produce any degree of mental
+apathy. Again, such characters as excitability, rapidity of response,
+and differences in respect of fatiguability and recuperation are largely
+inherited.
+
+Habit is best considered under this heading. The essential fact about
+habit is that, if the nervous system is stimulated in a certain fashion,
+so that a stimulus passes along certain paths, the next stimulus of the
+same kind will produce an impulse which passes more easily along those
+paths. Thus in time the same result, whatever it may be, is achieved by
+the application of a weaker stimulus. This fact, which is of great
+importance, suggests an actual modification of structure—an actual
+fashioning of a path. Whether this is so or not, we do not know. What is
+noticeable here is that the ease with which habits are formed
+undoubtedly differs from man to man, and we have again to postulate
+predispositions in the germinal constitution which tend towards a
+definite degree of development of the power of the formation of habits.
+
+5. The greatest difficulties arise when dealing with the purely mental
+characters. There is a general agreement among biologists that mental
+characters are inherited just as physical characters are inherited. As
+we have pointed out, there is evidence to this effect derived from
+studies on biometric lines. The difficulties arise when we attempt to
+give more precision to the statement that mental characters are
+inherited. One method of approaching this problem is to analyse mental
+behaviour, and to ascertain if possible what faculties there are which
+cannot be explained in terms of other faculties. Such faculties are the
+least that we must suppose to be given in the germinal constitution. It
+does not, of course, follow that irreducible characters are Mendelian
+characters. In all probability they are due to the presence of many
+Mendelian factors. This analysis is a matter of great difficulty, and
+there is at present no agreement among psychologists as to what ultimate
+faculties of the mind are given out of which the characters we observe
+are compounded. Modern analysis leads to the idea of mental process as
+the activity of a subject. But though we may not think of the mind
+merely as a bundle of faculties, we have to attribute certain faculties
+to the subject, and the question arises as to what these faculties are.
+
+There is less difficulty with regard to the affective and conative
+faculties, that is to say, those that are connected with feeling and
+striving, than with regard to the cognitive faculties. Psychologists are
+to some extent agreed as to what instincts can be recognized. McDougall,
+for instance, gives the following list, associating in each case with
+the impulse an emotion representing the conative or affective
+aspect.[1600] (1) Instinct of flight and emotion of fear. (2) Instinct
+of repulsion and emotion of disgust. (3) Instinct of curiosity and
+emotion of wonder. (4) Instinct of pugnacity and the combative emotion.
+(5) Instinct of self-assertion and the emotion of elation. (6) Instinct
+of self-abasement and the emotion of subjection. (7) Parental instinct
+and the tender emotion. To the remaining instincts which he names a
+special emotion is less definitely attached. These instincts are those
+of reproduction, sexual jealousy, female coyness, gregariousness,
+acquisition, and construction. This list is not exhaustive; there are
+other instincts of less importance, such as the instinct which tends to
+make a boy at a certain age leave his home. The list, however, includes
+all the more important instincts.
+
+There are a number of other emotions often described as primary which
+McDougall describes as complex. Thus, according to his view admiration
+is a combination of wonder and self-abasement. When fear is added, we
+have the emotion of awe, and when gratitude is added we have the emotion
+of reverence. Gratitude is itself a combination of tender emotion and
+self-abasement. In a similar fashion loathing, fascination, and envy can
+be explained. According to this view, therefore, we should not think of
+separate predispositions towards these complex emotions as existing in
+the germinal constitution; we should think of them as determined by the
+predispositions towards the simpler emotions.
+
+McDougall further describes three general or non-specific tendencies
+which have sometimes been classed as instincts.[1601] Sympathy, or the
+sympathetic induction of the emotions, describes the fact that
+instinctive behaviour incites similar behaviour in the observer.
+Suggestion is defined as a process of communication resulting in the
+acceptation with conviction of the communicated proposition in the
+absence of logically adequate grounds for its acceptance. Imitation,
+which has often been used to include sympathy and suggestion, is in the
+limited sense adopted by McDougall, the tendency to copy the bodily
+actions of some one else. Finally there is the tendency to play.
+
+Apart, therefore, from temperament and the faculties connected with
+cognition, we have to recognize predispositions towards certain
+instincts and certain general tendencies. Without question they differ
+in strength from man to man; without question such differences are in
+large part attributable to varying predispositions in the germinal
+constitution, and we must presume that such differences are in some way
+connected with differences in nervous structure or organization. The
+subject is one of great difficulty, and nothing can be affirmed
+regarding it with any certainty. The ultimate modes of feeling seem to
+be those of pleasure and displeasure, and of excitement and depression.
+It is scarcely possible to stop at this point, and it seems that we have
+to go on and attribute the more specific forms of feeling or emotions to
+primary faculties incapable of further analysis. So, too, conation or
+striving seems to be distinguishable into striving towards and into
+striving away from an object. Again as with feeling it appears that we
+have to go farther and presume certain more clearly-defined faculties as
+indicated above.
+
+6. The difficulties are still greater with regard to cognition. Analysis
+seems to bring us to three ultimate faculties—those of judgement, of
+comparison, and of association.[1602] Judgement consists in affirming or
+denying, and upon this faculty all higher reasoning is built. Memory
+should perhaps be considered as a special aspect of this faculty—as the
+power to think of an object over again, and to affirm or deny it to be
+the same object. This faculty, together with the faculty of comparing,
+enables that process of distinction and systematization to be performed
+upon which all the higher developments are based. To these faculties of
+analysis and synthesis are to be added the faculty of association,
+whereby objects come to be thought of in groups according to the
+sequence in which they came to be presented to the mind quite apart from
+their intrinsic affinities or distinctions. Thus, in addition to the
+faculties whereby the mind attains some grasp of the constitution of the
+world of objects, there is a faculty which in some degree mirrors the
+history of the world.
+
+It is probable that in addition to these ultimate faculties, there may
+be many other faculties which cannot be reduced to aspects of the
+former, and have therefore to be considered also as primary. However
+that may be, what is important for our present purpose is that the
+faculty commonly known as ability is undoubtedly innate. It may be very
+variously composed of specialized forms of these three primary
+faculties, and perhaps of other faculties combined in very many ways.
+Every degree of ability is known and there are many forms in which it is
+specialized, such as in musical, artistic, and other directions. It has
+been shown that a high development of general ability is correlated with
+a high development of any special ability. In other words, we have to
+think of a genius with some marked talent as possessing on an average a
+high general level of ability. There is ample evidence of the
+inheritance of ability, both derived from the examination of large
+numbers of cases and from the analysis of family histories. This
+evidence also shows that musical and other forms of special ability are
+inherited. We have therefore to think of predispositions in the germinal
+constitution, which give rise to abilities of all kinds, although a more
+correct analysis may refer them to some combination of the ultimate
+faculties enumerated above, much as certain complex emotions are to be
+referred to the combination of certain primary emotions, and not thought
+of as given as such in the germinal constitution.
+
+There are other characters which do not appear to be covered by any
+extension of the term ability. Such, for instance, are will and
+self-control. In its essence will seems to be the rising up of some
+dominating impulse which controls or harmonizes the feelings. The weaker
+impulse somehow overcomes the stronger. The will is variously explained,
+and in modern psychological writings often in such a manner as to
+exclude the idea of a special faculty. It is not necessary here to go
+into these explanations of the origin of will. It is clear that, if it
+has to be referred to the working of complex faculties which are
+themselves explicable in the terms of more ultimate faculties, it is in
+a sense innately given. Undoubtedly will is in a sense inherited.
+However much will may be a product of the environment in the second
+sense, there is clearly an innate tendency towards the development of a
+will of a certain form and strength. Whether therefore it is an ultimate
+faculty or not, it is due in some measure either to a definite innate
+predisposition or to such a combination of other innate predispositions
+as give rise to the manifestation of a will of a certain nature.
+
+Finally, we may look at the whole problem of the inheritance of mental
+characters from another point of view. It is known that certain areas in
+the brain associated with particular functions are differently developed
+in different individuals, and that there are differences in the speed at
+which the nervous impulse travels which are doubtless due to anatomical
+peculiarities and so on—that there are, in fact, differences in the
+physical basis which underlies the manifestation of mental characters.
+It is thus easy to understand in a general way how mental characters
+which are based upon the nervous organization are inherited. A man may
+inherit a brain in which certain regions are of relatively large size,
+or a nervous organization by which impulses are swiftly conducted, and
+thus we can understand how quickness of response, power of
+concentration, readiness of association, type of mind (whether emotional
+or intellectual) are inherited.
+
+7. This brief inquiry into what is given in the germinal constitution
+leads to the conception of large numbers of predispositions which under
+the stimulus of the environment develop into the characters that we
+observe. This is true at least of physical characters. In physical
+characters we observe the result of the play of the environment upon
+certain predispositions. With regard to mental characters the position
+is somewhat different. Into mental characters, as presented to us—into
+ability, for instance—there enters the influence of the environment in
+the second sense. When we are judging the ability of a man from a
+practical point of view, we are judging a character into the make-up of
+which has entered not only certain predispositions and a certain
+environment—using environment in the sense of the complement to
+inheritance—but also the results of the influence of the environment in
+the second sense, such as habit and what may be regarded as tools,
+namely, modes of thought and so on. In order to get at the characters we
+must disentangle or allow for these tools. This difficulty does not
+arise in the case of physical characters. When measuring the physical
+strength of two men we are not likely to allow one man to throw an
+object with a throwing-stick and another to use his own unaided
+strength. But we are apt when comparing ability to forget that one man
+may have learnt to distinguish between the categories when another may
+not have done so. To this difficulty we shall refer again later.
+
+These predispositions have their basis in the germinal constitution and
+are therefore inherited. It is probable that we should regard the
+germinal constitution as consisting of unit-factors. However that may
+be, it is clear that either a differential birth-rate (reproductive
+selection) or a differential death-rate (lethal selection), will change
+the average germinal constitution of the race among which they are
+operative. Bearing this in mind, we may inquire when and where in human
+history we can detect reproductive and lethal selection at work. And we
+must remember that in the first place not merely obvious factors such as
+war have been and are at work, but also that subtle changes in social
+life and social organization may have profound effects, and that in the
+second place not merely obvious characters may be favoured or
+eliminated, but the least striking and most minute (though not
+necessarily the least important) characters both mental and physical may
+be similarly affected.
+
+
+
+
+                                  XVII
+                  THE EVOLUTION OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERS
+
+
+1. Having discussed what is given in the germinal constitution, we are
+now in a position to inquire into the question of changes in the
+germinal constitution. Such changes may affect physical or mental
+characters. In this chapter we are concerned with physical characters
+alone. Compared with the evolution of mental characters the evolution of
+physical characters is a subsidiary matter; as this evolution, however,
+has gone hand in hand with the evolution of mental characters and
+furthermore possesses an importance of its own, all reference to it
+cannot be omitted though the subject will be treated very briefly. As a
+preliminary to this inquiry we may note certain facts about the
+selection of physical characters in general.
+
+We know practically nothing as to the cause of mutations. We have,
+therefore, to take mutations for granted, and to inquire how certain
+stocks with particular predispositions are favoured and others
+eliminated. In this process both lethal selection and reproductive
+selection play a part. Among species in a state of nature lethal
+selection is more important than reproductive selection; among men the
+importance of reproductive selection tends to increase until in the
+latest period it assumes an importance approaching that of lethal
+selection.
+
+Hitherto we have only referred in passing to the existence of tradition
+among men. Tradition will be found to form a serious complication when
+we come to deal with the selection of mental characters. With regard to
+physical characters it also complicates the position, but only to a
+relatively unimportant degree. In the first place it makes the
+environment very varied, especially in industrial societies where men
+living next door to one another may be subject to very different
+conditions in their daily occupations. Secondly, the fact that men
+protect themselves against external conditions—for instance, against
+cold—may lead to a group of men who are protected surviving, where a
+less well-protected group perishes, though the former may conceivably be
+naturally less resistent to cold than the latter. In the broad and rapid
+survey that we shall make these complications can be disregarded; the
+existence of tradition does not introduce, so far as physical characters
+are concerned, that peculiar complication which is the cause of much
+difficulty when we come to deal with mental characters—namely, the
+combination of what is acquired through tradition with the underlying
+character itself in such a way that the manifestation of the character
+is connected in a varying degree with its innate strength. We shall
+thus, when dealing with mental characters, have to attempt to strip off
+the acquirements. When dealing with physical characters we can always
+get down to the character at once. There is no difficulty in separating
+the arm from the tool which it employs, and we thus get directly at the
+character which has developed as the result of the influence of certain
+stimuli upon a given predisposition. It is, on the other hand, difficult
+to separate the intellectual characters from all those traditional
+elements which combine with them in their outward manifestations—to
+measure, for example, the strength of the instinct of curiosity, which
+involves discounting all those elements in the tradition which may
+inhibit or emphasize its expression.
+
+With regard to the strength of selection there is no exact knowledge,
+with the exception of some work which has been done upon statistics for
+modern communities. The occurrence of selection in the past is in fact
+merely a deduction from what we know regarding innate predispositions
+and regarding elimination and differential fertility. It has been shown,
+however, that lethal selection does occur at the present day. Professor
+Karl Pearson has calculated that selection accounts for a very large
+percentage—perhaps 60 per cent.—of the deaths at the present day,[1603]
+and Mr. Snow, summing up the results of an inquiry into this subject,
+states that ‘natural selection in the form of a selective death-rate, is
+strongly operative in man in the early years of life’.[1604] As it is
+universally agreed that, if anything, the intensity of natural selection
+has decreased with civilization, we may take it as certain that it was
+operative to as great, or to a greater, extent during the emergence of
+man and during what we have called the first and second periods of his
+history.
+
+2. During the intermediate period, which was of relatively immense
+length, the greater part of human bodily evolution was accomplished.
+Only two or three worn and fragmentary remains have as yet been
+discovered from this period. It is at least apparent from them that the
+amount of physical evolution which has been accomplished since the end
+of that period is slight compared with what was accomplished within that
+period. We may assume that lethal selection was strongly at work.
+Changes in mode of life—the assumption, for instance, of a terrestrial
+for an arboreal existence and the adoption of an upright posture—must
+have involved lethal selection. These changes of habit must also have
+brought ancestral man into contact with new enemies. The spreading of
+man into new climatic zones was doubtless followed by selection, and
+must again have involved contact with new enemies. So, too, selection
+followed upon the first great steps in the acquirement of skill—the
+making of clothes, the use of fire, and so on. In addition to lethal
+selection, differential fertility acting through polygamy must have been
+at work. In part no doubt differential fertility merely reinforced
+lethal selection; but in part also it may have taken the form of sexual
+selection and have favoured other types.
+
+But when we come to details we find that we are ignorant regarding the
+causes of even the largest changes. Some guesses have been hazarded. The
+increase in the capacity of the skull is connected with the evolution of
+the intellect and may be left for consideration in the next chapter. The
+decrease in the size of the jaw and the corresponding decrease in the
+size of the teeth were perhaps connected with a change in diet. The loss
+of the hairy covering may have been connected with sexual selection or
+it may have been favoured because it removed a lodging-place for
+parasites.
+
+3. As we pass from the intermediate to the first period of human history
+we reach a region of less uncertainty. We are ignorant as to the
+physical characters of man at the close of the intermediate period, but
+we know that in the earlier part of the Upper Palaeolithic there was
+existing one variety—the Grimaldi race—which bears certain resemblances
+to the negroid type, and that in the latter part of the same period
+there were existing several varieties closely resembling types of modern
+European man. It seems, therefore, that, so far as this period is
+concerned, we have to account not merely for the evolution of the main
+types but also for the evolution of the less easily distinguishable
+varieties of man. The splitting up may have begun in the former period
+but it probably did not go far. As to how this evolution took place
+certain conclusions may first be drawn from what we know must have been
+the general conditions of life. Secondly, from what we know as to the
+position among races of the first group, rather more definite
+conclusions may be added concerning the nature and direction of
+selection.
+
+It has already been remarked that in all probability man spread into
+various climatic zones before the beginning of the first period of
+history. The consequences of this spreading of man must have been
+twofold. Mankind became segregated into groups, the surroundings of
+which differed, first in that they were subject to different climatic
+environments, and secondly in that they were forced to pursue different
+modes of life. It is clear that, whereas in some tropical regions man
+would be supporting himself by hunting and collecting in such a way as
+to require a certain type of bodily exertion, in a temperate region he
+would be supporting himself by a very different form of exertion. This
+difference between the needs of daily life would result in the favouring
+of different types in the two regions. The type best adapted to gain a
+living in one region would be different to that best adapted to gain a
+living in another region.[1605]
+
+Of far more importance in the production of varieties of men than the
+factors already noted are differences in climate to which man has become
+exposed. How great these differences are is familiar and need not be
+laboured. We know little with regard to the manner in which different
+types of man are suited to different types of climatic zones. But it is
+clear that in general the races of men are innately adapted to different
+climates. There is no historical reason why in all parts of North and
+South America the European races should not have ousted the American
+Indian as they have done in the United States. In Mexico and other
+regions, however, where the climate differs most markedly from that in
+Europe, Europeans have not succeeded in establishing themselves as they
+have elsewhere in the Continent. In Mexico Indian blood largely
+predominates over European, and the explanation must be that Europeans
+are not so well physically adapted to the climate as are the original
+inhabitants. In this there is nothing surprising. We can understand how
+certain types of respiratory, excretory, and circulatory organs might be
+better adapted than others to certain conditions of temperature,
+moisture, actinic rays, and so on, though we may be ignorant as to what
+types of circulatory and other organs are best fitted to any particular
+climatic zone. It would be very remarkable if it were not so, if, that
+is to say, any type of constitution was equally well fitted to any kind
+of climate. In this manner to differences in habits and in climate we
+may attribute the origin of the varieties of mankind.
+
+Nevertheless, differences between races are far from being wholly due to
+selection on these grounds. Sexual selection is of importance. There
+grows up within each race a more or less clearly defined type of
+physical beauty, and differential fertility working through polygamy
+would evidently favour such types. That differences in colour to some
+extent represent adaptations to climate is clear; in part such
+differences are probably to be explained as due to varying ideals of
+beauty, but there are probably yet other factors entering into the
+evolution of racial types.
+
+Recently Professor Keith has made an interesting contribution to the
+problem of racial differences. Reference has already been made to the
+ductless glands. It is now known that variations in the functioning of
+these glands have a profound influence upon the bodily organs. Keith has
+remarked that, if the peculiarities characteristic of the chief racial
+types of man are considered together, it appears that they are
+attributable to different degrees of development of these glands in
+different races. It should be observed that this suggestion does not
+involve the conclusion that racial differences are of the nature of
+modifications. It is merely supposed that the innate development of
+these glands is different in different races—that there is a
+predisposition in one race to the peculiar development of one gland and
+in another race to the peculiar development of another gland. The value
+of the suggestion lies in the fact that it shows how many racial
+peculiarities, for which there are at least no obvious explanations, may
+be merely the accompaniments of a difference in the development of one
+or more of these glands. It must be supposed that one or more of the
+results of the developments of a gland are of direct value in facing the
+peculiar conditions, whether climatic or otherwise, to which the race is
+subject, and that the other consequences of the development of the gland
+are in any case not prejudicial. These other consequences may possibly
+take the form of noticeable peculiarities of colour or of bodily
+structure which thus turn out in themselves not to be of survival value
+but merely to be, so to speak, accidental peculiarities.
+
+Some quotations from Professor Keith’s exposition of this suggestion may
+make the matter more clear. ‘When we compare’, he says, ‘the three chief
+racial types of humanity—the Negro, the Mongol, and the Caucasian or
+European—we can recognize in the last named a greater predominance of
+the pituitary than in the other two. The sharp pronounced nasalization
+of the face, the tendency to strong eyebrow ridges, the prominent chin,
+the tendency to bulk of body and height of stature in the majority of
+Europeans, is best explained, so far as the present state of our
+knowledge goes, in terms of pituitary functions.’[1606] After remarking
+that the interstitial glands are largely the cause of secondary sexual
+differences he goes on to say: ‘I am of opinion that the sexual
+differentiation—the robust manifestation of the male characters—is more
+emphatic in the Caucasian than in either the Mongol or Negroid racial
+types. In both Mongol and Negro, in their most representative form, we
+find a beardless face and an almost hairless body, and in certain negro
+types, especially in Nilotic tribes, with their long, stork-like legs,
+we seem to have a manifestation of the abeyance in the action of the
+interstitial glands. At the close of sexual life we often see the
+features of a woman assume a coarser and more masculine
+appearance.’[1607] Later he remarks that the evidence points to the
+original human colouring as black. Now, the supra-renal bodies cause a
+clearing away of pigment and ‘there can be no doubt that the supra-renal
+bodies constitute an important part of the mechanism which regulates the
+development and growth of the human body and helps in determining the
+racial characters of mankind. We know that certain races come more
+quickly to sexual maturity than others, and that races vary in
+development of hair and of pigment, and it is therefore reasonable to
+expect a satisfactory explanation of these characters when we have come
+by a more or less complete knowledge of the supra-renal
+mechanism.’[1608] The thyroid acts directly upon the skin and the hair
+and also upon the skeleton. ‘This is particularly the case as regards
+the base of the skull and the nose, the arrest of growth falls mainly
+upon the basal parts of the skull with the result that the root of the
+nose appears to be flattened and drawn backwards between the eyes, the
+upper forehead appears projecting or bulging, the face appears
+flattened, and the bony scaffolding of the nose particularly when
+compared with the prominence of the jaw is greatly reduced. Now these
+facial features which I have enumerated give the Mongolian face its
+characteristic aspect, and, to a lesser degree, they are also to be
+traced in the features of the negro. Indeed, in one aberrant branch of
+the negro race—the Bushman of South Africa—the thyroid facies is even
+more emphatically brought out than in the most typical Mongol. You will
+observe that, in my opinion, the thyroid—or a reduction or alteration in
+the activity of the thyroid—has been a factor in determining some of the
+racial characteristics of the Mongol and Negro races. I know of a
+telling piece of evidence which supports this thesis. Some years ago
+there died in the East End of London a Chinese giant—the subject one
+must suppose of an excessive action of the pituitary glands—the gland
+which I regard as playing a predominant part in shaping the face and
+bodily form of the European. The skeleton of this giant was prepared and
+placed in the museum of the London Hospital Medical College by Col. T.
+H. Openshaw, and any one inspecting that skeleton can see that, although
+certain Chinese features are still recognizable, the nasal region and
+the supraorbital ridges of the face have assumed the more prominent
+European type.’[1609]
+
+4. If we turn now and look at the conditions of life among primitive
+races, we find that natural selection and differential fertility tend to
+work towards the preservation of existing types rather than towards
+further evolution. The Australians may have existed in their present
+home for many thousands of years without undergoing any considerable
+change of type, and we have every reason to suppose that, if they had
+been left untouched by white or other races, the racial type would have
+remained substantially the same for thousands of years to come. The same
+holds good if we consider any primitive race in its normal surroundings.
+
+That this is so is clear if we glance at the chief causes of
+elimination. The heavy child mortality recorded of all these races is
+put down to neglect and exposure; it must on the whole result in the
+elimination of the physically weak. Such customs as the bathing of
+new-born babies in cold water seem designed to ensure this result. Among
+the adults who on the whole are but little protected against climate
+there must always be a certain tendency towards the elimination of those
+less able to withstand the relatively harder seasons. There are also
+many factors making for the cutting-off of the malformed and the
+congenitally deficient. Among those races which normally practise
+infanticide, deformed children are always killed, and among those races,
+such as the Bantu races of Africa, who never regularly practise
+infanticide as a custom, abnormal children are nearly always done away
+with. Similarly the destruction of witches tends towards the same end
+though they are more often marked by mental than by physical
+peculiarities. Again the fact that abortion and infanticide are
+practised to a greater degree among the less fortunate and the lower
+social classes of the races in the second group has the same result, as
+in general the stronger and more successful members of the race are
+those who do not need to practise these customs to the same extent.
+Finally, the general conditions of life among these races—more
+particularly among the races of the first group—is such as to bring
+about a continual elimination of the less physically fit. Speaking of
+the Seri Indians McGee remarks upon the ‘elimination of the weak and
+helpless’, and says further that ‘a parallel eliminative process is
+common among American aborigines; the wandering bands frequently undergo
+hard marches under the leadership of athletic warriors with whom all are
+expected to keep pace, which leads both to the desertion of the aged and
+the feeble’. He calls it ‘a merciless mechanism for improving the fit
+and eliminating the unfit’.[1610]
+
+As remarked above, the effect of polygamy must be to intensify the
+action of selection. In this particular case the general result of
+polygamy must be to preserve the average features of the race; for it
+will be, so to speak, the all-round man, the man best adapted to the
+climate, to the peculiar conditions of life and so on who will leave
+most descendants. It is thus of interest to investigate the frequency of
+polygamy among the races of the first two groups. This point has been
+inquired into by Professor Hobhouse and his fellow authors. Polygamy was
+distinguished by them into general and occasional polygamy, and though
+it is very difficult to arrive at any exact figures their general
+conclusions may be summed up as showing that, in all the subdivisions
+considered by them, general and occasional polygamy was found in from
+80–95 per cent. of the cases. General polygamy increases among the races
+here placed in the second group, though there is no strong correlation
+between the degree of polygamy and the economic stage. We observe in
+fact a wide prevalence of polygamy among all races of any economic
+stage, and upon the basis of these figures we must regard the
+differential fertility arising from polygamy as a factor of great
+importance.
+
+It seems, therefore, that within the first and second periods there were
+two tendencies at work—towards the evolution of varieties and towards
+the maintenance of the various types. The evolution of varieties was due
+in the first place to the spreading of man. As soon as spreading was
+complete, a tendency towards a cessation of progress must have set in.
+That further evolution took place was due chiefly to migration, with the
+results of which we have yet to deal. Once varieties had been evolved,
+apart from migration, and apart from changes in climate and progress in
+skill, which only slightly and at long intervals modified the
+surroundings, there was little basis for further evolution. Man had
+mastered his surroundings up to a point and had made his position secure
+in the circumstances under which he lived and the tendency was towards
+the preservation of the types which had achieved these results in
+different places.
+
+5. In the third of our three periods there has been a remarkable change.
+We find that there has been a gradual moving away from the conditions
+under which in normal times there is in the races of the first and
+second groups a rigorous elimination of those types which depart from
+the mean. Lethal selection has come largely to take the form of
+selection through disease.[1611] Though polygamy gradually ceases to be
+a factor of importance, other forms of differential fertility become
+prominent.
+
+We may glance at the chief features of these changes. In the last
+section we mentioned various factors—infanticide of the deformed,
+customs with regard to the treatment of children, the neglect and
+exposure of children, the general conditions of life, and so on—all of
+which have as their result the cutting-off not merely of the deformed
+and the monstrosities but also of all departures from the type best
+fitted to contend with the climatic environment and the conditions of
+daily life. Some of these factors—such as infanticide—disappear; the
+action of others becomes, if anything, reversed; not only do the less
+well-fitted types have a better chance of survival than before, because
+the conditions are less rigorous, but they suffer little or no
+disadvantage owing to the fact that the conditions have been
+artificially rendered almost as favourable for the less fitted as for
+the better-fitted. To take two examples, not only are men with defective
+eyesight not eliminated, but they are by the invention of spectacles
+placed in as good a position as those with perfect eyesight. Similarly a
+woman with a narrow pelvis is, owing to the advance in surgical skill,
+enabled to bear children and to transmit her peculiarity to her
+daughters.
+
+It should not be forgotten that, in spite of the gradual lessening of
+the rigour of selection, selection owing to climate and the general
+conditions of life still continues. But another factor has within this
+period come to assume a preponderating importance, and that is selection
+through disease. It was pointed out that diseases may be roughly
+distinguished into those due to the attacks of parasites and those due
+to structural defects. It is to diseases of the first kind that the
+greater part of selection, which occurs in the third period, is due.
+Some figures were given in an earlier chapter showing how large a
+proportion of deaths at the present day is due to one or other of these
+diseases. In the last chapter it was shown that men differ in their
+susceptibility to these diseases, and selection has thus very largely
+come to take the form of the elimination of the more susceptible, and of
+the favouring of the naturally immune and of those who have a power of
+resisting disease and of acquiring immunity. There has therefore come to
+be an increasingly heavy premium upon the type of constitution which can
+resist disease, and a strong constitution in this sense is not
+necessarily the same as a strong constitution among primitive races
+where the premium is rather upon muscular strength, perfect development
+of the senses of seeing and hearing, and upon resistance to climatic
+conditions. We have thus to think of the whole course of bodily
+evolution as changing in the third period so as to meet a new danger
+rather than as continuing on the former lines so as better to contend
+with the old difficulties.
+
+It is noteworthy that selection in this period has not been on account
+of diseases of the second type due directly to structural defects. These
+diseases are seldom lethal until after maturity has been reached, and
+the tendency has rather been, as in the case of eyesight, towards the
+increased chance of survival of those suffering from these defects.
+Thus, though selection has turned in this period towards the weeding-out
+of those susceptible to the attacks of parasites, it has come to
+tolerate those who exhibit defects in structure as distinguished from
+the peculiarities of structure which must be presumed to constitute the
+physical basis of susceptibility.
+
+All this is familiar enough. It is not so often realized that the
+disappearance of polygamy in what we have called the mediaeval and the
+modern sections of the third period works in precisely the same manner.
+But the disappearance of polygamy does not mean that reproductive
+selection ceases to be of importance. In mediaeval and modern times
+celibacy, postponement of marriage, and restriction of families have
+come to be practised in varying degrees by different stocks. There is
+some trace of differential fertility in the earlier periods owing to
+causes other than polygamy, but it is only in the mediaeval and modern
+periods that they become important. It is doubtful how far, if at all,
+the religious celibate class of the mediaeval period differed in
+physical characters from the average. It would appear that during this
+period postponement of marriage led to the producing of less children by
+the lower social classes than by the upper. Therefore, so far as this
+epoch is concerned, it is not apparent that differential fertility had
+any considerable effect upon bodily characters one way or the other.
+Possibly the net result of postponement may have been to favour the
+better stocks.
+
+Within the latter part of the modern period restriction of families has
+assumed very great importance. It has been calculated that, as a
+consequence of the fact that restriction is more practised by certain
+sections of the population than by others, 50 per cent. of the married
+population provide 75 per cent. of the next generation. It thus becomes
+most important to determine whether the various sections of the
+population are innately different as regards their physical characters.
+Largely owing to our ignorance respecting the direct influence of the
+environment, it is not possible to arrive at present at any precise
+answer. But there can be little doubt that on the whole the most fertile
+sections of the population are the less physically fit sections.
+
+It is necessary, however, to view these facts in their proper
+perspective. Though differential fertility of this kind may have been at
+work among some of the ancient empires in their later years, it is
+chiefly a very modern phenomenon characteristic of modern European
+countries and their derivatives only within the last fifty years.
+Therefore, however important a problem it may be for modern communities,
+it is a factor which has had but little effect on human history as a
+whole. It may be noticed that restriction of increase is not the only
+form of reproductive selection in modern communities. Sexual selection
+is also at work.[1612]
+
+6. Such has been the direction in which, through selection and
+differential fertility within races, changes have taken place. But
+changes also take place through the conflict of races, and the nature of
+these changes demands some notice. Warfare plays a part in the normal
+existence of nearly all primitive races. It is sometimes, as among the
+American Indians, a bloodthirsty affair, but more often than not it is a
+relatively unimportant cause of elimination. It is not easy to arrive at
+any conclusion regarding the results of warfare as an agent of
+selection. Upon the whole, among primitive races, so far as physical
+characters are concerned, there is probably a tendency towards the
+preservation of the physically strong and fit. But it has to be
+remembered that missile weapons were early introduced, and that, as
+Thucydides remarked, missile weapons kill the strong man in the prime of
+life as well as the weak. Again, success in warfare very largely depends
+upon characters other than physical—such as the possession of skill. All
+that can be said with certainty is that in the first and second periods
+warfare was not a cause of elimination of the fit which it has come to
+be in the third period. This latter fact has been lately brought home to
+the civilized nations of the world in so obvious a manner that it need
+not be further discussed.[1613]
+
+Warfare following upon migration may exterminate whole races. The
+Bushmen were apparently on the verge of extinction at the hands of the
+invading Bantu peoples. In this manner a peculiar physical type may be
+lost and another may become of relatively greater prevalence. Migration
+may also be followed by any degree of racial mixture. Many rash
+statements have been made by historians as to the biological results of
+crossing. The consequences actually observed to follow upon a mixture of
+races are to so large a degree the result of a conflict of traditions—a
+subject with which we shall deal in a later chapter—that the purely
+biological effects of crossing may be very largely obscured. Bearing
+this in mind we may briefly refer to the conclusions to be derived from
+recent biological work which bear on the problem. Roughly speaking there
+are two possible kinds of crosses between races. First there are crosses
+between the most clearly distinguished varieties such as white and
+black. Heterosis, or hybrid vigour, will be exhibited in a marked
+fashion in the first generation. Heterosis, the underlying cause of
+which has only recently become apparent, is always at its height in the
+first cross. The increase of vigour, however, is not long maintained in
+subsequent generations. Further, each type, such as those which we are
+considering, has a series of character complexes, built up through ages
+of selection and compatible with one another, and by crossing such
+complexes are broken apart. The chance of gain, on the other hand,
+through the favourable re-combination of characters is small. On the
+average, therefore, the result of such a cross is unfavourable. There
+may also be crosses between races exhibiting less differences. Again,
+heterosis will be visible on crossing. But in distinction to the results
+of the former kind of cross, the other results may not be unfavourable.
+Great variability may follow such a cross and this is on the whole
+advantageous. Valuable character re-combinations may also come to light.
+Thus we may say that, so long as there is not too great a difference
+between the races which cross, the results are usually genetically
+favourable; there will be the advantage of hybrid vigour, though this is
+always temporary, and there may very possibly be the advantage of
+valuable character re-combinations.[1614]
+
+Migration is important not only because it is connected with war and
+racial crossing but also because of the selection which follows upon
+transfer to new climatic conditions. To the nature of these changes
+allusion has already been made; it has been pointed out that races
+adapted to maintain themselves in one environment cannot as a general
+rule maintain themselves in a very different environment. To new
+surroundings, which only differ slightly from the old, they may become
+adapted by selection, and much selection on these lines must have taken
+place as a result of racial movements in Europe. It is probably now
+taking place among Europeans who have migrated to America. Dublin and
+Baker, for instance, have shown that the death-rate varies considerably
+among the different racial elements who have immigrated, some elements
+being probably better adapted to the new environment than others.[1615]
+Similarly selection may be going on within modern races owing to the
+rapid urbanization of industrial countries. Urban conditions may be more
+favourable to some types than to others. But it has not yet been shown
+in what direction these changes, if they are in progress, are taking.
+
+Summing up our conclusions we may say that the great changes in human
+bodily form were accomplished in the intermediate period when the
+splitting up into varieties may also have begun. This splitting was
+continued in the first period and the modern types were formed before
+the end of that period. The chief characteristic, however, of the first
+and second periods was the maintenance of the types evolved, though this
+was interfered with by migration which brought about elimination of
+certain types, racial mixture, and further climatic adaptation. Finally,
+in modern times there has been a lessening of the stringency of
+selection, which previously tended to maintain the existing varieties,
+and a turning of lethal selection to the building up of immunity against
+disease.
+
+7. There are one or two other points connected with germinal change
+about which a word may be said. Of the origin of mutations we know
+nothing, but since in all probability the ultimate cause of mutations
+may have to be sought in some kind of environmental change, it should be
+borne in mind that, as man is subject to an immense variety of
+environmental stimuli, mutations may be more frequent in man than in any
+species in a state of nature. It has been suggested that the germinal
+constitution may be adversely affected by certain factors, especially by
+the use of alcohol. Of this there is no certain evidence.[1616] It has
+been supposed that there may be some connexion between the difference in
+age of the parents on the one hand and the germinal constitution of the
+offspring on the other. It has been supposed, for instance, that the
+offspring are innately more vigorous when the parents are at a certain
+age. So far as investigation has gone at present, it has not been
+established that there is any such connexion—of sufficient importance at
+least to deserve consideration here. In other words, the fact that among
+certain races young men have wives of considerably greater age than
+themselves and older men young wives, does not to any noteworthy extent
+affect the germinal constitution of the race. Again it has been stated
+that the first-born are innately inferior to the later-born
+children.[1617] This conclusion has been criticized.[1618] As, however,
+the preponderance of first-born children among the offspring as a whole
+would not appear to be markedly greater at any one period of history
+than at another, the inferiority of the first-born, if it exists, would
+make no difference between men of different races at the same or at
+different times.
+
+The correlation of characters one with another should not be forgotten.
+The favouring of one character may involve the favouring of quite other
+characters. Of this what was said regarding the ductless glands is an
+example. It has been supposed that liability to disease is correlated
+with pigmentation and that, owing to selection through disease, a change
+in the average pigmentation is taking place. Attempts to establish this
+correlation have, however, failed. It is of particular interest to
+notice that no correlations have been found between physical and mental
+characters; this is so even as regards intellect and size of head.
+
+8. A survey of the facts regarding the bodily evolution of man, and of
+the conditions under which it has taken place, shows that there is at
+least no more difficulty in understanding how it has come about than in
+understanding how the varieties of any other species have come into
+existence. Given mutations, the action of selection and of differential
+fertility provides an explanation which is in general satisfactory,
+though we may be a very long way from understanding how any one
+particular change came about. There are in fact greater difficulties met
+with from time to time in trying to reach a satisfactory explanation of
+evolution among other animals than when dealing with man. The evolution
+along particular lines of organization, the evolution of teeth and horns
+among mammals, for instance, raises a difficulty which seems in the
+present state of our knowledge perhaps to require the assumption that at
+times there is a tendency for the continual occurrence of mutations in
+the same direction. Such a difficulty does not occur in the case of
+human bodily evolution.
+
+It has been suggested that the facts regarding the course which the
+evolution of living organisms has taken requires the assumption that
+large mutations have occurred from time to time and have established
+themselves as varieties. There is no doubt that large mutations do occur
+and have established themselves in the course of the evolution of the
+varieties of animal types known to us, and they may have done so in the
+case of man. There is, however, no reason to imagine that the origin of
+any particular change in man was due to a large mutation. It has been
+stated that the number of chromosomes is different in the white man and
+in the negro, and upon the basis of this statement it has been suggested
+that one variety had arisen as a mutation from the other. This
+statement, however, was apparently based upon erroneous observation.
+Again, it has been suggested that the Pygmy type arose as a mutation.
+But it has been observed that some Ba Twa pygmies of the Congo who three
+generations ago left their forests, settled near the Bushongo, and took
+to agriculture have become markedly taller. Intermarriage is said to be
+out of the question and therefore we are led to suppose in the new
+environment a taller type has been favoured.[1619] If this is so, if a
+taller type can be selected by degrees in one environment, the shorter
+type may equally well have been selected in another environment.
+
+So far, therefore, as the history of man outlined in the fifth chapter
+is the history of the development of his bodily structure, so far the
+explanation of history is to be sought in changes in the germinal
+constitution, and the changes undergone are strictly comparable with the
+changes among species in a state of nature, though owing to the more
+varied environment outward differences in the case of man may be rather
+more often due to environmental influences than in the case of species
+closely related to man.
+
+
+
+
+                                 XVIII
+                   THE EVOLUTION OF MENTAL CHARACTERS
+
+
+1. When we originally asked how far changes in the quality of the
+population accounted for the facts given in the sixth chapter, it was at
+once obvious that the interest centred in mental changes. Now that we
+have gained some idea as to what is given in the germinal constitution
+and as to the influence of the environment in general, we are in a
+position to come more closely to the main problem. Three questions
+present themselves. We have to inquire into the facts regarding the
+stage of mental evolution reached at any one time. This involves making
+both an estimate as to the extent of the gap between the pre-human
+ancestor and Palaeolithic man and an examination of the differences in
+the mental characteristics of the chief living types of man which may be
+taken roughly to represent stages reached in the three chief periods. We
+have next to ask if we can account for these facts, and this involves an
+inquiry into selection, differential fertility, and such other factors
+as may assist to explain changes in the germinal constitution. Lastly we
+have to ask how far such changes as have taken place are correlated with
+the main features of human history.
+
+To make an estimate of the stage of mental evolution reached by one race
+as compared with that reached by other races is not an easy matter. To
+begin with there is the difficulty of discounting the direct influence
+of the environment. Temperament we found to be peculiarly susceptible to
+environmental influence. Temperament affects the functioning of other
+mental characters in a very important manner. ‘Effective mental
+ability’, says Professor Punnett, ‘is largely a matter of temperament,
+and this in turn is quite possibly dependent upon the various secretions
+produced by the different tissues of the body. Similar nervous systems
+associated with different livers might conceivably result in different
+individuals upon whose mental ability the world would pass a very
+different judgment.’[1620] Apart, however, from this difficulty and
+apart from the influence of disease, it is not probable that other
+factors in the environment have any marked direct effect upon either
+disposition or intellect.
+
+There is a far more serious difficulty to which allusion has already
+been made. It arises from the fact that mental faculties as exhibited in
+daily life are overlaid by tradition and shaped by habit. There is no
+difficulty in getting down to any physical character. It is always
+possible to separate the limb from the tool which it uses. It is
+frequently very difficult to effect the corresponding separation between
+the faculty and the tool in the case of mental characters. Human mental
+characteristics, as manifested in daily life, represent the combination
+of acquirements with a certain basis. By the basis is meant that which
+develops as the result of environmental stimuli acting upon the
+predispositions. The basis of all mental faculties is, therefore, that
+which strictly speaking is comparable with physical characters. Mental
+characters as manifested in daily life represent this basis combined
+with tradition. This applies not only to the intellectual but also to
+the instinctive faculties. The manifestation of instinct is dependent
+upon the channels into which it has been led by tradition and upon the
+outlets which tradition provides for it.
+
+In attempting to estimate the stage of evolution of mental characters
+reached at any one time, we must, as far as we can, allow for all that
+obscures their manifestation. There are several different ways in which
+this may be attempted and it will be found possible to reach a fairly
+definite conclusion with regard to the degree of development of mental
+characters as exhibited by two races as different as the white and
+black. But the inquiry into the differences between the more nearly
+related varieties, such as the different branches of the white race,
+present far more difficult problems, and by these methods we shall not
+be able to approach them with much hope of success. Further, these
+difficulties will be more strongly felt when we go on to inquire into
+the causes of the changes which have led to the evolution of the
+different types. Therefore, though in this chapter we shall reach
+certain conclusions as to the nature, causes, and results of mental
+changes in the earlier periods, we shall find that, owing to the
+difficulties mentioned, we are unable to reach any conclusion as to the
+later periods until we have inquired into the importance of tradition.
+It will thus be necessary to cut short this inquiry and turn to consider
+tradition in the following two chapters. Only when this subsidiary
+inquiry has been made shall we be able to complete our estimate as to
+the part played by changes in the germinal constitution so far as they
+affect mental characters.
+
+2. The indications as regards mental development obtainable from a study
+of fossil remains are, of course, very vague. Such as they are, however,
+considerable interest attaches to them. In the later part of the first
+period, in the Upper Palaeolithic, that is to say, we meet with types of
+men whose cranial capacity and the formation of whose brain, so far as
+it can be judged from skulls, do not indicate any difference in mental
+capacity as compared with modern man. It must be emphasized that this is
+a very rough method of comparing intellectual capacity. Something,
+however, may be deduced from such observations, and it is probable that,
+though there may have been noteworthy differences between Cro-Magnon and
+modern European intellectual capacity, as we judge differences to-day,
+nevertheless looking at human evolution as a whole, we cannot escape the
+conclusion that by the end of the first period, before man had learnt to
+support himself otherwise than by hunting and fishing, by far the
+greater part of the journey from the condition of our pre-human ancestor
+to that of European man had been accomplished. This is a very important
+deduction, because, inasmuch as the greater part of the progress in
+skill had still to come, it means that progress in intellectual capacity
+and progress in skill did not go hand in hand.
+
+What we should like to be able to do, but cannot at present do, is to
+follow the evolution of the cranial capacity and the shape of the brain
+of the ancestors of Upper Palaeolithic man. But all we have in the
+Middle Palaeolithic are representatives of the peculiar Neanderthal
+type, which apparently died out. Judging from the cranial capacity, the
+intellectual development of Neanderthal man must have been considerable
+and probably not inferior to that of the Australians. If Eoanthropus is
+to be assigned to the Lower Palaeolithic, it is the only skull of that
+period that we have. Judging not so much from the cranial capacity as
+from the formation of the brain, the intellectual capacity of
+Eoanthropus was clearly much less than that of Neanderthal man and of
+any other type of man now living. Pithecanthropus was certainly anterior
+to the Palaeolithic. He may, it is true, have used and even fashioned
+implements of a very primitive type. It is noteworthy that, so far as
+can be judged, in cranial capacity he stands about half-way between
+modern man and the hypothetical ancestor, and if we are going to make
+any deductions at all regarding so difficult a point, it is reasonable
+to assume that in general his intellectual capacity was about half-way
+between that of modern man and the pre-human ancestor.
+
+On the basis of this evidence the broad outlines of the picture are as
+follows. At the very least the intellectual development of Early
+Palaeolithic man had reached a point half-way between that of the
+pre-human ancestor and that of modern European races. Almost certainly
+it had gone farther, perhaps considerably further. As regards man in the
+Middle Palaeolithic, we have details only regarding an aberrant type
+whose intellectual capacity, though considerable, probably did not reach
+that of the contemporary ancestors of the Upper Palaeolithic types of
+whom as yet we know nothing. The cranial capacity and other features of
+the Upper Palaeolithic types show no essential differences from modern
+man. though it has to be remembered that, as cranial capacity is but a
+rough guide, differences in mental capacity may have existed.
+
+3. In order to gain a more exact idea of the stage of mental evolution
+reached in the first and second periods, we are obliged to turn to the
+evidence supplied by primitive races, just as we turned to them to fill
+in the gaps in our knowledge of the social habits of Palaeolithic man.
+
+There are at least three methods whereby an attempt may be made to
+arrive at some idea of the intellectual development of primitive races
+as compared with modern European man. There is to begin with a very
+large number of observations and impressions recorded by men who in many
+cases have lived a long time among primitive races and have had unusual
+opportunities for judging them. Then attempts have been made to measure
+the intelligence of these races by the use of the Binet-Simon methods,
+and we may notice the results of some of these attempts. Lastly, in
+certain parts of the world for some generations white and coloured races
+have been living side by side under almost identical conditions and now
+compete together almost on an equality, and we may note the current
+opinion in those regions with regard to their respective intellectual
+capacities.
+
+All the evidence regarding the Australians agrees in attributing to
+them a relatively high level of intellect. ‘Most observers’, says
+Thomas, ‘agree that up to the age of puberty, possibly longer, they
+have an extraordinary facility in the acquisition of knowledge.’[1621]
+Speaking of the aborigines of Victoria, Smyth records that ‘black
+children brought up in the schools learn very quickly, and in
+perception, memory, and power to discriminate, they are, to say the
+least, equal to European children. A missionary, the Rev. F. A.
+Hagenauer, a gentleman of great ability, who has control of the
+aboriginal station at Lake Wellington, reports that the examination
+made by the Government School Inspectors shows that the aboriginal
+pupils taught by him are quite equal to the Whites. In his last report
+he states that the whole of the fifth class in his school has passed
+the standard examination (that appointed for children in State
+schools) and that they had received certificates.’[1622] Spiller has
+collected a large number of such opinions,[1623] and Semon says that
+‘on examining the accounts of missionaries who have had occasion to
+instruct children of Australian natives, it will be found that nearly
+all of them come to the conclusion that at the onset of instruction
+hardly any difference between faculties of black and white children in
+grasping the elements is to be remarked. There is such a capability of
+memory and sharpness of the senses that in reading, writing, drawing,
+topography, and geography they at first even excel the whites.’[1624]
+Nearly all observers agree that there comes a point when the faculties
+of aboriginal children cease to develop. Thus Smyth says that ‘With
+keen senses, quick perceptions, and a precocity that is surprising, he
+stops just short of the point where an advance would lead to a
+complete change in the characters of his mind’,[1625] and Mathew who
+remarks that ‘in schools it has been observed that aboriginal children
+learn quite as easily and rapidly as children of European parents’,
+goes on to say that ‘while among Europeans the range of mental
+development seems almost unbounded, with the blacks its limit is soon
+attained’.[1626]
+
+Among the Andaman Islanders there is, according to Man, up to the age of
+12 or 14 ‘as much intelligence as [among] ordinary middle class children
+of civilized races’; he goes on to quote another observer who found
+these people ‘not deficient in brain power; it rather lies dormant and
+unused in their savage state’, and gives the example ‘of an aboriginal
+patient of 12 years of age, who had been entered in the Ross Orphanage
+School, and who, in his tender years, could yet read English and Ordu
+fluently, as well as speak and write in both these languages, retaining
+also a knowledge of his native tongue. He had besides a fair knowledge
+of arithmetic. I may add that this is not an exceptional case, for I
+would instance others, and one lad in particular who was his
+superior.’[1627] These opinions could be paralleled many times over. The
+Jesuit missionary Baegert, for example, had a high opinion of the
+intellectual abilities of the Californian Indians. ‘Like other people,
+they are possessed of reason and understanding, and their stupidity is
+not inborn with them, but the result of habit; and I am of opinion that,
+if their sons were sent to European seminaries and colleges, and their
+girls to convents where young females are instructed, they would prove
+equal in all respects to Europeans in the acquirement of morals and of
+useful sciences and arts.’[1628]
+
+The opinions of observers of races which fall within the second group
+are all very similar. Some typical opinions may be given. Speaking of
+Bantu races south of the Zambezi Theal says that ‘in Mission Schools
+children of early age are found to keep pace with those of white
+parents. In some respects, indeed, they are the higher of the two ...
+but while the European youth is still developing his powers the Bantu
+youth in many instances is found unable to make further progress. His
+intellect has become sluggish and frequently he exhibits a decided
+repugnance, if not an incapacity, to learn anything more. The growth
+of his mind, which at first promised so much, has ceased just at that
+stage where the mind of the European begins to display the greatest
+vigour.’[1629] Later he says that ‘the strong desire of the greater
+number is to live as closely like their ancestors as the altered
+circumstances of their country will permit, to make use of a few of
+the white man’s simplest conveniences and of his protection against
+their enemies, but to avoid his habits and to shut out his ideas.
+Compared with Europeans their adults are frequently children in
+imagination and in simplicity of belief, though not infrequently one
+may have the mental faculties of a full-grown man.’[1630] Of the
+Bangala of the Upper Congo Weeks says that ‘up to the age of 14 and
+15, the boys and girls, especially the boys, are very receptive and
+easily taught; but after that age comparatively few make real advance
+in learning’.[1631] This is attributed partly to the fact that at this
+age other matters occupy their attention—working on their own account,
+looking round for a wife, and so on, but more especially to the fact
+that by this age they have learnt all that their fathers have to teach
+them and thenceforth settle down into a routine. Of the men of the
+races of Central Africa Johnston speaks as follows: ‘his mental powers
+are not much developed by native training, but I am certain that he
+has in him possibilities in the present generation as great of those
+of the average Indian; and there is really no saying what he may come
+to after several generations of education. I think it is truly
+remarkable the way in which a little savage boy can be put to school
+and taught to read in a few months and subsequently become a skilful
+printer or telegraph clerk or even book keeper. The little boys are
+much sharper and shrewder than the grown-up male. When the youth
+arrives at puberty there is undoubtedly a tendency towards an arrested
+development of the mind.’[1632] This latter tendency is attributed to
+the attention paid to sexual matters. This arrest of development is a
+feature in all descriptions of the mental characters of these races.
+Junod is inclined, however, to think that these descriptions are on
+the whole exaggerated.[1633] In order to enable us to form such
+judgement on this point a few further quotations may be given. Ellis,
+describing the Ewe-speaking peoples of Togoland, mentions the
+precocity of the children when compared with Europeans, and says that,
+‘at puberty the physical nature masters the intellect and frequently
+completely deadens it’.[1634] The Bambala children ‘are very
+precocious, and up to the age of puberty are often astonishingly
+intelligent; after puberty, however, they become exceedingly
+apathetic; sexual excess and continual intoxication with palm wine
+contribute largely to this result’.[1635] Speaking of the natives of
+Portuguese East Africa, Maugham refers to the great brightness and
+promise early displayed; as regards the later stages says that he has
+‘over and over again been the witness of the sudden and astounding
+change which takes place among the young male house servants as youth
+approaches manhood. Brightness and initiative disappear; they go about
+their duties in a most casual manner; they are unable to remember the
+clearest and simplest instructions, and are constantly away without
+permission.’[1636] Referring to this subject so far as the natives of
+the Congo are concerned, Weeks states that ‘for generations boys on
+arriving at the age of 14 or 15 had learnt all their father had to
+teach respecting fishing, hunting, woodcraft, building, paddling,
+&c.... Thus their intelligence had attained for generations the
+fullest development by the above age; now we have to help them over
+that crucial stage; in some cases it is very difficult; but in other
+cases we can do so; and in such there is no limit to the intellectual
+progress they can make. In many cases they have mastered a good
+working knowledge of French, Portuguese or English, both spoken and
+written, and as larger opportunities are given, a larger number of
+youths will make such mental progress as will encourage their friends
+and teachers.’[1637] Bryant, who has had a wide experience of South
+African natives, sums up his impressions by confirming the common
+opinion that the native boy is, at an early age, if anything, superior
+to the European boy of the same age, and that at puberty his mental
+development is arrested. He thinks that Boer boys living in the
+backwoods and receiving practically no training are, if anything,
+inferior to the African boys. He adds—what is of particular
+interest—the fact that the African boys, whose education begins early,
+do not show the same arrest of development as those whose education
+begins later. Nevertheless the African boy educated from an early age
+is surpassed by the European boy later on. We find also, he says, that
+‘in practically every case where a South African native has had the
+opportunity of receiving an education in one of the universities of
+Europe or America, that that native has invariably been able to hold
+his own against all white rivals and to pass as successfully as they
+the same examinations in Law, Medicine, or Arts.’ Such men, however,
+he adds, may have been selected as particularly fitted to profit by
+further education.[1638] Summing up his opinion upon this subject,
+Olivier says that it is not possible to ‘justify a generalization that
+there is any particular human function for which coloured persons are
+by their African blood disqualified. In various categories of human
+activity we may maintain that, as a rule, black and coloured folk are
+not up to the normal standard of the white, and are difficult and
+disheartening to deal with. But in other categories they are more
+liberally endowed than the average white man, not only with
+sympathetic and valuable human qualities, but with talent and
+executive ability for their expression.’[1639]
+
+The evidence has been taken from the accounts of African races; very
+similar evidence could be presented for all races in the second group.
+No purpose would be served by so doing, however, because such evidence
+amounts merely to a repetition of opinion similar to those given above.
+Before attempting to analyse this evidence, we may glance at the
+evidence obtained on other lines.
+
+4. Many investigations have been recently carried out to test the
+relative intelligence of children of modern Europeans and of primitive
+races. The method used is known as the Binet-Simon method and consists
+essentially in subjecting children to a large number of carefully
+prepared tests upon the total result of which an estimate is made of the
+intelligence of each child. Some of the most instructive of these
+observations have been made in America, where white and coloured
+children receive a very similar education; the result of an
+investigation carried out by Miss Strong in that country may be
+described. She tested 225 white children belonging to two schools and
+125 coloured children belonging to one school. There is a standard
+degree of intelligence for each year of age, and thus every child can be
+graded according as to whether it reaches the standard degree of
+intelligence, or is above or below it. The results of this particular
+investigation are summed up in the following table:[1640]
+
+                               _Coloured Children._ _White Children._
+   More than one year backward                 29·4              10·2
+   Satisfactory                                69·8              84·4
+   More than one year advanced                  0·8               5·3
+
+That the inferiority of the coloured children is exhibited at all ages
+is shown by the following table:[1641]
+
+              _Below Age._          _At Age._           _Above Age._
+          _White._ _Coloured._ _White._ _Coloured._ _White._ _Coloured._
+  6 years     19·4        40·0     30·6        33·3     50·0        26·7
+  7   „       13·9        39·4     61·1        58·8     25·0        11·8
+  8   „       18·5        23·0     55·5        38·5     26·0        38·5
+  9   „       32·2        71·4     41·9        21·4     25·9         7·2
+ 10   „       55·1        75·0     27·6        12·5     17·3        12·5
+ 11   „       34·6        43·7     42·2        50·0     23·1         6·3
+ 12   „       67·5        77·0     32·5        23·0
+
+              34·5        51·4     41·2        33·9     24·3        14·7
+
+With regard to these results Miss Strong writes as follows: ‘This seems
+to lead to the conclusion that the coloured children are mentally
+younger than the white. There is a difference of nearly 15 per cent. in
+the satisfactory group, nearly three times as many are more than a year
+backward, and less than 1 per cent. are more than a year advanced. A
+course of study in the coloured school is practically the same as that
+in the white schools. To what extent the difference is due to racial
+inferiority, to what extent differences in the home environment, cannot
+be said. It is certainly not due to difference in school
+training.’[1642]
+
+There are certain criticisms of weight to be made regarding the
+importance to be attached to estimates of intelligence due to this
+method. These need not detain us beyond noting that, although in
+general, inasmuch as the children use the same language, the mental
+equipment is similar, nevertheless there may be considerable differences
+in acquired habit as between white and coloured children which affect
+their responses to the test. There is a further criticism of some
+importance to be made regarding this particular investigation. It was
+entirely carried out by white examiners, and it may very well be that
+the coloured children did not respond as readily and acquit themselves
+as favourably as if they had been examined by members of their own race.
+There is reason to suspect therefore that the coloured children may not
+show up in as favourable a light as the white children quite apart from
+any colour bias that may possibly affect the results in the same way. In
+any case it seems certain that the results are not unduly favourable to
+the coloured children.
+
+The results of several similar inquiries have been summarized by Popenoe
+and Johnson. ‘The most careful study yet made’, they write, ‘of the
+relative intelligence of negroes and whites,’ is that of G. O. Ferguson,
+junior, on 486 white and 421 coloured pupils in the schools of Richmond,
+Fredericksburg, and Newport News, Va. Tests were employed which required
+the use of the higher ‘functions’ and as far as possible (mainly on the
+basis of skin colour) the amount of white blood in the coloured pupils
+was determined. Four classes were made: full-blood negro, ¾ negro, ½
+negro (mulatto), and ¼ negro (quadroon). It was found that ‘the pure
+negroes scored 69·2 per cent. as high as the whites; that the ¾ negroes
+scored 73 per cent. as high as the whites; that the mulattoes scored
+81·2 per cent. as high as the whites; and that the quadroons obtained
+91·8 per cent. of the white score.’ This confirms the belief of many
+observers that the ability of a coloured man is proportionate to the
+amount of white blood he has.[1643]
+
+Summing up a review of this subject Huntingdon writes as follows: ‘So
+far as I am aware, every exact test which has been made on a large scale
+indicates mental superiority on the part of the white race, even when
+the two races have equal opportunities. For example, in Washington the
+coloured children remain in school quite as long as the white; they do
+not accomplish so much in the way of study and do not reach so high a
+grade. In the cities of the south, Mayo and Leram find that where the
+races are given essentially the same instruction, the proportion of
+whites who are promoted is greater than than of negroes. Moreover, the
+differences seem to increase with years, which suggests that the average
+coloured child not only stands below the average white child in mental
+development at all ages, but ceases to develop at an earlier age. In the
+High Schools of New York, superiority of the white race is shown by
+Mayo’s examination of the average marks. By the time the children reach
+the High School, the processes of promotion have weeded out a much
+larger proportion of coloured children than of white. Hence, the negroes
+form a specially selected group whose superiority to the average of
+their race is more marked than the superiority of the white High School
+children when compared with the rest of the race. Nevertheless, the
+average marks of the white children are distinctly higher than those of
+the coloured.’[1644] Here again, as in the case of Miss Strong’s
+investigation, it is not improbable that the conditions are to some
+extent weighted against the coloured race.
+
+5. A third method of arriving at some indication of the relative degree
+of mental capacity is to notice what has happened where for some
+generations the two races have lived under more or less similar
+conditions. ‘One of the best places for comparing the two races is in
+the Bahama Islands’, writes Huntington. For reasons which I shall
+present later, the process of making ‘poor whites’ has probably gone
+farther in the Bahamas than in almost any other Anglo-Saxon community.
+Part of the white population are like their race in other regions, but a
+large portion have unmistakably degenerated. Witness their intense and
+bigoted speech, their sunken cheeks and eyes, their sallow complexion,
+and their inert way of working. In spite of racial prejudice, there is
+no real colour line in the Bahamas. Persons with more or less negro
+blood are worthy occupants of the highest positions, and are universally
+accepted in the most exclusive social circles. The British Government
+gives the negro every possible opportunity. The state of affairs may be
+judged from the remarks of a ‘poor white’ sailor, who said to me: ‘You
+want to know why I like the Southern States better than the North. It is
+because they hate a nigger and I hates him too. What kind of a place is
+this where they do everything for the nigger and nothing for the white
+man? It is bad enough to have to go to jail, but it’s pretty hard for a
+white man to be taken there by a nigger constable.’ In one Bahaman
+village I saw negro girls teaching white children in the public school.
+In that same village a number of the leading white men cannot read or
+write.
+
+‘When they were children, their parents would not send them to school
+with negroes. The despised negroes learnt to read and write but have now
+largely forgotten these accomplishments. The proud whites grow up in
+abject ignorance. To-day the same thing is going on. I visited two
+villages where the white children are staying away from school because
+they will not go to negro teachers. The homes of such whites are
+scarcely better than those of their coloured neighbours, and their
+fathers are called “Jim” and “Jack” by the black men with whom they
+work. Racial prejudice apparently works more harm to the whites than to
+the blacks. So far as occupations go there is no difference, for all
+alike till the soil, sail boats, and gather sponges.
+
+‘When the lumber industry was introduced into the islands, whites and
+blacks were equally ignorant of the various kinds of work involved in
+cutting trees and converting them into lumber. The managers did not care
+who did the work so long as it was done. They wanted three things:
+strength, docility or faithfulness, and brains. They soon found that in
+the first two the negroes were superior. Time and again persons in
+authority, chiefly American but also some of the more capable native
+whites, told me that if they wanted a crew of men to load a boat or some
+such thing, they would prefer negroes every time. The poor white shirks
+more than the coloured man. He is not so strong, he is proud and touchy.
+Other things being equal, the negro receives the preference, but other
+things are not equal. The very man who praised the negroes generally
+added: “But you can’t use a negro for everything. They can’t seem to
+learn some things, and they don’t know how to boss a job.” The pay roll
+reflects this. Even though the negroes receive the preference the 400
+who are employed earn on an average only about 60 per cent. as much as
+the 57 white men. If we take only the 57 most competent negroes their
+average daily wages are still only 88 per cent. as great as those of the
+native whites. The difference is purely a matter of brains. Although the
+white man may be ignorant and inefficient, with no more training than
+the negro, and although his father and grandfather were scarcely better,
+he possesses an inheritance of mental quickness and initiative which
+comes into evidence at the first opportunity.’[1645]
+
+6. What conclusions are we to draw from this varied evidence? Let us
+first ask how we should view the differences between the negro and the
+modern European. There seems to be no marked difference in innate
+intellectual power; the differences are rather differences in
+disposition and temperament. The white man has initiative,
+inventiveness, versatility, and power of leadership; the black man has
+humility, patience, loyalty, and self-sacrifice. It is remarkable with
+what unanimity observers of the negro race in its own country speak of
+the high degree of intellectual development. Certain points are
+noteworthy. The apparent arrest of development is associated with an
+absorption at a certain age in practical matters, in tribal habits and
+customs, in sex and in settling down to a normal married existence as
+much on the lines of their ancestors as is possible under the altered
+conditions. Several passages quoted above strongly suggest that what we
+are here witnessing is a turning away from the training felt to be
+strange and foreign, owing to the strength of the native tradition which
+claims all the affection and interest of the young man. In other words
+this arrest may not be so much an inevitable result of the kind of
+mental faculties which are inherited as a result of the coming into play
+of a peculiar tradition. This conclusion is supported by the fact that,
+when in Africa education begins earlier, when, that is to say, there is
+more of a break with native tradition, the arrest is less well marked.
+Further, in America, it is still less marked though it can be detected.
+The conclusion would thus seem to be that, though there may be some
+tendency for intellectual development to stop at a rather lower stage
+than among European races, it is nothing like so well marked as the
+observations of residents in South Africa would seem at first sight to
+show.
+
+The evidence quoted has chiefly been drawn from observations upon the
+negro races. It must suffice here to say that what is known regarding
+the intellectual development of other races included in the first and
+second groups leads to the conclusion that, although there are signs of
+differences as between these races, yet these differences are not
+remarkable, and further that the degree to which so apparently low a
+race as the Australians differs from Europeans is not in any case much
+greater than the degree in which negroes differ from Europeans.
+
+It remains to ask how far this evidence supplements that derived from a
+study of fossil remains. Judging from the fact that the general level of
+the development of the mental faculties of any primitive race is not
+separated markedly farther from that of modern European man than are the
+negro races in this respect from modern European man, it seems that we
+must allow to Upper Palaeolithic man on the average a degree of mental
+development at least equivalent to that of the negro. It is further only
+reasonable to suppose that the ancestors of Upper Palaeolithic man in
+the Middle Palaeolithic were little inferior in mental capacity,
+inasmuch as to Neanderthal man, to whom they were superior and whom they
+apparently exterminated, we must attribute a degree of intelligence
+little, if at all, inferior to that of the Australians. Of Lower
+Palaeolithic man we know much less. We do not know, for example, whether
+he buried his dead. But if we consider the variety of instruments
+fashioned and used by him, it is not unreasonable to attribute to him,
+in view of the nature of the general conclusions to which we are being
+led, a degree of intelligence again but little inferior to that of
+Middle Palaeolithic man.
+
+Our conclusions can only be tentative; nevertheless such indications as
+we have all point the same way. It would seem that the major part of the
+progress in the evolution of the intellectual faculties had been
+accomplished far back in Palaeolithic times. Those living races which,
+with all due reservations and qualifications, may be held to represent
+in mental and bodily characters Palaeolithic races, differ from modern
+European man rather in disposition than in intellect. And it is
+important to note that it is in the growth of the intellect rather than
+in the growth of the other mental faculties that modern man is
+distinguished from his pre-human ancestor.
+
+7. We may again follow the same procedure as in the last chapter. We may
+recall the general conditions to which man was subject in the
+intermediate and early periods and ask how the evolution of mental
+characters was influenced by them. We may further ask to what degree and
+in what direction the conditions of life among primitive races influence
+the selection of mental characters since in general we may assume the
+same influences to have been at work among prehistoric races. With
+regard to the intermediate period we have to remember that it was far
+longer than, perhaps many times as long as, the period which has elapsed
+since the rise of Palaeolithic industry. Within this period man
+descended to the ground, spread, if not into every continent, at least
+far over the surface of the world and came to dominate all other living
+organisms as no species had ever done before. Clearly he was enabled to
+achieve this result by his intellectual powers and by them alone. He did
+not develop any other means of attack or means of defence: he conquered
+by his intellect.
+
+In a general way it is possible to understand how this came about. To
+begin with, the pre-human ancestor was favourably situated for such a
+development because he was a generalized and not a specialized type.
+Once specialization of form has set in, as it has among the anthropoid
+apes, there are two bars to such a development as occurred in man. The
+specialization of bodily form in order to cope with a peculiar
+environment renders the body less adaptable to any changes in the
+environment which may take place. Further, unless the body is of the
+nature of an instrument capable of being readily employed to perform
+various functions, the intellect is unable to manifest itself. We have
+only to think of the specialized fore and hind limbs of most mammalian
+types to see how poor an instrument the body would in those cases make
+in the service of the intellect.
+
+Under these favourable circumstances, evolution took this momentous
+turn. We can understand how, since the pre-human ancestor depended for
+his survival almost solely upon his intellect, there would be a high
+premium upon intellectual development. It is reasonable to suppose that
+he lived in groups of polygamous families and that differential
+fertility thus intensified selection. There is, of course, never at any
+time only a single factor governing selection, and though undoubtedly
+intellect was the chief factor in selection, climatic and other factors
+were, as we have noticed, also in operation, bringing about those
+changes in bodily form that we have observed.
+
+The instincts of the pre-human ancestor were doubtless, in common with
+those of other mammals, of a generalized type compared with what we find
+among some lower groups of animals. The tendency has been for them to
+become even more generalized, though not on the whole any less powerful.
+It seems likely, for instance, that the instinct of flight was
+definitely associated with the snakes among other objects from the
+attacks of which presumably the ancestor was at one time in danger. We
+assume this because we occasionally meet with cases in which this
+specialization of the instinct of flight still obtains. The instinct of
+flight has now become wholly generalized, being aroused by general
+conditions and not by specialized occurrences. If it is correct to think
+of the ancestor as living in groups of families, for the leadership of
+which there must have been continual struggles, we may conclude that the
+instincts of pugnacity and of self-assertion were favoured, and we may
+make other similar deductions in estimating the value of which, however,
+it must be remembered that we are very largely in the region of
+hypothesis and speculation. The one thing to which we may with certainty
+hold fast is the premium upon intellect.
+
+8. At length the intermediate period gave place to the period marked by
+the origin of society of the primitive type, defined by the fact that
+men are bound together by rigid custom. Obedience to custom involves a
+considerable measure of control of the impulses. Before society of this
+kind could have arisen, mental evolution must have reached a still
+higher level.
+
+Let us consider what is implied. To begin with, the dependence of man
+upon his intellect for his position in the world accounts, as we have
+seen, for the evolution of his mental faculties up to a relatively high
+level in the intermediate period. When this level had been reached, the
+next step was rendered possible. What was now required was that man
+should be able to enjoy the advantages of social co-operation. To this
+end law was necessary. McDougall quotes Bagehot as saying that ‘law,
+rigid, definite, concise law, was a primary want of early mankind; that
+which they needed above everything else, that which was requisite before
+they could gain anything else’, and that: ‘in early times the quantity
+of government is much more important than its quality. What is wanted is
+a comprehensive rule binding men together, making them do the same
+things, telling them what to expect of each other, fashioning them
+alike, and keeping them so. What this rule is, does not matter so much.
+A good rule is better than a bad one, but a bad one is better than
+none.’[1646] That man should acquiesce in the restrictions imposed by
+society involves prudence, which inhibits those impulses which would
+lead to a contravention of custom. Now; fear is a simple emotion, but
+prudence implies something more. It involves ‘a capacity for
+deliberation and the weighing of motives in the light of
+self-consciousness.’[1647] In order that society might become
+established, there was thus required a further evolution of the
+intellect, and, since the advantages to be gained by the establishment
+of society were so great, there must have been a heavy premium upon
+evolution in this direction.
+
+The beginning of the first period in history thus marks the successful
+completion of a step in mental evolution raising man above the stage
+reached in the intermediate period. It is important to observe that all
+primitive races known to us are representatives of man after he had
+completed this step. So far, therefore, as their mental faculties throw
+light upon the mental evolution of man, it is the level of evolution
+reached after and not before the evolution of social organization that
+is illustrated.
+
+We may now glance at the conditions characteristic of primitive races
+and ask how they bear upon the selection of mental characters. Primitive
+society we found to be characterized by hard and fast rules which must
+be implicitly obeyed if social organization is to be maintained.
+Obedience to these conventions is of the utmost importance; we may
+remember incidentally that, unless the conventions are observed, an
+approximation to the optimum population will not be made. There is in
+consequence a tendency towards the elimination of those exhibiting
+characteristics incompatible with due subservience to the prevailing
+tradition. Such characteristics are any marked developments of intellect
+or of disposition away from the average. The man who will not conform is
+not tolerated. However advantageous to the individual certain
+developments might be, such developments are not favoured because the
+importance of maintaining intact the group to which he belongs is of
+greater moment. Thus, as in the case of physical characters, the general
+tendency is on the whole against further evolution and towards the
+preservation of those types which have reached the position
+characteristic of any primitive race. And it is to be noted that,
+whereas bodily form is on the whole adapted to the physical environment,
+mental characters are adapted on the whole to the traditional
+environment. Men come to be selected in accordance with the needs of
+social organization, and as tradition grows in amount also in accordance
+with their capability of absorbing tradition.
+
+It is difficult to point to any factors which markedly favour further
+evolution of mental characters. On reading the admirable accounts of the
+daily life and customs of the Australians as given by Messrs. Spencer
+and Gillen, or of a much more advanced people—the tribes of Borneo, as
+described by Messrs. Hose and McDougall—we observe, it is true, the
+respect paid to men of experience and of rather more than average
+intelligence. We can understand how men not up to the average level of
+intelligence would not in all respects fare as well as others, but we do
+not find that there are factors distinctly favouring unusual
+intelligence. Some progress there probably was. On the whole those men
+who attained the leadership were probably rather more intelligent than
+the average, though among the qualities which assisted such men to gain
+the leadership many other mental qualities played a more prominent part
+than intellect; thus, by practising polygamy, or practising it to a
+greater extent than the rest, they left more than the average number of
+descendants—and, while perhaps raising the intellectual level of the
+race, more certainly altering the average mental endowment in respect of
+these other qualities.
+
+Such an examination also shows that a somewhat different disposition is
+favoured in different cases. Thus a warlike type is favoured among the
+American Indians, for, though possibly the most warlike may be killed
+off the most quickly, this is more than counterbalanced by the ease
+which with such men get numerous wives. But such differences in no way
+conflict with the fact that the tendency is towards the preservation of
+a mean, which though it may vary somewhat, is in general outline the
+same among all these races.
+
+There still remains to be noticed the result of conflict between groups,
+other than normal warfare, which at times led to the substitution, whole
+or partial, of a less intelligent by a more intelligent race, or at
+least of a less skilled by a more skilled race; for by this time the
+outward manifestation of intellect was to a considerable extent overlaid
+by tradition. But such substitution, though it changes the average
+germinal constitution of the species as a whole, scarcely accounts in
+any noteworthy degree for the evolution of a higher level of
+intellectual capacity. The conditions which did favour further evolution
+within these two periods are the same as those which, when present to a
+more marked degree and acting over a longer period of time, finally gave
+rise to the races of the third period, and to these conditions we may
+now turn.
+
+9. There are certain regions of the world’s surface which contain within
+them areas abutting one upon the other and differing sharply one from
+the other. Such a region is found in that part of Western Asia which
+embraces Asia Minor, Armenia, Syria, Arabia, Mesopotamia, and Western
+Iran. In such areas races live in close contact with other races of very
+different habits, customs, and modes of life; hunting and fishing races,
+pastoral races, agricultural races, races predominately sea-faring, all
+come into contact and conflict. Under conditions of these kinds there is
+more tendency for advantage to accrue to intellect not only as between
+members of different races but as between members of the same race than
+in conflicts between races of similar culture. Where these conditions
+have ruled, therefore, there has been a tendency, though perhaps not a
+very marked tendency, for a premium to have been set upon intellect. It
+so happens, however, that this region of Western Asia is endowed above
+all other regions with plants and animals that can be domesticated and
+with other features offering rewards to skill. In this region there was
+thus an additional premium upon intellect, and it was apparently in this
+region that the races who initiated the third period made their
+appearance. To the favouring of intellect under these conditions we may
+thus attribute what superiority of intellect the races of this group
+exhibit over the races of other groups. But it is rather in disposition
+and temperament that the predominant races of this group differ from
+those of the preceding groups. In them we meet with a power of
+leadership, a resourcefulness, a versatility, that marks them off from
+the primitive races, and it is precisely these qualities which would be
+chiefly favoured in conflict and competition of the kind described. The
+outward manifestation of these qualities may indeed be largely a matter
+of tradition, but that they are also in part innate in the modern
+European we have seen to be the case, and the explanation of this
+further evolution is clearly to be found in the conditions to which they
+have long been subject.
+
+Turning to the conditions within the races of the third period and
+neglecting the Asiatic races, those races which in fact have been left
+in a backwater out of the main stream of progress, we find ourselves
+faced with the difficulty that tradition has so far come to overlay the
+innate qualities of intellect and disposition, that we are only with
+great difficulty at present able to estimate the result of any factors
+which we may see at work favouring or otherwise particular types. We may
+note, however, that success both between and within races has fallen
+rather to character than to skill. There is, in other words, little
+reason for thinking that intellect, so far as it is measured by skill,
+has been markedly favoured. On the other hand, character as outwardly
+manifested has been clearly favoured. But how far we should see in this
+process a favouring of certain innate types of disposition and of
+temperament must be left for consideration until later. These
+reservations regarding the passing at present of any judgement apply
+with the greatest force to the results of the differential fertility
+between the social classes in many countries at the present day. But we
+may say that, as in the case of physical characters, there has now
+ceased to be any strong tendency towards the preservation of a mean
+type. Conditions allow of the existence of variations away from the
+mean—but, as regards intellect, unfavourable equally with favourable
+variations.
+
+10. We have seen that the evidence derived both from a study of fossil
+remains and from a study of primitive races leads to the conclusion that
+the evolution of human intellectual capacity early reached a relatively
+advanced stage. An inquiry into the forces which we must assume to have
+been at work shows that intellectual capacity was more favoured in the
+intermediate stage than after primitive society had come into being. It
+was favoured at first as the character which enabled man to obtain his
+dominating position in the world and afterwards again as the necessary
+trait which enabled him to enjoy the benefits of co-operation. When
+dwelling on the fact that the advance since the setting up of primitive
+society has been relatively small, it must not be forgotten that the
+latter period has been far shorter than the former. The period of time
+which has elapsed since the ancestors of man set out, so to speak, to
+conquer the world, must at a minimum estimate be five to ten times as
+long as the period since the establishment of primitive society to the
+present day.
+
+The general conclusion to which we are led is that of the whole degree
+of mental evolution which has taken place by far the greater part was
+achieved at a time when only a beginning had been made with progress in
+skill. To the question whether the historical process outlined in the
+fifth chapter is comparable with progress among wild species—is based,
+in other words, upon changes in the germinal constitution—these
+conclusions suggest the answer that the happenings in the intermediate
+period are very largely in any case to be accounted for in this manner.
+There can be little doubt that the increasing domination of man was
+largely proportional to the growth of his innate intellectual capacity.
+But to the question as to how far the happenings within the period since
+the origin of primitive society are connected with the further evolution
+of innate capacity we can at present return no answer. We may note the
+striking fact that within this period progress in skill has been immense
+and has latterly gone on at a greatly increased speed, whereas changes
+in the germinal constitution have been relatively small. This clearly
+suggests that there has been but little connexion between the course of
+history as usually understood and changes in the germinal constitution.
+But before we can pass any judgement, we must gain some idea as to the
+manner in which tradition contributes to the shaping of history. Only
+then shall we be in a position to estimate the part played by such
+changes in innate characters as have occurred, and to this task we may
+now turn.
+
+
+
+
+                                  XIX
+                        THE NATURE OF TRADITION
+
+
+1. So far as bodily characters are concerned, we have seen that we have
+to look for the explanation of human history primarily in changes in the
+germinal constitution. With regard to mental characters the position is
+different. It is evident that, at least in the later stages of history,
+the outstanding features are not correlated strictly with changes in the
+germinal constitution underlying mental faculties. To some extent,
+possibly to a large extent, they are independent of such changes. The
+influence of the environment in the second sense has to be considered,
+and until it has been considered we cannot arrive at any conclusion as
+to the importance to be attributed to the former factor in bringing
+these events about. What is now required, therefore, is a study of the
+influence of the environment in the second sense. It will be very
+briefly undertaken in this and the following chapter. In this chapter we
+are concerned with the nature of tradition, and the manner in which it
+is passed on, stored up, and retained. In the next chapter we have to
+examine the influence of the various factors in building up tradition.
+
+In Chapter II we saw that, as far as mental development is concerned,
+the distinguishing characteristic of man is the conceptual process of
+thought. Man is, of course, also possessed of all the simpler mental
+processes there described. We have here in particular to study the
+consequences which follow the attainment to this higher level of mental
+process. It has already been observed that the circumstances were
+favourable to the evolution of this faculty. They also enabled the
+fullest use to be made of it.[1648] In the first place the human
+instincts are very generalized. They provide a basis for all kinds of
+vaguely directed activities in response to vaguely discriminated
+impressions from a large class of objects. Since it is only through the
+instinctive faculties that the intellect gets to work, the generalized
+nature of the instincts is a great advantage. Secondly the immature
+period is prolonged. In comparison with the higher animals the immature
+period occupies a far longer proportion of the normal term of life and
+thus there is provided a far longer period in which learning can
+proceed. Lastly there is the power of speech.
+
+The question has been much debated as to whether there can be thought on
+the conceptual level without language. It would seem that conceptual
+thought can only exist without language when of a very rudimentary kind.
+‘Language is not merely an accompaniment of conceptual activity; it is
+an instrument essential to its development. It is an appropriate means
+of fixing attention upon ideally represented objects as distinguished
+from percepts.’[1649] Language, on the other hand, so far as it is a
+means of communication concerning objects outside the actual range of
+perception, can only arise between persons capable of conceptual
+thought. And this is essentially the function of language. It reflects
+the conceptions by which empirical data are brought into relation.
+‘Resemblances of quality are expressed by general terms, continuity of
+existence by individual names, the relation of ideas and the order of
+connexion in thought by the arrangement of words in a sentence.’[1650]
+Language expresses that breaking up and re-combination of the elements
+of experience which we have seen to be the essential features of
+conceptual thought.
+
+Language makes possible the influence of mind upon mind, and is the
+basis of all human social development. It fixes the mind of a thinker
+upon his own ideas, and, when in communication with another person, it
+fixes the mind of the hearer upon the ideally represented objects
+present in the mind of the speaker. Into its origin it is not necessary
+to go. But it may be observed that, just as the generalized nature of
+the instincts and the prolonged immature period enabled the fullest use
+to be made of the power of conceptual thinking, so the fact that the
+mouth and the throat, usually otherwise unoccupied, were ready at hand
+as convenient instruments of communication enabled speech to be
+developed without occupying other organs, such as the hands, which could
+be profitably employed at the same time for other purposes.
+
+2. Before we go on to consider how tradition—the product of conceptual
+thought—is passed on and stored up, it should be noticed that we have
+not to regard the process of conceptual thought as one which sprang into
+being in its present form and continued as such ever since. There has
+been a movement of thought up from dim and rudimentary beginnings to its
+present stage. This movement may be considered as consisting essentially
+in the clarification of concepts. It is possible to examine the nature
+of this movement without reference to the question as to how far the
+later stages are dependent upon the evolution of innate mental
+characters. It may be that the higher stages of conceptual thought are
+possible only when the evolution of the intellect has proceeded beyond
+the point where lower stages of thought alone are manifested. This
+question may be neglected for the present and we may consider very
+briefly the nature of this movement, which is best illustrated if we
+contrast in a few words the stage which conceptual thought has reached
+among primitive peoples as a whole with the stage it has reached in the
+everyday life of the so-called civilized races of the present time, and
+in so doing we may follow Professor Hobhouse’s recent exposition.[1651]
+
+With the origin of language arises the first sign of the power to grasp
+the data of experience in accordance with their affinities and so to
+build up conceptions of individuals, groups, and classes as the subject
+of rough-and-ready generalizations. ‘With regard to matters standing out
+very plainly in experience or very close to practical interests there is
+not room for much divergence in method.... But outside the limited area
+of readily tested belief lies a mass of more doubtful ideas of great
+significance in human life. In this region we find in the first stage
+that the movements of fancy under the sway of feeling take the lead in
+forming belief, and that the ideas formed are so obscure and
+inconsistent as to blur the deepest lines of distinction drawn for more
+developed thought in the logical categories. We may then consider the
+first stage in human thought to be one of which the process of
+organizing experience into common categories is incomplete, and the
+evidence for the truth of an idea is not yet separate from the quality
+which renders it pleasant.’[1652] This is the stage characteristic of
+the most primitive peoples. The categories—particularly the category of
+substance—are not clearly defined. Thus vital functions may be confused
+with material substance, men and animals may be identified with their
+shadow, and a pain may be confused with a stone that can be extracted.
+So, too, it is thought that a man’s qualities can be obtained by eating
+him. Relations and qualities tend to become substances, substances
+deliquesce into a series of changes, and the general is confused with
+the particular. These tendencies of early thought underlie animism and
+magic, which are characteristic of all primitive races. Mr. Frazer, for
+instance, has distinguished two forms of sympathetic magic which he
+calls homoeopathic and contagious magic. Dancing and leaping to make the
+crops grow high is an example of the former; ‘the sympathy that is
+supposed to exist between a man and any severed portion of his person,
+as his hair or nails, so that whoever gets possession of human hair or
+nails may work his will at any distance upon the person from whom they
+were cut’,[1653] is an example of the latter. ‘Homoeopathic magic is
+founded on the association of ideas by similarity: contagious magic is
+founded on the association of ideas by contiguity. Homoeopathic magic
+commits the mistake of assuming that things which resemble each other
+are the same; contagious magic commits the mistake of assuming that
+things which have once been in contact with each other are always in
+contact.’[1654]
+
+There follows a second stage which Professor Hobhouse calls the stage of
+‘common sense’. It is characterized by the organization of ideas in
+accordance with the categories and by the differentiation of feeling
+from belief. At this stage the categories are no longer ordinarily
+confused and the difficulty of affirming what a man does not like to
+believe is no longer so strongly felt as in the previous stage.
+Experience is tested and good evidence is recognized as such. It is no
+longer believed that an enemy can be harmed by maltreating a likeness of
+him or that qualities like courage are substances that may be
+transferred. This is the stage of conceptual thought reached by the
+ordinary man in everyday life in a modern community when he is not
+specifically engaged in work of a scientific nature or in problems of
+religion or philosophy. Just as the simpler mental processes are present
+among men who have reached the conceptual level, so the earliest stage
+of conceptual thought can be recognized where later stages have been
+reached, as, for instance, when grace is conferred by the laying on of
+hands in a modern community.
+
+The beginnings of the common-sense stage may perhaps be found in the
+second period. Essentially it is characteristic of the third period, and
+it was only within this period that this stage came to its full
+development. When this stage is contrasted with that which preceded it,
+it is seen that it is the clarification of concepts which is the
+distinguishing feature of the movement of thought. In other words there
+has been an improvement in the instrument whereby the intellect
+works—comparable to any other process through which skill is increased.
+Just as the bow and arrow and the plough have been improved by a series
+of inventions, so has the instrument of thought been improved; and just
+as further improvements in the plough and the bow and arrow after a
+certain stage has been reached may possibly depend upon further
+evolution of mental capacity, so possibly progress in the movement of
+thought may depend upon further evolution of the intellect. Again it
+should be observed that just as tools such as the plough are handed down
+as part of the tradition, so, too, the instrument of thought is handed
+down as part of the tradition and that, therefore, in studying in what
+follows the manner in which tradition is passed on and stored up, we are
+studying the methods whereby the instrument of thought as much as any
+other skilled process is transmitted.
+
+Further stages in the movement of thought maybe distinguished. It is not
+necessary to go into them here. They arise within the third period, and
+relatively late within that period. They are characterized by the rise
+and development of science, philosophy, and religion—religion, that is
+to say, which has passed beyond the stage of folk-religion.
+
+3. Let us now consider the passing on and storing up of the products of
+conceptual thinking. We may take the latter point first. Ideas may be
+stored up in language, customs, folk-lore, institutions, tools, and so
+on, using tools in the narrower sense of material implements. In one
+sense language is in itself a great storehouse of ideas quite apart from
+its function as a means of transmitting ideas regarding specific customs
+and rights. Slowly and painfully concepts have been elaborated,
+distinguished, clarified; and as a child learns his native language, in
+a few years he acquires the products of the thinking of untold
+generations from whom he is descended. It is difficult to exaggerate the
+immense importance of this method of storing ideas. Very largely through
+language alone, though not without the acquirement of ideas otherwise
+stored, a man passes, by the time he has reached maturity, through a
+stage of thought corresponding to the primitive stage, to the
+common-sense stage, and even to the higher stages.
+
+It is obvious enough that at the present day ideas are largely stored in
+books and the vast importance of writing and printing—inventions of the
+third period[1655]—is a commonplace. Similarly, ideas are stored in
+customs, institutions, rites, folk-lore, and so on. Behind all
+institutions, ceremonies for example, we must seek ideas. The original
+ideas which gave birth to customs have often been lost, but whether this
+is so or not, where an institution exists and is passed on there we are
+witnessing the perpetuation of an idea, if it is merely an idea that it
+is the correct thing to perform some simple action on certain occasions.
+Many valuable ideas are stored up in the making and use of tools and in
+the practice of skilled processes, especially those which are concerned
+with the provision of food. We can understand how by the exercise of
+thought improvements in some tool or in some method are now and again
+made, and, once made, how they are stored up. What is less easy is to
+understand precisely how the passing on of ideas so stored is brought
+about.
+
+4. Something has already been said as to the manner in which by means of
+language ideas present in the mind of the speaker are transmitted to the
+hearer; and it has been pointed out that apart from this the learning of
+any language is in itself a process by which the ideas elaborated by
+former generations are acquired. Bearing in mind the manner in which
+ideas are transmitted by language, it is clear how, after the invention
+of writing and more especially after the invention of printing, ideas
+thus stored up are transmitted. But before these inventions, and indeed
+to a large extent after them also, ideas committed to memory by each
+generation are passed on by language. Among primitive people there is a
+vast store of ideas affecting conduct, belief, and every side of life
+which is so passed on. But the storing up of ideas is not merely a
+matter of memory and the passing on is not merely a matter of language.
+Rites, ceremonies, implements, and so on, are themselves storehouses of
+ideas, and the transmission of the ideas therein contained, as well
+indeed as the ideas solely retained in the memory of past generations,
+is accomplished in large part by a process of absorption.
+
+This process of absorption is due to the presence of certain innate
+tendencies. These tendencies have sometimes been grouped under one head
+and called imitation—as, for instance, by Tarde and others who have
+studied the process and emphasized its great importance in social life.
+Following McDougall we may distinguish three innate tendencies. By
+sympathy is meant that the exhibition of emotional excitement on the
+part of the agent may induce a similar emotional excitement on the part
+of the patient. By imitation is meant that there may be a tendency for
+the patient to assimilate his bodily movements to those of the agent.
+Important as are these innate tendencies in facilitating the
+transmission of customs and so on—themselves ultimately the product of
+conceptual thought—suggestion assumes a far more prominent place.
+
+McDougall’s definition of suggestion has already been quoted. According
+to his view it is essentially the acceptance with conviction of a
+proposition in the absence of logically adequate grounds for its
+acceptance. He points out that a proposition is not necessarily
+communicated in formal language, and further distinguishes certain
+conditions which are favourable for the communication of propositions by
+suggestion. Chief among these are deficiency of knowledge relating to
+the topic in regard to which the suggestion is made, imperfect
+organization of knowledge, and the impressive character of the source
+from which the suggested proposition is communicated. These conditions
+are very prominent among children and in all primitive society. There is
+no doubt that it is largely by virtue of suggestion that children absorb
+the tradition of their race and time. Children have little knowledge and
+what they have is imperfectly organized; further propositions come to
+them from a source which is impressive and has prestige whether it is
+from parents or grown-up people or from the conventions ruling in
+society. Just as children in modern society absorb tradition by
+suggestion, so do men among primitive races where the conditions are
+even more favourable for transmission by this means. Thus, in order that
+the products of conceptual thinking of former generations should be
+transmitted, it is not necessary that there should be convictions based
+on logical grounds or that formal language should be employed. Tradition
+can be, and is to a large extent, ‘absorbed’.
+
+5. Tradition, having thus passed on, is retained, and in the process of
+retention habit plays an important part. Habit applies to all forms of
+mental process and to all forms of action. Once something has been
+performed in one way, it is easier to do it again in that way than in
+any other. ‘This is the great principle’, says McDougall, ‘by which all
+acquisitions of the individual mind are preserved’,[1656] whatever the
+mode of acquisition may be.
+
+6. The products of the thinking of past generations are thus stored up,
+transmitted, and retained. Additions are made to the store, and
+improvements are made in the method of storing. Tradition, by which is
+meant this store, is thus cumulative. The acquirements of past
+generations are passed on to the present generation and, modified in
+some degree, are transmitted to future generations. New generations,
+therefore, so far as acquired knowledge is concerned, begin at the point
+where the former generation left off. It does not, of course, follow
+that additions are always being made to tradition; it may be for all
+practical purposes stagnant or much that has been acquired may be
+lost.[1657] It does, however, permit of accumulation, and this fact
+introduces an element of vast importance into the life of man as
+compared with his pre-human ancestors.
+
+It is not, however, correct to say that this is a wholly new element.
+Tradition may be and is present before the level of conceptual thinking
+has been reached. Many animals, for example, live in herds and
+instinctively take shelter when one member of a herd utters a warning
+cry. If at some past time a new enemy has appeared, they will have
+learnt by experience to take shelter. Subsequent generations will raise
+the warning cry on the appearance of the enemy, because what we may
+think of as a tradition has grown up concerning the hostile nature of
+the species with which past generations were brought into contact. Thus
+we may think of a tradition among horses that motorcars are not
+dangerous. When cars were first introduced horses tended instinctively
+to avoid them. Many horses learnt from experience that cars were
+harmless, and young horses, seeing motorcars for the first time in the
+presence of older horses, which have learnt the lesson, absorb the
+tradition that they are not dangerous. Tradition among animals can go
+even farther than this. To some degree it seems that the manner of nest
+building among birds is traditional and not instinctive.[1658] But
+compared with the vast importance of tradition among men, tradition
+among animals is an almost negligible feature in their lives, and for
+all practical purposes we can think of tradition as a peculiar
+characteristic of man due to the higher mental process to which he has
+attained.
+
+7. In any race at any given time there is thus a vast body of tradition.
+These traditions govern both the degree and the direction in which the
+various mental processes function. What is meant will be clearer if we
+think of the influence of the mass of traditions upon physical
+characters. At any given time there are a number of tools and skilled
+processes known and employed and, in the first place, the degree in
+which the body is exercised will depend upon their nature. It may be
+that hunting with bow and arrow, or fishing in canoes, is the chief
+occupation of the men. The degree of physical exercise will be
+conditioned by these traditions and so too will, in the second place,
+the nature and direction of physical exercise. Similarly with regard to
+the intellectual faculties, the degree to which they are used will be
+conditioned by the form of language, by the necessity of learning what
+custom lays down as the acquirement of an average member of society, and
+by the opportunities and inducements generally to the employment of
+reasoning. The direction in which the intellectual faculties work will
+also be closely conditioned by tradition. Having absorbed the traditions
+of the race and time, the direction which reasoning follows will always
+be very largely governed by what has been acquired. Few men strike out
+new paths, and, when they do, the direction of the path is seen to be
+greatly influenced by the previous trend of thought. Tradition, as it
+advances, thus tends to proceed in grooves.
+
+The manner in which tradition conditions the degree and nature of the
+manifestation of the instinctive tendencies is equally well marked.
+Among some races, such as the Eskimos, fighting is almost unknown.
+Though among such races the instinct of pugnacity is probably less
+strongly given in the germinal constitution than among other races, to a
+large extent the relative absence of fighting is certainly due to
+tradition. Among the Eskimos we find a great body of custom and ideas
+all of which tend to impress upon them that fighting is wrong. An
+emotion again may be greatly developed by some racial tradition.
+Self-assertion is much more developed among the members of the larger
+and more prosperous European races than among the smaller and weaker
+races. The attitude of the Englishman is very different from that of the
+Dane, who will tell you that Denmark is only a little country that wants
+to be let alone. Latterly the attention of the world has been drawn to
+the peculiar manner in which the teaching of various historians,
+moralists, philosophers and others has moulded the outlook of the
+Germans and come to direct the expression of their emotions. Thus in a
+most striking manner it has been made obvious how a peculiar body of
+tradition, ultimately the product of conceptual thinking, has directed
+the emotions and sentiments of a whole people into certain channels with
+such disastrous results. The direction of an instinct is often changed;
+the tender emotion may be diverted among the childless to charitable
+works, and the instincts of celibates obviously become much changed. Any
+instinct indeed is capable of manifesting itself in very different forms
+according to the outlet which it finds, and the nature of the outlet is
+determined chiefly by tradition. ‘On a, aujourd’hui’, says Joubert, ‘non
+seulement la cupidité mais l’ambition du gain.’[1659] The simpler
+emotion has, that is to say, become more complex under the influence of
+the traditional environment.
+
+8. Lastly we may note that the tradition acquired and present at any one
+time may form the basis for the selection of men and of groups of men.
+There are often, especially among the higher races, differences in
+tradition as between the groups and classes in the same race. The
+differences are usually much greater between different races. The
+tradition present in a race, whether because it includes a higher degree
+of skill, enables a greater degree of coherence to be realized, is the
+foundation of more vigorous endeavour, or because it is a combination of
+these and other elements, may enable one race, when in conflict with
+other races, to overcome those other races, should the latter be
+possessed of a tradition, which, taken as a whole, is, relatively to the
+conditions of the contest, less valuable. There is thus a process of
+natural selection based upon differences in tradition, just as there is
+a natural selection based upon differences due to modifications and also
+upon differences due to mutations. Selection of modifications, as we
+have seen, produces no permanent results. But selection of tradition,
+like selection of mutations, has results which may be permanent. In
+primitive society, where tradition within a race tends to be uniform,
+this selection of tradition chiefly comes into play in the conflict
+between races. In more advanced societies where there are considerable
+differences in tradition between the classes, it also comes into play
+within races.
+
+The conflict between races is always in large measure a conflict between
+traditions whether or not the differences in tradition are a measure of
+more fundamental differences. In these conflicts a mass of tradition may
+be wiped out and lost for good or any degree of amalgamation of
+tradition may take place.
+
+At length within modern races there arises a competition of ideas of a
+rather different nature. Within civilized races there is no longer a
+mass of tradition which has to be accepted as a whole; there are
+different ideas which may be said to compete. One idea may get the
+better of another within the minds of the majority without involving any
+elimination of men who hold any other idea, because men can now change
+their outlook—not, of course, in the case of the great majority by any
+logical process. Thus a struggle comes into being between ideas,
+customs, and institutions in modern communities which leads to change
+without involving human selection.
+
+These considerations pave the way to an examination of the influence of
+the actual conditions under which tradition has been elaborated. We have
+seen that conceptual thinking develops with, and is furthered by, the
+use of speech. It does not develop merely to a particular level and
+there stop. There is a movement of thought which at least in its earlier
+stages takes the form of a clarification of concepts. The products of
+conceptual thinking are stored up and handed on in the form of
+tradition. This tradition is cumulative. Not only are additions made to
+it but the methods of storing are improved. Elements may also be lost.
+Finally, forming, as it does, a very important element in the
+manifestation of human mental character, men, and more particularly
+races of men, may be selected in accordance with the degree and quality
+of tradition acquired by them.
+
+
+
+
+                                   XX
+                        THE ORIGIN OF TRADITION
+
+
+1. The study of the formation of tradition is a matter of great
+complexity. Many important aspects of the problem await elucidation. It
+is proposed here to reduce the discussion to the barest outline, and to
+confine it to the origin of skilled processes and in particular to the
+origin of skill in the provision of the essential requirements of daily
+life. We further take into account only the most important aspects of
+the environment—namely, the influence of fertility and the influence of
+contact of man with man and of race with race. All questions connected
+with innate differences in mental and physical characters will be for
+the present disregarded. We want to know—other things being equal—how
+skill will originate and grow, given such differences in the environment
+as regards fertility and contact as exist.
+
+2. The first problem which confronts us is concerned with the
+differences in the environment arising from differences in fertility. To
+this term a special meaning is attached. Fertility as here employed
+corresponds to what is usually spoken of as the wealth of any country or
+district. The nature and abundance of the fauna and flora, the surface
+features of the land, the composition of the upper layers of the ground,
+the minerals and to some degree the climate, as well as other factors,
+all go to make up the fertility or wealth of any area. The differences
+in the factors which go to make up fertility as between different
+portions of the world’s surface are well known; they are very
+great—areas closely approximated being at times sharply differentiated
+one from another whereas in other places conditions remain very similar
+over large areas.
+
+The most important fact to be observed in this connexion is that there
+is no absolute standard of fertility. ‘The term fertility’, says
+Marshall, ‘has no meaning except with reference to the special
+circumstances of a particular time and place.’[1660] Fertility is in
+fact purely a relative term, and, now that we have for the moment put
+aside differences in mental and physical characters, fertility is
+relative for our purpose only to the amount of skill and such other
+elements of tradition as may be in existence. An area, which is very
+fertile for a race with some agricultural skill, may be far from fertile
+for a race with a knowledge only of hunting and fishing, and the
+presence of minerals obviously adds nothing to the fertility of an area
+to a race lacking knowledge of their use. The country inhabited by the
+Eskimos, who maintain a standard of living that, relative to the
+standard achieved by many races, is far from low, would be wholly
+infertile to a race not possessed of the peculiar skill distinctive of
+Eskimo culture.
+
+It should be noticed that, so far as fertility is dependent upon animal
+and plant life, the fertility of different regions of the world’s
+surface has varied in the period covered by the emergence of man, not
+merely relatively but absolutely. There have been climatic changes of
+which the glacial periods were the most remarkable. There have been
+changes in the boundaries of seas, such as the Mediterranean, which have
+profoundly affected the fertility of the neighbouring regions. The
+Sahara at one time was certainly not as barren as it is now. In any
+survey, such as that we are going to make, which was at all detailed,
+such changes would have to be taken into account. But in what follows
+they may be disregarded.
+
+It may be observed here that in certain areas there is a destructive
+element in the total make-up of the surroundings. The variable climatic
+conditions of Australia and India which have been noticed in another
+connexion are of importance also in this respect. The hurricanes of New
+Caledonia are another example. So too are all those features in the
+Central African environment which destroy the products of man’s
+handiwork.[1661] This destructive element is only an exaggeration of
+certain features which characterize all areas; nevertheless where these
+features are exaggerated important results follow. There may be, for
+instance, two areas, otherwise equally fertile; but if the destructive
+element is important in one area, it is probable that so high an
+economic stage will not be reached or maintained there as in the other,
+and further, for the same reason, there will be less tendency for any
+advance in tradition to be made. The reason for this will be clear when
+we have examined the influence which fertility has upon skill. For this
+destructive element is a kind of negative fertility, and just as
+fertility is on the whole favourable to progress in skill, so what is
+equivalent to its absence is a hindrance to progress in skill.
+
+3. Fertility is thus relative to the tradition prevalent at any one
+time. Let us suppose that man has spread over the surface of the world
+and that the tradition present is everywhere very similar, being of a
+simple form so far as skill is concerned, and consisting in a
+rudimentary knowledge of hunting and fishing. It is clear that certain
+areas—the great deserts, the frozen wastes of the north—will be
+absolutely infertile; with this degree of skill only, life cannot be
+maintained there. The remaining areas will vary from those which are
+just sufficiently fertile to permit of life being maintained to those
+which are the most fertile relative to this particular degree of skill.
+Supposing for the moment that the degree of skill remains everywhere
+similar, it follows, from what has been said earlier, that population
+will be most dense and the return per head highest where the fertility
+is greatest. Other things being equal, differences in fertility are thus
+responsible for important differences in social life.
+
+From these differences in fertility therefore consequences of the
+greatest importance follow. In the first place, where population is most
+dense, there, other things being equal, will be the greatest amount of
+contact between men. With the results that flow from contact we shall
+deal later, but it may be mentioned here that contact is in itself a
+stimulus leading to the origin of, additions to, and modifications of,
+tradition, and that the greater the amount of contact the more quickly
+and the more thoroughly is tradition transmitted. Therefore, in the
+first place, where the fertility is greatest, there will be the greatest
+opportunity for existing tradition to be quickly absorbed. In the second
+place, quite apart from the question of contact, where fertility is
+greatest there is also for other reasons the greatest stimulus to
+increase in skill. To illustrate this point let us remember in what
+fertility consists. The existence of areas of greater fertility implies
+that there are in such areas either a greater abundance of animals,
+plants, minerals, and so on which can be of use, or a greater variety,
+or both together. Let us further remember how inventions come about. For
+thousands of years in a variety of ways the fact that the seed if sown
+would produce its like in twenty-, fifty-, or a hundred-fold measure
+must have been pressing itself upon the attention of man when supporting
+himself by hunting and fishing only. How often the metal softened in the
+camp fire before the method of fashioning a far more effective tool than
+stone was adopted, we cannot guess. Eventually the facts were observed,
+the practical applications to the needs of life undertaken, and valuable
+additions made to skill and embodied in tradition. Man in fact
+throughout the greater part of his history has not gone about
+consciously trying to better his lot. Rude and poor as life was, his
+necessity was not the mother of his inventions. Once, however, an
+invention was made it became a necessity, and it is more in accordance
+with the facts to invert the proverb and to regard invention as the
+mother of necessity. But where should we expect the facts to be noticed
+and the improvements to be made in skill? Obviously where they most
+often happened, where, in other words, fertility was greatest. For it is
+in those regions where there is the greatest abundance in quality and
+quantity of useful objects that there will be the greatest chance of
+their usefulness being observed, and that there will be derived the
+highest return per head from any improvements in skill.
+
+The greater the fertility, therefore, the greater the incentive to
+progress in skill. This conclusion may seem to be in contradiction with
+the commonly accepted idea that, when a living is easily obtained, there
+is a tendency to stagnation.[1662] This notion is derived from
+observations and descriptions of countries where, so it is said, such is
+the bounty of nature that the hand has, so to speak, only to be
+stretched out in order to gather in the fruits of the earth. This idea
+is largely founded upon an under-estimate of the labour undergone,
+especially on the part of the women, and upon an exaggeration of the
+returns per head, and, as far as it is so derived, it is incorrect. But
+it is true that often in such regions there is a tendency to stagnation;
+such tendency, however, is in no way derived from the fertility; it
+arises because to the tradition there is added for quite other reasons a
+spirit of apathy and of listlessness. How this comes about may be
+discussed later but it may be mentioned here that a destructive element
+in the natural endowment of any area, such as not infrequently exists in
+tropical regions, is one cause of the existence of this spirit.
+
+4. Fertility then is relative, but, other things being equal, where
+fertility is greatest there we find the greatest incentive to increase
+in skill. From this follow certain important consequences. So long as
+progress in skill keeps along any one line, so long as it takes the
+form, for instance, of improvement in methods of hunting, so long, as a
+general rule, will the same areas remain the more fertile areas. But
+this does not always follow. It may be that some remarkable invention,
+that of the bow and arrow perhaps, renders areas, previously not the
+most fertile, the most remunerative. Hitherto it may have been that in
+such areas the hunting of game was for various reasons difficult until a
+higher degree of skill was reached, but this higher degree having been
+reached, these areas became more remunerative than those previously the
+most fertile. With the progress of skill there is thus a shifting of the
+centres of the highest fertility.
+
+This shifting of centres becomes more marked where progress takes a
+different turn, where, for instance, agriculture arises. For this there
+are two main reasons. First, it generally happens that an area which is
+very fertile to a high degree of development of one kind of skill, as
+the north-west coast of America is fertile to hunting and fishing, is
+relatively infertile to another type of skill, as, for instance,
+agriculture, in any case in its lower forms. It is rare that any area is
+so highly endowed that at one and the same time it offers a large return
+to the development of a particular form of skill and is also relatively
+fertile to the first beginnings of another and ultimately far more
+remunerative type of skill. Secondly, it is not as a rule where skill is
+specialized that we find the beginnings of a new form of skill.
+Tradition tends to move in grooves and where attention is with success
+concentrated upon one type of skilled process, it is not there that we
+should expect to find the origin of quite another type of skilled
+process. This is only an application of a principle noted in another
+connexion, namely that evolution proceeds from the generalized and not
+from the specialized type.
+
+In this manner the differences in natural endowment which distinguish
+one part of the world from another bring about a shifting of the centres
+of progress. There are other factors still to be considered which work
+in the same direction; but apart from them this shifting comes about.
+Though this shifting has been a feature of every stage of human history,
+it must have been most noticeable where the great steps in skill were
+made—when agriculture superseded hunting, when animals were first
+domesticated, and when metals came into use.
+
+5. To differences in fertility we have to add differences in contact as
+affecting progress in skill. Contact may be considered as varying in
+quality and quantity and may be thought of as influenced chiefly by two
+groups of factors which we may call geographical and economic. We may
+first ask how it is that differences in contact bring about differences
+in skill.
+
+From contact two results follow. The spread of tradition is in varying
+degrees encouraged and progress in tradition is more or less stimulated.
+For the most part differences in the spreading of tradition are to be
+traced to differences in the quantity of contact, though differences in
+quality also play a considerable part, while differences in the manner
+in which progress is stimulated arise chiefly from differences in the
+quality of contact.
+
+It is obvious that tradition can only be transmitted by means of
+contact. Later developments such as writing and printing allow of
+contact at a distance; but for the most part it is personal contact with
+which we are concerned. It is on the whole true that, other things being
+equal, the more contact, the more swiftly and easily is the existing
+mass of tradition disseminated throughout any society, and that
+therefore the more fertile an area, the greater the chance of the
+spreading of tradition. But other things are by no means equal
+throughout history. At a certain stage, owing to the working of what we
+may sum up as economic factors, there comes about a profound change in
+the organization of society, the nature of which is described below.
+This change markedly favours the transmission of tradition and therefore
+we have to remember that the amount of contact ascertained by the
+density of population is by no means a fair measure of the degree in
+which the passing on of tradition is facilitated. Further consideration
+of this point may be left until we come to deal with the changes
+referred to. Geographical factors also have a bearing upon the
+transmission of tradition, but since their influence is chiefly
+pronounced in the stimulus to skill arising from the conflict of
+traditions of different quality we may leave them to be dealt with later
+as a whole.
+
+Of more importance than the bearing of contact upon the transmission of
+tradition is the part it plays as a stimulus to tradition. The
+remarkable change which at a certain period supervenes in the
+organization of society and to which reference has been made above, has
+as far-reaching effects in affecting stimulus to skill as it has in
+facilitating the transmission of tradition. Again we may leave the
+consideration of this point until we have described the nature of this
+change. It is clear, however, that the presence of other men is on the
+whole a stimulus, though not in itself an important stimulus, so long as
+tradition is fairly uniform. Nevertheless the more contact there is, on
+the whole the more stimulus there is. ‘There be thoughts’, wrote
+Maitland, ‘which only come to men when they be tightly packed.’[1663]
+But it is when traditions of different quality come into contact that
+the stimulus becomes important. Where this happens, we have to
+distinguish two things. There is the passing over of the elements
+peculiar to each tradition to the other tradition and there is the
+stimulus which the mere contact affords.
+
+The passing over of elements of one tradition to another and the
+stimulus afforded go more or less together. Under certain circumstances
+there is no passing over and there is no stimulus, or at least they are
+reduced to a minimum. This sometimes happens when two cultures varying
+very markedly one from the other come into contact—one being
+distinguished by the possession of a far higher degree of skill than the
+other. The less skilled race is driven from its territory, and if it
+survives it is because certain areas of its territory are relatively
+infertile to the higher skill of the conquering race. A remnant of the
+less skilled race survives in some corner of its former territory and
+reaches a _modus vivendi_ with the dominant race. This _modus vivendi_
+may take the form of an almost complete disregard of one race for the
+other; no influence is exerted by one on the other; little, if anything,
+is absorbed from the other tradition. Some such condition was reached as
+between the Veddahs, the Todas, the Central African pygmies, and the
+races respectively surrounding them.
+
+In order that the contact should be effective it is necessary that the
+differences between the cultures should not be too great. It is most
+effective in such a region as Western Asia where in close proximity
+there are several areas varying markedly one from another. In such a
+region there will grow up, owing to the variations in fertility,
+somewhat different traditions. These traditions coming into contact will
+rarely wholly overwhelm one another; there will be a perpetual taking
+over by one tradition of some elements from the other so that each
+tradition will be enriched as it could not have been enriched had it
+depended entirely upon the environment which gave birth to it. Further,
+the fact that implements, skilled processes, customs, and institutions
+of a strange nature are now and again coming under the notice of each
+race acts as a stimulus to thought and invention quite apart from the
+advantage that may be gained by the absorption of what is valuable into
+its tradition. It is probable that in this stimulus to thought we have
+to recognize one of the most important factors making towards progress.
+
+There is no space to pursue this subject here. It may perhaps be noticed
+that, when two cultures come into contact, all the elements do not
+spread with equal rapidity. It has been observed, for instance, that,
+when a tradition comprising greater skill comes into contact with a less
+full tradition, ‘it is the recognition of the superiority of the natural
+objects and arts which prevails and makes possible the acceptance of
+other elements of an introduced culture.’[1664] Certain general
+principles can be made out but there is much that requires elucidation.
+There is a considerable body of evidence in favour of the view that
+megalithic buildings have been derived from one centre. If this is so,
+it is a remarkable example of the fact that an art of an obviously
+impressive though not useful nature can pass from one race to another
+without any noticeable assimilation of other elements of the culture
+where the art was first practised. Again, if this is so, it is not
+improbable that useful arts which in their way are equally impressive
+may have similarly proceeded from one centre. It is remarkable also that
+mythology can apparently spread from one culture to another. To whatever
+source we may attribute their origin there seems little doubt that in
+North America, for instance, tales and legends have spread from one side
+of the continent to the other after very different economic systems had
+been evolved and without any marked spreading of other elements in the
+traditions at the same time.[1665]
+
+6. Having thus indicated the manner in which contact influences the
+origin, growth, and transmission of tradition we may turn to consider
+what bearing geographical and economic factors have upon contact. The
+former problem may be passed over with a few words; the latter will
+require a rather longer discussion. The former has been the subject of
+much attention and the main facts, which are all that concern us, are
+familiar; the latter has not received so much attention though it is of
+great importance.
+
+Not only the spread of elements of culture but also the movement of
+peoples are governed by geographical factors. An isolated area is
+isolated from the slow permeation of elements of tradition, as well as
+from migratory races. To the degree, therefore, to which any area is
+isolated, it is removed both from those influences which favour the
+passing on of elements of tradition as well as those which form an
+incentive to skill. Isolation is never complete. The more isolated an
+area is, the less often have migratory races reached it, with the result
+that when they have done so, there has usually been a conflict between a
+culture so dissimilar in skill that the migratory race has often wiped
+out the original race. Apart from the visits of migratory races the
+beneficial results of contact are reduced to a minimum within an
+isolated area. The differences in traditions are small, and both the
+elements of culture which can be acquired and the stimulus which can be
+derived from contact are of little importance. What these geographical
+features are is fairly well known.
+
+The first factor is isolation by sea. America was apparently peopled
+some time in the first period. Subsequently to the date of its original
+peopling it may be regarded as having been for all practical purposes
+isolated from the other continents and thus its inhabitants had been
+long cut off from contact with the rest of the human race when it was
+‘discovered’ by Columbus. America was probably visited, perhaps more
+than once, by parties reaching the Pacific Coast and was certainly
+visited by the Norsemen, but this small amount of contact has exerted no
+influence upon the evolution of skill. America is the most remarkable
+instance of isolation by sea. Isolation by sea has exerted a profound
+influence upon Australia, New Zealand, and Oceania; and important also
+has been the semi-isolation of Africa, which continent, until great
+progress had been made in navigation, was only in contact with Asia by a
+narrow neck. Among primitive races deserts and mountains hinder contact
+in almost equal degree, and, though in one sense not geographical
+features, forests and vegetation, especially in tropical countries,
+exert a profound influence upon contact.
+
+Other features in the environment may be regarded rather as facilitating
+contact. Rivers form great arteries of communication, and it is
+remarkable how small a hindrance they are to contact. Thus ‘Christopher
+Gist, exploring the Ohio in 1751, found a Shawnee village situated on
+both sides of the river below the mouth of the Scioto, with about a
+hundred houses on the north bank and forty on the south. The small and
+unique nation of the Mandan Indians were found by Lewis and Clarke near
+the northern bend of the Missouri in 1864 in two groups of villages on
+opposite sides of the river. They had previously in 1772 occupied nine
+villages lower down the stream, two on the east bank and seven on the
+west.’[1666] Fresh-water lakes, though not salt lakes, have again been
+centres in which contact has been favoured, as was the case in
+Switzerland at one period and also in Mexico and Peru where the highest
+level of progress was reached in America.
+
+In considering any area there are certain general features of importance
+quite apart from those which actually hinder or facilitate contact. In
+the case of any area there is what we may call its location, that is to
+say, its position relative to its surroundings. The position of any area
+in Africa with regard to its distance from the north-eastern corner,
+through which contact with inhabitants of other continents came about,
+is obviously of great importance, and similarly is the distance of any
+one area from the sea when navigation has been developed. To location we
+may add diversity of features which brings about the contact between
+different economic systems. This feature of diversity is chiefly
+relevant when considering large areas; and in this respect Europe and
+Asia are far more favoured than America.
+
+Lastly, differences in language are a potent influence in hindering
+contact though they are rather evidences than causes of isolation. When
+once established differences in language intensify the isolation due to
+other causes. It may be observed in passing that, contrary to what might
+be expected, the degree to which among primitive races ‘foreign’
+languages are understood is considerable.
+
+Though in the first two periods the importance of the various factors in
+hindering and facilitating contact has varied greatly, it is sufficient,
+when taking a broad view, to bear the general nature of these influences
+in mind. The tendency in the third period has been obviously to reduce
+vastly the importance of all hindrances to contact arising from features
+of the environment. Railways cross deserts and tunnels pierce mountains,
+and that amount of contact, small though it may be, which owing to the
+inventions of writing and printing now occurs between all parts of the
+world, can transmit more tradition than wide avenues of contact between
+neighbouring peoples previously made possible.
+
+Here we can leave this matter. It has been worked out in much detail.
+All that is necessary for our purpose is to bear in mind the fact, which
+indeed is obvious, that contact is in various ways hindered and
+facilitated by geographical causes.
+
+7. We have now to consider what is less familiar—the bearing of what we
+may call economic factors upon contact. These factors are themselves but
+an expression of the working of the economic system, and the economic
+system is correlated with fertility though modified by the degree and
+kind of contact allowed by the geographical environment. Therefore in
+considering the working of these economic factors, we are in fact
+considering another aspect of the manner in which the environment bears
+thus indirectly upon contact.
+
+Progress in skill, as we have said, is correlated with increasing
+density of population, and, other things being equal, the greater the
+density of population, the more contact there is. But other things are
+not equal; the chief disturbing factors are those connected with the
+organization of society in their influence both upon the quality and
+quantity of contact. The vast importance of the step which led to the
+origin of primitive society has already been remarked upon. When we
+observe primitive society in more detail, it is seen that, compared with
+the type of organization which arose in the third period, this form of
+society essentially consists of a repetition of similar elements.[1667]
+A perfect type of this form of society would be one which consisted
+merely of a collection of families, not differing essentially one from
+another, each being a microcosm of the whole society. Actually we find
+that primitive society is usually composed of the repetition of larger
+elements than the family, which Durkheim calls ‘clans’. This term is
+employed in order to mark the family and political features which
+characterize these elements. The variations of the constitution of
+primitive society are very numerous, but it has essentially this form
+which Durkheim calls ‘segmentary’. The solidarity of such a society
+rests solely upon the similarity between these clans; the binding
+forces, that is to say, which keep the society together, do not take
+their origin in the fact that these elements are complementary to each
+other and in combination form one organic whole; such coherence as there
+is arises solely from the fact that these elements, in so far as they
+are similar, coalesce together. Typically, then, we find in this stage
+of organization families living side by side very largely independent
+one of another but combining to form clans. These clans have as a rule
+no definite constitution; but at times, owing to internal dissensions or
+warfare, a leader or leaders may arise who put themselves at the head of
+these groups.
+
+As has been said, variations in and developments of this type of
+organization may arise and, though among primitive races some approach
+to the higher type can be detected, the evolution of the higher type of
+organization is essentially a development which took place in the third
+period. This type of organization we call organic, as distinguished from
+segmentary, because in the first place the elements which go to form the
+whole do not simply cohere owing to their similarity; they are in the
+nature of more or less specialized organs all of which are necessary in
+order that the whole may exist. Each again has a particular rôle and
+each organ is formed of differentiated parts. These organs are not
+simply connected one with another like links in a chain; they are
+co-ordinated one with another and subordinated one to another into an
+organic system. The parts are dependent on the whole and the whole on
+the parts.
+
+In an organic society, in fact, men are grouped according to their
+profession and not according to their descent. One of the marks of the
+segmentary type of society is that men are grouped according to their
+descent, real or fictitious, and it is this relationship which
+determines their position in society. In the organic type of society,
+that which determines a man’s position is the function which he fulfils.
+In this form of society there are remnants of the older form of
+organization, as is seen in the recognition of areas, smaller elements
+such as parishes being united into larger areas such as boroughs, which
+are united in turn into provinces of which the country is composed.
+This, however, is not the form of organization which keeps the higher
+type of society together. That which forms its essential difference from
+the lower type is the organic nature of the relation of the parts—the
+complementary co-ordination of the various professions one with the
+other. It is this interlocking of complementary parts and not the
+coherence of similar segments which cement the form of society typical
+of the third stage.
+
+8. The evolution from the segmentary to the organic form of social
+organization was relatively speaking a rapid process. The approach that
+can be made to the organic type within the segmentary type is only
+slight. Doubtless the new type developed within the old forms. Thus we
+see among the Hebrews the assumption of priestly functions by a single
+tribe—that of the Levites. But the development of the organic type
+cannot go far without breaking up the segmentary form of organization;
+the number and importance of functions does not correspond with the
+existing forms of organization and cannot long develop within them.
+
+We have now to ask what brings about the evolution of the organic type
+of society and then what bearing these forms of organization have upon
+the growth and transmission of tradition. It is rather that the
+crumbling away of this segmentary organization of society brings to
+birth the organic type than that the growth of the latter is the cause
+of the disappearance of the former. This must be so because, as we have
+seen, the existence of the segmentary type is a barrier to the
+development of the organic type. This crumbling away is brought about by
+what Durkheim calls the growth of moral density. Growth in moral density
+comes about through the pressure of the increasing contact between men
+performing the same functions, and this causes the decay of the
+segmentary type of organization and brings about an organization resting
+upon function. The effect acts upon the cause and accelerates the
+process. The growth in moral density is connected with the growth in
+volume of society which is measured solely by the increase in
+population. But growth in moral density, though only made possible by
+growth in volume, does not of necessity go hand in hand with it. Growth
+of moral coalescence is not correlated absolutely with the increase in
+volume. The density of population can become very considerable, while
+the moral density remains relatively undeveloped. This result is
+sometimes attributable to the survival of certain elements of segmentary
+organization to which religious feelings have become attached and which
+have, therefore, resisted the forces which make for their dissolution.
+This is the case, for example, with regard to the maintenance of the
+family system in China, which is the great barrier to a development of
+moral coalescence. The most powerful motive in Chinese life is the
+devotion to the family system, and this motive prevents the progress of
+division of labour. Among the Hindus the caste system has the same
+effect. But it is not merely a survival from a former segmentary
+organization to which religious motives have become attached; it has
+actually undergone a development for the most part in opposition to the
+organic organization of society. ‘The divisions’, says Sherring, ‘among
+the Hindus involving complete separation in respect of marriage and
+social intercourse, number not hundreds but thousands. In other words
+the Hindu brotherhood is split up into innumerable clans, holding not
+the smallest connexion with one another, acknowledging no common bond
+save that of idolatry.... Caste dissolves the social compact found in
+other countries, infuses the poison of deadly strife into the small
+village communities scattered in tens of thousands over the land,
+induces enmity between neighbours on the most trivial grounds, carries
+out its own childish rites and laws with Draconian severity, exercises
+the strongest power of disintegration the human race has ever been
+subject to, and only displays a spirit of binding and uniting in
+relation to those selfish creatures who belong to one and the same
+caste, and who are thereby kept apart from all the rest of mankind by an
+unnatural divorce.’[1668]
+
+Thus primarily it is the breaking down of the segmentary type of
+organization and the condensation of society which permits the division
+of labour. In the end the advance to the higher type of organization is
+attributable to the growth of population. It is first necessary that a
+relatively high degree of skill should be attained involving a certain
+density of population. Then there arises a tendency for the segmentary
+organization to break down and give way to the organic type. The
+breaking down may be more or less imperfect and there may be factors
+which work against the full development of the organic type.
+
+9. The degree to which the higher type of organization favours the
+increase of skill cannot be overestimated. So long as all men are more
+or less self-supporting and perform all the functions necessary to
+maintain existence, the securing of food, the building of shelters, the
+fashioning of weapons, the making of clothes, their skill in any one
+direction must remain small. But as soon as certain men begin to
+concentrate upon certain functions the whole position changes. It then
+becomes possible for skill to reach a far higher level, and with the
+further division of functions there is practically no limit to the
+degree of skill which may be obtained. A concentration upon one function
+and the association of men so employed are themselves powerful stimuli
+to further progress. The facts are familiar and there is no need to
+elaborate the position. At length classification by function tends to
+override classification by any other standard, and all those engaged in
+any country in any one function become associated in such a manner that
+the stimulus is further emphasized and the possibility of any favourable
+new departure being lost is reduced to a minimum.
+
+The importance of the organic type of organization in favouring the
+transmission and storing of tradition is equally well marked when
+compared with the segmentary type. The more society is divided into
+self-contained and self-sufficient segments, the less likelihood is
+there that any development in one segment will spread to the other
+segments. All events tend to be localized, and any promising departure
+in a new direction is unlikely to penetrate far and become embodied in
+tradition. New departures are more likely to be lost altogether than to
+be preserved. The more society is organized on the organic type, on the
+other hand, the more facilities there are for the transmission and
+storing of tradition. As the segmentary system breaks down, the
+transmission and storing of tradition themselves become special
+functions. Various means of communication are elaborated, the spreading
+of news becomes a function in itself, teaching becomes a profession, and
+libraries are established.
+
+10. Such very briefly are the nature, causes, and results of the change
+in the organization of society so far as concerns our present purpose.
+There are certain points in this connexion to which some allusion may be
+made. We have already commented on the fact that the transformation to
+the higher type does not go hand in hand with growth in numbers. The two
+examples from India and China showed how little correspondence there may
+be between density of population and division of labour. Again, in
+modern communities there is an apparent anomaly. There are considerable
+differences as regards the amount and kind of tradition present in the
+different strata of society, and this may appear all the more anomalous
+because in such societies the division of labour has been developed to
+the greatest extent. Tradition, it would seem, should be very uniform.
+Uniformity of tradition, on the other hand, is a mark of primitive
+society. But this anomaly is only apparent. Among primitive races there
+is infinitely less tradition than among civilized races. Among the
+latter not only is the amount of tradition vast, but it is in the course
+of rapid evolution, and there is therefore in the first place a far
+greater possibility for differences in tradition to arise. Further, the
+very fact of the division of labour means that different forms of skill
+are cultivated deliberately by different elements of the community.
+Thence arise the differences in social customs and conventions which are
+apparent in the different strata of modern society. Where there is
+division of labour, there must be, as we have seen, differences in the
+acquirement of the tradition of skill, and we may think of the
+differences in the social and conventional tradition as originating in
+the differences in functions. Where there is ownership of property on a
+large scale, ownership may be regarded as a function in society, and
+clearly enough certain customs and conventions become connected with
+this function and distinguish the so-called upper classes. Differences
+in social tradition so arising do lead to some approach to a segmentary
+division of society. Once classes are set up, there is a tendency for a
+man to take his position rather according to his class than according to
+his function. Actually what happens is that the upper classes adopt
+certain functions, the sacerdotal or the military for example, and thus
+the differences in custom and convention become somewhat artificially
+perpetuated, perpetuated that is to say over and above the distinctions
+which would be the inevitable accompaniment of different functions. In
+this fashion class becomes of considerable importance in modern
+communities as a barrier to the transmission of tradition, and there is
+thus less coalescence between those performing different functions than
+the mere division of labour brings about.
+
+Interesting as are these modifications of the working of what we have
+called economic factors, they do not seriously affect the conclusions to
+be drawn in a broad survey. The transformation to the organic type of
+society is a mark of the third period, and therefore within this period
+the conditions became such as to stimulate the growth of skill and to
+facilitate the transmission and storing of skill in a manner never
+before approached.
+
+11. Given, therefore, differences in fertility and in the geographical
+configuration as between one part of the world’s surface and another,
+and given migration, we can understand how skill arises, how it is
+transmitted, and how it is stored. The factors considered are not the
+only factors, but they are the chief factors, and a consideration of
+them alone enables us to understand how in the main progress may be
+achieved—how, that is to say, to some degree command over nature may be
+attained. Further, in thus tracing the causes of progress in this narrow
+sense we are tracing in some manner the origin and growth of other
+elements in tradition, not directly concerned with command over nature.
+This can be illustrated by a reference to the results obtained by
+Messrs. Hobhouse, Wheeler, and Ginsberg. As we have seen, progress in
+skill falls easily into a series of stages—hunting and fishing,
+agricultural and metal-using. These authors further subdivided hunting
+people into two stages, agricultural peoples into three, and pastoral
+into two. They then investigated the correlation between these stages
+and the conditions relative to justice, the family, warfare, and so on.
+It was found that in the points indicative of the degree of social
+organization there is a certain correspondence with economic advance.
+‘This correspondence’, they say they have found, ‘in the development of
+government and of justice alike, in the fact that as we mount the scale
+there is more of government and more of the public administration of
+justice within society, and in the fact that the unit for government and
+for justice extends. Both intensively and extensively there is a growth
+of order corresponding roughly to the industrial advance. On the other
+hand economic development has no necessary connexion with improvement in
+the relation between members of a society. It does not imply greater
+considerateness or a keener sense of justice, and in some ways may be
+held even adverse to them. Thus in relation to marriage and the position
+of women, we find little change throughout the grades, and of those
+which we do find the most marked are specifically connected with the
+economic factor, viz. the extension of purchase and of general
+polygamy.... Economic causes are again associated with the development
+of organized warfare and the substitution of the enslavement of
+prisoners for their slaughter, liberation, or adoption.’[1669]
+
+In other words social institutions are correlated to a considerable
+extent with economic systems, and in tracing economic systems to
+differences in the ‘wealth’ of the environment and to differences in
+contact, we are at the same time accounting to the extent of this
+correlation for the existence of most social institutions. Those aspects
+of tradition which are not correlated with the economic system are
+obviously often explicable as due to the direct influence of the
+environment; for differences in the environment which have little or no
+bearing on the economic system may give rise to differences in these
+aspects of tradition. It has often been pointed out, for example, that
+the trend of legends is explicable as due to certain aspects of the
+environment; thus in Assyria legends were largely connected with floods.
+In large part, therefore, differences in fertility and differences in
+degree and kind of contact account not merely for progress in skill but
+also in large measure for many social institutions, and those aspects of
+social institutions which are not so to be explained are in part due to
+the influence of aspects of the environment which do not contribute
+directly to fertility, and in part to a complicated interaction of
+tradition. It was remarked that, so far as can be seen, the more
+conscious methods of adjusting the level of population to the optimum
+number are not correlated with the economic system. There is no evidence
+of infanticide and abortion, for example, being so correlated. The
+occurrence of these institutions among certain races irrespective of the
+economic conditions may be accounted for by differences in the
+environment which do not affect wealth. We have seen that certain
+methods must of necessity be employed, and the adoption of one method in
+one place and of another in some other place may be due, for example, to
+the presence in one area of plants by the use of which abortion can be
+brought about, or the presence in another area of an instrument designed
+for some other purpose which can be employed for this object. In other
+areas the practice of killing deformed children from superstitious
+motives may have been developed into a regular custom of infanticide, or
+the taboo upon intercourse for short periods may have become developed
+into a practice of abstaining for prolonged periods.
+
+
+
+
+                                  XXI
+           THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF TRADITION AND HEREDITY
+
+
+1. We are now in a position to attempt an estimate of the relative
+importance of germinal change on the one hand and of the accumulation of
+tradition on the other.[1670] The direct influence of the environment
+cannot be left altogether out of account; it is, however, already
+apparent from what has been said on the subject that, although the
+direct influence of the environment may modify the course of history, it
+is not an important factor in comparison with the other two. That which
+renders the problem so difficult is the fact that the manifestations of
+human characteristics are shaped both by traditional changes and by
+germinal changes, and that each kind of change reacts on the other. Thus
+if we observe increasing subservience in the characteristics of a race,
+we must remember that previous elimination of the more self-assertive
+may manifest itself in this manner by moulding tradition through a long
+course of years, that the nature of the environment may set the current
+of tradition flowing in this direction, or that both factors may be at
+work; and that, so far as the second factor is at work, it may for
+reasons to be explained below cause the elimination of the more
+self-assertive and so accelerate the process. It is in fact very
+difficult to arrive at any precise conclusions regarding particular
+problems, but we shall, after considering certain problems, reach a
+fairly definite conclusion regarding the relative importance of these
+factors in general.
+
+2. With these problems in view we may first consider the general
+characteristics of the intermediate period and then those of the three
+subsequent periods.
+
+It is clear that at the beginning of the intermediate period the
+ancestors of man were living under those conditions which we have seen
+to be common to all species in a state of nature and that, therefore, if
+we are to speak of history at all, history was at this time an
+expression of germinal change alone. We know nothing directly as to what
+happened within this period, but from such hints as we can get we must
+apparently make certain deductions. We know that within this long
+period—many times as long as the whole period which has succeeded
+it—there was accomplished by far the greater part of the evolution of
+the human intellect. This is the conclusion we draw from the fact that
+the intellect of primitive races, which must be taken as representing
+man in the first period, differs in a small degree from that of modern
+man relative to the difference which we must suppose to have existed
+between the intellect of man in the first period and that of the
+pre-human ancestor. Again the picture we must draw of our ancestors in
+the intermediate period is that of a species acquiring domination almost
+solely by its intellect. Further we have seen that the advance to the
+stage of primitive society was only made possible by an important step
+in mental evolution—so important a step that none of our ancestors who
+did not take it have survived. The deduction to be drawn is clearly that
+in the intermediate period history was founded in the main on germinal
+change. If we find reason to conclude that germinal change has ceased to
+play so important a part in the following periods, it should be
+remembered that the sum of all these latter periods represents but a
+fraction of the length of the intermediate period. If we regard human
+history as a whole and date the beginning at the time when our ancestors
+began to move away from those conditions which govern the existence of
+all species in a state of nature, then we must conclude that germinal
+change has been the explanation of what has happened during far the
+greater part of history as defined above.
+
+3. The course of history from the beginning of the first period to the
+present day presents certain remarkable features. It has to be
+remembered that the course of events in the first and second periods has
+been reconstructed from evidence gathered almost solely in Europe, and
+even then in large part from one country, namely, France. Europe was not
+the centre of progress, and it may be that the abrupt replacement of one
+stage of culture by another, of which we find evidence, would not be
+what we should find nearer the centre of progress. There the evolution
+of culture may have been more continuous. From time to time waves of
+migration swept westwards and a higher stage of culture overwhelmed the
+lower. It may be that the culture systems on reaching Europe followed
+lines of development of their own which, owing to circumstances being
+relatively less favourable, did not carry them so far as nearer their
+point of origin. Therefore the next wave as a rule brought a higher
+degree of skill which replaced the then existing European system.
+
+However this may be, what we do undoubtedly find is a relatively slow
+rate of progress in the early part of the first period. Progress became
+more rapid in the Upper Palaeolithic and in the Neolithic. Finally at
+the opening of the third period progress was vastly accelerated and has
+gone on with ever-increasing rapidity subject to certain checks at
+various times and places. This speeding up of the evolution of skill is
+the chief outstanding characteristic of history since the opening of the
+first period, and with it we may associate the facts that progress has
+not been uniform as between different countries, and has been subject to
+set-backs within countries especially within the third period. Recalling
+what was said in the last chapter as to the influence of fertility and
+contact upon the growth of tradition, we may now note that the main
+outline at least of these outstanding events is apparently explicable as
+the result of the working of these factors. We may begin with a
+consideration of the facts regarding America.
+
+America was apparently peopled from Asia at an early date.[1671] Putting
+aside the Eskimos, it is probable that the invaders possessed a simple
+and fairly uniform type of culture and that the cultural differences
+found at the time of the discovery as between races in different parts
+of the continent were indigenous. In other words America is a country in
+which a section of the human race was early cut off from contact with
+the remainder—such contact as occurred with the Norsemen and may have
+occurred with the Pacific Islanders having been without importance. For
+many thousands of years cultural evolution had proceeded independently
+in this isolated area. At the time of the discovery it had in Mexico and
+Peru reached a fairly high level. A form of writing had even been
+evolved, and in general the level of culture was such as we may compare
+with that attained shortly before the opening of the third period in
+Eur-Asia. It is possible that at this time the evolution of culture was
+on the verge of making a great step forward similar to that made in
+Eur-Asia in the third period. But in any case progress in America had
+fallen behind progress in Eur-Asia by some thousands of years, and it is
+thus interesting to compare the endowment of America with that of
+Eur-Asia.
+
+It may first be noticed that the area is a large one and that it is
+diversified in that it contains within it many types of geographical and
+climatic environment. Nevertheless the shape of the area as a whole, and
+more especially perhaps the absence of relatively fertile areas in
+proximity differing sharply from one another such as we find in
+Eur-Asia, renders it less favourably disposed to facilitate contact than
+are parts of Eur-Asia. In this connexion it may be observed that the
+Isthmus of Panama is a barrier rather than a means of communication.
+Apparently the civilizations of Mexico and Peru had no knowledge one of
+the other.
+
+The differences in respect of fertility are more remarkable. Generally
+speaking America is not notably less fertile than Eur-Asia, relative to
+skill in hunting and fishing. The north-west coast of North America is
+possibly more fertile relative to this type of skill than is any other
+area in the world. But when we come to examine the endowment of America
+as a whole relative to skill in the lower forms of agriculture and in
+the domestication of animals, we find that America is poorly endowed
+compared with Eur-Asia. Maize and rice are the only important indigenous
+cereals. All the other valuable cereals were absent from America. This
+is a very important fact because cereal culture is in many ways a far
+more profitable art than either root-culture or arboriculture. But
+America is poor not only in cereals; many plants which play so important
+a part elsewhere in primitive agriculture are absent—the plantain, yam,
+banana, breadfruit, and date-palm, for instance. Among the important
+plants we may note the potato, coco-nut palm, manioc, arrowroot, and the
+cocoa plant. Brazilian arrowroot is, it may be observed, very easily
+propagated. ‘Even if the plant is left in the ground when the root has
+been taken, new tubers grow from its joints after the first shower of
+rain.’[1672] Some such plant as this in America or as the yam elsewhere
+must have presumably been that first cultivated.
+
+The poverty of America in animals fit for domestication is even more
+remarkable. If we except the reindeer, milch animals were entirely
+absent—a fact of great significance. The Indians had made the fullest
+possible use of such animals as there were. ‘Setting aside the reindeer,
+an unprofitable animal on any soil which produces any better crop than
+moss, the Indians had domesticated every animal in the continent which
+was capable of domestication.’[1673] Among them was the llama, an animal
+of restricted usefulness, as it cannot be used for draught and cannot be
+milked. The fact that there are several varieties of llama would seem to
+point to the fact that it had been brought under domestication many
+centuries before the discovery of America. Turkeys, dogs, pheasants,
+ducks, and geese were also domesticated as well as a few other animals
+of little importance.
+
+When compared with Western Asia, America is seen to be poorly endowed in
+animals fit for domestication and plants suitable for agriculture. But
+it must be remembered that Western Asia is far richer than any other
+area. America is not poor compared with Africa or Australia. We may now
+glance at the endowment of these other regions beginning with Asia.
+
+4. It is often a matter of the greatest difficulty to trace the original
+habitat of the species of animals and plants which after many centuries
+of domestication have given rise to the varieties now in use; in some
+cases it is impossible; the camel, for instance, has never been found
+wild.[1674] In some cases the evidence is vague and merely points to the
+original home as having been within some large and not very clearly
+defined region. Nevertheless an inquiry into the original habitat of the
+more important domesticated animals and plants leads to a very
+remarkable conclusion. We find that with few exceptions Western Asia was
+the home of the great majority of such species. The chief exceptions
+among animals are the elephant, buffalo, reindeer, and llama. The llama
+originated in South America, the reindeer is found in the circum-Polar
+regions, the elephant and buffalo are Indian. It is probable that the
+original home of the camel was somewhere in this Asiatic region, and, if
+this is so, then all milch animals, with the exception of the reindeer,
+whether belonging to the ovine, equine, bovine, or camel group, had
+their original home in the Asiatic region—a very important fact when the
+large part played by milch animals is borne in mind. It should be
+perhaps mentioned that certain species had a wide range and extended
+beyond this Asiatic region vaguely defined though it is. The wild
+ancestors of the ox and the pig were indigenous in Europe as well as in
+Asia.[1675] The richness of the Asiatic endowment as regards plants is
+no less remarkable. Practically all cereals of importance with the
+exception of maize and one or two others originated there. Wheat,
+barley, oats, rye, millet, and others of much importance at a certain
+stage of progress in skill are indigenous in that region.
+
+5. Turning to Africa we find that the large majority of domesticated
+animals and of cultivated plants are not indigenous; when not introduced
+by Arabs or Europeans, they were derived from Egypt and into Egypt they
+had probably been brought from Asia. Of those animals now domesticated
+cattle, goats, sheep, and fowls were derived from Egypt, the dog from
+Arabia, the cat was brought by the Arabs, while pigs, muscovy ducks,
+turkeys, and pigeons were introduced by the Portuguese. Sorghum grain,
+millet, eleusine, colocasia (arum), yam, and the banana were introduced
+from Egypt; the sugar-cane, rice, wheat, oranges, limes, cucumbers,
+melons, gourds, onions, and hemp were introduced by the Arabs, while the
+coco-nut palm came from Asia and the date-palm from the Mediterranean
+basin. ‘The only doubtful exceptions are ground-nuts ... which may be
+indigenous, and certain semi-cultivated beans.’[1676] It may be observed
+that, although Africa is poor as regards animals and plants fit for
+domestication, the negro never domesticated with one or two exceptions
+such species as were capable of domestication. Thus the guinea-fowl and
+the coffee plant, both indigenous, were not domesticated by the negroes.
+
+6. Of the natural endowment of other regions it is not necessary to
+speak. The absence of all mammals, with the exception of marsupials,
+from Australia is well known, and the handicap resulting therefrom is
+obvious. There are, however, certain broad facts with regard to
+fertility and geographical configuration to which attention may be drawn
+here. With respect to the fertility of tropical regions in general there
+are two facts of importance. For the most part cereals are absent, and
+it is chiefly trees and roots among indigenous plants which lend
+themselves to domestication. Arboriculture and root-culture, however, do
+not in many respects give as good a return as does the culture of
+cereals. Further, fruits and roots cannot be stored as a rule; their
+food value is not high, and in many ways the problems presented by the
+cultivation of roots and trees do not afford anything like the same
+stimulus to skill or require anything like the same advance in social
+organization and in settled and regulated conditions of life as does the
+cultivation of cereals. Again, in the general make-up of tropical
+conditions there is frequently an element of destructiveness. The
+rapidity with which in tropical Africa products of human handiwork are
+destroyed is well known, and to a greater or less degree something of
+the kind is a feature of all tropical regions.
+
+7. Turning to geographical conditions in general as favouring or
+hindering contact we find America isolated and, as a land mass taken by
+itself, practically divided into two parts in which the conditions do
+not markedly favour contact—especially contact between different
+economic systems in close proximity. The remaining land masses may be
+thought of as radiating out from one centre. The central area is not
+only in general favourably located, but is in itself so formed as to
+favour contact. The diversity of its surface, the inland seas, the
+steppes, plateaux, mountain uplands, plains, and river valleys render it
+in this respect richly endowed. Forests were less of a barrier to
+contact in this region than elsewhere, and in this respect Western Asia
+was better situated than Europe. Tropical forests and jungles form far
+more serious barriers than do forests in temperate regions, and the
+discovery of the use of metals is of less effect in reducing the
+hindrances due to this barrier in tropical than in temperate countries.
+Looking at the tracts of land which radiate out from this centre we see
+how isolated is the greater part of Africa. Egypt is indeed almost a
+part of the Western Asiatic region, but it is nearly cut off from the
+rest of Africa by desert, being connected with the remainder of the
+continent only by the valley of the Nile which in its middle regions is
+almost barren while its upper reaches pass through huge tracts of marsh
+and swamp. As we approach the south of Africa we come to what in
+primitive times was a blind alley. So, too, in whatever direction we
+pass outwards from the heart of Eur-Asia, whether we cross the sea to
+Australia or travel to the eastern or western boundaries of the
+Eur-Asiatic land mass, we reach regions where, on account of what we may
+call their location and of other factors such as the presence of forest
+or jungle or on account of the configuration of their surfaces, contact
+is not favoured. We must in addition bear in mind that it is the central
+region which is the most richly endowed as far as fertility is
+concerned.
+
+We may remember that there was another factor to which as a stimulus to
+the formation of skill and to the transmission and storing of tradition
+we found reason to attach great importance—namely, the replacement of
+the segmentary by the organic type of social organization. This great
+change took place in the Eur-Asiatic region and must be traced
+indirectly to the characteristics of that region as a whole. For we
+found that, before such a change could come about, a growth in the
+volume of population was necessary, and growth in volume is directly
+dependent upon fertility and all other elements in the surroundings
+which favour the increase of skill.
+
+8. There is, therefore, at the least a very remarkable correspondence
+between the outstanding events of history since the opening of the first
+period and the distribution in space and time of the chief factors which
+influence tradition. We may set events in America up to the time of the
+discovery against events in the rest of the world. We do not know with
+what degree of skill the original emigrants were armed; but since,
+generally speaking, the fertility of America relative to skill in
+hunting and fishing is not, if at all, inferior to fertility elsewhere,
+we have no reason to imagine that progress in the first period would be
+less rapid than elsewhere. Again the presence, though not in great
+variety, of easily cultivatable plants would facilitate much as
+elsewhere the transition to the most primitive form of agriculture. But
+the poverty in cereals and animals fit for domestication and the absence
+of milch animals indicate an environment which, relative to conditions
+in Western Asia, offers far less stimulus to progress. Further the
+general configuration of the land does not favour contact as in the
+latter region. Nevertheless considerable progress in cereal culture and
+in the domestication of animals had been made, and in Mexico and Peru,
+where the presence of lakes, the absence of formidable barriers, and the
+diversity of surroundings offered by the proximity of high and low land
+rendered contact most effective, there had grown up societies with a
+relatively high level of skill. But America had lagged behind Eur-Asia,
+and the degree to which this was so is only what would be expected if we
+suppose that the innate capacity of the inhabitants of both regions was
+once approximately equal and that, while some had wandered into less
+favourable surroundings, others had remained in or migrated to more
+favourable surroundings. It is at least clear that if we do set the
+general trend of events in America against events in Eur-Asia there is
+nothing incompatible with the theory that the constitution of the
+environment can account in the main for the differences in the growth
+and accumulation of skill.
+
+Putting America aside, the same may be said of events elsewhere. The
+rich endowment of Western Asia has been emphasized, and this region
+appears to have been the centre of progress in the first period and was
+most certainly so in the second and during the earlier part of the third
+period. Everything leads us to suppose that at any given time up to a
+comparatively recent date the level of skill was higher in this region
+than elsewhere. From time to time waves of migration spread
+outwards—most often apparently into Europe and less often into Africa
+and Oceania—carrying with them a degree of skill so much higher than
+that existing in the outlying areas that an abrupt transition to another
+culture took place accompanied by varying degrees of extermination of,
+and mixture with, the races situated there. If we bear in mind the
+endowment of, and general conditions in, Africa and Oceania, the trend
+of events in these regions is again comprehensible on the same
+principles as those indicated above. It may also be observed that the
+principle of the shifting of the centre of progress owing to the change
+in relative fertility may be seen at work in Western Asia. At a certain
+period, for instance, after a particular degree of civilization had been
+reached, the great river valleys of the Nile and of the Tigris and the
+Euphrates, which formerly had been relatively less fertile, became the
+most fertile regions. Later the progress connected with the industrial
+revolution led to another remarkable shifting of the centre of
+advance—into regions, that is to say, where coal is abundant and easily
+worked. This shifting of the focus of progress is often overlooked by
+those who seek an explanation of the fact that the site of the earlier
+civilizations has not remained the site of the later civilizations. ‘The
+contrasts’, says Professor Elliot Smith, ‘in the achievements of the
+various peoples cannot be explained away by lack of opportunities, in
+face of the patent fact that among the most backward races of the
+present day are some that first came into contact with, or were even the
+founders of, civilization, and were most favourably placed for acquiring
+culture and material supremacy.’[1677] The shifting of the centre of
+progress is at least in part an explanation.
+
+Within the third period there took place that remarkable change in
+social organization already described which so markedly stimulated the
+growth of skill and facilitated its transmission. This change had the
+most profound effects on events in Europe and Asia. With it we must
+associate a remarkable speeding up of the progress in skill which has
+been the chief feature of the last period of human history. The
+explanation of the acceleration of progress is thus ultimately based on
+the endowment of different regions in respect to fertility, location,
+and the facilities offered to contact. It may also be noted that the
+further trend of events in Europe and Asia is made comprehensible by
+this principle of the shifting of the centre of greatest fertility on
+the one hand and by the imperfect realization of the organic type of
+society on the other. In India and in China there have been forces
+working contrary to the full development of the organic type of
+organization in the shape of devotion, largely on religious grounds, to
+various forms of a segmentary division of society, and this may prove to
+be one of the chief reasons why in Eastern Asia we seem to be faced with
+a backwater out of the main stream of progress.
+
+Further, as tradition became more complex, small differences in the
+environment often gave a favourable or unfavourable turn to the
+development of skill. Thus after the invention of writing countries were
+greatly favoured that possessed suitable writing materials. In China
+writing, owing to the cumbersome form which it has taken, has never been
+of more than a very restricted usefulness. It has been suggested that
+the differences between the clarity of Greek thought and the vagueness
+of Indian speculation are in part due to the greater use made of writing
+in the former country.[1678]
+
+9. Thus in general if we survey the outstanding facts we find that
+explanations based on the influence of the environment in stimulating
+progress in skill suggest themselves. Racial differences do exist and
+play a part. We may gain some idea what this part is if we now turn to
+consider the nature of these differences, and we may first pay attention
+to the larger differences such as those which distinguish the negro from
+the European. These differences, it must be emphasized, are only large
+relative to the differences which exist between European races. Relative
+to the difference between the ancestor in the intermediate stage and
+modern man they are almost negligible.
+
+Some analysis has been made of the differences between negroes and white
+men and with regard to these differences we may observe two things. In
+the first place they can only in part account for the differences in
+performance. Before coming into contact with Europeans, negroes had not
+passed beyond the stage of primitive thought; but it is evident that
+they are not innately incapable of so doing. The results of educating
+the negro have been to narrow the conception of the gap which separates
+him from the white man. Just as D’Alembert and Diderot would not believe
+that the Russians could be civilized up to the European standard, so a
+later generation believed that the negroes could not be so civilized;
+but ‘negroes are now indisputably the equals of white men in categories
+in which one hundred years ago their masters would have confidently
+argued that they were naturally incapable of attaining equality’.[1679]
+Nevertheless there are differences; the negro is intellectually on the
+average somewhat inferior, and certainly possesses somewhat different
+emotional and temperamental characteristics.
+
+In the second place from the end of the first period to the present day
+the evolution of mental characters shows little correspondence to the
+evolution of skill. Whereas progress in skill has been vastly
+accelerated, progress in the evolution of mental characters has slowed
+down and may within the third period have almost ceased. Selection
+within this last period has, it may be remembered, come largely to be on
+account of disease.
+
+The nature, therefore, of racial differences and the trend of evolution
+of mental characters tend to confirm the conclusion derived from a study
+of the influence of fertility and of contact—namely, that the
+outstanding events are to be traced to environmental rather than to
+germinal changes. But germinal changes are not negligible. We have seen
+how these circumstances which favoured progress in skill in the earlier
+part of the third period also favoured mental evolution in just those
+directions in which the white race is superior. Germinal changes may
+thus be regarded as contributing to the progress which occurred at this
+time; evolution in the direction of self-assertion and other qualities,
+which characterize the white races, must have accelerated the cultural
+changes already in progress. When Mr. McDougall says that ‘in so far as
+differences of cultural level are associated with differences of level
+of innate intellectual and moral qualities, cultural superiority must be
+regarded as the effect, rather than the cause, of innate mental
+superiority’,[1680] the above considerations suggest another view. It
+would appear more probable that cultural changes and germinal changes
+went hand in hand, and that they were both products of the same
+environment; no doubt one kind of change reacted on the other, but there
+seems as little reason for holding that the former were the effect of
+the latter as for holding that the opposite was the case. Mr.
+McDougall’s view meets with considerable difficulties when we extend our
+inquiry to the events within the third period. He attributes the
+cultural level of the early civilizations to previous mental evolution,
+but as he thinks that there has been no appreciable evolution since that
+time, the events of the last five thousand years including the continued
+progress in skill must be otherwise accounted for. It is surely more
+probable that this series of events beginning with the rise to the early
+civilizations and continuing to the present day is in the main based
+upon one determining cause. This we have found reason to identify with
+the influence of fertility and contact upon the development of
+tradition; to germinal change we attribute in the earlier epochs no
+little influence but an influence which is contributory—supplementing
+for a time the process which continued when germinal change had largely
+ceased. So far as we find this conclusion to be supported by further
+inquiry, so far it is correct to say that races with the innate
+mentality of the negroes would not by themselves have reached the
+position attained by the white races, though it is not true that the
+white races progressed directly because of their superior innate mental
+endowment.
+
+10. We may now inquire into the importance of the lesser racial
+differences. There are usually recognized in Europe three chief racial
+types—Nordic, Mediterranean, and Alpine. If innate mental differences
+exist, we should expect to find associated with each type certain
+peculiar traditional features; for, as we have seen, innate racial
+peculiarities tend to set the current of tradition flowing in certain
+directions, and the association of different institutions and beliefs
+with particular racial types would suggest that innate mental
+differences are making themselves felt, though, before this conclusion
+can be accepted, it must be shown that the play of environmental factors
+upon tradition has been fairly uniform for all these types. A
+considerable amount of evidence can be accumulated to show that such
+association exists. Thus the Nordic peoples are mostly Protestant and
+the Alpine and Mediterranean peoples mostly Catholic or Greek Church.
+The fact that during the Reformation a choice was set before most
+European nations as to what religion should be adopted—the issue hanging
+in the balance for some time in many places—seems to indicate that the
+conditions were more or less equalized and that the adoption of the
+Protestant religion by the Nordic type was influenced by certain innate
+characters attaching to this type—self-assertiveness and love of
+independence, for instance.[1681] The South Germans, who are of the
+Alpine race, remained Catholic, while in the Netherlands the Nordic
+Dutchmen became Protestant. Similarly there is a certain correspondence
+in Europe between the distribution of types of political institutions
+and that of racial types, and much other relevant evidence could be
+brought forward. We have seen how sharply negroes are distinguished from
+Europeans in emotional disposition; similar differences, though on a
+much smaller scale, are visible as between European races. It can hardly
+be doubted that the Irish and the Scotch differ from the English in
+disposition and—though this is more doubtful—there may be intellectual
+differences. There may be some slight difference between the English and
+the French intellect; it is hardly likely that the French passion for
+logic and the English aversion to it are altogether traditional
+characteristics. It would, therefore, appear that there are innate
+mental differences between European races which tend not so much to
+thrust races along certain paths as in the course of generations to
+colour tradition and even at crises in national life, when a choice is
+presented, to determine which path shall be taken. These differences may
+be explained—though it is a somewhat speculative enterprise—by supposing
+that the ancestors of the various racial types were exposed to different
+surroundings—the ancestors of the Alpine race to patriarchal
+institutions, of the Nordic race to more individualistic
+institutions—and that thus subservient and assertive types were
+respectively favoured.[1682]
+
+The influence, however, of innate racial differences between races so
+closely related as those of modern Europe must not be overrated. It is
+possible to point to many examples of the fact that the distribution of
+institutions, customs, and so on does not always correspond to that of
+racial types. In Belgium, to take only one instance, the Walloons are of
+Alpine stock, that is to say, they are racially similar to the great
+majority of Germans. But the Walloons are distinctly French in character
+and sympathy, whereas the Flemings—the other element in the Belgian
+population—are Nordic and are in certain respects more allied to the
+Germans with whom racially they have little in common. Either in such a
+case innate racial differences do not exist of the kind suggested, or,
+as is more probable, they exist but have been obscured by tradition.
+That tradition is the predominant factor in shaping those
+characteristics, of which we think when we have any nation in mind, can
+be seen when we look at two examples of race formation in modern times.
+Those characteristics which we find to be distinctive of the Boer race,
+for instance, can be traced to the peculiar turn given by the
+environment to the peculiar tradition—remarkable both in its religious
+and social aspects—brought by the first settlers. The racial elements
+represented among the Boers of to-day are well known—Dutch for the most
+part with some admixture of French and English blood. But it is not to
+this peculiar germinal constitution but to the motherhood of the South
+African veldt acting upon a peculiar tradition that what is
+distinctively Boer is to be attributed. So, too, there are no mental
+characteristics as manifested so definite as those which are associated
+with Americans. But it is impossible to think that they are the product
+of the influence of the various racial stocks which have gone to make
+the modern American population. Clearly enough these characteristics are
+almost wholly traditional, and it can without much difficulty be shown
+how the peculiar geographical, social, and political environment has
+given rise to them.
+
+Can we further understand how these distinctive accumulations of
+tradition are maintained? Let us remember that a man requires not only a
+home in the usual sense of a roof over his head, but what we may call a
+home in the world of tradition, and that just as most men find a
+dwelling-place in the country in which they are born, so most men at the
+same time find a home in the world of tradition in the same country. Now
+in any area, where men have for a longer or shorter time acted together,
+there has been evolved a certain tradition under the influence of those
+elements in the surroundings enumerated above. If another group of men
+has been associated together in a very similar area, the tradition there
+elaborated will show a likeness to that in the former area. But there
+may be considerable differences. Small differences in the aggregate of
+influences sometimes have far-reaching effects, and again what we regard
+in our ignorance as ‘chance’ happenings may have, as we shall point out
+later, profound consequences. Small differences and apparently
+unimportant happenings give turns and twists to the direction in which
+tradition is built up, and the individual differences between one
+tradition and another become exaggerated by the tendency of tradition to
+move in grooves. The peculiarities of a tradition become embodied in the
+sum of all the institutions—using that term in the widest
+sense—characteristic of a race and, as each man passes under the
+influence of those traditions, so these peculiarities are maintained. As
+often pointed out language is of less importance than might be supposed.
+A common language does not imply a common tradition, and on the other
+hand a diversity in language does not imply a diversity in tradition.
+Institutions of another kind are of more importance. It is institutions
+like the public schools of England which embody the distinctive elements
+in social tradition. The case of the Jews is especially noteworthy.
+There is no common language, no Jewish state, but one thing a Jew has in
+common with other Jews—his religion. Round the Jewish religion centres
+all that is distinctively Jewish, and the clinging of the Jew to his
+religion has resulted in the maintenance of a Jewish race amidst all the
+strange vicissitudes to which the Jews have been subject. ‘Qu’est-ce qui
+a conservé le Juif à travers les siècles et l’empêché de disparaître au
+milieu des nations? C’est sa religion.... Or ces rites protecteurs,
+cette cuirasse ou cette carapace d’observances qui l’a défendu durant
+deux mille ans, et que rien ne pouvait transpercer, notre esprit
+occidental l’a entamée.... Si le judaïsme, débilité, venait à se
+décomposer et à se dissoudre, qu’adviendrait-il du Juif? Fermé et
+sauvegardé par sa religion, le Juif ne risquait-il point de s’évanouir
+avec le judaïsme?’[1683]
+
+Again, it has been pointed out that men have often achieved fame as
+contributors to the civilization or literature of countries other than
+that to which they by race belonged. It has been said that no one could
+have been more French than the English Hamilton, the Swiss Rousseau, the
+Italian de Maistre, the German Heine, or the mulatto Dumas. Great
+contributions to the building up of what is typically British have been
+made by men who were not of British blood though of course distinguished
+British patriots. A string of names from Simon de Montfort to Disraeli
+can be quoted. On the other hand, ‘natives of the British Isles have
+helped to create the armies and fleets, and to build up the politics of
+most European States. In the eighteenth century you might have found an
+Irishman directing as Prime Minister the fortunes of Spain, and another
+those of Naples, a third commanding the forces of Austria, and a fourth
+seeking to rebuild the French dominions in India. Scots as a rule
+restricted their attention to Protestant countries, but John Law in the
+early years of that century did wonderful things with French finance.
+The right-hand man of Frederick the Great was a Scot, and Scots took
+more than their share in the making of Russia—an article of almost
+exclusively foreign manufacture. Peter the Great himself had a mother of
+Scottish birth, and the fact made all the difference between him and his
+imbecile half-brothers. Napoleon himself was not a Frenchman by birth;
+one of his marshals, an Italian, became king of Sweden, and founded the
+present Swedish line of monarchs.’[1684]
+
+This reference to the nature of minor racial differences thus tends to
+confirm what was said above. Germinal differences are not to be
+disregarded, but we must reject such theories as those of Gobineau and
+Houston Chamberlain, who see in race the primary explanation of all
+national achievement. Mommsen poured scorn upon the Celts and Vacher de
+Lapouge attributed most of the misfortunes of France to the
+brachycephalic element in the population.[1685] But we are now sceptical
+of any such facile explanations of the course of history.
+
+11. We can now come rather closer to the problem if we go on to examine
+certain instances of germinal change that we know to have taken place,
+and ask what effect is to be attributed to them and to such traditional
+changes as have accompanied them.
+
+Again and again in the course of history certain stocks have been
+exterminated. This was apparently the fate of the Neanderthal race, and
+in modern times was the fate of the Tasmanians. But though in this
+manner the average germinal constitution of the whole species has been
+altered, and as a rule raised, there has been little or nothing in such
+events working towards the further evolution of the remaining stocks.
+
+Intermingling of different racial stocks has been of frequent
+occurrence.[1686] As we have seen, if the differences are large, vigour
+may be exhibited in the first cross but will soon disappear;
+unfavourable combinations of characters on the other hand are likely to
+arise, and the mulatto thus tends to be a genetically undesirable type.
+Nevertheless, the undesirable character of the mulatto is in large part
+traditional. The mulatto is neither of one race nor the other and he
+knows it. He is an outcast. There is no tradition which he naturally
+absorbs. He neither grows up with the pride of the white man nor with
+the feeling of community with his coloured relatives, whose position
+with regard to other races is generally accepted as something
+inevitable. In the world of tradition there is no home for him. There
+are no channels which enable his capacities, such as they are, to
+develop in a favourable manner, and we have thus to give greater weight
+to tradition than to an unfavourable germinal constitution in producing
+the results which we see.
+
+When the differences are less, there is again the advantage of hybrid
+vigour, though this again is transitory. More important is the chance of
+a favourable re-combination of characters. Many interesting speculations
+have been made, though they are all very fanciful, with regard to the
+fortunate blendings which have produced some races, the bringing
+together of practical capacities and imagination and the like. In
+general we may regard such crossing as genetically favourable and of
+considerable importance in history. Its frequent occurrence in Europe
+and Asia has probably favoured those regions as compared with India,
+where racial differences have perhaps been too great, and China, where
+they have perhaps been too small.
+
+Nevertheless, it is probable that too great an effect has been
+attributed to the genetic results of crossing. When we come to consider
+traditional changes, we shall see how potent a factor is the contact of
+traditions which accompanies the intermingling of stocks and to which
+the greater part of the results observed have to be in all probability
+attributed.
+
+It has been noticed that to an increasing extent from the first period
+onwards the selection of mental characters comes largely to be
+determined by tradition. The trend of tradition sets in a peculiar
+direction; tradition develops in a groove and the peculiarities tend to
+become exaggerated. Men are favoured in so far as they are innately
+adapted to the chief features of the tradition. In an oligarchic society
+like that of ancient Peru the naturally servile man fares better than
+the self-assertive man; among the warlike tribes of North America the
+servile man goes under. It may be argued that so distinctive a religion
+as the Mohammedan would only gain ascendancy where the average innate
+mental faculties were of a peculiar kind; however that may be, it is
+clear that once having gained ascendancy this peculiar tradition would
+favour a certain mental type and discourage others. Thus again we see
+the tendency of germinal change to reinforce the trend of traditional
+change rather than to determine traditional change.
+
+We also saw that under a segmentary organization of society the tendency
+was towards the preservation of a certain type of mental constitution
+adapted to the peculiar tradition. Departures from the favoured type in
+any direction are cut off. When organic organization supersedes
+segmentary organization the whole position changes. It is no longer
+necessary that a peculiar tradition should be strictly maintained
+demanding a certain type of mental organization. There is favoured a
+tradition allowing of the fullest division of labour which not only
+permits but even encourages various types of innate mental capacity.
+Various forms of intellectual and emotional capacity thus find a place
+which would otherwise have gone under. But there are two sides to the
+picture; though artists and philosophers may survive, even if they do
+not exactly flourish, the feeble-minded survive also.
+
+12. The selection of mental characters within the third period demands
+further attention. We have commented upon the incompatibility between
+group selection and the selection of individuals in the earlier periods.
+Favourable individual developments may not survive because they are not
+in harmony with the type necessary to maintain the group. Group
+selection was active in the earlier part of the third period, and
+resulted in the evolution of higher types. Later group selection took
+rather a different form, but though it allowed the survival of
+variations from the favoured type, it did not altogether cease. There
+was, however, apparently little tendency towards further evolution of
+groups as a whole; but germinal changes took place according as to
+whether circumstances allowed the survival of more departures in an
+upward or in a downward direction. We may glance at the results of
+lethal and of reproductive selection. The average germinal constitution
+of a race may be profoundly changed by the operation of factors that we
+may place under the heading of lethal factors, though they do not always
+operate by elimination. In a civilized country with its complicated
+machinery of social organization, the government may adopt a policy
+which greatly favours certain types and discourages others; apparently
+chance happenings may so turn the course of events as to produce the
+same results. Thus the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes drove out of
+France men who undoubtedly differed in their innate mental constitution
+from the average; so too did the setting up of the Inquisition in Spain.
+The bad management of the liberal movement in Germany in 1848 resulted
+in the setting up of a régime as a result of which a certain type of
+German, to whom the régime was uncongenial, tended to emigrate. The
+Bolshevist régime obviously favours a peculiar mentality. From such
+instances it is clear that the average germinal constitution may be
+changed in very different directions in neighbouring countries with
+great suddenness. But in seeking the explanation of what follows in
+these cases, it is clear that germinal change is following traditional
+change; it may accelerate traditional change, but it is only a
+contributory cause of the historical movement that we observe. The lack
+of enterprise that has marked the Spanish people during the last three
+hundred years was not caused by germinal change but by traditional
+change which moulded the outlook and disposition of the people; germinal
+change doubtless followed in the same direction and contributed to the
+present position. The true importance of germinal change is not, as some
+authors would have it, that it sets movements in progress among
+civilized nations, but that it exaggerates the tendencies of traditional
+change, and renders it difficult for nations to get out of the grooves
+into which they have moved.
+
+Just as germinal change may set in different directions owing to lethal
+selection, so it may do owing to reproductive selection. In the
+religious celibates of the Middle Ages we have probably to recognize a
+distinct mental type, though how far a more valuable type than the
+average it is impossible to say. Some of their peculiar qualities were
+doubtless valuable, but they presumably lacked other valuable qualities,
+since they were disinclined to face the difficulties of the normal
+social life of their time. Even if it is held that their peculiar
+qualities were on the whole distinctly valuable, we have, before a final
+judgement is passed as to the effects of celibacy, to remember that it
+may have had a beneficial influence on tradition. An authority upon the
+Middle Ages has said that ‘It is more than probable that any real
+familiarity with the early Middle Ages will lead an unprejudiced student
+to the belief that the celibacy of the clergy was at that time essential
+to the setting apart of the clerical order, to the purification of the
+Church, and to its influence upon the world, that clerical celibacy was
+in fact a necessary stage in the spiritualization of European
+society’.[1687]
+
+Reproductive selection chiefly arises because certain classes make
+greater contributions to the following generation than other
+classes.[1688] Generally speaking, throughout the Middle Ages, so far as
+is known, the so-called upper classes contributed more to succeeding
+generations than the so-called lower classes. The position is now
+reversed, and it would appear that in the later days of Greece and Rome
+also the upper classes contributed less to the population than the lower
+classes. It is possible that the same may have been the case in other
+ancient empires. The utmost importance has been attributed to the
+influence of this form of differential fertility upon the course of
+history. Mr. McDougall, for instance, writes as follows: ‘Looking at the
+course of history widely, we may see in the differentiation of the
+social classes by the social ladder and in the tendency of the upper
+strata to fail to reproduce themselves, an explanation of the cyclic
+course of civilization.’[1689] Clearly a careful inquiry into this
+subject is needed. There are certain points to which attention may be at
+once drawn, but we shall not be able to reach any definite conclusion
+until we have examined farther into the nature of the modifications
+produced by differences in tradition between the different classes.
+
+Here we may observe that it is altogether misleading to speak, as Mr.
+McDougall does, of the lower classes as being ‘drained’ by the operation
+of the social ladder, even in England at the present day where the
+chance of rising is as great, if not greater, than it has ever been
+before. A very limited number can and do rise. The ladder is not only
+steep and difficult to climb; it is also narrow and does not permit of
+many upon it at the same time. Further, so great is the prestige of
+class that very few of the descendants of those who have climbed ever
+sink back, and yet among them the regression to the mean is always in
+operation. In other words, supposing that the ancestors of those
+composing the upper social classes to have been distinguished by
+desirable mental qualities, their descendants, to whose disappearance so
+much is attributed, are not distinguished by a similar superiority to
+the average.
+
+Granting for the moment all that has ever been claimed regarding the
+superiority of those who climb, the above considerations modify the
+importance to be attributed to differential fertility. It may further be
+noticed that, although Mr. McDougall and others speak of differential
+fertility as the origin of the cyclical course of civilization, what
+they in fact attribute to this cause are the periods of decline. Other
+causes are sought for to account for the equally remarkable periods of
+advance. Mr. McDougall, for instance, attributes the rise of Greek
+civilization to a ‘happy blending’ of two races.[1690] It may be said,
+on the other hand, that the facts point strongly to the conclusion that
+both the ‘ups’ and the ‘downs’ are part of the same phenomenon. The
+‘ups’ are as remarkable as the ‘downs’; one process seems just the
+reverse of the other. No one proposes to explain the ‘ups’ as due to the
+favourable results of differential fertility, and before we can accept
+unfavourable differential fertility as the chief cause of the ‘downs’ we
+may ask if the fundamental cause of both processes is not of another
+kind. If we should find this to be the case, it of course by no means
+implies that germinal change does not play a contributory part.
+
+13. The greater part of the discussion in this chapter has been devoted
+to an attempt to estimate the importance of germinal differences and of
+germinal changes; it is clear that in order to arrive at more definite
+conclusions we have to consider in rather more detail traditional
+differences and traditional changes. The influence of the direct effect
+of the environment must not be forgotten, as it frequently enters as a
+contributory factor into the moulding of the course of history. It may
+conveniently be considered here.
+
+Temperament is a characteristic of great importance. Just as among men
+around us temperament is seen to influence each man’s achievement, and
+largely to determine failure or success, so racial temperament is
+important in determining racial achievement. This characteristic is
+peculiarly sensitive to the direct effect of the environment, and it may
+very well be that changes in diet and so on may have influenced the
+course of history through their bearing upon temperament. At the present
+day the urban conditions under which so large a percentage of the
+members of western nations live—smoke, noise, vibration, and so on—may
+have a bearing upon temperament and so upon achievement.
+
+Such considerations are somewhat speculative. More clear are the results
+of disease upon temperament. It is a remarkable fact that disease, which
+is chiefly noticeable within the third period, upon the whole then takes
+a lethal form from which the patient either dies or recovers more or
+less completely. In tropical regions, however, there are a number of
+diseases of the non-lethal chronic type, such as the hook-worm disease
+for instance, which affect a large percentage of the population and sap
+the energy—mental and physical—of those attacked. The prevalence of any
+such disease must act in an important fashion as a drag upon progress,
+and the spreading of such a disease into a country previously unaffected
+may quite conceivably put a stop to progress, and even bring about a
+condition of decadence. The decline of Greece has been attributed, for
+instance, to the introduction of malaria. In answering the question,
+therefore, why certain areas have lagged behind others, we must not
+forget the influence of chronic disease when it affects a large
+proportion of the population, and it is a curious fact that in general
+the working of this factor has been in the same direction as that of
+other factors which influenced tradition. Where, that is to say, there
+has been a low degree of fertility in the environment and little
+stimulus through contact, there also upon the whole the deleterious
+effect of disease has been most pronounced.
+
+It may further be noticed that the direct effect of the environment has
+a bearing upon the moulding of tradition. The apathy and listlessness,
+for example, resulting from the prevalence of a disease like malaria
+form an element in the environment and give an unfavourable turn to the
+development of tradition.
+
+14. Something has been said in the last two chapters as to the nature
+and formation of tradition, and in this chapter as to its influence in
+determining the main outlines of the course of history in the chief
+geographical divisions of the world. The part played by tradition may be
+best further illustrated by a reference to two problems to which
+allusion has already been made—namely, the cyclical course of
+civilization and modern differential fertility. When we speak of the
+cyclical course of civilization we have in mind the alternations of
+periods exhibiting vigour and energy with periods exhibiting apathy. As
+within the same culture we see progress along one line and within one
+atmosphere. At times, more especially when the degree of skill is
+relatively low, there may be scarcely any progress and the condition is
+one of stagnation. But under such circumstances any turning back is
+rare. On the other hand, when the degree of skill is relatively high, we
+sometimes see periods of sudden advance often initiated almost at a
+definite date, and brought to a climax within a few—perhaps even in
+one—generations. There often follows a period of stagnation or even of
+decline. Professor Flinders Petrie has set out in a small book some
+striking facts regarding this tendency based largely on the history of
+Egypt. He shows how, taking what is left from various periods of
+artistic production, this tendency may be illustrated, and it would not
+be difficult to find many further illustrations in the history of any
+art in the last few hundred years in Europe, and in a less degree in the
+history of the various sciences.[1691] Sir Francis Galton, whose life
+work has done so much to illuminate the nature and importance of
+germinal characters, wrote as follows: ‘I have studied the causes of
+civic prosperity in various directions and from many points of view, and
+the conclusion at which I have arrived is emphatic, namely, that chief
+among these causes are a large capacity of labour—mental, bodily, or
+both—combined with eagerness for work.’[1692] Now the periods of advance
+are marked by the exhibition of these characteristics, and we may ask
+how far they are traditional in nature. Let us take as an example of a
+period of advance the Renaissance in England. ‘Englishmen of the
+sixteenth century’, says Sir Sidney Lee, ‘breathed a new atmosphere
+intellectually and spiritually. They came under a new stimulus,
+compounded of many elements, each of them new and inspiring. To that
+stimulus must be attributed the sudden upward growth of distinctive
+achievement among them, the increase of the opportunities of famous
+exploits, and the consequent preservation from oblivion of more names of
+Englishmen than in any other century before. The stimulus under which
+Englishmen came in the sixteenth century may be summed up in the
+familiar word Renaissance. The main factor of the European Renaissance,
+of the New Birth of the intellect, was a passion for extending the
+limits of human knowledge, and for employing men’s capabilities to new
+and better advantage than of old. New curiosity was generated in regard
+to the dimensions of the material world. There was a boundless
+enthusiasm for the newly discovered art and literature of ancient
+Greece. Men were fired by a new resolve to make the best and not the
+worst of life upon earth. They were ambitious to cultivate as the
+highest good the idea of beauty.’[1693]
+
+Let us look at the other side of the picture when energy is lacking.
+There was a widely held opinion that the world would end in the year A.
+D. 1000. All classes shared this opinion and prepared for the end, and
+it can easily be understood how under these circumstances, whatever the
+innate capacities may have been, little capacity for labour or eagerness
+for work would be manifested. Again, in the later days of the Roman
+Empire there was abroad a spirit of lethargy and apathy. The great
+Empire was like a clock that had run down; the machinery was all intact,
+but there was no force to set it in movement. It is said that there was
+abroad in the minds of men prescience of some coming catastrophe, a
+feeling that the inevitable end was approaching. If such a mental
+horizon is contrasted with that set before an Englishman of the
+sixteenth century or a Greek in the age of Pericles, we can understand
+how eagerness for work as outwardly manifested is profoundly influenced
+by tradition.
+
+When our knowledge of the circumstances is sufficiently precise, we can
+always detect the influence of a powerful stimulus in periods of
+progress. It often takes the form of a national purpose. ‘A national
+purpose’, it has been said, ‘is the most unconquerable and victorious of
+all things upon earth. It can raise up Babylon from the sands of the
+desert, and make imperial civilizations spring from a score of huts, and
+after it has wrought its will can leave monuments that seem as
+everlasting a portion of nature as the rocks.’[1694] At times the
+stimulus may arise from an invention of great import, such as the
+discovery of the use of metals. More often, however, the stimulus takes
+the form not directly of invention but of friction between different
+ideas—the coming into the mental horizon not merely of new skilled
+methods but of strange and foreign ideas of all kinds. Thus contact of
+cultures is followed by more than the transfer of the elements of one
+culture to another; it is in itself a stimulus so powerful as to be of
+the greatest import in history.
+
+In the past when there was little or no contact at a distance, stimuli
+were most often due to the physical contact of races whose tradition was
+not too dissimilar. ‘Just as in the mental development of the individual
+a conflict of impressions invites selective attention, so in the
+spiritual development of society a clash of cultures awakes latent
+energies of a constructive kind.’[1695] This fact has led to the error
+of attributing to war a more direct importance in stimulating energy
+than there is evidence for.[1696] Contact usually implied war, but
+contact is equally effective without war, as can be seen in the example
+of the Italian Renaissance. The stimulus in this case was largely
+derived from the rediscovery of the ideals and learning of ancient
+society, and can only be attributed to war in the far-fetched sense that
+Greek scholars were disseminated over Europe by the capture of
+Constantinople. And in more modern times stimulus is often derived from
+indirect contact in which war plays no part at all—as can be seen often
+enough in the history of art, in the influence, for example, of Chinese
+and Japanese art upon European painting.
+
+The effect of a sudden stimulus may be to break down habit, and the
+importance of habit has been dwelt upon as the characteristic which
+enables tradition once acquired to be maintained. Such breakings down
+can be observed in the lives of men and women around us under the
+influence of sudden stress, and something similar may happen to a nation
+as a whole. Professor Graham Wallas has, for instance, dwelt upon the
+importance of the breaking down of habit as accounting for the excesses
+of the French Revolution.[1697]
+
+Though a stimulus may always be detected at work during periods of
+advance, it is by no means always possible to find evidence of
+favourable germinal change. There is frequently no evidence at all of
+germinal change at such periods. In the past no doubt contact often
+implied racial intermingling, and, though in the present state of
+biological knowledge we are justified in supposing that crosses between
+two races not too distinct would usually have favourable results, there
+is no sufficient foundation for attributing favourable results to all
+such intermingling as has been done by some authors—von Luschan, for
+instance. The conclusion would seem to be that germinal change is never
+more than a contributory cause of advance, and that traditional change
+is the whole explanation of some of such periods.
+
+Periods of decline are, as we have seen, sometimes associated with
+unfavourable traditional changes. Tradition may be of such a nature as
+to sap rather than to encourage vigour. But directly unfavourable
+turnings of tradition, such as the belief that the world would come to
+an end at a certain date, are only occasional causes of decline. There
+is in the course which the development of tradition takes an almost
+inevitable tendency for periods of advance to be succeeded by periods of
+repletion and apathy. What appears to happen so often in the history of
+art after a time of advance may lead to an understanding of the tendency
+of events in general. If we watch the flowering of any school of art we
+reach a period, exemplified in the work of the followers of Raphael for
+instance, and perhaps, as some would say, in the work of Raphael
+himself, when the artists appear to be lost in the practice of the
+technical side of artistic production. The ideal, in order to express
+which the technique has been called into existence, has been lost. The
+original stimulus has in fact lost its power, and the means to the
+expression of the ideal have been mistaken for ends in themselves. The
+technique becomes a plaything, and, there being nothing to express, art
+takes the form of variations in technique, and becomes, in a word,
+conventional. This is what would appear to happen as regards progress in
+general—due allowance being made in the case of skilled processes for
+the fact that, since they are designed to achieve practical ends, there
+is less chance of decadence. But in general we see the fading of the
+power of the stimulus, the coming of a time of repletion, when men are
+lost in the mass of what has under the influence of the stimulus been
+accumulated, and in the case of the arts tend to use the skill achieved
+as an end in itself. We may trace such a course of events in the history
+of Greek thought. The course of events may be profoundly modified in a
+multitude of ways by the appearance of a new stimulus and so on. But we
+may say that such is the inevitable working of the factors upon the
+formation of tradition, that periods of stagnation, of repletion, and
+sometimes of decadence tend to occur after periods of sudden advance.
+
+It appears that we should attribute differential fertility, with its
+possibly serious effect upon the direction of germinal change which
+marks these periods, rather to the prevalence of apathy than, as Mr.
+McDougall and others would do, attribute to differential fertility the
+evidence of decline. For it is the upper classes upon whom the sense of
+apathy weighs, and it is they who contribute least to future
+generations. Further, we may remark that decline is not so mysterious a
+matter as is sometimes suggested. Such complex organizations are
+vigorous civilizations that, as has been said, ‘the wonderful thing is
+that they exist at all; what needs explanation is not so much the decay
+of some, but rather the long persistence of others.’[1698]
+
+In concluding our reference to this matter, we may notice that in recent
+times, when the working of tradition is known to us in detail, changes
+can be traced as due to tradition to which the cyclical changes are
+similar though of greater magnitude. Attention has been drawn to the
+moulding of tradition in Germany in a particular direction which so
+powerfully affected the achievement of that race. These events cannot be
+explained as due in the main to germinal change, though possibly, as
+observed, the German régime initiated about 1850 may have resulted in
+the emigration of a certain type of German, and thus in this way
+germinal change may have played a minor part. So too England during the
+Boer War was very different to England at the election of 1906, and the
+difference which was obviously traditional was enough to affect the
+achievement of the race. In such examples, which could be multiplied
+indefinitely, we see how the current of tradition may set in one way or
+another quite apart from germinal changes, and such changes of current
+may lead, when they hold good over generations, to periods of advance or
+of decay.
+
+15. There remains to be discussed the importance of tradition in modern
+differential fertility. It is first necessary to examine rather more
+closely than has yet been done the manner in which mental characters as
+manifested are due to tradition, and then to ask how far the particular
+traditions, to which the upper and lower classes are respectively
+subject, account for the mental characteristics manifested by them.
+
+As pointed out, it is obvious that the direction in which the intellect
+works and the degree to which it works are very largely determined by
+tradition. Thought will be in the primitive or common-sense stage
+according to the nature of tradition. It is not so obvious that the
+manifestation of the disposition is equally governed by tradition. The
+negroes are innately placid, good tempered, and un-self-assertive as
+compared with white men. Yet Americans constantly complain of the
+‘sauciness’ and truculence of the negro. These characters are evidently
+attributable to the surroundings to which the negroes in America are
+subject; the manner in which they are looked down upon and the
+irritating minor restrictions to which they are subject evoke in the
+negroes a reaction which results in their being called ‘saucy’ and
+truculent. In other words their disposition is so modified by tradition
+that, as manifested, it belies their innate characteristics. In an
+earlier chapter reference was made to the subservience of the Egyptian
+fellah. In the production of this characteristic a centuries-old
+tradition of oppression plays a large part, though the elimination of
+the more self-assertive individuals may have produced a low average
+level of self-assertiveness. If we compare an English public-school boy
+with an Egyptian fellah in respect to self-assertiveness and
+self-reliance, those characters as manifested form no guide to the
+underlying innate differences. Among the former self-reliance is
+strongly encouraged, among the latter it is inhibited. But if we compare
+English public-school boys one with another, and Egyptian fellaheen one
+with another, then the differences disclosed are to some considerable
+degree a measure of innate differences, because tradition is more or
+less equalized. Again, let any one observe the attitude of the British
+private soldier towards our coloured subjects, or for that matter what
+he can make of the attitude of the latter towards the English soldier,
+and he will not be in doubt as to the importance of tradition in
+producing the attitude of command and its opposite—the tendency to
+submission.
+
+There is no doubt therefore as to the possibility of tradition affecting
+profoundly the manifestation of all mental characters. When we compare
+white with black races in their original home, we have to discount the
+whole tradition. European races, however, have a considerable amount in
+common, and when we compare them we have less to discount. When classes
+within the same race are compared, there is still less to be discounted;
+they have both European and racial tradition in common; the differences
+come in at a higher level. Finally, when we compare individuals in the
+same class, we have only to discount family and individual differences
+in tradition. It is therefore clear that we have to gain some idea as to
+the nature of the differences in tradition to which the classes in
+England at the present day are subject.
+
+16. We have already remarked upon the curious fact that, although the
+organization of society on organic lines greatly favoured the
+transmission of tradition, there have come to be large differences in
+tradition as between the different component elements of society. This
+we attribute to the fact that in the first place the different component
+elements specialize in different kinds of skill; the vastness of the
+mass of tradition makes it impossible for every man to absorb all of it;
+so far as skill is concerned, each man absorbs that development of it,
+the specialization in which characterizes his function in society. This
+may account for differences as between classes with regard to skill, but
+why, it may be said, should it account for differences in manners,
+customs, and mode of life? Whatever functions may be performed by the
+different elements of society, do not the members of all alike now, in
+any case, enjoy the same privileges, have they not all homes, have they
+not access to the same interests apart from their professions? Manners
+and customs differ, and differ so much that a public-school boy finds
+himself out of his element as a private in a line regiment, and a
+university man finds it difficult to establish ordinary human relations
+with the men he meets in a working men’s club such as he establishes
+without effort when in company of men of his class.
+
+These differences are attributable to the fact that ownership of
+property has become a function in society. Further, there has come about
+the reservation to the property-owning class of certain
+professions—notably the military and the clerical—which, though they do
+not afford a high rate of remuneration, do afford, as property-owning
+affords, ample opportunities for leisure. Property owners as a class
+have had thus both the time and the means to cultivate the art of
+living. Some of the results are, as all will admit, of value. Some of
+the results are harmful; but for the most part cultivation of the art of
+living results in the multiplication of conventions which are neither
+useful nor harmful, being mere matters of form. The wage-earning class,
+on the other hand, has neither the time nor the means to elaborate any
+code of manners. Working long hours for what amounts to little more than
+a bare subsistence, they could not have evolved such a code of manners
+nor have they absorbed any considerable part of it. There was no room
+for it as their lives were lived. Other consequences follow from
+property-owning. Property-owning is power; in the property-owning class
+there arises a tradition of self-assertion, a habit of command, whereas
+in the wage-earning class there arises a tradition of self-abasement and
+a habit of subservience, traditions and habits so strong as largely to
+obscure natively given characters. We may note with interest, therefore,
+that it is on these lines, and not on a theory of germinal differences,
+that an eminent historian answers the question why military history
+shows that men of greater age and wider experience will on the field of
+battle follow to the death a boy of the upper class when they will not
+follow one of their own class. It may be objected that what has been
+said scarcely applies to the conditions of the present day and that
+subservience of the wage-earning class is not very marked at the moment.
+This is true, but it is a recent change. The reason why the change has
+come about is surely that the wage-earning class has obtained power and
+knows it. The change is an illustration of the power of tradition to
+dominate the outward expression of such important characteristics as
+assertion or subservience. No one can attribute the difference to
+germinal change. The wage-earning class has not absorbed the manners and
+customs of the property-owning class at the same time for a variety of
+reasons; for one thing they have still little place for such conventions
+in their lives, and for another thing they tend to regard everything
+connected with the property-owning class as hostile, while we may also
+remember that many elements in the upper-class tradition depend for
+their existence upon the presence of servants.
+
+An insight into the nature of these traditional differences may be
+gained in rather a different way. Many members of the upper class have
+attempted to interest themselves in the conditions of life among the
+less fortunate classes. It is doubtful how far the experience gained in
+the majority of cases is of value in throwing light upon the problems
+under consideration. But let any unprejudiced person go and live in the
+working-class quarter of any large town without any object in view other
+than to experience the conditions. Under such circumstances the
+conclusions which grow up in his mind will probably be something of the
+following nature. To all seeming the innate qualities of the boys and
+girls, in temperament, disposition, and intellect, are very much what
+they were in the boys and girls he was at school with or formerly
+associated with himself. The more intimate his acquaintance becomes with
+the conditions among which these boys and girls grow up, the more
+striking seem the peculiarities and limitations of the mental horizon
+outside of which they have little chance of penetrating compared with
+that which confronts children of his own class. The dullness and
+drabness, if there is nothing worse, of a home life in two or three
+rooms, relieved by what excitement can be found in the smaller streets
+of a large town, or later by picture palaces or an occasional football
+match, followed by marriage and the struggle to keep up a home under
+discouraging circumstances—all these features, which are not appreciated
+in their full weight until they are, as it were, felt by individual
+experience, seem adequately to explain the differences between the
+adults of one class and those of another. Any one who has had such an
+experience will, on the whole, be rather surprised that more sordidness
+does not exist, than be inclined to summon the hypothesis of innate
+inferiority to explain the sordidness that does exist.
+
+17. Profound differences in tradition as between the social classes do
+therefore exist and, as far as we have gone, they might appear to
+account for all mental differences manifested; they must in any case
+account for a considerable part of them. But though we could prolong the
+discussion on the same lines and produce much evidence tending to the
+same conclusion, we could reach no precise result. We may go on
+therefore and ask whether there is any evidence of the existence of
+innate differences between the classes.
+
+Mere observation of the boys and girls of the different classes does not
+indicate any differences. But mere observation is not enough. The
+problem may be approached in two ways. We may notice the results of
+inquiries made regarding the intelligence of children by modern methods,
+and we may also ask by what characters those who rise to a higher social
+status are distinguished, and further what innate differences may be
+supposed to underlie these apparent differences. The results of
+inquiries made to test the relative intelligence of children of parents
+of different social status are fairly uniform. Bridges and Coles, for
+example, found as the result of such an investigation that ‘there was
+very considerable dependence of intelligence upon “sociological
+conditions”’; they go on to say that ‘when children are classified
+according to the occupations of their fathers, a striking correlation is
+shown between intelligence quotient and occupation group. Hence if
+mental age rather than chronological age were used to determine the time
+for beginning school, the children of the professional group, for
+example, would begin school two years earlier than the children of the
+unskilled labour group; for the former mature intellectually much
+earlier than the latter.’[1699] The interpretation of such observations
+bristles with difficulties. It is not clear what relation earlier
+maturity bears to adult intelligence. Though the direct effect of the
+environment is probably negligible, the possibility that tradition may
+influence the results is certainly not shut out. Indeed, the fact that
+the correlation is higher for boys than for girls suggests that
+tradition does come in. Nevertheless, a consideration of these results
+suggests that the whole explanation cannot be found in tradition and
+that we have here a sign of some superiority of intelligence in the
+children of parents of a higher social status. More than that cannot be
+said.
+
+18. Let us approach the question in another way. Can we discover any
+characteristics distinctive of those who succeed in modern society, who
+rise, as it is called, from the ranks of the wage-earning classes, and,
+if we can, what these characters are and how far we must assume the
+existence of innate differences to account for them? We may think of the
+upper social classes in England to-day as falling roughly into three
+divisions—the professional and the business classes and those whose
+fathers, grandfathers, or more remote ancestors came into possession of
+property by one means or another. In the case of a small proportion of
+the latter class, the position was won under conditions which differ
+more or less profoundly from these ruling to-day. This section is a
+small section, and we need not further consider it here. A large
+proportion of the so-called upper classes have attained their position
+under the conditions which now exist, or their forefathers have attained
+it under conditions which did not greatly differ from them. What
+characteristics are they, which, when manifested under these conditions,
+lead to success?
+
+It has often been assumed that intellect is the chief factor in success.
+This assumption is not only made in ordinary conversation when a
+reference to the career of a successful man in any line is almost
+certain to be followed by the comment that ‘he must be a very clever
+fellow’ but in serious contributions to the problem. This assumption is
+certainly wrong. There are many elements in character which contribute
+more largely to success than the intellectual, such as capacity for
+work, energy, ambition, desire to dominate, tact, and so on.
+Furthermore, success in a profession is, to an almost as great an extent
+as success in business, attributable to such characteristics. Few more
+remarkable things—remarkable in being in conflict with ideas as commonly
+preconceived—are learnt from observation and experience than the length
+to which such characteristics in favourable association can carry a man
+even in the strictly learned professions where it might be supposed that
+intellect alone would carry off the prizes. There can be no doubt that
+those elements in character which are most important as regards success
+are such as we must attribute to differences in disposition and
+temperament rather than in intellect so far as we can attribute them at
+all to innate differences.
+
+This is essentially what we want to know—what innate differences do
+exist. We have, when trying in the first place to fix upon the outwardly
+existing characteristics, to remember that tradition may give powerful
+twists and turns—sometimes of a desirable and sometimes of an
+undesirable nature—to the simpler characteristics mentioned above, such
+as ambition. In the business world, for example, the successful man is
+from many points of view the man who gets his head above the heads of
+other people, who gets more out of other people than they get out of
+him. But are we to imagine that there is something in him which impels
+him so to act with regard to his fellow men, or are we to imagine that
+the simpler characteristics of ambition and love of power lead to such
+conduct under the guidance of a particular tradition without any
+definite desire on his part or even perhaps without any clear
+realization as to what it is precisely that he is doing? The second
+explanation is that which best fits the facts. It seems clear that, as
+tradition changes in the course of years, the activities of the
+energetic ambitious men are led this way and that. At present no doubt
+to a certain degree they are led in the direction of ‘pushfulness’—by
+what M. Faguet has called ‘le goût d’arrivisme’. It is always dangerous
+to read into the activities of men the working of particular innate
+characteristics. Few things in history perhaps have been as harsh as the
+conduct of the generation which devised the game laws, and yet these
+very men did not merely quote the classics with unbounded enthusiasm but
+were also moved by genuine sympathy and altruism to abolish slavery, the
+horrors of which were known to them only by report. We should refrain,
+therefore, from deducing from the activities of the successful men and
+of the upper classes more than the presence of those simpler
+characteristics mentioned above as leading to positions of pre-eminence
+over other men.
+
+These simpler characteristics are in themselves very complex
+manifestations of many elements, of which tradition is one. But in the
+case of this particular problem, as we are considering rise from a lower
+to a higher social status, tradition cannot be held to be the cause of
+the differences. There are, in fact, unquestionably innate differences
+in temperament and disposition which underlie the characteristics
+leading to success, and the temperamental differences which have been
+curiously neglected are probably the most important and form perhaps
+half the secret of success. Among the temperamental characteristics
+leading to success we may note low degree of fatiguability, high power
+of recuperation, rapidity of response, hopeful nature, vigour, energy,
+and healthy nervous tone. Among the characteristics of disposition we
+may note similarly the instincts of self-assertion, of emulation, and of
+acquisition. The power of forming habits is probably also a considerable
+aid to success under modern conditions.
+
+What part does intellect play? Judging from the fact that it is
+certainly an aid to success, though not so powerful a factor as is
+usually thought, we may conclude that there is some, probably a slight,
+difference in intellectual capacity between the classes. Intellect, when
+it accompanies success, is rather more in the nature of an incidentally
+favourable factor than of a primary cause of success. The powerful
+instinct of self-assertion will make itself felt; its possessor will
+probably arrive somewhere; a powerful intellect may, in the absence of,
+or rather with the inadequate development of, other innate qualities,
+not advance its possessor’s position in the world.
+
+But though considerations based upon a testing of intelligence on the
+one hand and upon an analysis of qualities leading to success on the
+other do without question lead to the conclusion that there are
+differences in innate qualities as between the successful and the
+unsuccessful, there are grounds for thinking, for the reasons mentioned
+above, that the differences between the classes are not large. For we
+must remember that, so far from the lower classes being drained of men
+of certain qualities, a very small proportion of the men of these
+classes is ever enabled to set out on the path leading to success in
+business or in a profession. Also we must not forget, when considering
+success, the part played by fortunate accidents under complex modern
+conditions—mere chance happenings which, altering the whole course of a
+man’s life, may determine whether he is successful or unsuccessful.
+Again, there is little or no relapse worth speaking of into the lower
+classes when once a status is gained. Such is the influence of place and
+status that for the most part, whatever may be the innate qualities, the
+descendants of men who won their way upwards maintain their position.
+Therefore the regression to the mean which is always at work must tend
+to lessen such innate differences as exist between the classes.
+
+19. Lastly, there is a very difficult problem the existence of which
+must not be forgotten inasmuch as it affects in the most fundamental
+manner the judgement to be passed on the meaning of these differences.
+We have to ask what is the value of the differences which exist. Success
+alone cannot be taken as an indication of the value of the characters
+exhibited by the successful. There can indeed be no doubt that, other
+things being equal, a decrease in the average intellect would be an
+unfortunate thing. Similarly we may regard those temperamental qualities
+which were indicated as leading to success as on the whole of value. But
+it cannot be affirmed without more consideration that all temperamental
+qualities which distinguish the successful are desirable, and more
+particularly that a further development of the instincts of
+self-assertion, acquisition, and emulation would be desirable under
+present circumstances; it may even be that we might view a diminution in
+the average strength of some of the qualities which mark the successful
+at least with equanimity. The instincts of acquisition and
+self-assertion were of great value in the past, highly indeed as mankind
+has paid for the careers of men markedly endowed with these qualities.
+But, with the present stage of social evolution in Europe in mind,
+should it not be said that the instinct of acquisition when developed
+above the average is on the whole harmful, and may it not be that
+self-assertion is likely to be a source of difficulty in any form of
+co-operative commonwealth, and to some form of co-operation as replacing
+or modifying competition we seem to be tending.
+
+We may see this whole problem of value in another light if we ask what
+it is that we value in the men of our race. Latterly we have had reason
+to dwell upon the qualities which we feel to characterize the men of our
+race at their best. Are they not self-respect together with modesty,
+tenacity together with tenderness? Any one who has served in the ranks
+of the army is not likely to allow that these qualities are on the whole
+less developed in the classes from which the ranks of the army are
+usually filled than in the rest of the nation. In this connexion we
+should perhaps remember that a sense of comradeship in facing the
+elemental facts of existence without material wealth may provide an
+impetus to the expression of these qualities, whereas an absorption in
+the less immediate necessities of life may militate against their
+expression. To the degree to which this is so, we should, when trying to
+estimate the innate capacities in the different classes, make the
+necessary allowances—in the case of the so-called upper classes for the
+circumstances adverse to the expression of these qualities and in the
+case of the so-called lower classes for circumstances which on the whole
+perhaps favour their expression. However this may be, we feel that these
+qualities are the most valuable which our race has produced and that
+upon their preservation and upon greater opportunities for their
+expression depends our best hope for the future. He would be a bold man,
+however, who suggested that the possession of these qualities in more
+than average amount was a characteristic of the successful. The same may
+be said of good taste, good manners, and of other qualities which, to
+say the least of them, contribute to the amenities of life.
+
+It is at least apparent how difficult a problem is the judgement to be
+passed on the effects of modern differential fertility. There are
+grounds for thinking that those who see in differential fertility the
+cause of the cyclical course of civilization both over-estimate the
+results and neglect certain aspects of the changes involved.
+Differential fertility is not a factor to be disregarded; the results
+which it is now producing demand the most careful investigation.
+Nevertheless, so far as our knowledge extends, we should view it rather
+as the result than as the cause of the cyclical course of history—the
+course which historical changes take being due primarily to changes in
+tradition. This conclusion is in harmony with all that has been said in
+this chapter as to the relative importance of change in tradition and of
+change in the germinal constitution. From the first period in history
+changes in tradition have come to override changes in the germinal
+constitution; the latter form of change is far from being negligible,
+but it is a contributory rather than a fundamental cause of the events
+of history.
+
+
+
+
+                                  XXII
+                               CONCLUSION
+
+
+1. An attempt has been made to trace the origin of problems of
+population from their source and to indicate their nature and
+interdependence. They have been traced back to man’s place in nature.
+The ancestors of man must at one time have been subject to the same
+conditions as those to which all species in a state of nature are
+subject. These conditions were investigated, and it was shown that
+fecundity is in the main determined by the sum of all the dangers to
+which the young of any species are exposed—allowance being made for the
+fact that a certain proportion of ova will not be fertilized. It was
+also shown that change or history—if history can be spoken of in this
+connexion—is due to germinal change alone, and it was further indicated
+how it may be supposed that germinal change comes about. The early
+stages in the moving away of the pre-human ancestor from these
+conditions elude our inquiry, though certain deductions may be made as
+to the main outline of what happened. For evidence as to the latter
+stages, until we reach historical times, we are chiefly dependent upon
+the method of using our knowledge of existing primitive races as
+throwing light upon prehistoric races.
+
+2. Problems of population fall under two main headings, problems of
+quantity and problems of quality. But all problems of population are
+interwoven one with another and the method of solving any quantitative
+problem bears upon the quality of population. Thus the methods of
+regulating quantity affect quality by influencing germinal change, and
+in the later periods of history growth in quantity affects quality by
+its influence upon tradition. No one problem should be considered
+without reference to its bearing both upon quantity and quality. At the
+present day, for instance, differential fertility is almost always
+considered solely from the point of view of quality; it is forgotten
+that the reduction in the birth-rate may be that which economic
+conditions demand and that it may of necessity have to begin among the
+upper classes. Though, therefore, differential fertility by producing
+unfavourable germinal changes is to be to that degree deplored, yet we
+have to remember that, so far as quantity is concerned, failure to meet
+economic requirements might be a much greater misfortune.
+
+3. As regards quantitative problems we saw that from the first period of
+history onwards—from the time, that is to say, that it began to be
+possible for man to reap the benefits of co-operation—it was of the
+utmost importance for every group to approximate to the optimum number.
+This is the number which—taking into consideration the nature of the
+environment, the degree of skill employed, the habits and customs of the
+people concerned, and all other relevant facts—gives the highest average
+return per head. This number is not fixed once and for all. On the
+contrary it is constantly varying as the conditions referred to vary,
+and, as skill has tended to increase throughout history, so has the
+number economically desirable tended to increase. The errors underlying
+the wholly different exposition given by Malthus have been indicated;
+for him there was no such thing as over-population. In his view
+population had at any one time increased up to the possible limit and
+was in process of being checked. In the modern view numbers may
+approximate to the desirable level, may not reach it, or they may exceed
+it, and if either of two latter positions arise, the return per head
+will not be as high as it might be.
+
+The quantitative problem presents itself to all races at all times.
+There is no escaping it. The common notion that it only presents itself
+at certain times and in certain places is based upon a failure to grasp
+the strength of fecundity. Almost without exception those factors, which
+incidentally restrict increase and produce elimination, are insufficient
+so to reduce fertility as to keep numbers down to the optimum level.
+There thus arises the need for factors which directly restrict fertility
+and cause elimination; among primitive races these factors take the form
+of abortion, infanticide, and prolonged abstention from intercourse.
+There is no correlation between these factors and the economic stage
+reached, and therefore we have no grounds for assuming any one factor to
+have been prevalent at any one stage in pre-history, though we must
+assume that one or more of these factors was always at work. This
+assumption is confirmed by the fact that, whenever we can catch sight of
+the emergence of prehistoric races into the light of history, we find
+one or other of these factors to have been present. Further there is
+every reason to suppose that normally such of these factors as are in
+use are effective and that therefore in the first and second periods of
+history some approximation to the optimum number was normally attained.
+
+The third period is in many respects different from those that preceded
+it. In the first place the number desirable has been constantly
+increasing, so much so that increasing numbers are taken as being a
+normal feature of human society whereas, in fact, numbers throughout
+human history as a whole have been stationary. It may be that we are
+nearing a time when numbers will be again normally stationary, for
+though increase may remain economically desirable, it may cease to be so
+from a wider point of view of human welfare, when, that is to say, facts
+other than income per head are taken into account. In the second place
+there have been frequent failures to attain to the optimum number owing
+to the many disturbing influences at work. Chief among them are the
+fluctuations in the number desirable, the erratic action of certain
+causes of elimination, such as war and disease, and migrations.
+
+Regarding the quantitative problem as a whole, it is evident that the
+necessity of solving it has had the most profound effect upon all
+societies at all times. It bears directly upon the relation between the
+sexes—around which so largely centres human welfare—and upon the most
+intimate and most valued aspects of the life of every adult—those
+connected with the family. In the past the solution has been
+unconsciously or semi-consciously achieved; it has now come within the
+power of mankind after a due consideration of the position deliberately
+to decide what the best solution may be.
+
+4. Turning now to the problems of quality, we found that change among
+species in a state of nature, and therefore among our pre-human
+ancestors, was due to germinal change alone. Just as man has moved away
+from the position in which all species in a state of nature are situated
+as regards quantity, so he has moved away from the position in which
+they are placed as regards quality. Human history, in other words, is
+not explicable as due to germinal change alone. Tradition becomes a
+factor of ever-increasing importance; the direct influence of the
+environment also assumes a greater importance than among species in a
+state of nature, though it remains relatively insignificant compared
+with changes in tradition and changes in the germinal constitution.
+Germinal change, however, retains almost its full importance so far as
+permanent changes in physical characters are concerned.
+
+We have seen that physical characters as presented to us are the
+expression of the interaction between certain germinal predispositions
+and a certain environment, and that, disease apart, such variations as
+usually occur in the environment do not in any notable manner affect
+these characters. Tradition does not enter directly into the expression
+of physical character; it alters the environment, it is true, but that
+is another matter. Nevertheless when we come to investigate the smaller
+differences, such as those which are found as between members of
+different classes in a modern community, the greatest caution is
+necessary before the differences in the environment are ruled out as
+contributory factors in producing these differences. Broadly speaking,
+we may say that differences in stature, eye colour, eyesight, muscular
+power, and so on, are all, though in varying degrees, because different
+organs vary in their susceptibility to environmental differences,
+expressions of germinal differences. It follows that, so far at least as
+physical characters are concerned, the germinal constitution is of
+primary importance. Disease due to parasites is a question apart. The
+parasites might be eliminated, or conceivably preventive medicine might
+render susceptibility to disease of little account. Disease due to
+structural defects must be classed with other physical characters and,
+whether it be that we are considering health (immunity from parasitic
+disease excepted), stature, eye colour, or any other physical character,
+it is to the germinal constitution that we must look as the factor of
+chief importance.
+
+It is not, however, of changes in physical characters but of changes in
+mental characters of which we think when we ask what it is that has
+caused those events the recording of which is the province of
+historians. There are three factors to be considered, germinal change,
+traditional change, and the direct effect of the environment, which
+latter factor we may pass over, merely recalling that it can at times—as
+in the case of chronic disease affecting at one time a large proportion
+of the inhabitants of a country—appreciably retard progress. It is never
+in the true sense a cause of progress. In thus relegating the direct
+effect of the environment to a very subsidiary place among the factors,
+we are not dismissing the environment as of little account in human
+history or in the lives of individual men and women. Though the direct
+effect of the environment on the germinal constitution is seldom clearly
+distinguished from its effect in moulding tradition, yet it is wholly
+distinct; and in fact, while attributing to the former little
+importance, we have found the latter to be of increasing importance
+until it comes altogether to dominate germinal change.
+
+Nevertheless when this distinction is realized and an unbiased effort
+made to estimate the relative importance of these factors, it seems that
+the position is often curiously misunderstood. It is frequently
+suggested that the achievement of our race in the future and of mankind
+in general will somehow depend principally upon the course of germinal
+change, and that it is in the lives of men at the present day or at any
+given time that environment in its bearing upon tradition is of
+importance. But this is a misconception of the position. Bearing in mind
+the discussions in former chapters as to what is inherited and as to the
+direct influence of the environment, let us ask wherein the importance
+of germinal differences is to be sought, first as between men at the
+present day and afterwards in history as a whole. With regard to
+physical characteristics it is clear that, disease apart, men are what
+they are owing principally to their native endowment. Whether a man is
+tall or short, dark or fair, has blue or brown eyes, or what is, apart
+from the possibility of a correlation between these and more valuable
+characters, of more importance, whether he is healthy, vigorous, strong,
+endowed with good eyesight and hearing, in short with a sound
+constitution—this is a matter principally of native endowment, supposing
+the differences in the environment not to exceed those which now on the
+average occur. And the same applies to mental characters with an
+allowance made for the marked degree of susceptibility which temperament
+exhibits to changes in the environment. Whether a man has more than the
+average degree of intellect, is markedly assertive, pugnacious, or
+inquisitive, is capable of withstanding or recovering from fatigue,
+depends upon his native endowment. But it is at the same time true that
+achievement is in very large degree governed by tradition. This is true
+if the criterion of achievement is an historical criterion, as, for
+instance, when a man of one race is compared with another man of the
+same race belonging to a different epoch or when a man of one race is
+compared with a man of another race. It is not true when the comparison
+is made between two men of the same class within the same race because
+within classes in a race tradition is more or less equalized. And where
+tradition is equalized, there achievement is a measure of innate
+endowment, and it is within a class usually so equalized that at any
+given time the outward manifestation of mental characters is nearly as
+much a measure of native endowment as are those of physical characters.
+Therefore not what a man achieves as judged by historical standards, not
+whether his thought will follow primitive or common-sense lines, is
+dependent upon his endowment, but what he will make of the tradition of
+his time—his performance, in other words, compared with that of men
+around him.
+
+Achievement, therefore, as judged historically, is in very large measure
+to be explained as due to the influence of the environment upon the
+origin and transmission of tradition. Up to a certain stage, however,
+and, when the whole of human history is taken into account, up to a late
+stage, achievement was in the main dependent upon germinal change. But
+this late stage is anterior by many thousands of years to the beginning
+of history in the usual meaning of that term. Beginning not later than
+the last period of the Palaeolithic, the explanation of the course of
+events is in the main to be sought not in germinal change but in the
+influence of environment upon tradition. The importance of germinal
+change in the later stages is by no means negligible. Germinal change,
+however, was not so much the cause of the course which events followed
+as a consequence of these events. The effect reacted upon the cause and
+accelerated the process. Finally when considering the latest phase of
+history—the latest phase, that is to say, when taking a broad view—we
+reach the following conclusion. We find that the great acceleration of
+the rate of progress which characterizes the history of the period is to
+be explained, not by a change in quality, but by the growth in quantity
+of the population which, though it does not of necessity lead to, is the
+indispensable condition precedent to, the breakdown of the segmentary
+organization of society and to the rise of the organic type of social
+organization. This is the paradox of the population problem. Change
+among species in a state of nature is based upon germinal change alone;
+change among our pre-human ancestors was equally a matter of change in
+the quality of population; but the explanation of the most outstanding
+fact in recent history broadly viewed is to be sought in a change in
+quantity rather than in quality of population.
+
+The explanation of the course of events since late Palaeolithic times as
+due to tradition on the lines indicated in the last chapter is in
+general satisfactory, provided that on the one hand allowance is made
+for the fact that differences in race do imply differences in mental and
+moral qualities, which arising on the whole together with changes in
+tradition, reinforce the tendency to change along certain lines, and
+that on the other hand apparently chance happenings do give turns and
+twists to the course of events. The reconciliation of this latter
+phenomenon with the general trend of the argument is not difficult.
+Under certain conditions the death or even the indisposition of some
+prominent man or the whim of a powerful minister may appear to divert
+the course of events. Nevertheless in reality such events have only a
+passing effect and do not obscure the broad workings of the factors we
+have indicated.
+
+The relation of the innate qualities to tradition may be illustrated by
+the use of a metaphor. Tradition may be likened to some vast structure
+which mankind is building. Each generation adds a few bricks to the
+structure. The part of the building to which any one man contributes,
+whether it is to the ground floor or to one of the upper stories, wholly
+depends upon the race and epoch to which he belongs; so too does for the
+most part the kind of brick he will lay and the methods he will employ
+in laying it. His contribution to the structure is governed by the plan
+of the building as elaborated by previous generations and by the bricks
+they have prepared and the methods of laying them they have introduced.
+But in any generation whether a man will lay a brick at all or whether
+he will do it energetically and intelligently as compared with his
+fellow-workers will depend upon the innate qualities with which he is
+endowed.
+
+Our conclusion therefore must be something after this kind. Those who
+base upon germinal change their hopes for the physical condition of the
+human race in the future are building upon sound foundations. However
+much our power to control and regulate vital processes may increase—and
+it is clearly upon the verge of a very great increase—in the end a
+satisfactory physical condition can only be the product of a certain
+germinal constitution. On the other hand, those who think that germinal
+change in mental characters will effect the evolution of society and
+mould the course of history are upon the whole mistaken. The course of
+history is in the main dependent upon changes in tradition which are for
+the most part independent of germinal change. Just as the outstanding
+happenings in the last century—the turning of thought and conduct in
+Germany, for example, along certain lines, which ended in so great a
+catastrophe—were due to changes in tradition and not to changes in the
+germinal constitution, so whether the problems now pressing upon
+European society are to be solved or whether some greater catastrophe,
+reaching a climax in a long course of years or bursting suddenly upon
+us, is to be the outcome, will depend upon changes in tradition and not
+upon germinal change. The reason for this lies in the fact that the vast
+accumulation of tradition overlays the outward expression of mental
+character, determines the direction of intellectual activity and moulds
+the expression of the instinctive faculties. But as far as tradition is
+equalized, so far do innate mental differences manifest themselves as
+between man and man, and since tradition is more or less equalized, if
+not within races, at least within classes in the same race, to that
+degree is mental endowment of pre-eminent importance to the individual.
+
+
+
+
+                               APPENDIX I
+
+
+There is presented below a summary of the evidence that in all parts of
+the world there existed among primitive races, before they had been
+subjected to European or other outside influence, customs the primary
+function of which was the restriction of increase. An ideal review of
+the matter would require a preliminary selection of certain areas where
+the conditions referred to could be thoroughly studied. After a mapping
+out of the races and tribes, in order that some idea might be obtained
+of the relative numerical importance of each, an exhaustive examination
+of the literature might be undertaken and the date of the observations
+noted. The credibility of the authors would have to be considered and
+some method of allowing for negative evidence elaborated. Nothing of the
+kind has been attempted here. It may be suggested that the problem
+should have been pursued at least somewhat further. Various attempts
+were made to analyse the evidence in other ways, but the difficulties
+met with were such that it seemed best to present the evidence as
+follows. Evidence of a reasonably credible nature as to the existence of
+these customs has been noted. In many of these cases other authors are
+silent as to these practices; in one or two cases the practices have
+been denied; but when the denial is either not apparently founded on
+careful observation or is of a distinctly later date, these instances
+have not been omitted. Where the weight of the evidence is against the
+existence of the practice, as in the case of the existence of
+infanticide among the Veddahs, any positive evidence is omitted. One
+author does record infanticide among the Veddahs, and it may be that it
+formerly existed.
+
+It is submitted that the evidence as given below does show customs
+restrictive of increase to have been so widespread, in the form either
+of abortion, infanticide, or prolonged abstention from intercourse, as
+to have been practically universal. It is in fact submitted that,
+although for the many reasons set out in the text the evidence must be
+very incomplete, there is ample support for the theory which has been
+advanced.
+
+In the following summary the letter ‘R’ stands for prolonged restriction
+of intercourse, ‘A’ for abortion, and ‘I’ for infanticide. Where the
+evidence records the practice to be rare, but there are reasons for
+thinking that the rarity may be recent, the reference has been included
+with the word ‘rare’ given in brackets.
+
+
+                               AUSTRALIA
+
+          Group I.
+
+[Sidenote: I.]
+
+    General References. Parker, _Aborigines_, p. 23; Lumholtz, _Among
+    Cannibals_, p. 134.
+
+    Victoria. Curr, _Recollections_, p. 252.
+
+    Victoria and Riverina. Beveridge, _Aborigines_, p. 26.
+
+    New South Wales and Victoria. Mathews, _Ethnological Notes_, p. 17.
+
+    Port Lincoln. Wilhelmi, _Transactions of the Royal Society of
+    Victoria_, vol. v, p. 180; Schürmann, _Aboriginal Tribes_, p. 223.
+
+    River Darling. Bonney, _J. A. I._, vol. xiii, p. 125.
+
+    Southern Australia. Palmer, _J. A. I._, vol. xiii, p. 280; Fison and
+    Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 190; Eylmann, _Kolonie
+    Südaustralien_, p. 261; Smyth, _Aborigines_, vol. i, p. 52.
+
+    Mining Tribe. Howitt, _Native Tribes_, p. 748.
+
+    Tongeranka. Ibid., p. 749.
+
+    Mukjarawaint. Ibid.
+
+    Wotjos. Ibid.
+
+    Tatuthi. Ibid.
+
+    Wadthaurung. Ibid.
+
+    Narrinyeri. Taplin, _Native Tribes_, p. 13.
+
+    Queensland. Mathew, _Two Tribes_, p. 165.
+
+    Port Darwin. Foelsche, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiv, p. 192.
+
+    Central Australia. Eyre, _Journals_, vol. ii, p. 376; Spencer and
+    Gillen, _Native Tribes_, p. 269.
+
+    Northern Tribes. Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, p. 608.
+
+    Western Australia. Grey, _Journals_, vol. ii, p. 251.
+
+[Sidenote: A.]
+
+    North-west and Central Queensland. Roth, _Ethnological Studies_, p.
+    183.
+
+    Mythuggadi. Palmer, _J. A. I._, vol. xiii, p. 280.
+
+    Port Jackson. Collins, _Edinburgh Review_, vol. ii, p. 34.
+
+    TASMANIA
+
+            Group I.
+
+[Sidenote: A.]
+
+    Bonwick, _Tasmanians_, p. 76.
+
+[Sidenote: I.]
+
+    Ibid., pp. 79 and 85; Ling Roth, _Tasmania_, p. 167.
+
+                                  BUSHMEN
+
+            Group I.
+
+[Sidenote: I.]
+
+    Moffat, _Missionary Labours_, p. 58; Stow, _Native Races_, p. 51.
+
+                                  AMERICA
+
+            Group I.
+
+[Sidenote: R.]
+
+    General References. Weld, _Travels_, p. 373; Heriot, _Travels_, p.
+    339.
+
+    Yguazas. Cabeça da Vaca, _Narrative_, p. 62.
+
+    Abipones. Dobrizhoffer, _Abipones_, vol. ii, p. 97.
+
+[Sidenote: A.]
+
+    General References. Weld. loc. cit., p. 373; Robertson, _History_,
+    vol. i, p. 297.
+
+    Eskimos. Wells and Kelly, _U.S.A. Bur. of Education_, 1890, p. 19;
+    Bessels, _Arch. für Anth._, vol. viii, p. 112.
+
+    Hudson Bay. Ellis, _Voyage_, p. 198.
+
+    Knisteneaux. Mackenzie, _Voyages_, vol. i, p. 148.
+
+    Haidahs. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 169.
+
+    Puget Sound. Lord, _Naturalist_, vol. ii, p. 231.
+
+    Vancouver Island (Nootkas). Sproat, _Savage Life_, p. 94; Bancroft,
+    vol. i, p. 197.
+
+    Thompson Indians. (Rare.) Teit, _Jesup North Pacific Expedition_,
+    vol. i, p. 305, and vol. ii, p. 584.
+
+    Shushwap. (Rare.) Ibid.
+
+    Western Washington and North-western Oregon. Gibbs, _U.S. Geog. and
+    Geol. Survey_, vol. i, p. 199.
+
+    Chinooks. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 242.
+
+    Inland Tribes Pacific Coast. Ibid.
+
+    Omahas. (Rare.) Dorsey, 3rd _A. R. B. E._, p. 263.
+
+    Californians. Powers, loc. cit., p. 207.
+
+    New Mexico. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 590.
+
+    Guaycurus. Castelnau, _Expedition_, vol. ii, p. 450; Azara,
+    _Voyages_, p. 146.
+
+    Payaguas. Rengger, _Reise_, p. 329.
+
+    Fuegians. Cooper, _S. I. B. E._, No. 63, p. 171.
+
+[Sidenote: I.]
+
+    Eskimos. Behring Straits. Nelson, 18th _A. R. B. E._, p. 289.
+
+    Central. (Rare.) Boas, 6th _A. R. B. E._, p. 580.
+
+    Smith Sound. Murdoch, 9th _A. R. B. E._, p. 417; Bessels, _Arch. für
+    Anth._, vol. viii, p. 112.
+
+    King William Land. Murdoch, loc. cit., p. 417.
+
+    Greenland. Nansen, _Greenland_, p. 330.
+
+    Aleuts. (Rare.) Dall, _Alaska_, p. 399.
+
+    Malemutes. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 81.
+
+    Kutchins. Kirkby, _Church Missionary Intelligencer_, vol. xiv, p.
+    115; Hardisty, 21st _A. R. B. E._, p. 312; Mackenzie, _Voyages_,
+    vol. i, p. 148.
+
+    Copper River District. Woldt, _Reise_, p. 393.
+
+    Chinooks. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 242; Lord, loc. cit., vol.
+    ii, p. 231.
+
+    Koniagas. Bancroft, vol. i, p. 81.
+
+    Nootkas. Bancroft, vol. i, p. 197.
+
+    Haidahs. Gibbs, loc. cit., p. 198; Bancroft, vol. i, p. 169.
+
+    Kwakiutl. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 169.
+
+    Chepewayans. Keating, _Narrative_, p. 160.
+
+    Californians. Powers, loc. cit., p. 416; Bancroft, loc. cit., vol.
+    i, pp. 390 and 413.
+
+    Yguazas. Cabeça da Vaca, _Narrative_, p. 62.
+
+    Abipones. Dobrizhoffer, _Abipones_, vol. ii, p. 97; Charlevoix, loc.
+    cit., vol. i, p. 405.
+
+    Guaycurus. Church, _South America_, p. 248.
+
+    Puelches. Guinnard, _Patagonians_, p. 143.
+
+    Fuegians. (Rare.) Westermarck, _Human Marriage_, p. 313.
+
+            Group II.
+
+[Sidenote: R.]
+
+    Iroquois. Le Beau, _Aventures_, vol. ii, p. 200.
+
+    Illinois. Charlevoix, loc. cit., vol. vi, p. 5.
+
+    Crows. Holder, _Am. Journ. Obstet._, vol. xxv, p. 44.
+
+    Mexico. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 281.
+
+    Moxos and Chiquitos. D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, vol. i, p. 47.
+
+[Sidenote: A.]
+
+    Sioux. Keating, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 394; Schoolcraft, loc. cit.,
+    vol. i, p. 204.
+
+    Crows. Holder, loc. cit., p. 44.
+
+    Apaches, Navahos, Pueblos, Pimas, Nahua, Otommi, and Aztec.
+    Hrdlicka, _S. I. B. E._, Bull. 34, p. 163.
+
+    Menomini. Stevenson, 23rd _A. R. B. E._, p. 296.
+
+    Zuni. (Rare.) Ibid.
+
+    Mexico. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. ii, pp. 183 and 269.
+
+    Brazil and the Chaco. Ehrenreich, _Königliches Museum zu Berlin_,
+    vol. i, Heft 2, p. 27; Azara, vol. ii, p. 116.
+
+    Bakairi. Von den Steinen, _Brazilien_, p. 123.
+
+[Sidenote: I.]
+
+    Pimas. Yarrow, _A. R. B. E._, vol. i, p. 99.
+
+    Sioux. Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 243.
+
+    Creeks. Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 272.
+
+    Guanas. Azara, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 93.
+
+    Mbayas. Ibid., p. 116.
+
+    Lenguas. Hawtrey, _J. A. I._, vol. xxi, p. 295.
+
+    Guaranis. Rengger, _Reise_, p. 329.
+
+                                   AFRICA
+
+[Sidenote: R.]
+
+    Yoruba-speaking. Ellis, _Yoruba-Speaking Peoples_, p. 185.
+
+    Ewe-speaking. Ellis, _Ewe-Speaking Peoples_, p. 206.
+
+    Kagero. Tremearne, _J. A. I._, vol. xlii, p. 174.
+
+    Hausa. Ibid., vol. xxxvi, p. 93.
+
+    Benin. Ling Roth, _Benin_, p. 39.
+
+    Niger District. Mungo Park, _Travels_, p. 402.
+
+    Warri District. Granville, _J. A. I._, vol. xxvii, p. 106.
+
+    Moioa. Tremearne, _Nigeria_, p. 239.
+
+    Gallinas. Harris, _Darkest Africa_, p. 36.
+
+    Hobbés. Desplagnes, _Plateau Nigérien_, p. 227.
+
+    Cameroon. Nassau, _West Africa_, p. 11.
+
+    Ashanti. Reade, _South Africa_, p. 45.
+
+    Congo District. Cureau, _Sociétés primitives_, p. 378; Johnston,
+    _George Grenfell_, p. 671; Ward, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiv, p. 289.
+
+    Bangala. Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 418; Overbergh and
+    Jonghe, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 1, p. 199.
+
+    Mayombe. Overbergh and Jonghe, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 2, p. 219.
+
+    Ababua. Halkin, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 7, p. 260.
+
+    Bayaka. Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 51.
+
+    Mandja. Gaud, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 8, p. 154.
+
+    Warega. Delhaise, ibid., No. 5, p. 154.
+
+    Uganda. Wilson and Felkin, _Uganda_, vol. i, p. 187.
+
+    Baganda. Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 55.
+
+    Rovuma River. Thomson, _Geog. Journ._, vol. iv, p. 73.
+
+    Swaheli. Velten, _Suaheli_, p. 73.
+
+    Baringo District. Dundas, _J. A. I._, vol. xl, p. 60.
+
+    Wanjamuesi. Reichard, _Z. G. E._, vol. xxiv, p. 257.
+
+    British Central Africa. Stannus, _J. A. I._, vol. xl, p. 311.
+
+    Miri District. Felkin, _Trans. Edin. Obstet. Soc._, vol. ix, p. 31.
+
+    Atonga. Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 415.
+
+    South Africa. Junod, _Baronga_, p. 490; Kidd, _Essential Kaffir_, p.
+    19.
+
+    Baronga. Junod, _Baronga_, p. 490.
+
+    Loango. Pechuel-Loesche, _Loango-Expedition_, p. 31.
+
+[Sidenote: A.]
+
+    Tenda. Delacour, _Rev. d’Eth._, 1912, p. 45.
+
+    Nigeria. Tremearne, _J. A. I._, vol. xlii, p. 171.
+
+    Congo District. Johnston, _George Grenfell_, p. 671.
+
+    Bangala. Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 449; Overbergh and
+    Jonghe, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 1, p. 201.
+
+    Bahuana. Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 228.
+
+    Warega. Delhaise, loc. cit., p. 147.
+
+    Ababua. Halkin, loc. cit., p. 259.
+
+    Onolove. de Rochebrune, _Rev. d’Anth._, vol. iv, p. 283.
+
+    Mangbetu. (Rare.) Van Overbergh, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 4, p. 298.
+
+    Bushongo. (Rare.) Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 111.
+
+    Akamba. Hobley, _Akamba_, p. 58.
+
+    Swaheli. Velten, loc. cit., p. 29.
+
+    Nyassa District. Fülleborn, _Nyassa-Gebiet_, p. 352.
+
+    British Central Africa. Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 417;
+    Angus, _Azimba and Chipitaland_, p. 324.
+
+    Zambezi Valley. Maugham, _Zambezia_, p. 339.
+
+    South Africa. Maclean, _Kaffir Laws_, p. 62.
+
+    Wadschagga. Gutmann, _Wadschagga_, p. 3.
+
+    Madagascar. Ellis, _Madagascar_, vol. i, p. 55.
+
+[Sidenote: I.]
+
+    Hottentots. Kolben, _Cape of Good Hope_, vol. i, p. 144.
+
+    Madagascar. Ellis, _Madagascar_, vol. i, p. 155; Little,
+    _Madagascar_, p. 60.
+
+                                  OCEANIA
+
+[Sidenote: R.]
+
+    New Zealand. Tregear, _J. A. I._, vol. xix, p. 103.
+
+    Torres Straits. _Cambridge Expedition_, vol. v, p. 199.
+
+    Savage Island (Niue). Thomson, _Savage Island_, p. 141.
+
+    Pelew Islands. Kubary, _Journal des Museum Godeffroy_, vol. i, p.
+    54.
+
+    Samoa. Krämer, _Samoa-Inseln_, vol. i, p. 38.
+
+    New Guinea. Seligman, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxii, p. 302 (Sinaugola);
+    Schellong, _Zeit. für Eth._, vol. xxviii, p. 19 (Finschafen).
+
+    Solomon Islands. Ribbe, _Zwei Jahre_, p. 144; Glaumond, _Rev.
+    d’Eth._, vol. vii, p. 80.
+
+    Bismarck Archipelago (New Britain Group). Brown, _Melanesians_, p.
+    37.
+
+    New Caledonia. Glaumond, loc. cit., p. 80; Lambert,
+    _Néo-Calédoniens_, p. 104.
+
+    Fiji. Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 176; Seeman, _Viti_, p. 191.
+
+    Tonga. Thomson, loc. cit., p. 178.
+
+    Gilbert Islands (Kingsmill or Line Islands). Thomson, loc. cit., p.
+    178.
+
+[Sidenote: A.]
+
+    New Zealand. Dieffenbach, _New Zealand_, vol. ii, p. 12; Goldie,
+    _Trans. and Proc. N. Z. Inst._, vol. xxxvii, p. 110; Tuke, _Edin.
+    Med. Journ._, vol. ix, p. 735.
+
+    Torres Straits. Hunt, _J. A. I._, vol. xxviii, p. 9; Haddon, _J. A.
+    I._, vol. xix, p. 359; _Cambridge Expedition_, vol. vi, p. 197.
+
+    Hawaii. Dumas, _Îles Hawaï_, p. 18.
+
+    Gilbert Islands. Jenkins, _Voyage_, p. 404; Krämer, loc. cit., vol.
+    ii, p. 53; Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 211.
+
+    Samoa. Krämer, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 53; Turner, _Samoa_, p. 79.
+
+    Rotuma. Gardiner, _J. A. I._, vol. xxvii, p. 480.
+
+    Savage Island. Thomson, loc. cit., p. 141.
+
+    Fiji. Pritchard, _Polynesian Reminiscences_, p. 423; Waterhouse,
+    _Fiji_, p. 327.
+
+    New Hebrides. Hagen and Pineau, _Rev. d’Eth._, vol. vii, p. 332;
+    Jamieson, _Aust. Med. Journ._, vol. vii, p. 53.
+
+    New Caledonia. Codrington, _Melanesians_, p. 33; Ribbe, loc. cit.,
+    p. 144; Parkinson, _Int. Arch. Eth._, vol. xiii, p. 8; Elton, _J. A.
+    I._, vol. xvii, p. 93.
+
+    Solomon Islands. Ribbe, loc. cit., p. 144.
+
+    Bismarck Archipelego. Brown, _Melanesians_, p. 33; Danks, _J. A.
+    I._, vol. xviii, p. 291; Pfeil, _Studien_, p. 313; Stephan and
+    Graebner, _Neu-Mecklenburg_, p. 18.
+
+    New Britain. Danks, _J. A. I._, vol. xviii, p. 291.
+
+    Aru Islands. Ribbe, loc. cit., p. 194.
+
+    Flores. Riedel, _Rev. Col. Inter._, vol. ii, p. 71.
+
+    New Guinea. Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, pp. 165, 292, 390, and 392;
+    Murray, _Papua_, p. 194; Rosenberg, _Malayische Archipel_, p. 454;
+    Williamson, _Mafulu People_, p. 176; Seligman, _Melanesians_, pp.
+    135 and 568; Neuhaus, _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, vol. ii, p. 150.
+
+    Nias. Modigliani, _Viaggio_, p. 554.
+
+    Celebes. Kreutz, _Zeit. Soc. Wiss._, Heft 11, p. 21.
+
+    Luzon. Jenks, _Ethnological Survey Publications_, vol. i, p. 60.
+
+    Mitchell Group. Turner, _Samoa_, p. 280.
+
+[Sidenote: I.]
+
+    New Zealand. Angas, _Savage Life_, vol. i, p. 312; Taylor, _Te Ika a
+    Maui_, p. 338; Tuke, loc. cit., p. 312.
+
+    Torres Straits. Haddon, _J. A. I._, vol. xix, p. 359; _Cambridge
+    Expedition_, vol. vi, p. 107.
+
+    Gilbert Islands. Tuituila, _Journ. Pol. Soc._, vol. i, p. 267.
+
+    Savage Island. Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 141.
+
+    Rarotonga. Gill, _Coral Islands_, vol. ii, p. 13.
+
+    Tahiti. Lutteroth, _Insel Tahiti_, p. 12; Ellis, _Polynesian
+    Researches_, vol. i, p. 249.
+
+    Pelew Islands. Kotzebue, _Histoire_, vol. xvii, p. 211.
+
+    Sandwich Islands. Ellis, _Narrative_, p. 324; Angas, _Polynesia_, p.
+    144; Dumas, loc. cit., p. 19.
+
+    Fiji. Waterhouse, _Fiji_, p. 328.
+
+    New Caledonia. Glaumond, loc. cit., p. 79; Bernard,
+    _Nouvelle-Calédonie_, p. 288; Moncelin, _Bull. Soc. Anth._, vol. ix,
+    p. 357.
+
+    New Hebrides. Somerville, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiii, p. 4; Paton, _New
+    Hebrides_, p. 452.
+
+    Banks Island. Codrington, _Melanesians_, p. 229.
+
+    Solomon Islands (Ugi). Elton, _J. A. I._, vol. xvii, p. 93; Guppy,
+    _Solomon Islands_, p. 42.
+
+    Bismarck Archipelago. Brown, _Melanesians_, p. 36; Pfeil, loc. cit.,
+    p. 18.
+
+    New Guinea. Seligman, _Melanesians_, pp. 568 and 705; Williamson,
+    _Mafulu People_, p. 176; Newton, _New Guinea_, p. 189.
+
+    Funafuti. Edgeworth David, _Funafuti_, p. 195.
+
+    Tikopia (Barwell Island). Rivers, _Melanesian Society_, vol. i, p.
+    313.
+
+    Nissau. Thurmwald, _Zeit. für Eth._, vol. xl, 1908, p. 111.
+
+    Radeck. Kotzebue, _Voyages_, p. 173.
+
+    Vaitapu (Ellice Archipelago). Turner, _Samoa_, p. 284.
+
+    Marquesas. Hale, _U.S. Exploring Expedition_, vol. vi, p. 15.
+
+    Maupiti. Montgomery, _Journal_, vol. ii, p. 12.
+
+    Murray Islands. Hunt, _J. A. I._, vol. xxviii, p. 9.
+
+
+
+
+                              APPENDIX II
+
+
+Since the chapter on Human Fecundity was set up in type my attention has
+been called to a paper by Siegel (_Münchener Medizinische
+Wochenschrift_, 1916, p. 748). Though much has been said as to the
+supposed influence of the time of copulation with reference to the
+sexual cycle upon fertility, no definite information has been
+forthcoming. This paper, however, contains important data which bear
+upon this point. Owing to the fact that married soldiers only had
+occasional leave from the army during the war and then only for two or
+three days at a time, it has been possible to obtain information as to
+the period in the sexual cycle in which between two and three hundred
+children were conceived. Siegel finds that the likelihood of
+fertilization increases from the beginning of menstruation, reaches the
+highest point six days later, remains almost at the same height until
+the twelfth or thirteenth day, and then declines to the twenty-second
+day, after which there is absolute sterility.
+
+If these data are confirmed, then those customs which encouraged
+copulation immediately after menstruation (as among the ancient Jews) or
+discourage it (as among the Hindus) must have an important bearing upon
+fertility.
+
+
+
+
+                       LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED
+
+
+                                     A
+
+  A. E. _Imagination and Reveries_, London, 1915.
+
+  Abeel, D. _Journal of a Residence in China_, London, 1865.
+
+  Abel, C. W. _Savage Life in New Guinea_, London, 1902.
+
+  Acton, H. W., and Harvey, W. F. The Increase in the Number of
+    Erythrocytes in the Blood, _Biometrika_, vol. viii.
+
+  Adami, J. G. Inheritance and Disease, in _A System of Medicine_,
+    edited by Osler and McCrae, London, 1907.
+
+  —— _Medical Contributions to the Study of Evolution_, London, 1918.
+
+  Agar, W. E. The Transmission of Environmental Effects from Parent to
+    Offspring in Simocephalus vitulus, _Phil. Trans._, Series B, vol.
+    cciii, 1913.
+
+  _Agricultural Statistics_, Cd. 3832, vol. xvi, 1906.
+
+  Albertus Magnus. _De Secretis Mulierum_, Amsterdam, 1665.
+
+  Ammon, O. _Die natürliche Auslese beim Menschen_, Jena, 1893.
+
+  —— _Zur Anthropologie der Badener_, Jena, 1899.
+
+  Anderson, C. J. _Lake Ngami_, London, 1856.
+
+  Angas, G. F. _Polynesia_, London, 1847.
+
+  Angus, H. C. A Year in Azimba and Chipitaland, _J. A. I._, vol. xxvii.
+
+  Annandale, N., and Robinson, H. C. _Fasciculi Malayenses_, 1903.
+
+  Aquinas, St. Thomas. _De Regimine Principum_, Paris, 1509.
+
+  Armstrong, A. _Personal Narrative of the Discovery of the North-West
+    Passage_, London, 1857.
+
+  Ashe, T. _Travels in America_, London, 1808.
+
+  Atkinson, J. J.: _see_ Lang, A.
+
+  Augustine, St. On the Good of Marriage, in _Seventeen Short Treatises_
+    (Library of the Fathers), Oxford, 1847.
+
+  Azara, Don Félix de. _Voyages dans l’Amérique méridionale_, Paris,
+    1809.
+
+
+                                     B
+
+  Baegert, J. An Account of the Original Inhabitants of the Californian
+    Peninsula, _A. R. B. E._, 1863.
+
+  Bailey, J. Wild Tribes of the Veddahs of Ceylon, _Trans. Eth. Soc._,
+    2nd Series, vol. ii, 1862.
+
+  Baker, G. W.: _see_ Dublin, L. I.
+
+  Balls, W. L. _Egypt of the Egyptians_, London, 1915.
+
+  Bancroft, H. H. _The Native Races of Pacific States of North America_,
+    London, 1875.
+
+  Barnett, L. D. _Antiquities of India_, London, 1913.
+
+  Barrington, A., and Pearson, K. A First Study of the Inheritance of
+    Vision, _Eug. Lab. Mem._, No. 5, 1909.
+
+  Barrow, J. _Travels into the Interior of South Africa_, London, 1806.
+
+  Bartels, M.: _see_ Ploss, H. H.
+
+  Batchelor, J. _The Ainu_, London, 1901.
+
+  Battel, A. Strange Adventures, _Pinkerton’s Voyages_, vol. xvi,
+    London, 1851.
+
+  Beardmore, E. The Natives of Mowat, _J. A. I._, vol. xix, 1890.
+
+  Beau, C. le. _Aventures ou Voyage Curieux et Nouveau_, Amsterdam,
+    1738.
+
+  Beecham, J. _Ashantee and the Gold Coast_, London, 1841.
+
+  Beeton, M., and Pearson, K. Inheritance of the Duration of Life,
+    _Biometrika_, vol. i, 1901.
+
+  Belloc, H. _Danton_, London, 1911.
+
+  Benn, A. W. _History of Rationalism_, London, 1906.
+
+  Bernard, A. _L’Archipel de la Nouvelle-Calédonie_, Paris, 1895.
+
+  Bertherand, E. L. _Médecine et Hygiène des Arabes_, Paris, 1855.
+
+  Bessels, E. Einige Worte über die Innuit des Smith-Sundes, _Arch. für
+    Anth._, vol. viii, 1875.
+
+  Best, E. Maori Marriage Customs, _Transactions and Proceedings of the
+    New Zealand Institute_, vol. xxxvi, 1903.
+
+  —— The Peopling of New Zealand, _Man_, vol. xiv, 1914.
+
+  Beveridge, P. _The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina_, Melbourne,
+    1889.
+
+  Beveridge, W. H. _Unemployment_, London, 1912.
+
+  Bickman, A. S. _Travels in the Eastern Archipelago_, London, 1868.
+
+  Blagden, C. O.: _see_ Skeat, W. W.
+
+  Blanckenhorn, M.: _see_ Selenka, L.
+
+  Bland, J. O. P. _Recent Events and Present Policies in China_, London,
+    1912.
+
+  Blumentritt, F. Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Negritos, _Z. G. E._, vol.
+    xxvii, 1892.
+
+  Blyth, D. Traditions and Customs of the Natives of Fiji, _Glasgow
+    Medical Journal_, vol. xxviii, 1887.
+
+  Boas, F. The Central Eskimo, 6th _A. R. B. E._, 1884.
+
+  —— Ethnological Problems in Canada, _J. A. I._, vol. xl, 1910.
+
+  —— _Changes in the Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants_, New
+    York, 1912.
+
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+                                     P
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+                                     U
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+  Ujfalvy, G. E. de. Voyages dans l’Himalaya, _Bull. Soc. Anth._, vol.
+    v, 1882.
+
+
+                                     V
+
+  Vambéry, A. _Travels in Central Asia_, London, 1864.
+
+  Vaux, L. de. Les Canaques, _Rev. d’Eth._, vol. ii, 1883.
+
+  Velten, C. _Sitten und Gebräuche der Suaheli_, Göttingen, 1903.
+
+  Verguet, L. Arossi ou San Christoval, _Rev. d’Eth._, vol. iv, 1885.
+
+  Vernon, H. M. _Variation in Animals and Plants_, London, 1913.
+
+  Vinogradoff, P. _Villeinage in England_, Oxford, 1892.
+
+  Voltaire, F. M. A. de. _Candide_ (édition Nilsson), Paris, 1900.
+
+  Volz, W. Das geologische Alter der Pithecanthropus-Schichten, _Neues
+    Jahrbuch für Mineralogie, Geologie und Paläontologie; Festband zur
+    Feier des 100-jährigen Bestehens_, Stuttgart, 1907.
+
+
+                                     W
+
+  Wallace, A. R. _Narrative of Travels on the Amazon_, London, 1853.
+
+  —— _The Malay Archipelago_, London, 1898.
+
+  Wallace, R. _Dissertation on the Numbers of Mankind_, London, 1753.
+
+  Wallas, G. _Life of Francis Place_, London, 1898.
+
+  —— _The Great Society_, London, 1914.
+
+  Ward, H. Congo Tribes, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiv, 1895.
+
+  Warnick, A. Gynäkologische Mittheilungen aus Japan, _Archiv für
+    Gynäkologie_, vol. x, 1876.
+
+  Wartegg, E. von Hesse. Sitten und Gebräuche der Indianerstämme,
+    _Globus_, vol. xxvii, 1888.
+
+  Washington, T. Booker. _The Story of the Negro_, London, 1909.
+
+  Wassilief, W. Beobachtungen über das Geschlechtsleben der Kirgesinnen,
+    _Zentralblatt für Anthropologie_, vol. x, 1905.
+
+  Waterhouse, J. _King and People of Fiji_, London, 1868.
+
+  Wattal, P. K. _The Population Problem in India_, Bombay, 1916.
+
+  Webb, A. _Pathologia Indica_, Calcutta, 1848.
+
+  Weeks, J. H. _Among Congo Cannibals_, London, 1913.
+
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+
+  Weld, I. _Travels through North America_, London, 1899.
+
+  Wells, R., and Kelly, J. W. Eskimo Vocabularies, _U.S.A. Bureau of
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+
+  Werner, A. _Native Races of British Central Africa_, London, 1906.
+
+  West, T. _Ten Years in South Central Polynesia_, London, 1865.
+
+  Westermarck, E. _The History of Human Marriage_, London, 1901.
+
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+
+  Weule, K. _Native Life in East Africa_, London, 1909.
+
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+
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+
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+
+  Whymper, F. _Voyages et Aventures_, Paris, 1871.
+
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+    _Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria_, vol. v.
+
+  Wilken, G. A. _Das Matriarchat_, Leipzig, 1884.
+
+  Wilkins, W. _Modern Hinduism_, London, 1887.
+
+  William of Rubruck, Journey of, _Hakluyt Society Publications_,
+    London, 1905.
+
+  Williams, J. W. _Obstetrics_, London, 1912.
+
+  Williams, T. _Fiji_, London, 1858.
+
+  Williamson, R. W. _Mafulu Mountain People of British New Guinea_,
+    London, 1912.
+
+  —— Mekeo People, _J. A. I._, vol. xliii, 1913.
+
+  Willoughby, C. Indians of the Quinault Agency, _A. R. S. I._, 1886.
+
+  Wilson, A. _Abode of Snow_, London, 1876.
+
+  Wilson, C. T., and Felkin, R. W. _Uganda_, London, 1832.
+
+  Wilson, H. _An Account of the Pelew Islands_, London, 1878.
+
+  Wilson, J. H. _Western Africa_, London, 1856.
+
+  Woldt, A. _Kapitän Jacobsen’s Reise_, Leipzig, 1884.
+
+  Woodford, C. M. _A Naturalist among the Head Hunters_, London, 1890.
+
+  Woodward, A. S.: _see_ Dawson, C.
+
+
+                                     Y
+
+  Yarrow, H. C. Mortuary Customs of North American Indians, 1st _A. R.
+    B. E._, 1879.
+
+  Young, A. _Travels in France_, London, 1794.
+
+  Yule, G. U.: _see_ Greenwood, M.
+
+
+
+
+                                 INDEX
+
+
+ Ababua, restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   abortion, 179;
+   infanticide, 180;
+   property, 210.
+
+ Abipones, lactation, 138;
+   age at marriage, 140;
+   abstention from intercourse, 140;
+   infanticide, 149, 219;
+   feuds, 152;
+   health, 159;
+   treatment of children, 160;
+   age at marriage, 226.
+
+ Abortion, among hunting and fishing races, 145;
+   among agricultural races, 168, 178, 189, 196;
+   extent of, 215;
+   origin of, 216;
+   as regulating numbers, 222;
+   among historical races, 256, 268, 314.
+
+ Acheulean period, 121.
+
+ Acquired characters, not inherited, 74;
+   contrasted with inherited characters, 68.
+
+ Adio, restriction of intercourse, 176.
+
+ Africa, evolution of tradition in, 442.
+
+ Aged, treatment of, among hunting and fishing races, 154.
+
+ Ahts, lactation, 138;
+   war, 151;
+   treatment of aged, 155;
+   food, 233;
+   property, 296.
+
+ Ainu, lactation, 185;
+   fertility, 189;
+   war, 194.
+
+ Akamba, abortion, 179;
+   property, 209;
+   marriage customs, 228.
+
+ Akikuyu, fertility, 178;
+   war, 181;
+   property, 210;
+   age at marriage, 228;
+   health, 235.
+
+ Aleuts, fertility, 143;
+   infanticide, 148.
+
+ Amazon tribes, war, 171.
+
+ America, evolution of tradition in, 439;
+   racial characteristics, 451.
+
+ American Indians, fertility, 99.
+   _See also under various tribes._
+
+ Andamanese, lactation, 138;
+   fertility, 144;
+   infant mortality, 160;
+   intellect, 390.
+
+ Animal behaviour, evolution of, 45 ff.
+
+ Annam, abortion, 256.
+
+ Anthropoid apes, evolution of, 109;
+   mode of life, 110.
+
+ Apaches, contraceptive methods, 167;
+   abortion, 168.
+
+ Arabs, celibacy, 252;
+   lactation, 254;
+   restriction of intercourse, 254;
+   contraceptive methods, 255;
+   abortion, 256;
+   infanticide, 259;
+   over-population, 275;
+   migration, 302.
+
+ Aru Islands, fertility, 186;
+   abortion, 189.
+
+ Ashanti, restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   sacrifices, 180.
+
+ Asia, evolution of tradition in, 441.
+
+ Assiniens, fertility, 177.
+
+ Atonga, restriction of intercourse, 176.
+
+ Attakapas, age at marriage, 229.
+
+ Aurignacian period, 122.
+
+ Australians, fertility, 99;
+   early intercourse, 135;
+   lactation, 137;
+   initiation ceremonies, 138;
+   age at marriage, 139;
+   abortion, 145;
+   infanticide, 147, 216;
+   war, 149;
+   feuds, 152;
+   treatment of sick, 154;
+   disease, 157;
+   health, 158, 231;
+   property, 203;
+   division of food, 211;
+   marriage customs, 224;
+   storing of food, 232;
+   intellect, 389.
+
+ Awa-Wanga, restriction of intercourse, 176.
+
+ Aymaras, lactation, 165;
+   fertility, 168.
+
+ Azilian-Tardenoisian, 123.
+
+ Aztecs, contraceptive methods, 167;
+   abortion, 168.
+
+
+ Baganda, lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 176;
+   war, 181;
+   witchcraft, 182;
+   health, 183;
+   property, 210;
+   marriage customs, 228;
+   food, 233.
+
+ Bahamas, 396.
+
+ Bahima, war, 181.
+
+ Baholoholo, fertility, 178.
+
+ Bahuana, war, 171;
+   early intercourse, 173;
+   abortion, 179.
+
+ Bakairi, abortion, 169.
+
+ Bakalai, war, 181.
+
+ Bakene, fertility, 178.
+
+ Bambala, war, 171;
+   early intercourse, 173;
+   fertility, 178;
+   intellect, 391.
+
+ Bangala, early intercourse, 173;
+   age at marriage, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   fertility, 178;
+   abortion, 179;
+   property, 209;
+   marriage customs, 228;
+   intellect, 391.
+
+ Banks Island, early intercourse, 185;
+   infanticide, 191.
+
+ Bantu Races, polygamy, 102;
+   age at marriage, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 176;
+   health, 183;
+   intellect, 390.
+
+ Banyala, war, 181.
+
+ Baringo District, early intercourse, 173;
+   restriction of intercourse, 176;
+   war, 181.
+
+ Baronga, lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 176;
+   age at marriage, 227.
+
+ Basonge, infanticide, 180.
+
+ Basuto, health, 183;
+   infant mortality, 184.
+
+ Bayaka, restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   fertility, 178;
+   war, 181;
+   witchcraft, 182.
+
+ Bechuanaland, property, 210.
+
+ Behaviour, evolution of, 45.
+
+ Benin, restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   war, 180.
+
+ Binet-Simon methods, 393.
+
+ Biometric methods, 358.
+
+ Bismarck Archipelago, lactation, 185;
+   restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   fertility, 188;
+   abortion, 189;
+   infanticide, 191.
+
+ Black Death, 248.
+
+ Blackfeet, war, 152, 170.
+
+ Boers, 450.
+
+ Bontoc Igorot, lactation, 185;
+   abortion, 190;
+   head hunting, 194;
+   infant mortality, 195;
+   marriage customs, 226.
+
+ Borneo, fertility, 191;
+   war, 194;
+   head hunting, 194, 227.
+
+ Bornu, age at marriage, 174.
+
+ Botocudos, fertility, 144;
+   infanticide, 149;
+   health, 159.
+
+ Brazilians, early intercourse, 164;
+   fertility, 168;
+   abortion, 169, 221;
+   health, 172, 236;
+   infant mortality, 172;
+   property, 208;
+   marriage customs, 230.
+
+ Bronze Age, 125.
+
+ Buddhism, celibacy, 252.
+
+ Burma, marriage, 253.
+
+ Bushmen, early intercourse, 136;
+   fertility, 143;
+   infanticide, 148;
+   war, 150;
+   treatment of aged, 154;
+   health, 158, 232;
+   property, 205;
+   division of food, 212.
+
+ Bushongo, early intercourse, 173;
+   lactation, 174;
+   abortion, 179;
+   infanticide, 180;
+   property, 209.
+
+
+ Californians, early intercourse, 126;
+   lactation, 138;
+   age at marriage, 140;
+   fertility, 140;
+   infanticide, 149;
+   war, 152;
+   treatment of aged, 155;
+   health, 159;
+   infant mortality, 160.
+
+ Cameroon district, restriction of intercourse, 175.
+
+ Caroline Islands, infanticide, 190;
+   marriage customs, 224.
+
+ Carrier tribes, property, 206.
+
+ Casual Labour, over-population and, 290.
+
+ Catholic Church, contraceptive practices and, 294.
+
+ Celebes, early intercourse, 185;
+   fertility, 189;
+   abortion, 190.
+
+ Celibacy, primitive races, 226;
+   historical races, 251, 263, 278.
+
+ Cells, nature of, 39.
+
+ Chaco Indians, abortion, 169;
+   infanticide, 169;
+   war, 171.
+
+ Chaldea, celibacy, 251.
+
+ Charruas, war, 152;
+   health, 236.
+
+ Chellean period, 121.
+
+ Chepewayans, lactation, 138;
+   fertility, 144;
+   infanticide, 149;
+   war, 152;
+   treatment of aged, 155.
+
+ Cheyennes, abortion, 169, 220.
+
+ Chichmics, lactation, 165.
+
+ Children, death-rate among hunting and fishing races, 159;
+   among agricultural races, 172, 183, 196;
+   among historical races, 249.
+
+ —— number of, _see_ Fertility.
+
+ Chinese, fecundity, 100;
+   celibacy, 252;
+   marriage, 253;
+   restriction of intercourse, 254;
+   contraceptive methods, 255;
+   fertility, 256;
+   abortion, 256;
+   infanticide, 259, 276;
+   over-population, 276;
+   organization of society, 432.
+
+ Chinooks, fertility, 99;
+   lactation, 138;
+   abortion, 146;
+   infanticide, 149;
+   war, 151.
+
+ Chiquitos, fertility, 168.
+
+ Christianity, war and, 249;
+   marriage and, 263;
+   infanticide and abortion and, 268.
+
+ Chromosomes, as physical basis of heredity, 65.
+
+ Civilization, cyclical course of, 459.
+
+ Climate, famine and, 249, 274;
+   migration and, 301;
+   head form and, 341;
+   tropical effects of, 342;
+   selection and, 371.
+
+ Comanches, early intercourse, 137;
+   fertility, 144;
+   war, 152.
+
+ Confucianism, marriage and, 253.
+
+ Congo tribes, early intercourse, 173;
+   lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   contraceptive methods, 177;
+   fertility, 178;
+   abortion, 179;
+   infanticide, 180;
+   war, 180;
+   witchcraft, 182;
+   infant mortality, 184;
+   marriage customs, 229;
+   food, 234.
+
+ Contact, influence upon tradition, 424;
+   geography and, 427.
+
+ Contraceptive methods, agricultural races, 177, 186;
+   historical races, 255, 266, 287, 315;
+   Catholic Church and, 294.
+
+ Co-operation, in search for food, 211.
+
+ Copper Age, 125.
+
+ Copper River tribes, infanticide, 148.
+
+ Copulation, external, 42;
+   internal, 43.
+
+ Corea, celibacy, 252.
+
+ Creeks, infanticide, 169, 220.
+
+ Crees, war, 211.
+
+ Cro-Magnon man, 117.
+
+ Cross River tribes, early intercourse, 172.
+
+ Crow tribe, fertility, 99;
+   restriction of intercourse, 166;
+   abortion, 168;
+   war, 170.
+
+ Cytoplasm, nature of, 39;
+   relation to nucleus, 66.
+
+
+ Dacotahs, war, 170.
+
+ Dahomey, war, 170.
+
+ Damaras, health, 175.
+
+ Death, origin of, 38;
+   causes of, among animals, 57;
+   among plants, 58;
+   ignorance of cause among hunting and fishing races, 153.
+
+ Decreasing returns, 199.
+
+ Development of organisms, 41, 66, 325.
+
+ Disease, evolution of, 155;
+   among hunting and fishing races, 158;
+   among agricultural races, 171, 183, 195;
+   among historical races, 244;
+   tropical, 348;
+   twins and, 352;
+   inheritance of, 359;
+   selection and, 377.
+
+ Ductless glands, 347, 372.
+
+ Dyaks, use of metal, 163;
+   food, 233.
+
+
+ Egbas, fertility, 177.
+
+ Egypt, disease, 245, 247;
+   treatment of children, 250;
+   celibacy, 251;
+   lactation, 254;
+   restriction of intercourse, 254;
+   infanticide, 272;
+   over-population, 277.
+
+ Ekoi, fertility, 177;
+   property, 209;
+   marriage customs, 229.
+
+ Elimination, causes of among animals, 58;
+   among plants, 59;
+   under natural conditions, 75.
+
+ Enclosures, population and, 284.
+
+ Environment, influence of upon animals and plants, 325;
+   upon men, 336;
+   influence upon progress, 458.
+
+ Eoanthropus, 115.
+
+ Eoliths, 118, 130.
+
+ Eskimos, fertility, 99, 143;
+   early intercourse, 136;
+   lactation, 137;
+   age at marriage, 140;
+   abortion, 145;
+   infanticide, 148;
+   war, 150;
+   feuds, 153;
+   treatment of aged, 154;
+   health, 158;
+   infant mortality, 159;
+   property, 205;
+   division of food, 212;
+   marriage customs, 225;
+   celibacy, 226;
+   storing of food, 232.
+
+ Eugenics, attitude of Romans, 18;
+   term due to Galton, 35;
+   modern problems, 308.
+
+ Evolution, theory of, 17, 18, 34;
+   of animal behaviour, 45;
+   among species in a state of nature, 77;
+   of Primates, 109;
+   of man, 110, 128;
+   of culture, 129;
+   of disease, 155;
+   of tradition, 438.
+
+ Ewe-speaking people, lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   war, 180;
+   property, 209;
+   marriage, 229.
+
+ Exercise, influence of, 329, 339.
+
+
+ Factory Acts, 290, 340.
+
+ Famine, climate and, 249.
+
+ Fecundity, early references to human, 25;
+   definition of, 51;
+   distinguished from fertility, 52;
+   among species in nature, 63;
+   how determined, 60;
+   not influenced by the male, 88;
+   relation to length of mature period, 90;
+   to interval between births, 92;
+   effect of captivity upon, 95;
+   relation to number at a birth, 95;
+   increase of human, 97;
+   of primitive races, 99;
+   in India and China, 100;
+   opinion of Darwin regarding, 101;
+   relation to polygamy, 102;
+   to lactation, 102;
+   to age at marriage, 103;
+   to early intercourse, 103;
+   to development of fat, 104;
+   among men, 105;
+   of pre-human ancestor, 241.
+
+ Fertility, distinguished from fecundity, 52;
+   among hunting and fishing races, 141;
+   among agricultural races, 167, 177, 183, 196;
+   among historical races, 255;
+   Indian and European compared, 256;
+   calculations regarding, 291;
+   differential, 316;
+   differential between classes, 316, 457;
+   between races, 320.
+
+ Fertilization, 40.
+
+ Feuds, among hunting and fishing races, 152;
+   among agricultural races, 171.
+
+ Fiji, lactation, 185;
+   restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   fertility, 188;
+   abortion, 189, 221;
+   infanticide, 191, 219;
+   war, 193;
+   obligation to work, 212;
+   age at marriage, 226;
+   food, 233.
+
+ Flores, abortion, 190.
+
+ Food, co-operation in search for, 211.
+
+ Franks, contraceptive methods, 255.
+
+ Fuegians, early intercourse, 137;
+   lactation, 138;
+   fertility, 144;
+   abortion, 146;
+   infanticide, 149;
+   war, 152;
+   treatment of aged, 155;
+   infant mortality, 160;
+   restriction of intercourse, 166;
+   property, 207;
+   marriage customs, 225.
+
+ Funafuti, infanticide, 190, 219.
+
+
+ Gallinomero, infanticide, 149.
+
+ Gallinas, restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   war, 180.
+
+ Gametes, nature of, 40.
+
+ Geological strata, time occupied by deposition of, 107.
+
+ Ghiliaks, lactation, 138;
+   infant mortality, 160.
+
+ Glacial epoch, duration of, 108;
+   subdivisions of, 109.
+
+ Gonorrhoea, effect upon fecundity, 89.
+
+ Greece, discussion regarding population in, 19;
+   celibacy, 251;
+   contraceptive methods, 255;
+   abortion, 256;
+   infanticide, 258;
+   malaria, 349.
+
+ Grimaldi man, 117.
+
+ Guanas, fertility, 168;
+   infanticide, 169;
+   age at marriage, 230.
+
+ Guaranis, fertility, 168;
+   war, 171;
+   abortion, 220.
+
+ Guatemala, early intercourse, 164.
+
+ Guaycurus, abortion, 146;
+   infanticide, 149;
+   war, 152.
+
+ Guiana, lactation, 165;
+   infanticide, 169;
+   feuds, 171;
+   marriage customs, 229;
+   food, 234.
+
+
+ Habit, inheritance of, 362;
+   tradition and, 414, 462.
+
+ Haidahs, abortion, 146;
+   infanticide, 149;
+   war, 151;
+   feuds, 154;
+   property, 206;
+   marriage customs, 225.
+
+ Hausa, lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   infanticide, 180.
+
+ Hawaii, early intercourse, 185;
+   abortion, 189.
+
+ Head, shape of, and environment, 341.
+
+ Head hunting, 194.
+
+ Health, of primitive races, 158, 196, 231;
+   of historical races, 245.
+
+ Heidelberg man, 114.
+
+ Hobbés, restriction of intercourse, 175.
+
+ Hottentots, fertility, 178;
+   infanticide, 179, 180;
+   war, 182;
+   health, 183;
+   property, 208.
+
+ Housing accommodation, population and, 280.
+
+ Hualaga tribes, fertility, 168.
+
+ Hudson Bay tribes, fertility, 143;
+   abortion, 145.
+
+ Hungary, lactation, 263.
+
+ Hurons, early intercourse, 165.
+
+
+ Ibo-speaking people, early intercourse, 173.
+
+ Ice Age, _see_ Glacial epoch.
+
+ Illinois, early intercourse, 165;
+   restriction of intercourse, 166.
+
+ Imitation, inheritance of, 364;
+   tradition and, 413.
+
+ Income, average per head, 310.
+
+ Increase, possible among animals and plants, 54;
+   actual, 55.
+
+ India, fecundity, 100;
+   early intercourse, 104;
+   infant mortality, 250;
+   celibacy, 251;
+   early intercourse, 253;
+   contraceptive methods, 255;
+   fertility, 255;
+   abortion, 256;
+   infanticide, 260;
+   climate, 274;
+   over-population, 275;
+   caste system, 432.
+
+ Infant mortality, _see_ Children.
+
+ Infanticide, hunting and fishing races, 146;
+   agricultural races, 169, 179, 190, 196;
+   extent of under-estimated, 215;
+   origin of, 216;
+   importance of, in regulating numbers, 228;
+   among historical races, 257, 268.
+
+ Ingaliks, lactation, 138.
+
+ Inheritance, relation of, to social problems, 18;
+   physical basis of, 64;
+   biparental, 71;
+   environment and, 326;
+   in man, 356;
+   of physical characters, 359;
+   of disease, 359;
+   of mental characters, 361.
+
+ Initiation ceremonies, 138.
+
+ Instinct, nature of, 47;
+   inheritance of, 363.
+
+ Intellect, inheritance of, 364;
+   among prehistoric races, 387, 398;
+   primitive races, 389;
+   negroes, 393;
+   in the Bahamas, 396;
+   evolution of, 399, 409, 438;
+   influence upon progress, 447.
+
+ Intelligence, nature of, 47;
+   development among animals, 50.
+
+ Interdependence of organisms, 56.
+
+ Ireland, over-population, 284, 294.
+
+ Iron Age, 127.
+
+ Iroquois, restriction of intercourse, 166;
+   fertility, 167;
+   health, 172.
+
+
+ Jakun, marriage customs, 225.
+
+ Japan, rise of, 82.
+
+ Java, early intercourse, 185;
+   fertility, 189;
+   health, 343.
+
+ Jews, contraceptive methods, 255;
+   infanticide, 256;
+   civilization, 452.
+
+
+ Kabinapek, abortion, 146;
+   infanticide, 149.
+
+ Kaffirs, _see_ South Africa.
+
+ Kagero, lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   infanticide, 180;
+   food, 234.
+
+ Kalabar, witchcraft, 182.
+
+ Kalmucks, marriage customs, 253.
+
+ Kamtchatka, age at marriage, 196;
+   abortion, 196;
+   infanticide, 196.
+
+ Kenai, marriage customs, 225.
+
+ Kingsmill Islands, restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   fertility, 188;
+   abortion, 189;
+   infanticide, 190, 219;
+   war, 192.
+
+ Kirghiz, early intercourse, 254.
+
+ Knisteneaux, abortion, 146.
+
+ Konde-land, restriction of intercourse, 176.
+
+ Koniagas, infanticide, 149.
+
+ Koryak, lactation, 196.
+
+ Kuku, lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 176;
+   fertility, 178;
+   marriage customs, 228.
+
+ Kutchins, infanticide, 148;
+   celibacy, 226;
+   health, 233.
+
+ Kwakiutl, war, 151.
+
+
+ Lactation, influence upon fecundity, 102;
+   among hunting and fishing races, 137;
+   among agricultural races, 165, 174, 185, 196;
+   among historical races, 254.
+
+ Land, claims of groups to areas of, 203;
+   property in, 279.
+
+ Language, tradition and, 408, 412.
+
+ Laws, encouraging population, 22.
+
+ Lenda district, infanticide, 180.
+
+ Lenguas, lactation, 165;
+   infanticide, 169, 220.
+
+ Liberia, lactation, 174;
+   fertility, 177.
+
+ Lillooets, age at marriage, 140, 226;
+   war, 151;
+   division of food, 212.
+
+ Limitation of families, views of Mill, 202.
+
+ Limitation of the surface of the world, theories of population and, 20;
+   influence upon evolution, 59.
+
+ Lind hinterland, 180.
+
+ Loango, restriction of intercourse, 176.
+
+ Loucheux, food, 233.
+
+
+ Macusis, fertility, 168.
+
+ Madagascar, fertility, 178;
+   abortion, 179;
+   witchcraft, 182.
+
+ Madi district, lactation, 174.
+
+ Magdalenian period, 123.
+
+ Makalaka, fertility, 178.
+
+ Makonde, early intercourse, 173.
+
+ Malaria, 349.
+
+ Malays, 163.
+
+ Maldive Islands, marriage customs, 226.
+
+ Malemutes, infanticide, 148;
+   war, 151.
+
+ Malthusian theory, anticipations of, 19, 25;
+   nature of, 28;
+   reception of, 29;
+   debt of Darwin and Wallace to, 34;
+   summary of, 197;
+   criticism of, 199.
+
+ Mandans, fertility, 167;
+   health, 172;
+   food, 234.
+
+ Mandingoes, fertility, 177.
+
+ Mandja, restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   infanticide, 180;
+   food, 234.
+
+ Mandrucos, war, 171;
+   health, 236.
+
+ Mangbetu, early intercourse, 173;
+   lactation, 174;
+   fertility, 178;
+   abortion, 179;
+   infant mortality, 184;
+   property, 209.
+
+ Manu, Laws of, 253.
+
+ Marquesas, fertility, 187;
+   infanticide, 191.
+
+ Marriage, among animals, 62;
+   influence of age at, 103;
+   among primitive races, 139;
+   postponement of, among hunting and fishing races, 139, 226;
+   disparity in age at, 140;
+   postponement of, among agricultural races, 165, 174, 185, 196;
+   customs regarding, 224, 275;
+   postponement of, among historical races, 251, 264, 279, 306;
+   prohibition of, 281, 282.
+
+ Marshall Islands, war, 193.
+
+ Masai, early intercourse, 173;
+   war, 181;
+   marriage customs, 228.
+
+ Mayombe, lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 175.
+
+ Mbayas, infanticide, 169;
+   health, 236.
+
+ Memory among animals, 50.
+
+ Mendelian inheritance, nature of, 71;
+   in man, 356.
+
+ Menstruation, relation to ovulation, 90.
+
+ Mental evolution, among animals, 45;
+   connexion with reproduction, 51;
+   among men, 50;
+   influence upon population problem, 80.
+
+ Mercantile theory of trade, 22.
+
+ Mexico, lactation, 165;
+   restriction of intercourse, 166;
+   abortion, 169;
+   war, 170;
+   property, 208;
+   age at marriage, 220.
+
+ Migration, over-population and, 297;
+   selection and, 381.
+
+ Minnetanes, war, 170.
+
+ Minoan civilization, 244.
+
+ Miri district, restriction of intercourse, 176.
+
+ Mitchell Islands, abortion, 190.
+
+ Mittelschmerz, 94.
+
+ Modifications, nature of, 68.
+
+ Mohammedanism, celibacy, 253;
+   lactation, 254.
+
+ Mohaves, infanticide, 169.
+
+ Moioa, restriction of intercourse, 175.
+
+ Monasticism, celibacy and, 279.
+
+ Mongols, marriage, 253.
+
+ Montagnais, health, 233.
+
+ Mousterian period, 121.
+
+ Moxos, restriction of intercourse, 166;
+   fertility, 168.
+
+ Mundas, marriage customs, 275.
+
+ Murray Islands, war, 192;
+   infanticide, 220.
+
+ Mutations, nature of, 68;
+   origin of, 73;
+   among men, 81, 383.
+
+
+ Nagas, war, 248.
+
+ Nahuas, contraceptive methods, 167;
+   abortion, 168.
+
+ Nandi, early intercourse, 173;
+   lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 176.
+
+ Nandowensis, marriage customs, 229.
+
+ Natchez, marriage customs, 229;
+   health, 236.
+
+ Natural Selection, among species in nature, 75;
+   lethal and reproductive, 367;
+   strength of, 369;
+   in intermediate period, 370;
+   in first and second periods, 371;
+   of tradition, 417.
+
+ Navahos, early intercourse, 164;
+   contraceptive methods, 167;
+   abortion, 168;
+   infanticide, 169;
+   property, 208.
+
+ Neanderthal man, 116.
+
+ Neolithic period, 118, 123.
+
+ Neomalthusianism, early history of, 31;
+   Bradlaugh-Besant trial, 33;
+   in foreign countries, 33.
+
+ New Britain, early intercourse, 185;
+   abortion, 222;
+   celibacy, 226.
+
+ New Caledonia, early intercourse, 185;
+   lactation, 185;
+   restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   fertility, 188;
+   abortion, 189;
+   infanticide, 191;
+   war, 193.
+
+ New Guinea, early intercourse, 185;
+   lactation, 185;
+   restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   contraceptive practices, 186;
+   fertility, 188;
+   abortion, 190;
+   infanticide, 191;
+   war, 193;
+   head hunting, 194;
+   witchcraft, 195.
+
+ New Hebrides, abortion, 189;
+   infanticide, 191, 221;
+   war, 193.
+
+ New Zealand, early intercourse, 184;
+   restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   fertility, 187;
+   abortion, 189;
+   infanticide, 190;
+   war, 192;
+   property, 211.
+
+ Nias, fertility, 189;
+   abortion, 190.
+
+ Nigeria, fertility, 177;
+   abortion, 178;
+   war, 180;
+   property, 209.
+
+ Nishinan, infanticide, 149.
+
+ Nissau, 190.
+
+ Nitrogen in the sea, 59.
+
+ Nootkas, fertility, 99;
+   lactation, 138;
+   abortion, 146;
+   health, 159;
+   infant mortality, 160.
+
+ Nucleus, nature of, 39;
+   function of, 66.
+
+
+ Oestrous cycle, 44.
+
+ Ojebway Indians, war, 170;
+   marriage customs, 229.
+
+ Omahas, fertility, 144;
+   property, 208;
+   age at marriage, 229.
+
+ Onolove, early intercourse, 173;
+   abortion, 179.
+
+ Optimum density of population, 200, 213;
+   approximation to, among primitive races, 230, 236, 292;
+   among historical races, 239, 270, 293, 309;
+   military needs and, 310.
+
+ Orthogenesis, 79.
+
+ Ostyaks, health, 196.
+
+ Otommi, abortion, 168.
+
+ Ovaherero, property, 210.
+
+ Over-population, fear of, in England, 23;
+   among historical races, 275, 283, 284, 290, 304;
+   migration and, 297;
+   war and, 304;
+   in the future, 308;
+   unemployment and, 312.
+
+ Ovulation, _see_ Menstruation.
+
+ Ovum, 40.
+
+
+ Palaeolithic period, 118
+
+ Patagonians, health, 159.
+
+ Pawumwa Indians, obligation to work, 213.
+
+ Payaguas, abortion, 146;
+   health, 236.
+
+ Pelew Islands, early intercourse, 185;
+   restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   fertility, 187;
+   war, 192;
+   property, 211.
+
+ Persia, celibacy, 251;
+   marriage, 253;
+   lactation, 254;
+   restriction of intercourse, 254;
+   abortion, 265.
+
+ Peruvian tribes, fertility, 167;
+   infanticide, 169;
+   war, 170;
+   age at marriage, 230.
+
+ Pimas, contraceptive methods, 167;
+   abortion, 168, 221;
+   infanticide, 169.
+
+ Pithecanthropus, 112.
+
+ Plough, invention of, 127;
+   use of, 162.
+
+ Polygamy, influence upon fecundity, 102;
+   among primitive races, 132.
+
+ Poor law, marriage and, 282.
+
+ Port Herald, contraceptive methods, 177.
+
+ Primates, evolution of, 109.
+
+ Primitive races, value of evidence regarding, 85, 131;
+   intellect and, 447.
+
+ Progress, definition of, 85;
+   rate of, 130;
+   in different regions, 438.
+
+ Protista, reproduction among, 39.
+
+ Pueblos, contraceptive methods, 167;
+   abortion, 168;
+   war, 170.
+
+ Puelches, lactation, 138;
+   fertility, 144;
+   infanticide, 149, 218;
+   war, 152;
+   infant mortality, 160.
+
+ Puget Sound Indians, lactation, 138;
+   abortion, 146.
+
+ Pure Line inheritance, 69.
+
+
+ Queka Indians, treatment of aged, 155.
+
+
+ Racial crosses, 380, 453.
+
+ Radeck, infanticide, 191, 221;
+   health, 235.
+
+ Rarotonga, infanticide, 190;
+   war, 192.
+
+ Ratios of increase of food and of population, 26, 198;
+   of human population, 105.
+
+ Reflex action, 45.
+
+ Religious writers, attitude to Malthus, 30.
+
+ Reproduction, necessity for, 38;
+   nature of, 39;
+   methods of, 41;
+   among species in nature and men, 52.
+
+ Reproductive organs, size among primitive races, 97.
+
+ Rome, discussion of population problem in, 18, 49;
+   expectation of life in, 246;
+   age at marriage in, 251;
+   early intercourse, 254;
+   contraceptive methods, 255;
+   abortion, 256, 272;
+   infanticide, 258.
+
+ Rotuma, abortion, 189;
+   war, 192.
+
+ Rovuma River, restriction of intercourse, 176.
+
+
+ Salish, lactation, 138;
+   age at marriage, 140;
+   health, 159;
+   property, 206.
+
+ Samoa, lactation, 185;
+   restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   fertility, 187;
+   abortion, 189;
+   infanticide, 190;
+   war, 192;
+   infant mortality, 195.
+
+ Samoyeds, fertility, 196;
+   infanticide, 196;
+   health, 196.
+
+ Sandwich Islands, infanticide, 101, 219;
+   fertility, 187;
+   war, 192;
+   health, 235.
+
+ Sarawak, lactation, 185;
+   fertility, 188;
+   property, 211.
+
+ Savage Island, restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   abortion, 189;
+   infanticide, 190.
+
+ Selection, _see_ Natural Selection.
+
+ Seri Indians, war, 152;
+   treatment of aged, 155;
+   division of food, 212;
+   marriage customs, 225;
+   elimination among, 375.
+
+ Sexual cycle in Mammals, 44;
+   former condition in man, 92;
+   effect of captivity upon, 94;
+   peculiarity of, in man, 98.
+
+ Sexual instinct, 42, 43, 51;
+   among primitive races, 97.
+
+ Sexual intercourse, before maturity, influence upon fecundity, 103;
+   among hunting and fishing races, 135;
+   taboo upon, among hunting and fishing races, 141;
+   among agricultural races, 164, 172, 184;
+   taboo upon, among agricultural races, 165, 175, 186;
+   before maturity among historical races, 253, 263;
+   taboo upon, among historical races, 267;
+   restrictions upon, 315.
+
+ Shawnees, contraceptive methods, 167;
+   health, 172.
+
+ Shekiani, feuds, 181.
+
+ Shoshones, war, 170.
+
+ Shushwap, lactation, 138;
+   age at marriage, 144;
+   war, 151;
+   health, 159.
+
+ Siam, marriage, 253;
+   lactation, 254.
+
+ Sierra Leone, property, 209.
+
+ Sioux, lactation, 165;
+   fertility, 167;
+   abortion, 168, 221;
+   infanticide, 169;
+   war, 170;
+   infant mortality, 172.
+
+ Sitkins Indians, property, 207.
+
+ Social organization, origin of, 132;
+   mental evolution and, 401;
+   organic, 401;
+   segmentary, 429.
+
+ Socialists, attitude to Malthus, 31.
+
+ Society Islands, age at marriage, 185.
+
+ Solomon Islands, lactation, 185;
+   restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   abortion, 189;
+   infanticide, 191;
+   war, 193.
+
+ Sound Indians, fertility, 144.
+
+ South Africa, lactation, 174;
+   abortion, 179;
+   infanticide, 180;
+   witchcraft, 182;
+   infant mortality, 184;
+   property, 210;
+   marriage customs, 227;
+   intellect, 392.
+
+ Spermatozoa, 40, 41.
+
+ Starvation, no evidence for, among primitive races, 231;
+   among animals, 58, 61;
+   among plants, 59.
+
+ Stature, increase of, 340.
+
+ Sterility, in males, 89;
+   among Australians, 99;
+   fat and, 104.
+
+ Suggestion, inheritance of, 364;
+   tradition and, 413.
+
+ Sumatra, fertility, 188;
+   marriage customs, 227.
+
+ Swaheli, early intercourse, 173;
+   restriction of intercourse, 176;
+   fertility, 178.
+
+ Sympathy, inheritance of, 364;
+   tradition and, 413.
+
+
+ Tahiti, infanticide, 190;
+   war, 192.
+
+ Tasmanians, early intercourse, 135;
+   lactation, 137;
+   fertility, 141;
+   abortion, 145;
+   infanticide, 146;
+   war, 149;
+   treatment of sick, 154;
+   health, 158;
+   infant mortality, 159;
+   property, 203.
+
+ Tehuelches, age at marriage, 140.
+
+ Temperament, disease and, 347;
+   environment and, 353, 438;
+   inheritance of, 361.
+
+ Tendas, lactation, 171;
+   abortion, 178.
+
+ Tepecanos, infanticide, 169.
+
+ Texas tribes, fertility, 167.
+
+ Thirty Years’ War, 247.
+
+ Thlinkeet, lactation, 138;
+   war, 151;
+   health, 159;
+   infant mortality, 160;
+   property, 207.
+
+ Thompson tribes, age at marriage, 140, 226;
+   abortion, 146;
+   infanticide, 149;
+   war, 151;
+   infant mortality, 160.
+
+ Thonga, restriction of intercourse, 177;
+   property, 210;
+   age at marriage, 227.
+
+ Tibet, celibacy, 251.
+
+ Tikopia, infanticide, 190, 219.
+
+ Timor Laut, health, 235.
+
+ Tinneh, early intercourse, 136;
+   lactation, 138;
+   age at marriage, 140;
+   fertility, 143;
+   war, 150;
+   infant mortality, 150;
+   property, 206.
+
+ Todas, infanticide, 222;
+   early intercourse, 254.
+
+ Tonga, restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   infanticide, 190.
+
+ Topebatos, age at marriage, 224.
+
+ Torres Straits, age at marriage, 185, 227;
+   restriction of intercourse, 186;
+   fertility, 187;
+   abortion, 189;
+   infanticide, 190, 220;
+   war, 192;
+   food, 234.
+
+ Trent, Council of, celibacy and, 264.
+
+ Tunguses, lactation, 196;
+   property, 211.
+
+ Turkomans, war, 248.
+
+ Turkey, lactation, 254;
+   restriction of intercourse, 255;
+   abortion, 256.
+
+
+ Uaupes, feuds, 171.
+
+ Uganda, lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 176;
+   war, 181.
+
+ Under-population, 294, 295, 297.
+
+ Unemployment, over-population and, 312.
+
+ Unit-factors, 71.
+
+ Utilitarian school, attitude to Malthus, 29, 32.
+
+ Utis, contraceptive methods, 167.
+
+
+ Vaitapu, infanticide, 191, 221.
+
+ Vancouver Island, fertility, 99;
+   age at marriage, 140;
+   abortion, 146.
+
+ Veddahs, early intercourse, 137;
+   age at marriage, 140;
+   fertility, 145;
+   infanticide, 149;
+   infant mortality, 160;
+   property, 207.
+
+ Venereal disease, 269.
+   _See also_ Gonorrhoea.
+
+
+ Wadschagga, lactation, 174;
+   infant mortality, 184;
+   abortion, 221.
+
+ Wagogo, restriction of intercourse, 176.
+
+ Wakamba, infanticide, 180.
+
+ Wamakonde, lactation, 174.
+
+ Wanika, infanticide, 180.
+
+ Wanjamuesi, early intercourse, 173;
+   lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 176;
+   fertility, 178.
+
+ Wapagoro, early intercourse, 173;
+   restriction of intercourse, 176;
+   marriage customs, 228.
+
+ War, among hunting and fishing races, 149;
+   among agricultural races, 169, 180, 192;
+   among historical races, 247;
+   Christian Church and, 249;
+   over-population and, 304;
+   origin of, 305;
+   selection and, 379.
+
+ Warega, early intercourse, 173;
+   restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   fertility, 178;
+   abortion, 179;
+   infant mortality, 184.
+
+ Warri district, restriction of intercourse, 175.
+
+ Wazaramo, lactation, 174.
+
+ Wealth, of different areas, 419;
+   influence upon tradition, 421;
+   shifting of centres of greatest, 423.
+
+ Welle district, war, 181.
+
+ West African tribes, lactation, 174.
+
+ Wheel, invention of, 127.
+
+ Witchcraft, as cause of death, 182.
+
+ Work among primitive races, obligation to, 212.
+
+ Workers’ Education Association, 239.
+
+ Woruk, infanticide, 149.
+
+ Writing, invention of, 127.
+
+
+ Yakuts, lactation, 196;
+   property, 211.
+
+ Yguazas, abstention from intercourse, 141;
+   infanticide, 149;
+   war, 152.
+
+ Yoruba-speaking people, lactation, 174;
+   restriction of intercourse, 175;
+   property, 209.
+
+ Yuchi, war, 170;
+   health, 172.
+
+
+ Zambala, marriage customs, 227.
+
+ Zaporos, treatment of aged, 155.
+
+ Zoroastrianism, marriage and, 253.
+
+ Zulus, war, 181;
+   infant mortality, 184;
+   marriage customs, 227.
+
+ Zuni, abortion, 169;
+   infanticide, 169;
+   property, 208.
+
+
+                           PRINTED IN ENGLAND
+                     AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
+
+-----
+
+Footnote 1:
+
+  On this subject see Roper, _Ancient Eugenics_.
+
+Footnote 2:
+
+  Roper (loc. cit., p. 12) quotes Seneca as follows: ‘We drown the
+  weakling and the monstrosity. It is not passion, but reason, to
+  separate the useless from the fit.’
+
+Footnote 3:
+
+  Campanella, _Civitas Solis_.
+
+Footnote 4:
+
+  Mr. Roper in his book quoted above exaggerates the attention paid in
+  early times to quality. He says, for instance, when speaking of
+  infanticide and similar practices, that ‘these barbaric eugenics ...
+  were concerned with questions both of quantity and of quality’ (p.
+  11). As will be pointed out later, these practices were in fact
+  primarily concerned with quantity; such bearing as they had upon
+  quality was incidental.
+
+Footnote 5:
+
+  See, for instance, Mill, _Principles of Political Economy_, vol. i, p.
+  389. Darwin commented upon this aspect of Mill’s work (_Descent of
+  Man_, p. 98).
+
+Footnote 6:
+
+  Malthus, _Essay on the Principle of Population_, vol. i, p. 5.
+
+Footnote 7:
+
+  Plato, _Laws_, v. 737.
+
+Footnote 8:
+
+  Plato, _Republic_, v. 460.
+
+Footnote 9:
+
+  Plato, _Laws_, v. 740.
+
+Footnote 10:
+
+  This is apparently a reference to a work by Varro.
+
+Footnote 11:
+
+  Tertullian, _De Anima_ (Ante-Nicene Christian Library), p. 481.
+
+Footnote 12:
+
+  The realization of the limitation of the surface of the
+  globe—following upon the circumnavigation of the world—had no doubt an
+  influence. The fact that the earth is spherical—or at least that it is
+  not flat—(as a matter of fact it is somewhat tetrahedral) was of
+  course known to Aristotle (_De Caelo_, ii. 14). It has been remarked
+  that this conception was always present to the minds of the authors of
+  all those speculations which have come down from antiquity (Bosanquet,
+  _Philosophical Theory of the State_, p. 330). But it was not forced
+  upon men’s notice until it was practically demonstrated.
+
+Footnote 13:
+
+  Prov. xiv. 28.
+
+Footnote 14:
+
+  Thus Montesquieu wrote: ‘Il n’y a que les grandes nations qui aient
+  des armées’ (_Grandeur et Décadence des Romains_, p. 130).
+
+Footnote 15:
+
+  The literature has been several times reviewed. I am chiefly indebted
+  to Stangeland, ‘Pre-Malthusian Doctrines of Population’, _Studies in
+  History, Economics and Public Law_—Columbia University; vol. xxi, No.
+  3, 1901.
+
+Footnote 16:
+
+  Thomas Aquinas, _De Regimine Principum_, Bk. IV, ch. ix. (The fourth
+  book is supposititious; nevertheless it probably represents the views
+  of St. Thomas.)
+
+Footnote 17:
+
+  Bodin, _Six Books of a Commonweale_, Bk. V, ch. ii, p. 575.
+
+Footnote 18:
+
+  Botero, _Delle Cause della Grandezza della Città_, p. 5.
+
+Footnote 19:
+
+  Quoted by Stangeland, loc. cit., p. 103, from the _Nouveau
+  Dictionnaire d’Économie Politique_, article ‘Population’. According to
+  Vauban (_La Dîme Royale_, p. 18) ‘La grandeur des rois se mesure par
+  le nombre de leurs sujets’.
+
+Footnote 20:
+
+  Petty, ‘Treatise of Taxes and Contributions’ in _Economic Writings_,
+  vol. i, p. 34.
+
+Footnote 21:
+
+  Graunt, _National and Political Observations upon the Bills of
+  Mortality_, ch. viii, section 14.
+
+Footnote 22:
+
+  Davenant, _Political and Commercial Works_, vol. i, p. 16.
+
+Footnote 23:
+
+  Child, _New Discourse upon Trade_, ch. x, p. 181.
+
+Footnote 24:
+
+  Child, loc. cit., p. 179.
+
+Footnote 25:
+
+  Temple, _Observations upon the United Provinces_, p. 164.
+
+Footnote 26:
+
+  Quoted by Ferdy, _Die künstliche Beschränkung der Kinderzahl_, p. 85.
+
+Footnote 27:
+
+  Quoted by Cannan, _History of the Theories of Production and
+  Distribution_, p. 124.
+
+Footnote 28:
+
+  Quoted by Stangeland, loc. cit., p. 110.
+
+Footnote 29:
+
+  Quoted by Stangeland, loc. cit., p. 234. Brückner’s work was published
+  in 1769.
+
+Footnote 30:
+
+  Young, _Travels in France_, vol. i, p. 481.
+
+Footnote 31:
+
+  Quoted by Leroy-Beaulieu, _La Question de la Population_, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 32:
+
+  Wallace, _Dissertation on the Numbers of Mankind_, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 33:
+
+  Steuart, _Principles of Political Economy_, vol. i, p. 20.
+
+Footnote 34:
+
+  Malthus, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 3.
+
+Footnote 35:
+
+  Mirabeau, _L’Ami des Hommes_, ch ii, p. 14.
+
+Footnote 36:
+
+  ‘There is a principle in human society by which population is
+  perpetually kept down to the level of the means of subsistence,’ said
+  Godwin in 1798 (_Political Justice_, Bk. VIII, p. 518). Many similar
+  remarks are to be found in the writings of the Physiocrats. See, for
+  instance, Turgot, _Sur le Commerce_, section 7, and Quesnay, _Analyse
+  du Tableau Économique_, chs. xxv and xxvi.
+
+Footnote 37:
+
+  Raleigh, _History of the World_, in collected Works, vol. ii, p. 25.
+
+Footnote 38:
+
+  Machiavelli, _History of Florence_, Bk. I, p. 5.
+
+Footnote 39:
+
+  Botero, loc. cit., p. 73.
+
+Footnote 40:
+
+  Botero, loc. cit., p. 75.
+
+Footnote 41:
+
+  Hale, _Primitive Origination of Mankind_, ch. viii, section 2.
+
+Footnote 42:
+
+  Petty, _Essay concerning the Increase of Mankind_, p. 21.
+
+Footnote 43:
+
+  See Stangeland, loc. cit., p. 230. There are two valuable and
+  important books which appeared in the eighteenth century dealing with
+  population. They do not lend themselves to quotation, but deserve
+  mention here. Benjamin Franklin, in his _Observations concerning the
+  Increase of Mankind and the Peopling of Countries_, pointed out the
+  differences in the marriage-rate as between Europe and the more
+  recently colonized countries and analysed the causes. It is
+  interesting to note that he was led to a more or less clear
+  recognition of the presence of the struggle for existence among all
+  living organisms (p. 21). The second book referred to above is Adam
+  Ferguson’s _Essay on the History of Civil Society_. The name of Ortes
+  should perhaps be mentioned. His book _Riflessioni sulla Popolazione_,
+  published in 1792, anticipated Malthus in almost every respect and yet
+  aroused practically no attention.
+
+Footnote 44:
+
+  According to Leslie Stephen’s article in the _Dictionary of National
+  Biography_, the chief authorities for the life of Malthus are (1) a
+  notice by Otter, afterwards Bishop of Chichester, prefixed to the
+  second edition of the _Political Economy_ published in 1836 and (2) an
+  article by Empsen in the _Edinburgh Review_. Jan. 1837, p. 469 to p.
+  506. See also Bonar’s _Malthus and his Work_, to which in this and the
+  following sections I am indebted. For some personal reminiscences see
+  Martineau’s _Autobiography_, vol. i, p. 211. He is described as
+  possessing the ‘most pleasing manners and the most benevolent heart’
+  (Manning, _History and Antiquities of Surrey_, p. 578).
+
+Footnote 45:
+
+  In the eighteenth century it was commonly supposed that the population
+  of England was decreasing. Arthur Young was one of the few who did not
+  share this view. (Mirabeau indeed thought that the population of the
+  whole of Europe was increasing.) All kinds of reasons were brought
+  forward to explain the supposed decrease. Price thought that it was
+  due to the enclosures; Horace Walpole suggested excessive drinking as
+  the cause.
+
+Footnote 46:
+
+  It is not correct to say that ‘the essay attracted comparatively
+  little attention until 1803’ (_Political History of England_, vol. xi,
+  p. 421).
+
+Footnote 47:
+
+  Bonar, loc. cit., p. 43.
+
+Footnote 48:
+
+  Bonar, loc. cit., p. 363.
+
+Footnote 49:
+
+  Mill, _Autobiography_, p. 105. It is interesting to note that one of
+  the reasons why Coleridge left the Utilitarians was the popularity of
+  the Essay among them. See Benn, _History of Rationalism_, vol. i, p.
+  238.
+
+Footnote 50:
+
+  Shelley, Preface to the _Revolt of Islam_, p. xi.
+
+Footnote 51:
+
+  It is thus curious to find that the Essay was highly praised by Joseph
+  de Maistre—one of the greatest of conservatives of this or of any age:
+  see _Du Pape_, Bk. III, ch. iii, section 3, where the Essay is called
+  ‘un profond ouvrage’ ... ‘un des livres rares après lesquels tout le
+  monde est dispensé de traiter le même sujet’. Yet in 1856 the
+  _Dictionnaire de l’Économie Politique_ was put upon the Index because
+  it supported the conclusions of the Essay.
+
+Footnote 52:
+
+  See, for instance, _Aitken’s Annual Review_, vol. ii, 1803, p. 292.
+
+Footnote 53:
+
+  Quoted by Leslie Stephen, _English Utilitarians_, vol. ii, p. 255.
+
+Footnote 54:
+
+  Bonar, loc. cit., p. 1.
+
+Footnote 55:
+
+  Luden, _Handbuch der Staatsweisheit oder Politik_. Von Mohl gives a
+  useful review of the literature following upon the publication of the
+  Essay (_Die Geschichte und Literatur der Staatswissenschaften_, vol.
+  iii, p. 480, and _Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften_, vol. ii,
+  p. 955).
+
+Footnote 56:
+
+  Sumner, _A Treatise on the Records of Creation and the Moral
+  Attributes of the Creator_; Chalmers, _On Political Economy in
+  connexion with the Moral State and Moral Prospects of Society_.
+
+Footnote 57:
+
+  Leslie Stephen, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 180.
+
+Footnote 58:
+
+  Greg, _Enigmas of Life_, ch. ii.
+
+Footnote 59:
+
+  On this subject see Soetbeer, _Die Stellung der Sozialisten zur
+  Malthusischen Bevölkerungslehre_. Soetbeer includes in his review the
+  writings of Godwin, Henry George, and others who cannot properly be
+  regarded as socialists.
+
+Footnote 60:
+
+  Soetbeer, loc. cit., p. 20.
+
+Footnote 61:
+
+  Marx, _Capital_, vol. ii, p. 629.
+
+Footnote 62:
+
+  There does not seem to be any foundation whatever for the statement
+  made by Place to the effect that Malthus recognized the advocacy of
+  Neomalthusian methods to be the logical outcome of his position but
+  that he shrank from their advocacy for fear of prejudice. Place,
+  _Illustrations and Proofs of the Principle of Population_, p. 173.
+
+Footnote 63:
+
+  Harriet Martineau, _Illustrations to Political Economy_, No. VI, _Weal
+  and Woe in Graveloch_.
+
+Footnote 64:
+
+  On this subject see Field, ‘The Early History of the Population
+  Movement’, _American Economic Review_, April, 1911. I am indebted to
+  this valuable article in what follows.
+
+Footnote 65:
+
+  Graham Wallas, _Life of Francis Place_, p. 169.
+
+Footnote 66:
+
+  For the later history of this movement see Hans Ferdy, loc. cit.;
+  Garnier, _Du Principe de la Population_; and Leroy-Beaulieu, loc. cit.
+
+Footnote 67:
+
+  Still more recently prosecutions have taken place in the United
+  States. The publications of the eminent Danish economist Pierson may
+  be consulted for an able advocacy of Neomalthusian methods put forward
+  at a time when birth-control received little scientific support. See
+  _Principles of Economics_, vol. ii, p. 107.
+
+Footnote 68:
+
+  _Life and Letters of Charles Darwin_, vol. i, p. 83.
+
+Footnote 69:
+
+  Haeckel, _History of Creation_, vol. i, p. 134.
+
+Footnote 70:
+
+  Marchant, _A. R. Wallace, Letters and Reminiscences_, vol. i, p. 136.
+
+Footnote 71:
+
+  Darwin, _Origin of Species_, p. 50.
+
+Footnote 72:
+
+  Marchant, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 116.
+
+Footnote 73:
+
+  See _Sociological Papers_, p. 45. Galton first proposed to use the
+  word ‘stirpiculture’.
+
+Footnote 74:
+
+  Among many plants and not infrequently among lower animals the sexes
+  are not separate—both male and female generative organs being found on
+  the same individual. This condition occurs in some fish, though
+  examples of hermaphroditism are rare in the Vertebrates. As a general
+  rule in such cases the two generative organs found in the same
+  individual ripen at different times and cross-fertilization is
+  effected. In such cases the description given above applies. Where
+  self-fertilization occurs, the above account does not apply in detail;
+  the occurrence of self-fertilization, however, in no way invalidates
+  the general conclusions that will be drawn in what follows.
+
+Footnote 75:
+
+  ‘The nucleus [of the spermatozoon] is probably enclosed within sheaths
+  of cytoplasm, although this is not usually readily visible’
+  (Doncaster, _Cytology_, p. 92).
+
+Footnote 76:
+
+  A few bony fish, e. g. Anableps, copulate internally.
+
+Footnote 77:
+
+  Internal copulation among the flat worms is of a very primitive
+  type—the penis apparently, at least at times, penetrating the female
+  at any point.
+
+Footnote 78:
+
+  Letourneau, _Evolution of Marriage_, p. 8.
+
+Footnote 79:
+
+  Darwin, _Descent of Man_, p. 384.
+
+Footnote 80:
+
+  Letourneau, loc. cit., p. 28.
+
+Footnote 81:
+
+  Except in man—the importance of which fact is dealt with in Chapter
+  IV.
+
+Footnote 82:
+
+  Jennings, _Behaviour of the Lower Organisms_, p. 277.
+
+Footnote 83:
+
+  Hobhouse, _Development and Purpose_, p. 62. In this and the following
+  sections I am indebted to Professor Hobhouse’s review of the evolution
+  of animal behaviour.
+
+Footnote 84:
+
+  McDougall, _Social Psychology_, p. 29.
+
+Footnote 85:
+
+  McDougall, loc. cit., p. 25.
+
+Footnote 86:
+
+  Lloyd Morgan, _Animal Behaviour_, p. 84.
+
+Footnote 87:
+
+  Hobhouse, loc. cit., p. 76.
+
+Footnote 88:
+
+  Thomson, _Darwinism and Human Life_, p. 81.
+
+Footnote 89:
+
+  Bridge, _Cambridge Natural History_, vol. _Fishes_, p. 412.
+
+Footnote 90:
+
+  Thomson, loc. cit., p. 82.
+
+Footnote 91:
+
+  Darwin, _Origin of Species_, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 92:
+
+  Darwin, _Origin of Species_, p. 49.
+
+Footnote 93:
+
+  Darwin, _Origin of Species_, p. 49.
+
+Footnote 94:
+
+  Johnstone, _Conditions of Life in the Sea_, p. 235.
+
+Footnote 95:
+
+  For the sake of simplicity fecundity has been spoken of as though it
+  was fixed at a certain strength for each species. As a matter of fact
+  it varies within fairly wide limits—increasing with better conditions.
+  In this fact lies the explanation of the increase of species under
+  favourable conditions which has often been observed, although, when
+  conditions are less favourable, there is little or no evidence of
+  starvation among such species.
+
+Footnote 96:
+
+  Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 97:
+
+  Brehm, _Bird Life_, p. 285.
+
+Footnote 98:
+
+  That the basis of the inherited qualities is wholly situated in the
+  chromatin cannot be considered as established beyond doubt. The
+  element of doubt, however, has no bearing upon the argument.
+
+Footnote 99:
+
+  In this and the following sections I am indebted to Professor
+  Goodrich’s admirable treatment of these problems in his book. _The
+  Evolution of Living Organisms._
+
+Footnote 100:
+
+  There is probably no actual loss—no gap in a chromosome. It may be
+  supposed that owing to a ‘negative variation’ a factor ceases to be
+  functional.
+
+Footnote 101:
+
+  A certain amount of confusion has been introduced into the whole
+  question of evolution by the manner in which in recent biological
+  writings the function of selection has been depreciated. The followers
+  of Darwin undoubtedly at times exaggerated the importance of
+  selection. In particular selection has even been spoken of as though
+  it caused variation and, as it were, drew organisms along certain
+  paths. It is essential to remember, as has been emphasized above, that
+  it can only act upon what is given. But without doubt there has been
+  recently a tendency to under-estimate the importance of selection.
+  Though the process of selection is nothing more than a process of
+  sifting, that process is of fundamental importance; unless due weight
+  is given to it, evolution cannot be rendered comprehensible.
+
+Footnote 102:
+
+  Osborn, _Evolution of Mammalian Molar Teeth_, p. 228. One of the most
+  valuable contributions to the discussion of orthogenesis has been made
+  by Plate, _Über die Bedeutung des Darwinischen Selectionsprinzips_.
+  Plate concludes that the evidence points to some kind of orthogenesis.
+
+Footnote 103:
+
+  Except where otherwise stated, increase of skill—of power, that is to
+  say, to control the environment—is taken as the criterion of
+  ‘progress’. Except, therefore, where otherwise stated, the terms
+  ‘civilized’ and ‘higher’ races are merely intended to convey that
+  races so denominated have a greater power of controlling the
+  environment than ‘uncivilized’ and ‘lower’ races. The terms ‘higher’
+  and ‘lower’ are thus in this book merely convenient labels used in a
+  special sense. In a fuller sense the terms ‘higher’ and ‘lower’ would
+  take account of innate faculties, social organization, and moral
+  tradition, as well as of the tradition of skilled methods. It is
+  worthy of note, so far as the argument in this book is concerned, that
+  there is a correlation between the tradition of skilled methods and
+  the tradition of social organization and between both of these
+  traditions and the innate faculties. The result, therefore, of a
+  classification of races according to the special sense of the terms
+  ‘higher’ and ‘lower’ as given above, does not conflict so directly as
+  might be thought with a classification according to the fuller meaning
+  of these terms. Further reference is made to the subject in the later
+  part of this book.
+
+Footnote 104:
+
+  Marshall, _Phil. Trans._ B, cxcvi, 1904, p. 77.
+
+Footnote 105:
+
+  Heape, _Q. J. M. S._, vol. xliv, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 106:
+
+  Mayer, _Über Sterilität_, p. 401.
+
+Footnote 107:
+
+  Kelly, _Medical Gynecology_, p. 354. See also Matthews Duncan,
+  _Sterility in Women_, p. 3.
+
+Footnote 108:
+
+  See Mosnier-Clauzel, _De quelques Causes de Stérilité chez la Femme_,
+  for a summary of this question.
+
+Footnote 109:
+
+  Except in the case of ‘identical’ twins.
+
+Footnote 110:
+
+  Engelmann, _Trans. Amer. Gyn. Soc._, vol. xxvi, p. 87.
+
+Footnote 111:
+
+  Krieger. _Die Menstruation_, p. 52. See also Ploss and Bartels, _Das
+  Weib_, vol. i, p. 421.
+
+Footnote 112:
+
+  Engelmann, loc. cit., p. 98.
+
+Footnote 113:
+
+  Krieger, loc. cit., p. 17.
+
+Footnote 114:
+
+  It is a remarkable fact that the Eskimo begin to menstruate at about
+  thirteen years of age—at an earlier age, that is to say, than the
+  average for the United States (Kelly, loc. cit., p. 83).
+
+Footnote 115:
+
+  Marshall, _Physiology of Reproduction_, p. 672.
+
+Footnote 116:
+
+  Krieger, loc. cit., p. 21.
+
+Footnote 117:
+
+  Ibid., p. 24.
+
+Footnote 118:
+
+  Marshall, _Physiology of Reproduction_, p. 63. There are considerable
+  variations in the conditions among monkeys; the above is only
+  generally true.
+
+Footnote 119:
+
+  Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, p. 25; Ploss and Bartels,
+  loc. cit., vol. i, ch. xxi; Havelock Ellis, _Studies in the Psychology
+  of Sex_, vol. i, p. 85.
+
+Footnote 120:
+
+  Westermarck, loc. cit., p. 28.
+
+Footnote 121:
+
+  See Frazer, _Golden Bough_, vol. iii, pp. 230 ff., where this subject
+  is discussed at length.
+
+Footnote 122:
+
+  Heape, loc. cit., p. 34.
+
+Footnote 123:
+
+  It may also be observed that among certain primitive races the
+  menstrual flow is said only to occur at long intervals (Heape, loc.
+  cit., p. 30). Among Eskimo women there is said to be no menstruation
+  in winter (ibid., p. 29).
+
+Footnote 124:
+
+  For further details see Croom, _Trans. Edin. Obstet. Soc._, vol. xxi,
+  1896; Havelock Ellis, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 90; Marshall, loc. cit.,
+  p. 65; and Kelly, loc. cit., ch. v.
+
+Footnote 125:
+
+  Heape, loc. cit., p. 15.
+
+Footnote 126:
+
+  Marshall, loc. cit., p. 57.
+
+Footnote 127:
+
+  Ibid., p. 59.
+
+Footnote 128:
+
+  Heape, loc. cit., p. 15.
+
+Footnote 129:
+
+  Ibid., p. 15.
+
+Footnote 130:
+
+  This and the following examples are taken from Darwin, _Variations of
+  Animals and Plants under Domestication_, vol. ii, p. 90.
+
+Footnote 131:
+
+  Marshall, loc. cit., p. 596.
+
+Footnote 132:
+
+  Ibid., p. 597.
+
+Footnote 133:
+
+  Heape, _Jour. Roy. Agric. Soc._, vol. x, p. 236.
+
+Footnote 134:
+
+  The evidence is summarized by Ploss and Bartels, loc. cit., vol. i,
+  ch. vi.
+
+Footnote 135:
+
+  See Ploss and Bartels, loc. cit., vol. i, ch. xix, and Havelock Ellis,
+  ‘Studies in the Psychology of Sex’, _Analysis of the Sexual Impulse_,
+  p. 209. The fact is commented upon by Ratzel, _History of Mankind_,
+  vol. ii, p. 17. As examples of the evidence for particular races see,
+  for the Malays, Stevens, _Zeit. für Eth._, Bd. xxviii, 1896, p. 180;
+  for the Fuegians, Hyades et Deniker, _Mission scientifique du Cap
+  Horn_, Tome vii, p. 187; for the Andamanese, Portman, _J. A. I._, vol.
+  xxv, p. 369.
+
+Footnote 136:
+
+  Mayer, loc. cit., p. 409.
+
+Footnote 137:
+
+  Stopes, _Married Love_, p. 68.
+
+Footnote 138:
+
+  Curr, _The Australian Race_, p. 70.
+
+Footnote 139:
+
+  Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 52.
+
+Footnote 140:
+
+  Ibid., p. 264.
+
+Footnote 141:
+
+  Murdoch, _Ethnological Results of the Port Barrow Expedition_, 9th _A.
+  R. B. E._, p. 38.
+
+Footnote 142:
+
+  Nansen, _Eskimo Life_, p. 150.
+
+Footnote 143:
+
+  Holder, _Am. Jour. Obstet._, vol. xxv, 1891, p. 44.
+
+Footnote 144:
+
+  Sproat, _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, p. 94.
+
+Footnote 145:
+
+  Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, vol. i, p. 197.
+
+Footnote 146:
+
+  Ibid., p. 242.
+
+Footnote 147:
+
+  Catlin, _North American Indians_, vol. ii, p. 228.
+
+Footnote 148:
+
+  Matthews Duncan, _Fecundity, Fertility, and Sterility_, p. 112.
+
+Footnote 149:
+
+  Wattal, _Population Problem in India_, p. 7.
+
+Footnote 150:
+
+  See, for instance, Eucken, _Currents of Modern Thought_, p. 264. When
+  Herbert Spencer says (_Principles of Biology_, vol. ii, p. 431) that
+  ‘advancing evolution must be accompanied by declining fertility’, he
+  is apparently using the term fertility as equivalent to fecundity and
+  is therefore misrepresenting the position. The Dean of St. Paul’s is
+  doubtless aware of the true state of the case: nevertheless his
+  reference to the subject is likely to be misleading. After remarking
+  upon the fact that fecundity (which he calls fertility) decreases
+  among animals with increasing care for the offspring, he goes on to
+  say that ‘man is no exception to these laws’ (_Outspoken Essays_, p.
+  60). As a matter of fact, man is a remarkable exception to this ‘law’;
+  if anything, his fecundity has increased. His position has become
+  assimilated to that of the animals because his fertility has
+  decreased—quite another matter.
+
+Footnote 151:
+
+  Darwin, _Descent of Man_, p. 132.
+
+Footnote 152:
+
+  Heape, loc. cit., p. 39. This is also the opinion of Havelock Ellis,
+  see ‘Studies in the Psychology of Sex’, _Analysis of the Sexual
+  Impulse_, p. 220.
+
+Footnote 153:
+
+  Newsholme and Stevenson, _J. R. S. S._, vol. lix, p. 64.
+
+Footnote 154:
+
+  Theal, _Yellow- and Dark-Skinned People of Africa_, p. 348.
+
+Footnote 155:
+
+  Heape, loc. cit., p. 43.
+
+Footnote 156:
+
+  Marshall, loc. cit., p. 400.
+
+Footnote 157:
+
+  Marshall, loc. cit., p. 74. See also Heape, loc. cit., p. 43, and
+  Matthews Duncan, _Sterility in Women_, p. 85.
+
+Footnote 158:
+
+  Dunlop, _J. R. S. S._, vol. lxxvi, p. 266.
+
+Footnote 159:
+
+  Ibid., p. 267.
+
+Footnote 160:
+
+  Quoted by Wattal, loc. cit., p. 23.
+
+Footnote 161:
+
+  Ibid., p. 15. See also Matthews Duncan, _Fecundity, Fertility, and
+  Sterility_, pp. 277 ff.
+
+Footnote 162:
+
+  Marshall, loc. cit., p. 595. The corpus luteum persists in the ovary
+  of fat animals and to this fact Fraenkel (_Archiv für Gynaekologie_,
+  Bd. lxviii, 1903) ascribes the barrenness that so often accompanies
+  fatness.
+
+Footnote 163:
+
+  Jolly, _Science Progress_, 1914, No. 33, p. 41, states that there are
+  four methods of estimating the duration of the whole period, by
+  considering (1) the thickness of the sediment, (2) the mass of the
+  sediment, (3) the sodium contained in the sea, and (4) radioactive
+  transformation. (1) gives about 100 to 134 million years, (2) about 87
+  million years, (3) about 80 to 90 million years, and (4) a much longer
+  period.
+
+Footnote 164:
+
+  Osborn, _Old Stone Age_, p. 22.
+
+Footnote 165:
+
+  Ibid., p. 23. It is well to lay stress on the fact that all these
+  figures are little more than guesses founded on various observations
+  such as the rate of deposition of sediment by rivers. No conclusions
+  with regard to evolution can be drawn from the supposed length of the
+  whole period or from the supposed length of the subdivisions.
+  Nevertheless the relative length of the different subdivisions as
+  estimated has in all probability some approximation to fact, and thus,
+  whatever may be the real length of the period, the time which elapsed
+  between, say, the beginning of the Pleistocene and the middle of the
+  third genial epoch was at least twice and perhaps three times longer
+  than that which has elapsed since the beginning of the latter epoch to
+  the present day.
+
+Footnote 166:
+
+  The extinct Lemurs of the Lower Eocene were, it may be noticed, of a
+  very generalized type and can only with difficulty be distinguished
+  from Insectivores. At this time the chief features now characteristic
+  of the various Mammalian classes had not yet appeared.
+
+Footnote 167:
+
+  Sollas, ‘Presidential Address to the Geological Society’, 1910, p. 48
+  (_Quart Journ. Geol. Soc._, vol. lxvi).
+
+Footnote 168:
+
+  The table is based on those given by Osborn (_Old Stone Age_, pp. 18
+  and 41).
+
+Footnote 169:
+
+  To show how the estimates vary it may be mentioned that Sollas
+  (_Ancient Hunters_, ch. xiv) only allows 27,000 years since the close
+  of the Chellean period.
+
+Footnote 170:
+
+  Dubois, _Pithecanthropus erectus: eine menschenähnliche Übergangsform
+  aus Java_. Dubois has published several other papers and the
+  literature is very large. The earlier literature has been summarized
+  by Klaatsch (_Zoologisches Centralblatt_, vol. vi, 1899, p. 217), and
+  by Schwalbe (_Zeit. für Morph. und Anth._, Bd. I, 1899, p. 16). For a
+  concise account see Duckworth, _Morphology and Anthropology_, pp. 510
+  ff. The remains consist of the upper portion of a skull, a left femur,
+  a second left upper molar, a third right upper molar and a second left
+  lower pre-molar. The last tooth was not found by Dubois but by
+  subsequent excavators. The skull and the femur were not found together
+  but some fifty feet apart. The attribution of all the remains to one
+  individual is, however, probably justified.
+
+Footnote 171:
+
+  Elbert (_Cent. für Min., Geol. und Pal._, Bd. 17, 1909, p. 513) holds
+  that the beds are on the border between the Pliocene and the
+  Pleistocene. Volz (_Neues Jahr. für Min., Geol. und Pal.; Festband zur
+  Feier des 100-jährigen Bestehens_, 1907, p. 256) places the beds in
+  the Middle Pleistocene. The whole problem is discussed by Selenka and
+  Blanckenhorn. See _Die Pithecanthropus-Schichten auf Java_.
+
+Footnote 172:
+
+  Osborn, _Old Stone Age_, p. 83.
+
+Footnote 173:
+
+  Schoetensack, _Der Unterkiefer des H. heidelbergensis_.
+
+Footnote 174:
+
+  Dawson and Woodward, _Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc._, vol. lxix, 1913, p.
+  117.
+
+Footnote 175:
+
+  The Gibraltar skull may have been discovered before the specimen from
+  Neanderthal; it aroused no interest, however, until after the
+  discovery of the latter.
+
+Footnote 176:
+
+  Boule, _Ann. de Pal._, vol. vi, 1911, vol. vii, 1912, vol. viii, 1913.
+
+Footnote 177:
+
+  In some cases the origin has not been clearly identified (e. g. the
+  Gibraltar skull). It is said that remains of Neanderthal man are
+  sometimes found associated with Acheulean instruments (in the case of
+  the Krapina remains, for example). See Boule, loc. cit., vol. vi, p.
+  120, and vol. vii, p. 227, and also Anthony, _Bull. et Mém. Soc.
+  d’Anth._, 1913, p. 189.
+
+Footnote 178:
+
+  The remains found at the station of Raymonden, Chancelade, and
+  described by Testut (_Bull. Soc. d’Anth. de Lyon_, vol. viii, 1889),
+  are now generally classed with Cro-Magnon man. As Testut says,
+  Chancelade man possesses ‘tous les caractères propres aux races
+  supérieures’. The cranial capacity was 1,710 c.c. But there are
+  certain features in which it departs from the ordinary Cro-Magnon type
+  and certain features in which it resembles the modern Eskimo
+  type—particularly in the shape of the cranium, the sides of which tend
+  to slope up and meet at an angle. The possible significance of this
+  will be referred to later.
+
+Footnote 179:
+
+  Thus Boule (loc. cit., vol. viii, p. 111), speaking of the Upper
+  Palaeolithic types in general, says: ‘Tous ces hommes fossiles ne sont
+  pas plus différents des hommes actuels que ceux-ci ne diffèrent entre
+  eux.’
+
+Footnote 180:
+
+  Pottery stated to be Palaeolithic has been found in Belgium. There is
+  nothing surprising in the fact, if it is a fact, that Palaeolithic man
+  should have possessed this art, so far as his abilities are concerned.
+  In general, however, nomadic races (and the Palaeolithic races were,
+  of course, nomadic) have little use for pottery. See Déchelette,
+  _Manuel d’Archéologie_, vol. i, pp. 169 ff.
+
+Footnote 181:
+
+  Reid Moir, _Pre-Palaeolithic Man_. Rostro-carinates are found in the
+  Red Crag which is a Pliocene formation. Mr. Reid Moir holds that they
+  were evolved from eoliths (p. 66).
+
+Footnote 182:
+
+  Sollas, _Ancient Hunters_, ch. iii.
+
+Footnote 183:
+
+  Breuil, _L’Anthropologie_, vol. xx, 1910.
+
+Footnote 184:
+
+  Professor Wood Jones, basing his conclusions on comparative anatomy,
+  has lately put forward a view of the course of human evolution
+  somewhat at variance with that outlined above. He sums up his view by
+  saying that ‘Homo is not descended from the anthropoid apes preceded
+  by a series of Primate forms represented by Old World Monkeys, New
+  World Monkeys, and Lemurs. For we have seen that the anatomical
+  characters of man demand rather a recognition of the finding that his
+  stock branched off from the very root of the Primates; that man has
+  evolved entirely by generalized development of the brain, and that he
+  retains the bodily simplicity only found in some such far distant
+  progenitor as the Tarsius stock; that no matter what may be the
+  relation of the New World and Old World Monkeys, the human race
+  combines, in some instances, a blend of their characters; that the
+  anthropoid apes retain a certain, and a varying, amount of the basal
+  simplicity that belongs to man, but that the Old World Monkeys have
+  specialized far away from this simplicity. Regarded in this way we may
+  say that the line of Homo springs from the base of the (non-Lemurine)
+  Primate stem and not from its systematic apex’ (‘Origin of Man’, p.
+  126, in _Animal Life and Human Progress_, edited by Dendy). In this
+  view therefore the human stock has been separate from the rest of the
+  primate stock since early in the Tertiary period. If this conclusion
+  is well founded, the argument derived from the course of evolution as
+  outlined above is certainly weakened.
+
+Footnote 185:
+
+  Sollas, loc. cit., p. 72.
+
+Footnote 186:
+
+  With reference to this subject Breuil says with great force that ‘si
+  la nature, _exceptionnellement_ sans doute, peut produire des objets
+  aussi semblables à des types industriels _parfaitement définis et
+  connus comme tels dans leurs milieux normaux en dehors de toute
+  possibilité d’erreur_, à combien plus forte raison doit-on se montrer
+  circonspect à l’égard des manifestations les plus élémentaires de
+  l’activité humaine, et se montrer exigeant avant de fonder sur leur
+  constatation si problématique des théories dépassant si formidablement
+  ce qui est acquis d’une manière définitive et en toute évidence!’
+  (_L’Anthropologie_, vol. xxi, p. 407). For examples of the expression
+  of similar views see Obermaier, _Der Mensch der Vorzeit_, p. 412, and
+  Déchelette, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 22. The weight of expert opinion is
+  against the acceptance of eoliths as genuine. Among the more
+  distinguished supporters of the theory may be mentioned Rutot in
+  Belgium, Ray Lankester and Reid Moir in England, Verworn in Germany,
+  and de Mortillet in France. Among those who are sceptical are Boule,
+  Breuil, and Déchelette in France, Schmidt and Obermaier in Germany,
+  and Sollas in England.
+
+Footnote 187:
+
+  Rutot, _Revue, de l’Université de Bruxelles_, 1911, p. 258.
+
+Footnote 188:
+
+  Remains of Chellean industry are widespread and are found outside
+  Europe—in Africa, for example, from the Cape to the Sahara. See
+  Déchelette, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 88.
+
+Footnote 189:
+
+  The admiration, justly enough aroused, for these works of art has
+  undoubtedly led to an exaggeration of the level of social and
+  intellectual development reached by Upper Palaeolithic man, whose
+  times are sometimes referred to as though they were a kind of Golden
+  Age.
+
+Footnote 190:
+
+  Azilian remains are confined to the south of Europe; Tardenoisian
+  remains are widely distributed in Europe. To this period also belongs
+  the Maglemose culture from Zeeland. Some grain found in the cave of
+  Mas d’Azil has been interpreted as showing that agriculture was
+  practised; in all probability, however, the grain has been introduced
+  recently—perhaps by rats. Certain curiously marked pebbles are known
+  from Azilian times and have been taken by some authors to be evidence
+  of the use of an alphabet. This interpretation cannot be accepted,
+  though possibly these markings may have been signs intended to assist
+  the memory—such as were in use in Peru, for example.
+
+Footnote 191:
+
+  Palaeolithic man may have kept animals as pets. Many primitive races
+  have a passion for keeping pets though they derive no economic
+  advantage from so doing.
+
+Footnote 192:
+
+  That agriculture is an art learnt but recently is not yet appreciated
+  by some men of science. Thus Sir A. D. Hall in a book published in
+  1919 says that ‘agriculture must be almost coeval with the human race’
+  (_Fertilizers and Manures_, p. 2).
+
+Footnote 193:
+
+  Montelius, _C. I. A._, 1906, vol. ii, p. 32.
+
+Footnote 194:
+
+  Pottery from the earliest Neolithic at Cnossus was well made, and
+  therefore this culture must have originated considerably more than
+  14,000 years ago.
+
+Footnote 195:
+
+  On this subject see Déchelette, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 336.
+
+Footnote 196:
+
+  Jade was found in the first city of Hissarlik, which must have come
+  from the Kuen-lun (Gowland, _J. A. I._, vol. xlii, 1912, p. 260).
+
+Footnote 197:
+
+  On this subject see Gowland, loc. cit., p. 236.
+
+Footnote 198:
+
+  _Handbook of American Indians_: articles on _Copper_ and _Iron_.
+
+Footnote 199:
+
+  Reisner, ‘Early Dynastic Cemeteries of Naga-ed-Dêr’, _University of
+  California Publications_, 1908, p. 117.
+
+Footnote 200:
+
+  Reisner, loc. cit., p. 127.
+
+Footnote 201:
+
+  Ibid., p. 134.
+
+Footnote 202:
+
+  Iron weapons are found in late Mycenean graves (Ridgeway, _Early Age
+  of Greece_, p. 294).
+
+Footnote 203:
+
+  Ridgeway, _Beginnings of Iron_, p. 644.
+
+Footnote 204:
+
+  Von Luschan supports this view (_Zeit. für Eth._, vol. xli, 1909, p.
+  52).
+
+Footnote 205:
+
+  Hall, _Ancient History of the Near East_, p. 254.
+
+Footnote 206:
+
+  See on this point Breuil, ‘Les Subdivisions du Paléolithique
+  Supérieur,’ _C. I. A._, 1912. With regard to the Neolithic period
+  Déchelette says: ‘Il est permis de placer en Orient le principal
+  centre de diffusion des accroissements successifs de la civilisation
+  occidentale’ (loc. cit., vol. i, p. 313).
+
+Footnote 207:
+
+  See Hrdlicka, ‘Early Man in South America’ (_S. I. B. E._, No. 52,
+  1912), ‘Skeletal Remains suggesting or attributed to Early Man in
+  North America’ (ibid., No. 33, 1907), and ‘Recent Discoveries
+  attributed to Early Man in America’ (ibid., No. 66, 1917).
+
+Footnote 208:
+
+  It is interesting to note the cranial capacity of these races and to
+  compare them with the figures given above for prehistoric races:
+  Tasmanians, 1,225 c.c.; Australians, 1,320 c.c.; Bushmen, 1,244 c.c.;
+  Veddahs, 1,201 to 1,336 c.c.; American Indians, 1,300 to 1,450 c.c.
+  See Hoernes, _Natur und Urgeschichte der Menschen_, vol. i, p. 60.
+
+Footnote 209:
+
+  See J. J. Atkinson, _Primal Law_ (in _Social Origins_, by Lang and
+  Atkinson).
+
+Footnote 210:
+
+  Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_, p. 164.
+
+Footnote 211:
+
+  See, for example, Parker, _Euahlayi Tribe_, p. 56, and, for the tribes
+  of Western Victoria, Brown, _J. A. I._, vol. xliii, p. 158.
+
+Footnote 212:
+
+  Early betrothal is also common among other races of this group; but,
+  unless otherwise stated, this should not be taken as meaning that
+  cohabitation follows until after puberty. The more careful accounts
+  usually state that it does not; for the Thompson Indians, for
+  instance, see Teit, _Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. i, p. 321.
+
+Footnote 213:
+
+  Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_, vol. i, p. 267. This author has dealt
+  at some length with the prevalence of this habit.
+
+Footnote 214:
+
+  Nansen, _First Crossing of Greenland_, p. 320.
+
+Footnote 215:
+
+  Murdoch, 9th _A. R. B. E._, p. 419.
+
+Footnote 216:
+
+  Turner, 11th _A. R. B. E._, p. 188. See, for Behring Strait Eskimos,
+  Nelson, 18th _A. R. B. E._, p. 292.
+
+Footnote 217:
+
+  Ross, _A. R. S. I._, 1860, p. 305.
+
+Footnote 218:
+
+  Gibbs, _U.S. Geog. and Geol. Survey_, vol. i, p. 199.
+
+Footnote 219:
+
+  Powers, ibid., vol. iii, p. 413.
+
+Footnote 220:
+
+  Ibid., p. 157.
+
+Footnote 221:
+
+  Ten Kate, _Rev. d’Eth._, vol. iv, p. 129.
+
+Footnote 222:
+
+  Hyades and Deniker, _Mission Scientifique_, p. 188.
+
+Footnote 223:
+
+  Ibid., p. 187.
+
+Footnote 224:
+
+  Seligman, _Veddahs_, p. 95. It is possible that this may have been
+  formerly forbidden (ibid., p. 96).
+
+Footnote 225:
+
+  Ling Roth, _Aborigines of Tasmania_, p. 168, note.
+
+Footnote 226:
+
+  Bonwick, _Daily Life and Origin of the Tasmanians_, p. 85.
+
+Footnote 227:
+
+  Eyre, _Journals_, vol. ii, p. 250. See also Spencer and Gillen,
+  _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 228:
+
+  Grey, _Journals_, vol. ii, p. 250.
+
+Footnote 229:
+
+  Eylmann, _Die Eingeborenen der Kolonie Südaustralien_, p. 261.
+
+Footnote 230:
+
+  Taplin, _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 231:
+
+  Meyer, _Aborigines of the Encounter Bay Tribe_, p. 187.
+
+Footnote 232:
+
+  Curr, _Recollections_, p. 263. See also Smyth, _Aborigines of
+  Victoria_, vol. i, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 233:
+
+  R. Brown, _Geog. Journ._, vol. i, p. 39.
+
+Footnote 234:
+
+  Murdoch, loc. cit., p. 415.
+
+Footnote 235:
+
+  Nansen, _Eskimo Life_, p. 151.
+
+Footnote 236:
+
+  Crantz, _History of Greenland_, vol. i, p. 162.
+
+Footnote 237:
+
+  Bessels, _Arch, für Anth._, vol. viii, p. 113.
+
+Footnote 238:
+
+  Heriot, _Travels_, p. 339. See also Weld, _Travels_, p. 373.
+
+Footnote 239:
+
+  J. Long, _Voyages_, p. 60.
+
+Footnote 240:
+
+  Dall, _Alaska_, p. 196.
+
+Footnote 241:
+
+  Ross, loc. cit., p. 305.
+
+Footnote 242:
+
+  Krause, _Die Thinklit-Indianer_, p. 216. See also Bancroft, _Native
+  Races_, vol. i, p. 111.
+
+Footnote 243:
+
+  Lord, _Naturalist in Vancouver_, vol. ii, p. 233.
+
+Footnote 244:
+
+  Sproat, loc. cit., p. 94.
+
+Footnote 245:
+
+  Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, vol. iii, p. 212.
+
+Footnote 246:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 197.
+
+Footnote 247:
+
+  Ibid., p. 242.
+
+Footnote 248:
+
+  Ibid.
+
+Footnote 249:
+
+  Gibbs, loc. cit., p. 209.
+
+Footnote 250:
+
+  Long, loc. cit., p. 60.
+
+Footnote 251:
+
+  Guinnard, _Three Years’ Slavery among the Patagonians_, p. 146.
+
+Footnote 252:
+
+  Dobrizhoffer, _Abipones_, vol. ii, p. 195.
+
+Footnote 253:
+
+  Hyades and Deniker, loc. cit., vol. vii, p. 195.
+
+Footnote 254:
+
+  Man, _J. A. I._, vol. xii, p. 81.
+
+Footnote 255:
+
+  Deniker, _Rev. d’Eth._, vol. ii, p. 303.
+
+Footnote 256:
+
+  For races of North-east Africa see King, _Journal Anthropological
+  Society of Bombay_, vol. ii, 1890.
+
+Footnote 257:
+
+  Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 52.
+
+Footnote 258:
+
+  W. E. Roth, _Ethnological Studies_, p. 179.
+
+Footnote 259:
+
+  R. H. Mathews, _Ethnological Notes_, p. 177.
+
+Footnote 260:
+
+  Curr, _Australian Race_, vol. ii, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 261:
+
+  W. E. Roth, loc. cit., p. 179; Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of
+  Central Australia_, p. 264.
+
+Footnote 262:
+
+  Semon, _Australian Bush_, p. 234.
+
+Footnote 263:
+
+  Westermarck, _Human Marriage_, p. 134.
+
+Footnote 264:
+
+  Malinowski, _Family among Australian Aborigines_, p. 134.
+
+Footnote 265:
+
+  Smyth, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 77.
+
+Footnote 266:
+
+  Taplin, loc. cit., p. 10.
+
+Footnote 267:
+
+  Sproat, loc. cit., p. 94.
+
+Footnote 268:
+
+  Powers, loc. cit., p. 413.
+
+Footnote 269:
+
+  Hill Tout, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxiv, p. 319.
+
+Footnote 270:
+
+  Sarasin, _Forschungen aus Ceylon_, vol. iii, p. 469.
+
+Footnote 271:
+
+  Crantz, loc. cit., p. 158.
+
+Footnote 272:
+
+  Hill Tout, _British North America_, p. 182.
+
+Footnote 273:
+
+  Hill Tout, loc. cit., p. 190.
+
+Footnote 274:
+
+  Teit, _Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. i, p. 190.
+
+Footnote 275:
+
+  Ibid., vol. ii, p. 591.
+
+Footnote 276:
+
+  Ibid., p. 255.
+
+Footnote 277:
+
+  Musters, _Patagonians_, p. 186.
+
+Footnote 278:
+
+  Dobrizhoffer, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 42.
+
+Footnote 279:
+
+  See, for instance, as regards the Australians, Malinowski, loc. cit.,
+  p. 48; Tasmanians, Bonwick, loc. cit., p. 85; Bushmen, Theal, _Yellow-
+  and Dark-Skinned People_, p. 46; and Chinooks, Bancroft, loc. cit.,
+  vol. i, p. 241.
+
+Footnote 280:
+
+  It is rare that the prohibition for such reasons extends over so long
+  a period as a year. This is the period of abstinence sometimes
+  enjoined upon the Thlinkeet Indians (Swanton, 26th _A. R. B. E._, p.
+  449). On this subject see Crawley, _Mystic Rose_, pp. 187, 215, and
+  342; Hubert and Mauss, _Histoire des Religions_; Frazer, _Golden
+  Bough_, vol. i, p. 29; and Westermarck, loc. cit., pp. 150 ff.
+
+Footnote 281:
+
+  Cabeça de Vaca, _Narrative_, p. 62.
+
+Footnote 282:
+
+  Dobrizhoffer, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 283:
+
+  This has, of course, often been remarked upon. See, for instance,
+  Darwin, _Descent of Man_, vol. i, p. 132.
+
+Footnote 284:
+
+  Bonwick, loc. cit., p. 79.
+
+Footnote 285:
+
+  Ibid., p. 85.
+
+Footnote 286:
+
+  Bonwick, loc. cit., p. 76.
+
+Footnote 287:
+
+  Ibid., p. 85. See also Smyth, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 387.
+
+Footnote 288:
+
+  Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 39. The interesting estimate of
+  Curr has been given on p. 99. In another place he says: ‘The number of
+  children born, on the average, by Bangerang women I estimate at six or
+  perhaps eight’ (_Recollections_, p. 252).
+
+Footnote 289:
+
+  Lumholtz, loc. cit., p. 134.
+
+Footnote 290:
+
+  J. Mathew, _Eaglehawk and Crow_, p. 165.
+
+Footnote 291:
+
+  Grey, _Journals_, vol. ii, p. 250. He also remarks that, although
+  girls are mature at twelve, ‘child-bearing does not often commence
+  before the age of sixteen’ (ibid., p. 323).
+
+Footnote 292:
+
+  Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 264.
+
+Footnote 293:
+
+  Ibid., p. 52.
+
+Footnote 294:
+
+  Eyre, _Journals_, vol. ii, p. 376.
+
+Footnote 295:
+
+  Schürmann, _Aboriginal Tribes_, p. 223.
+
+Footnote 296:
+
+  Wilhelmi, _Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria_, vol. v, p.
+  180.
+
+Footnote 297:
+
+  Stow, _Native Races_, p. 50.
+
+Footnote 298:
+
+  Theal, loc. cit., p. 44.
+
+Footnote 299:
+
+  Crantz, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 161.
+
+Footnote 300:
+
+  p. 99. Hutton, however, gives a high figure for the birth-rate
+  (_Eskimos of Labrador_, p. 80).
+
+Footnote 301:
+
+  p. 99.
+
+Footnote 302:
+
+  Murdoch, loc. cit., p. 39. This author says further that ‘all authors
+  who have described Eskimos of unmixed descent agree in regard to the
+  generally small number of their offspring’ (ibid., p. 419).
+
+Footnote 303:
+
+  Bessels, loc. cit., p. 112.
+
+Footnote 304:
+
+  Turner, loc. cit., p. 189.
+
+Footnote 305:
+
+  Armstrong, _Personal Narrative_, p. 195.
+
+Footnote 306:
+
+  Ritter, _Zeit, für all. Erd._, vol. xiii, p. 265.
+
+Footnote 307:
+
+  Hearne, _Journey_, p. 312.
+
+Footnote 308:
+
+  Ross, loc. cit., p. 305.
+
+Footnote 309:
+
+  Petroff, ‘Report of the Population of Alaska’, _10th Census of the
+  U.S.A._, p. 127.
+
+Footnote 310:
+
+  p. 99.
+
+Footnote 311:
+
+  S. H. Long, loc. cit., p. 19. See also Dorsey, 3rd _A. R. B. E._, p.
+  264.
+
+Footnote 312:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 218.
+
+Footnote 313:
+
+  Ibid., p. 156.
+
+Footnote 314:
+
+  Keating, _Narrative_, p. 156.
+
+Footnote 315:
+
+  Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 211.
+
+Footnote 316:
+
+  Baegert, _A. R. B. E._, 1863, p. 368.
+
+Footnote 317:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 513.
+
+Footnote 318:
+
+  Guinnard, loc. cit., p. 143.
+
+Footnote 319:
+
+  Bridges, _A Voice from South America_, vol. xiii, p. 202.
+
+Footnote 320:
+
+  Hyades and Deniker, loc. cit., vol. vii, p. 189.
+
+Footnote 321:
+
+  Ibid., p. 188.
+
+Footnote 322:
+
+  It may be observed that according to Keane the Botocudos form an
+  exception. ‘Families’, he says, ‘are said to be comparatively large,
+  four or five children being common enough’ (_J. A. I._, vol. xiii).
+  This is, however, contradicted by von Tschudi, _Reisen durch
+  Südamerika_, vol. ii, p. 284.
+
+Footnote 323:
+
+  Man, loc. cit., p. 81.
+
+Footnote 324:
+
+  Portman, _J. A. I._, vol. xxv, p. 369.
+
+Footnote 325:
+
+  Sarasins, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 169.
+
+Footnote 326:
+
+  Dall, loc. cit., p. 381.
+
+Footnote 327:
+
+  Deniker, _Rev. d’Eth._, vol. ii, p. 302.
+
+Footnote 328:
+
+  Bonwick, loc. cit., p. 76.
+
+Footnote 329:
+
+  See, for example, Klemm, _Allgemeine Kultur-Geschichte der
+  Menschheit_, vol. i, p. 291.
+
+Footnote 330:
+
+  Curr, _Australian Race_, vol. i, p. 76.
+
+Footnote 331:
+
+  Quoted by a reviewer in the _Edinburgh Review_, vol. ii, 1803, p. 34.
+
+Footnote 332:
+
+  Palmer, _J. A. I._, vol. xiii, p. 280.
+
+Footnote 333:
+
+  Roth, loc. cit., p. 183.
+
+Footnote 334:
+
+  Wells and Kelly, _U.S.A. Bureau of Education_, 1890, p. 19; Bessels,
+  loc. cit., p. 112.
+
+Footnote 335:
+
+  See Weld, loc. cit., p. 373, and Robertson, _History of America_, vol.
+  i, p. 297
+
+Footnote 336:
+
+  H. Ellis, _Voyage_, p. 198.
+
+Footnote 337:
+
+  Mackenzie, _Voyages_, vol. i, p. 148.
+
+Footnote 338:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 169.
+
+Footnote 339:
+
+  Ibid., p. 197.
+
+Footnote 340:
+
+  Lord, _Naturalist in Vancouver_, vol. ii, p. 231.
+
+Footnote 341:
+
+  Sproat, loc. cit., p. 94.
+
+Footnote 342:
+
+  Teit, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 305.
+
+Footnote 343:
+
+  Ibid., vol. ii, p. 584.
+
+Footnote 344:
+
+  Gibbs, loc. cit., p. 199.
+
+Footnote 345:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 242. It also occurred among the Omahas
+  but was not common (Dorsey, loc. cit., p. 263, and Long, loc. cit., p.
+  20).
+
+Footnote 346:
+
+  Powers, loc. cit., p. 207. For New Mexico see Bancroft, loc. cit.,
+  vol. i, p. 590.
+
+Footnote 347:
+
+  Castelnau, _Expedition_, vol. ii, p. 450. See also Azara, _Voyages_,
+  p. 146.
+
+Footnote 348:
+
+  Rengger, _Reise_, p. 329.
+
+Footnote 349:
+
+  Cooper, _S. I. B. E._, Bull. No. 63, 1917, p. 171.
+
+Footnote 350:
+
+  Female infanticide was brought into great prominence by MacLennan.
+  Although he asserted that female infanticide was ‘common among savages
+  everywhere’ (_Studies in Ancient History_, p. 111), he did not bring
+  forward any considerable body of evidence.
+
+Footnote 351:
+
+  Bonwick, loc. cit., pp. 79 and 85. See also Smyth, loc. cit., vol. ii,
+  p. 386.
+
+Footnote 352:
+
+  Ling Roth, loc. cit., p. 167. This author suggests that infanticide
+  may have increased owing to the disturbances due to the arrival of the
+  Europeans. There is no evidence that this was so, and for the reasons
+  given later it is most improbable that this is ever the result of
+  European influence.
+
+Footnote 353:
+
+  K. L. Parker, loc. cit., p. 23.
+
+Footnote 354:
+
+  Lumholtz, loc. cit., p. 134.
+
+Footnote 355:
+
+  Dawson, loc. cit., p. 39.
+
+Footnote 356:
+
+  Curr, _Recollections_, p. 252.
+
+Footnote 357:
+
+  Ibid., p. 263.
+
+Footnote 358:
+
+  Wilhelmi, loc. cit., p. 180.
+
+Footnote 359:
+
+  P. Beveridge, _Aborigines of Victoria_, p. 26.
+
+Footnote 360:
+
+  R. H. Mathews, _Ethnological Notes_, p. 17.
+
+Footnote 361:
+
+  Bonney, _J. A. I._, vol. xiii, p. 125.
+
+Footnote 362:
+
+  Palmer, loc. cit., p. 280; Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_,
+  p. 190; Eylmann, loc. cit., p. 261; and Smyth, loc. cit., vol. i, p.
+  52.
+
+Footnote 363:
+
+  Howitt, _Native Tribes_, p. 748.
+
+Footnote 364:
+
+  Howitt, loc. cit., p. 749.
+
+Footnote 365:
+
+  Ibid., p. 749.
+
+Footnote 366:
+
+  Ibid., p. 750.
+
+Footnote 367:
+
+  Ibid., p. 750.
+
+Footnote 368:
+
+  Taplin, loc. cit., p. 13.
+
+Footnote 369:
+
+  Ibid., p. 14.
+
+Footnote 370:
+
+  Meyer, loc. cit., p. 186.
+
+Footnote 371:
+
+  Schürmann, loc. cit., p. 223.
+
+Footnote 372:
+
+  Gason, _Manners and Customs_, p. 258.
+
+Footnote 373:
+
+  Mathew, _Two Representative Tribes_, p. 165.
+
+Footnote 374:
+
+  Foelsche, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiv, p. 192.
+
+Footnote 375:
+
+  Eyre, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 376. See also Spencer and Gillen, _Native
+  Tribes_, p. 264.
+
+Footnote 376:
+
+  Ibid., _Northern Tribes_, p. 608.
+
+Footnote 377:
+
+  Grey, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 251.
+
+Footnote 378:
+
+  Moffat, _Missionary Labours_, p. 58. See also Stow, _Native Races_, p.
+  51.
+
+Footnote 379:
+
+  Reclus, _Primitive Folk_, p. 34.
+
+Footnote 380:
+
+  Nelson, loc. cit., p. 289.
+
+Footnote 381:
+
+  Boas, 6th _A. R. B. E._, p. 580.
+
+Footnote 382:
+
+  Murdoch, loc. cit., p. 416.
+
+Footnote 383:
+
+  Ibid., p. 417.
+
+Footnote 384:
+
+  Bessels, loc. cit., p. 112.
+
+Footnote 385:
+
+  Nansen, _Greenland_, p. 330. See also Nansen, _Eskimo Life_, p. 151.
+
+Footnote 386:
+
+  C. E. Smith, _Edinburgh Medical Journal_, vol. xiii, p. 859.
+
+Footnote 387:
+
+  Rink, loc. cit., p. 35.
+
+Footnote 388:
+
+  Dall, loc. cit., p. 399.
+
+Footnote 389:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 81.
+
+Footnote 390:
+
+  Kirkby, _Church Missionary Intelligencer_, vol. xiv, p. 115; Hardisty,
+  _A. R. S. I._, 1866, p. 312; S. Jones, ibid., p. 327; MacKenzie,
+  _Voyages_, vol. i, p. 148.
+
+Footnote 391:
+
+  Woldt, _Kapitän Jacobsen’s Reise_, p. 393.
+
+Footnote 392:
+
+  Lord, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 231.
+
+Footnote 393:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 242.
+
+Footnote 394:
+
+  Teit, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 305.
+
+Footnote 395:
+
+  Gibbs, loc. cit., p. 198; Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 169.
+
+Footnote 396:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 169.
+
+Footnote 397:
+
+  Keating, loc. cit., p. 160.
+
+Footnote 398:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 81.
+
+Footnote 399:
+
+  Powers, loc. cit., p. 416; Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, pp. 390 and
+  413.
+
+Footnote 400:
+
+  Ibid., p. 177.
+
+Footnote 401:
+
+  Ibid., p. 222.
+
+Footnote 402:
+
+  Ibid., p. 328.
+
+Footnote 403:
+
+  Ibid., p. 382.
+
+Footnote 404:
+
+  Cabeça de Vaca, loc. cit., p. 62. According to Ten Kate (_Rev.
+  d’Eth._, vol. iv) the Comanches kill one of two twins. This is not an
+  uncommon custom; in itself, however, it can have very little effect
+  upon the quantity of the population. For the Californians see
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, pp. 390 and 413.
+
+Footnote 405:
+
+  Dobrizhoffer, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 406:
+
+  Charlevoix, _Histoire_, vol. i, p. 405.
+
+Footnote 407:
+
+  Keane, loc. cit., p. 206.
+
+Footnote 408:
+
+  Church, loc. cit., p. 248.
+
+Footnote 409:
+
+  Guinnard, loc. cit., p. 143.
+
+Footnote 410:
+
+  Westermarck, loc. cit., p. 313, quoting a letter from Mr. Bridges who
+  in another place (loc. cit., p. 181) says that deformed children are
+  especially likely to be killed.
+
+Footnote 411:
+
+  Sarasins, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 469.
+
+Footnote 412:
+
+  It should be remembered that elimination through war tells more upon
+  males than females. Out of sixty-six cases in which there was the
+  relevant information investigated by Professor Hobhouse and his
+  collaborators, men only were slain in twenty cases (Hobhouse, Wheeler,
+  and Ginsberg, _Simpler Peoples_, p. 232).
+
+Footnote 413:
+
+  Ling Roth, loc. cit., p. 83.
+
+Footnote 414:
+
+  Wheeler, _Tribe in Australia_.
+
+Footnote 415:
+
+  Ibid., pp. 116 ff.
+
+Footnote 416:
+
+  Curr (_Recollections_, p. 309) says that he never heard of any one
+  being killed in a regular battle.
+
+Footnote 417:
+
+  Wheeler, loc. cit., p. 151.
+
+Footnote 418:
+
+  Ibid., p. 154.
+
+Footnote 419:
+
+  Stow, loc. cit., p. 38. Letourneau, however, says that war was common
+  (_La Guerre_, p. 54).
+
+Footnote 420:
+
+  Nelson, loc. cit., p. 327.
+
+Footnote 421:
+
+  Nansen, _Eskimo Life_, p. 162.
+
+Footnote 422:
+
+  Boas, loc. cit., p. 465.
+
+Footnote 423:
+
+  Nelson, loc. cit., p. 237.
+
+Footnote 424:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 120.
+
+Footnote 425:
+
+  Hall, loc. cit., p. 598.
+
+Footnote 426:
+
+  Ellis, loc. cit., p. 182.
+
+Footnote 427:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 91.
+
+Footnote 428:
+
+  Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 57. See also ibid., vol. iii, p.
+  64.
+
+Footnote 429:
+
+  Carver, _Travels_, p. 229. For accounts of early military training see
+  Domenech, _Seven Years’ Residence_, vol. ii, p. 229, and Dodge,
+  _Hunting Grounds of the Great West_, p. 256.
+
+Footnote 430:
+
+  Harmon, _Journal_, p. 306. He is speaking in particular of the Carrier
+  tribe; a good account of the methods of fighting is given.
+
+Footnote 431:
+
+  Krause, loc. cit., p. 248; Swanton, 26th _A. R. B. E._, p. 449.
+
+Footnote 432:
+
+  Niblack, _A. R. S. I._, 1888, p. 340; Swanton, _Jesup North Pacific
+  Expedition_, vol. v, pp. 55 ff.
+
+Footnote 433:
+
+  Sproat, loc. cit., p. 59.
+
+Footnote 434:
+
+  Boas, _A. R. B. E._, 1895, p. 425.
+
+Footnote 435:
+
+  MacKenzie, loc. cit., vol. ii, pp. 123–30.
+
+Footnote 436:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 236.
+
+Footnote 437:
+
+  Ibid., vol. i, p. 268.
+
+Footnote 438:
+
+  Teit, loc. cit., vol. ii, pp. 540 ff.
+
+Footnote 439:
+
+  Ibid., p. 234.
+
+Footnote 440:
+
+  Ibid., vol. i, p. 263.
+
+Footnote 441:
+
+  Catlin, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 53.
+
+Footnote 442:
+
+  MacKenzie, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 171.
+
+Footnote 443:
+
+  Gibbs, loc. cit., p. 190.
+
+Footnote 444:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 379.
+
+Footnote 445:
+
+  Ibid., vol. i, p. 562.
+
+Footnote 446:
+
+  Baegert, loc. cit., p. 359.
+
+Footnote 447:
+
+  MacGee, 17th _A. R. B. E._, pp. 157 and 273. He speaks of a ‘frequent
+  decimation of the warriors’ (p. 273).
+
+Footnote 448:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 499.
+
+Footnote 449:
+
+  Cabeça de Vaca, loc. cit., p. 54.
+
+Footnote 450:
+
+  Guinnard, loc. cit., p. 125.
+
+Footnote 451:
+
+  Azara, vol. ii, p. 146.
+
+Footnote 452:
+
+  Ibid., p. 7.
+
+Footnote 453:
+
+  King and Fitzroy, _Narrative_, vol. ii, p. 183. See also Featherman,
+  _Social History_, vol. iii, p. 508.
+
+Footnote 454:
+
+  Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes_, p. 45. To show the length to
+  which this belief is carried, the following story may be quoted. ‘A
+  woman, while clearing out a well, was bitten in the thumb by a black
+  snake. It began to swell immediately, and in the short space of
+  twenty-four hours the woman was a corpse. Still it was asserted that
+  it was not an accident, but that the deceased had pointed out a
+  certain aborigine as her murderer’ (Wilhelmi, loc. cit., p. 191). In
+  this case no killing actually followed, though it nearly did so.
+
+Footnote 455:
+
+  Dobrizhoffer, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 84.
+
+Footnote 456:
+
+  Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes_, vol. ii, p. 45.
+
+Footnote 457:
+
+  Curr, _Australian Race_, vol. i, p. 86.
+
+Footnote 458:
+
+  Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes_, p. 477. Wheeler (loc. cit., p.
+  149) says that ‘warfare only arises as a result of a blood feud, due
+  to the killing of a member of one local group by a member of another
+  local group, nearly always by magical means. But even this ground of
+  offence is most generally settled by one of the methods of regular
+  procedure above described.’ Since, as we have seen, the regular
+  procedure seldom ends in the shedding of blood, many deaths thus pass
+  unavenged.
+
+Footnote 459:
+
+  Thomas, _Natives of Australia_, p. 47; Eyre, loc. cit., vol. ii, p.
+  379.
+
+Footnote 460:
+
+  Curr, _Recollections_, p. 317.
+
+Footnote 461:
+
+  Boas, 6th _A. R. B. E._, p. 582. Similar accounts are given by other
+  authors: see Nelson, loc. cit., p. 293; Rink, loc. cit., p. 35;
+  Klutschak, _Als Eskimo unter den Eskimos_, p. 228.
+
+Footnote 462:
+
+  For instance, the Lillooet (Teit, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 236) and the
+  Shastika (Powers, loc. cit., p. 29).
+
+Footnote 463:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 348.
+
+Footnote 464:
+
+  Niblack, loc. cit., p. 348. A somewhat similar account is given of the
+  Zaporos (Simson, _J. A. I._, vol. vii, p. 506).
+
+Footnote 465:
+
+  It is not only among these races that the aged are thought to be in
+  the way. Bonnard, in an article in the _Figaro_ on the Prince de
+  Beauvais’ travels in Canada, mentions that the latter saw an
+  enterprising Canadian township recommended by the announcement that
+  there were ‘no old inhabitants to hinder progress’ (_Figaro_, March
+  28, 1914). The evidence for the existence of this custom has been
+  reviewed by Westermarck, _Moral Ideas_, vol. ii, pp. 386 ff.
+
+Footnote 466:
+
+  Ling Roth, loc. cit., p. 73.
+
+Footnote 467:
+
+  Sartori, _Globus_, vol. lxvii, p. 108.
+
+Footnote 468:
+
+  See, for instance, Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, p. 32, and
+  _Natives Tribes_, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 469:
+
+  Theal, loc. cit., p. 19.
+
+Footnote 470:
+
+  Turner, loc. cit., p. 186.
+
+Footnote 471:
+
+  Boas, 6th _A. R. B. E._, p. 165.
+
+Footnote 472:
+
+  Nansen, _Eskimo Life_, p. 151.
+
+Footnote 473:
+
+  Woldt, loc. cit., p. 57.
+
+Footnote 474:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 205.
+
+Footnote 475:
+
+  Willoughby, _A. R. S. I._, 1886, p. 274.
+
+Footnote 476:
+
+  Long, loc. cit., p. 74.
+
+Footnote 477:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 390.
+
+Footnote 478:
+
+  MacGee, loc. cit., p. 157. Conditions are similar among the Yguazas:
+  see Cabeça de Vaca, loc. cit., p. 80.
+
+Footnote 479:
+
+  Featherman, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 503.
+
+Footnote 480:
+
+  Simson, loc. cit., p. 507.
+
+Footnote 481:
+
+  It is impossible to estimate the amount of elimination from this
+  source. It is, as a rule, no doubt small. In India, although a higher
+  degree of skill has been reached, elimination from this source is not
+  inconsiderable owing to the prevalence of poisonous snakes. ‘In 1910,
+  55 persons were killed by elephants, 25 by hyenas, 109 by bears, 319
+  by wolves, 853 by tigers, and 688 by other animals, including wild
+  pigs. No less than 22,478 died from the bite of poisonous snakes. The
+  grand total of mortality is 24,878’ (Lull, _Organic Evolution_, p.
+  105). The amount of elimination will vary according to the nature of
+  the fauna, the geographical surroundings, habits, and other factors.
+  Thus among the Eskimo the use of the ‘kayak’ is responsible for a
+  considerable number of deaths. See Crantz, loc. cit., p. 166; Nansen,
+  loc. cit., p. 55; Boas, 6th _A. R. B. E._, p. 433.
+
+Footnote 482:
+
+  Cohen, _Physiological Therapeutics_, vol. v, p. 158.
+
+Footnote 483:
+
+  Davidson, _Geographical Pathology_, vol. ii, p. 565.
+
+Footnote 484:
+
+  Hrdlicka, _S. I. B. E._, Bull. 42.
+
+Footnote 485:
+
+  Hrdlicka, _S. I. B. E._, Bull. 34. See also Adami, _Medical
+  Contributions_, pp. 15–22.
+
+Footnote 486:
+
+  Among many races in this group—especially in tropical
+  countries—certain non-lethal diseases are prevalent which are of great
+  importance from another point of view. They will be referred to again
+  in Chapter XV.
+
+Footnote 487:
+
+  Bonwick, loc. cit., p. 87.
+
+Footnote 488:
+
+  Curr, _Recollections_, p. 282.
+
+Footnote 489:
+
+  Mathew, loc. cit., p. 92. See also Eyre, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 377,
+  and Curr, _Recollections_, p. 297.
+
+Footnote 490:
+
+  Burchell, _Travels_, vol. ii, p. 57.
+
+Footnote 491:
+
+  Smith, loc. cit., p. 859.
+
+Footnote 492:
+
+  Murdoch, loc. cit., p. 39.
+
+Footnote 493:
+
+  Crantz, loc. cit., p. 166.
+
+Footnote 494:
+
+  Heriot, loc. cit., p. 350.
+
+Footnote 495:
+
+  Harmon, loc. cit., p. 271.
+
+Footnote 496:
+
+  Krause, loc. cit., p. 148.
+
+Footnote 497:
+
+  Teit, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 618.
+
+Footnote 498:
+
+  Hill Tout, _British North America_, p. 252.
+
+Footnote 499:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 284.
+
+Footnote 500:
+
+  Powers, loc. cit., p. 416.
+
+Footnote 501:
+
+  Baegert, loc. cit., p. 385.
+
+Footnote 502:
+
+  Dobrizhoffer, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 219.
+
+Footnote 503:
+
+  Hardt, _Geography of Brazil_, p. 598.
+
+Footnote 504:
+
+  King and Fitzroy, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 155.
+
+Footnote 505:
+
+  Bonwick, loc. cit., pp. 78 and 85.
+
+Footnote 506:
+
+  Turner, loc. cit., p. 189. See also Armstrong, loc. cit., p. 197, and
+  Hutton, loc. cit., p. 80.
+
+Footnote 507:
+
+  Crantz, loc. cit., p. 162; Murdoch, loc. cit., p. 415.
+
+Footnote 508:
+
+  _Handbook of American Indians_: Article, _Child Life_.
+
+Footnote 509:
+
+  The absence of care and the resulting mortality is emphasized by
+  Gerland (_Über das Aussterben der Naturvölker_, p. 24 to p. 39).
+
+Footnote 510:
+
+  _Handbook of American Indians_: Article, _Child Life_. It may be
+  noticed that, among the older authors, Robertson (loc. cit., vol. 1,
+  p. 297) has very similar remarks on the same subject.
+
+Footnote 511:
+
+  Heriot, loc. cit. p. 344.
+
+Footnote 512:
+
+  Domenech, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 295.
+
+Footnote 513:
+
+  Krause, loc. cit., p. 217. Of these people Bancroft (loc. cit., vol.
+  i, p. 111) says that ‘when the child is able to leave its cradle, it
+  is bathed in the ocean every day without regard to season’.
+
+Footnote 514:
+
+  Ross, loc. cit., p. 305.
+
+Footnote 515:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 121.
+
+Footnote 516:
+
+  Ibid., p. 201.
+
+Footnote 517:
+
+  Teit, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 178.
+
+Footnote 518:
+
+  Baegert, loc. cit., p. 368.
+
+Footnote 519:
+
+  Dobrizhoffer, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 43.
+
+Footnote 520:
+
+  Guinnard, loc. cit., p. 147.
+
+Footnote 521:
+
+  Bridges, loc. cit., p. 202.
+
+Footnote 522:
+
+  Man, loc. cit., p. 79.
+
+Footnote 523:
+
+  Ibid., p. 81.
+
+Footnote 524:
+
+  Sarasins, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 469.
+
+Footnote 525:
+
+  Deniker, loc. cit., p. 303.
+
+Footnote 526:
+
+  Czaplicka, _Aboriginal Siberia_, p. 137. For a general sketch of the
+  treatment of children by parents see Steinmetz, _Entwicklung der
+  Strafe_, vol. i, pp. 179 ff.
+
+Footnote 527:
+
+  Reference has been made in Chapter V to the use of metals in America.
+  Mr. Joyce, however, says that in spite of progress in this direction
+  the Central American races ‘were living at the discovery practically
+  in an age of stone’ (_Mexican Archaeology_, p. 304).
+
+Footnote 528:
+
+  The importance of the plough in agriculture has been emphasized by
+  many authors. See, for instance, Hahn, _Die Entstehung der
+  Pflugkultur_.
+
+Footnote 529:
+
+  The influence of different phases of Eur-Asiatic culture upon the
+  races of Africa must be borne in mind. Early Egyptian civilization
+  exerted great influence and so at a later date did the
+  Semitic—especially on the east coast; since the time of Mohammed the
+  influence of Eur-Asiatic culture has been marked among the more
+  northern of the negroid races. The inhabitants of Bornu were, for
+  instance, converted to Islam in the eleventh century.
+
+Footnote 530:
+
+  They may have had a knowledge of iron before the migration (see
+  Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 11).
+
+Footnote 531:
+
+  The Samoyeds formerly worked iron but have now lost the art—obtaining
+  what they want from the Russians.
+
+Footnote 532:
+
+  Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_, vol. i, p. 272.
+
+Footnote 533:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 702.
+
+Footnote 534:
+
+  Stephen, _Am. Anth._, vol. vi, p. 356.
+
+Footnote 535:
+
+  Charlevoix, loc. cit., vol. v, pp. 5 and 38. For the Creeks see
+  Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. v, p. 272.
+
+Footnote 536:
+
+  Pöppig, _Reise in Chile_, vol. ii, p. 128; von Martius, _Ethnographie
+  Amerikas_, vol. i, p. 112; Azara, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 104.
+
+Footnote 537:
+
+  _Handbook of American Indians_, vol. i, p. 265. Heriot (loc. cit., p.
+  344) mentions six to seven years as not uncommon. Schoolcraft (loc.
+  cit., vol. v, p. 655) gives eighteen months to two years for the
+  Oregon Indians.
+
+Footnote 538:
+
+  Keating, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 417.
+
+Footnote 539:
+
+  Hawtrey, _J. A. I._, vol. xxi, p. 295. Grubb gives three to four years
+  (_An Unknown People_, p. 142).
+
+Footnote 540:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 633.
+
+Footnote 541:
+
+  Ibid., vol. ii, p. 281.
+
+Footnote 542:
+
+  im Thurn, _Savages of Guiana_, p. 219; Joest, _Int. Arch. Eth._, vol.
+  v, p. 94.
+
+Footnote 543:
+
+  D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, vol. i, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 544:
+
+  Forbes, _Journ. Eth. Soc._, vol. ii (new series), p. 224.
+
+Footnote 545:
+
+  Joyce, loc. cit., p. 162.
+
+Footnote 546:
+
+  Weld, loc. cit., p. 373.
+
+Footnote 547:
+
+  Heriot, loc. cit., p. 339.
+
+Footnote 548:
+
+  Le Beau, _Aventures, ou Voyage curieux et nouveau_, vol. ii, p. 200.
+
+Footnote 549:
+
+  Charlevoix, loc. cit., vol. vi, p. 5. Ashe (_Travels_, p. 276) says
+  that the Shawnees abstain for nine weeks after birth.
+
+Footnote 550:
+
+  Holder, _Am. Journ. Obstet._, vol. xxv, p. 44.
+
+Footnote 551:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 281.
+
+Footnote 552:
+
+  D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, vol. i, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 553:
+
+  Hyades and Deniker, loc. cit., vol. vii, p. 195.
+
+Footnote 554:
+
+  Ashe, loc. cit., p. 272.
+
+Footnote 555:
+
+  Hrdlicka, _S. I. B. E._, Bull. 34, p. 163.
+
+Footnote 556:
+
+  Weld, loc. cit., p. 373.
+
+Footnote 557:
+
+  Le Beau, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 199.
+
+Footnote 558:
+
+  Charlevoix, loc. cit., vol. vi, p. 5.
+
+Footnote 559:
+
+  p. 99.
+
+Footnote 560:
+
+  p. 99.
+
+Footnote 561:
+
+  Keating, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 415.
+
+Footnote 562:
+
+  Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. v, p. 684.
+
+Footnote 563:
+
+  Nordenskiöld, _Zeit. für Eth._, vol. xxxviii, p. 98.
+
+Footnote 564:
+
+  Forbes, _Journ. Eth. Soc._, vol. ii, p. 224.
+
+Footnote 565:
+
+  Spix and Martius, _Travels_, vol. ii, p. 246.
+
+Footnote 566:
+
+  Azara, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 59.
+
+Footnote 567:
+
+  Ibid., p. 179.
+
+Footnote 568:
+
+  Rengger, loc. cit., p. 133.
+
+Footnote 569:
+
+  Ibid., p. 335.
+
+Footnote 570:
+
+  von Martius, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 642.
+
+Footnote 571:
+
+  D’Orbigny, loc. cit., vol. i, pp. 46 and 47.
+
+Footnote 572:
+
+  Pöppig, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 323.
+
+Footnote 573:
+
+  Keating, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 394.
+
+Footnote 574:
+
+  Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 243.
+
+Footnote 575:
+
+  Holder, loc. cit., p. 44.
+
+Footnote 576:
+
+  Hrdlicka, loc. cit., p. 163.
+
+Footnote 577:
+
+  Russell, 26th _A. R. B. E._, p. 186.
+
+Footnote 578:
+
+  Stevenson, 23rd _A. R. B. E._, p. 296.
+
+Footnote 579:
+
+  Grinnell, _Am. Anth._, vol. iv, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 580:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. ii, pp. 183 and 269.
+
+Footnote 581:
+
+  Von den Steinen, _Durch Central-Brazilien_, p. 123.
+
+Footnote 582:
+
+  Ehrenreich, _Königliches Museum zu Berlin_, vol. i, Heft 2, p. 27;
+  Azara, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 116.
+
+Footnote 583:
+
+  Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 243.
+
+Footnote 584:
+
+  Ibid., vol. ii, p. 272.
+
+Footnote 585:
+
+  Yarrow, _A. R. B. E._, vol. i, p. 99.
+
+Footnote 586:
+
+  Hrdlicka, loc. cit., p. 165.
+
+Footnote 587:
+
+  Azara, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 588:
+
+  Ibid., p. 116.
+
+Footnote 589:
+
+  Hawtrey, _J. A. I._, vol. xxi, p. 295.
+
+Footnote 590:
+
+  Grubb, loc. cit., p. 223.
+
+Footnote 591:
+
+  Bonaparte, _Suriname_, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 592:
+
+  Smythe and Lowe, _Narrative_, p. 240.
+
+Footnote 593:
+
+  Catlin, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 119.
+
+Footnote 594:
+
+  Jones, _Ojebway Indians_, p. 64.
+
+Footnote 595:
+
+  Neill, _History of Minnesota_, p. 68.
+
+Footnote 596:
+
+  Catlin, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 42.
+
+Footnote 597:
+
+  Neill, loc. cit., p. 70.
+
+Footnote 598:
+
+  Matthews, _U.S. Geog. and Geol. Survey_, Misc. Publications, No. 7, p.
+  61. For the wars of the Iroquois see Perrot, _Mémoires_, pp. 9 ff. and
+  pp. 78 ff.
+
+Footnote 599:
+
+  Long, loc. cit., p. 29.
+
+Footnote 600:
+
+  Speck, _Univ. of Pennsylvania Publications_, vol. i. No. 1, p. 84.
+
+Footnote 601:
+
+  Russell, loc. cit., p. 200.
+
+Footnote 602:
+
+  Wallace, _Travels on the Amazon_, p. 516. See also Church, loc. cit.,
+  p. 77.
+
+Footnote 603:
+
+  Church, _South America_, pp. 78, 99, and 137. See also Von Martius,
+  loc. cit., vol. i, p. 129.
+
+Footnote 604:
+
+  White, _J. A. I._, vol. xiii, p. 244.
+
+Footnote 605:
+
+  Grubb, loc. cit., p. 105.
+
+Footnote 606:
+
+  Brett, _Indian Tribes_, p. 357.
+
+Footnote 607:
+
+  Wallace, loc. cit., p. 500.
+
+Footnote 608:
+
+  Catlin, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 228.
+
+Footnote 609:
+
+  Le Beau, loc. cit., vol. ii, pp. 93 and 98.
+
+Footnote 610:
+
+  Speck, loc. cit., p. 14.
+
+Footnote 611:
+
+  Ashe, loc. cit., p. 270.
+
+Footnote 612:
+
+  Spix and Martius, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 249.
+
+Footnote 613:
+
+  For the North American Indians see _Handbook of American Indians_, p.
+  238.
+
+Footnote 614:
+
+  Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 238.
+
+Footnote 615:
+
+  Domenech, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 295.
+
+Footnote 616:
+
+  Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, vol. ii, p. 90.
+
+Footnote 617:
+
+  Heriot, _Travels_, p. 343. Dumarest, speaking of the Cochiti, says
+  that ‘sometimes, in the midst of winter, the child’s father will take
+  him out and, after breaking the ice, ... will immerse him in the
+  river. Formerly when, in winter, children came from bathing in the
+  river, they were not allowed to approach the fire until their hair was
+  thawed out’ (_Mem. Am. Anth. Ass._, vol. vi, No. 3, p. 144).
+  Koch-Grünberg states the mortality is heavy among the children of the
+  Amazon tribes and that they are dipped in cold water (_Zwei Jahre_,
+  vol. ii, pp. 59 and 150).
+
+Footnote 618:
+
+  Partridge, _Cross River Natives_, p. 254.
+
+Footnote 619:
+
+  Thomas, _Ibo-speaking Peoples_, p. 62.
+
+Footnote 620:
+
+  Hutereau, _Ann. Mus. Congo Belge_, sér. 3, tome i, p. 4; Cureau,
+  _Sociétés Primitives_, p. 109.
+
+Footnote 621:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _Ann. Mus. Congo Belge_, sér. 3, tome ii, p. 110.
+
+Footnote 622:
+
+  Van Overbergh, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 4, p. 309.
+
+Footnote 623:
+
+  Delhaise, ibid., No. 5, p. 157. He thinks, however, that the practice
+  was introduced by the Arabs.
+
+Footnote 624:
+
+  Rochebrune, _Rev. d’Anth._, vol. iv, sér. 2, p. 281.
+
+Footnote 625:
+
+  Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 442.
+
+Footnote 626:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 288.
+
+Footnote 627:
+
+  Ibid., vol. xxxv, p. 420.
+
+Footnote 628:
+
+  du Chaillu, _Explorations and Adventures_, p. 162.
+
+Footnote 629:
+
+  Johnston, _Uganda Protectorate_, vol. ii, pp. 824 and 878.
+
+Footnote 630:
+
+  Dundas, K. R., _J. A. I._, vol. xliii, p. 60.
+
+Footnote 631:
+
+  Velten, _Sitten und Gebräuche der Swaheli_, p. 28.
+
+Footnote 632:
+
+  Fabry, _Globus_, vol. xci, p. 221.
+
+Footnote 633:
+
+  Weule, _East Africa_, p. 305.
+
+Footnote 634:
+
+  Reichard, _Z. G. E._, vol. xxiv, p. 253.
+
+Footnote 635:
+
+  Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 409, note.
+
+Footnote 636:
+
+  Stannus, _J. A. I._, vol. xl, p. 309.
+
+Footnote 637:
+
+  Maugham, _Zambezia_, p. 333.
+
+Footnote 638:
+
+  Ellis, _Ewe-Speaking Peoples_, p. 206.
+
+Footnote 639:
+
+  Ellis, _Yoruba-Speaking Peoples_, p. 185.
+
+Footnote 640:
+
+  Delacour, _Rev. d’Eth._, 1912, p. 45.
+
+Footnote 641:
+
+  Buttikoffer, _Inter. Arch. Eth._, vol. i, p. 82.
+
+Footnote 642:
+
+  Tremearne, _J. A. I._, vol. xlii, p. 174.
+
+Footnote 643:
+
+  Tremearne, _Hausa Superstitions and Customs_, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 644:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _Ann. Mus. Congo Belge_, sér. 3, vol. ii, p. 112.
+
+Footnote 645:
+
+  Cureau, loc. cit., p. 180.
+
+Footnote 646:
+
+  Overbergh, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 3, p. 296.
+
+Footnote 647:
+
+  Harris, _Mem. Anth. Soc._, vol. ii, p. 68.
+
+Footnote 648:
+
+  Overbergh and Jonghe, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 2, p. 217.
+
+Footnote 649:
+
+  Wilson and Felkin, _Uganda_, vol. i, p. 187.
+
+Footnote 650:
+
+  Hollis, _Nandi_, p. 65.
+
+Footnote 651:
+
+  Plas, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 6, p. 205.
+
+Footnote 652:
+
+  Fülleborn, _Nyassa- und Rowuma-Gebiet_, p. 61.
+
+Footnote 653:
+
+  Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 55.
+
+Footnote 654:
+
+  Gutmann, _Globus_, vol. xcii.
+
+Footnote 655:
+
+  Reichard, loc. cit., p. 257.
+
+Footnote 656:
+
+  Burton, _Central Africa_, vol. i, p. 117.
+
+Footnote 657:
+
+  Junod, _Ba-Ronga_, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 658:
+
+  Felkin, _Trans. Edin. Obstet. Soc._, vol. ix, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 659:
+
+  Lichtenstein, _Travels_, vol. i, p. 260.
+
+Footnote 660:
+
+  Kidd, _Essential Kaffir_, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 661:
+
+  Denham and Clapperton, _Narrative_, p. 319.
+
+Footnote 662:
+
+  Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 417.
+
+Footnote 663:
+
+  Junod, _South African Tribe_, p. 183.
+
+Footnote 664:
+
+  Stannus, loc. cit., p. 310.
+
+Footnote 665:
+
+  Theal, _Yellow- and Dark-Skinned People_, p. 347.
+
+Footnote 666:
+
+  Ellis, _Ewe-Speaking Peoples_, p. 206.
+
+Footnote 667:
+
+  Ellis, _Yoruba-Speaking Peoples_, p. 185.
+
+Footnote 668:
+
+  Tremearne, _J. A. I._, vol. xlii, p. 174.
+
+Footnote 669:
+
+  Ibid., vol. xxxvi, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 670:
+
+  Ling Roth, _Great Benin_, p. 39.
+
+Footnote 671:
+
+  Granville, _J. A. I._, vol. xxvii, p. 106.
+
+Footnote 672:
+
+  Mungo Park, _Travels_, p. 402.
+
+Footnote 673:
+
+  Tremearne, _Head Hunters of Nigeria_, p. 239.
+
+Footnote 674:
+
+  Harris, loc. cit., p. 36.
+
+Footnote 675:
+
+  Desplagnes, _Plateau Central Nigerien_, p. 227.
+
+Footnote 676:
+
+  Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_, p. 11.
+
+Footnote 677:
+
+  Reade, _South Africa_, p. 45.
+
+Footnote 678:
+
+  Cureau, loc. cit., p. 378.
+
+Footnote 679:
+
+  Johnston, _George Grenfell and the Congo_, p. 671.
+
+Footnote 680:
+
+  Ward, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiv, p. 289.
+
+Footnote 681:
+
+  Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 418.
+
+Footnote 682:
+
+  Overbergh and Jonghe, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 1, p. 199.
+
+Footnote 683:
+
+  Ibid., No. 2, p. 219.
+
+Footnote 684:
+
+  Halkin, ibid., No. 7, p. 260.
+
+Footnote 685:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 686:
+
+  Gaud, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 8, p. 154.
+
+Footnote 687:
+
+  Delhaise, loc. cit., p. 154.
+
+Footnote 688:
+
+  Hutereau, loc. cit., p. 46.
+
+Footnote 689:
+
+  Plas, loc. cit., p. 203.
+
+Footnote 690:
+
+  Ibid., p. 205.
+
+Footnote 691:
+
+  Hollis, _Nandi_, p. 66.
+
+Footnote 692:
+
+  Ibid., p. 65.
+
+Footnote 693:
+
+  Hobley, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxiii, p. 358.
+
+Footnote 694:
+
+  Wilson and Felkin, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 187.
+
+Footnote 695:
+
+  Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 55. Ratzel (_History_, vol. iii, p. 16) gives
+  three years.
+
+Footnote 696:
+
+  Thomson, _Geog. Journ._, vol. iv, p. 73.
+
+Footnote 697:
+
+  Velten, loc. cit., p. 73.
+
+Footnote 698:
+
+  Dundas, _J. A. I._, vol. xl, p. 60.
+
+Footnote 699:
+
+  Reichard, loc. cit., p. 257.
+
+Footnote 700:
+
+  Fülleborn, loc. cit., p. 352.
+
+Footnote 701:
+
+  Fabry, loc. cit., p. 223.
+
+Footnote 702:
+
+  Cole, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxii, p. 312.
+
+Footnote 703:
+
+  Stannus, loc. cit., p. 311.
+
+Footnote 704:
+
+  Felkin, loc. cit., p. 31.
+
+Footnote 705:
+
+  Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 415.
+
+Footnote 706:
+
+  Junod, _Ba-Ronga_, p. 490.
+
+Footnote 707:
+
+  Kidd, _Essential Kaffir_, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 708:
+
+  Pechuel-Loesche, _Loango-Expedition_, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 709:
+
+  Junod, _South African Tribe_, vol. i, p. 488.
+
+Footnote 710:
+
+  Junod, ibid. See Macdonald, _J. A. I._, vol. xix, p. 117.
+
+Footnote 711:
+
+  Cureau, loc. cit., p. 189.
+
+Footnote 712:
+
+  Fülleborn, loc. cit., p. 552, note.
+
+Footnote 713:
+
+  Junod, loc. cit., p. 55.
+
+Footnote 714:
+
+  Fülleborn, loc. cit., p. 550.
+
+Footnote 715:
+
+  Mungo Park, loc. cit., p. 403.
+
+Footnote 716:
+
+  Tremearne, _J. A. I._, vol. xlii, p. 174.
+
+Footnote 717:
+
+  Talbot, _Shadow of the Bush_, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 718:
+
+  Burton, _Abeokuta_, vol. i, p. 207.
+
+Footnote 719:
+
+  Mondière, _Rev. d’Anth._, vol. iv, p. 75.
+
+Footnote 720:
+
+  Buttikoffer, loc. cit., p. 82.
+
+Footnote 721:
+
+  Overbergh and Jonghe, loc. cit., No. 1, p. 201.
+
+Footnote 722:
+
+  Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 420.
+
+Footnote 723:
+
+  Cureau, loc. cit., p. 138.
+
+Footnote 724:
+
+  Plas, loc. cit., p. 208.
+
+Footnote 725:
+
+  Schmitz, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 9, p. 595.
+
+Footnote 726:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxv, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 727:
+
+  Delhaise, loc. cit., p. 157.
+
+Footnote 728:
+
+  Van Overbergh, loc. cit., No. 4, p. 297.
+
+Footnote 729:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 730:
+
+  Velten, loc. cit., p. 28.
+
+Footnote 731:
+
+  Routledge, _Prehistoric People_, p. 136. Owing to the fact that the
+  families are incomplete, there is some uncertainty about these
+  figures.
+
+Footnote 732:
+
+  Roscoe, _Man_, vol. ix, p. 118. See also same author’s _Northern
+  Bantu_, p. 151.
+
+Footnote 733:
+
+  Reichard, loc. cit., p. 255.
+
+Footnote 734:
+
+  Stannus, loc. cit., p. 310.
+
+Footnote 735:
+
+  Elton, _Journal_, p. 6.
+
+Footnote 736:
+
+  Barrow, _Travels_, vol. i, p. 97. See also Theal, _Yellow- and
+  Dark-Skinned People_, p. 86.
+
+Footnote 737:
+
+  Little, _Madagascar_, p. 64.
+
+Footnote 738:
+
+  Delacour, loc. cit., p. 45.
+
+Footnote 739:
+
+  Tremearne, _J. A. I._, vol. xlii, p. 171.
+
+Footnote 740:
+
+  Johnston, _George Grenfell and the Congo_, p. 671.
+
+Footnote 741:
+
+  Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 449; Overbergh and Jonghe, loc.
+  cit., No. 1, p. 201.
+
+Footnote 742:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 228.
+
+Footnote 743:
+
+  Delhaise, loc. cit., p. 147.
+
+Footnote 744:
+
+  Halkin, loc. cit., p. 259. Hutereau (loc. cit., p. 101) says that it
+  is not often employed.
+
+Footnote 745:
+
+  Rochebrune, loc. cit., p. 283.
+
+Footnote 746:
+
+  Van Overbergh, loc. cit., No. 4, p. 298.
+
+Footnote 747:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 111.
+
+Footnote 748:
+
+  Lübbert, _Mitth. der Forschungsreisenden_, vol. xiv, p. 88.
+
+Footnote 749:
+
+  Hobley, _Akamba_, p. 58.
+
+Footnote 750:
+
+  Velten, loc. cit., p. 29.
+
+Footnote 751:
+
+  Fülleborn, loc. cit., p. 352.
+
+Footnote 752:
+
+  Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 417; Angus, _Azimba and
+  Chipitaland_, p. 324.
+
+Footnote 753:
+
+  Maugham, _Zambezia_, p. 339.
+
+Footnote 754:
+
+  Maclean, _Kaffir Laws and Customs_, p. 62.
+
+Footnote 755:
+
+  Ellis, _History of Madagascar_, vol. i, p. 55.
+
+Footnote 756:
+
+  Kolben, _Cape of Good Hope_, vol. i, p. 144.
+
+Footnote 757:
+
+  Ellis, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 155; Little, loc. cit., p. 60.
+
+Footnote 758:
+
+  Tremearne, _Hausa Superstitions_, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 759:
+
+  Ibid., _Head Hunters of Nigeria_, p. 239.
+
+Footnote 760:
+
+  Cureau, loc. cit., p. 177; Ward, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiv, p. 291. Torday
+  (_Camp and Tramp_, p. 142), when speaking of the Bayaka, mentions them
+  as an exception to the general rule that Congo tribes kill misshapen
+  children.
+
+Footnote 761:
+
+  Gaud, loc. cit., p. 257.
+
+Footnote 762:
+
+  Van Overbergh, loc. cit., No. 3, p. 241.
+
+Footnote 763:
+
+  Halkin, loc. cit., p. 260.
+
+Footnote 764:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _Ann. Mus. Congo Belge_, sér. 3, tome ii, p. 113.
+
+Footnote 765:
+
+  Krapf, _Travels_, p. 193.
+
+Footnote 766:
+
+  Hildebrand, _Recht und Sitte_, p. 293.
+
+Footnote 767:
+
+  Livingstone, _Labours and Travels_, p. 577.
+
+Footnote 768:
+
+  Fülleborn, loc. cit., p. 62.
+
+Footnote 769:
+
+  Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 417.
+
+Footnote 770:
+
+  Maugham, _Portuguese East Africa_, p. 270.
+
+Footnote 771:
+
+  Barrow, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 157; Kidd, _Essential Kaffir_, p. 202;
+  Shooter, _Kaffirs of Natal_, p. 88.
+
+Footnote 772:
+
+  Theal, _History and Ethnography_, vol. i, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 773:
+
+  Harris, loc. cit., p. 27.
+
+Footnote 774:
+
+  Ellis, _Ewe-Speaking Peoples_, p. 190; Maclean, _Compendium_, p. 62.
+
+Footnote 775:
+
+  F. E. Forbes, _Dahomey_, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 776:
+
+  Ling Roth, _Great Benin_, p. 125.
+
+Footnote 777:
+
+  See Forbes, loc. cit., p. 23.
+
+Footnote 778:
+
+  Tremearne, _Head Hunters of Nigeria_, _passim_.
+
+Footnote 779:
+
+  Beecham, _Ashantee_, p. 207.
+
+Footnote 780:
+
+  See Ellis, _Ewe-Speaking Peoples_, pp. 117 ff.
+
+Footnote 781:
+
+  Cureau, loc. cit., p. 348.
+
+Footnote 782:
+
+  Weeks, _Congo Cannibals_, p. 222.
+
+Footnote 783:
+
+  Du Chaillu, loc. cit., p. 161.
+
+Footnote 784:
+
+  Ibid., p. 386.
+
+Footnote 785:
+
+  Burrows, loc. cit., p. 38. For the Azanda and Abandia see Hutereau,
+  loc. cit., p. 36 and p. 44.
+
+Footnote 786:
+
+  Coquilhat, _Haut-Congo_, p. 287; Overbergh and Jonghe, loc. cit., No.
+  1, p. 413.
+
+Footnote 787:
+
+  Torday, loc. cit., pp. 97 ff.; Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol.
+  xxxv, p. 416.
+
+Footnote 788:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 289.
+
+Footnote 789:
+
+  Ibid., vol. xxxv, p. 49.
+
+Footnote 790:
+
+  Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 346.
+
+Footnote 791:
+
+  Hollis, _Masai_, _passim_.
+
+Footnote 792:
+
+  Hobley, _Akamba_, p. 45. See also Dundas, _J. A. I._, vol. xliii, p.
+  505.
+
+Footnote 793:
+
+  Routledge, _Prehistoric People_, p. 13.
+
+Footnote 794:
+
+  Dundas, _J. A. I._, vol. xl, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 795:
+
+  Roscoe, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvii, p. 108.
+
+Footnote 796:
+
+  Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 470.
+
+Footnote 797:
+
+  Theal, _Yellow- and Dark-Skinned People_, p. 344.
+
+Footnote 798:
+
+  Same author, _History_, vol. i, p. 38.
+
+Footnote 799:
+
+  Kolben, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 282.
+
+Footnote 800:
+
+  Hutchinson, _Western Africa_, p. 150. See also same author’s _Ten
+  Years’ Wanderings_, p. 54.
+
+Footnote 801:
+
+  Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 98.
+
+Footnote 802:
+
+  Torday, loc. cit., p. 137.
+
+Footnote 803:
+
+  Maugham, _British Central Africa_, p. 276.
+
+Footnote 804:
+
+  Theal, _Yellow- and Dark-Skinned People_, p. 205.
+
+Footnote 805:
+
+  Wilson, _Western Africa_, pp. 115 and 179; Beecham, loc. cit., p. 227.
+
+Footnote 806:
+
+  Burrows, loc. cit., p. 43.
+
+Footnote 807:
+
+  Du Chaillu, loc. cit., p. 271.
+
+Footnote 808:
+
+  Werner, _Native Races_, p. 168.
+
+Footnote 809:
+
+  Macdonald, loc. cit., p. 106.
+
+Footnote 810:
+
+  Junod, _South African Tribe_, vol. i, p. 417.
+
+Footnote 811:
+
+  Parker, G. W., _J. A. I._, vol. xii, p. 478.
+
+Footnote 812:
+
+  Weeks, _Congo Cannibals_, p. 341.
+
+Footnote 813:
+
+  On this subject see Davidson, _Geographical Pathology_; Clemow,
+  _Geography of Disease_; Hirsch, _Geographical and Historical
+  Pathology_; and Johnston, _Negro in the New World_, pp. 15 ff.
+
+Footnote 814:
+
+  Theal, _Yellow- and Dark-Skinned People_, p. 174.
+
+Footnote 815:
+
+  Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 174.
+
+Footnote 816:
+
+  Ellenberger, _Basuto_, p. 295.
+
+Footnote 817:
+
+  Barrow, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 109.
+
+Footnote 818:
+
+  Harris, loc. cit., p. 68.
+
+Footnote 819:
+
+  Talbot, loc. cit., p. 12.
+
+Footnote 820:
+
+  Mungo Park, loc. cit., p. 403.
+
+Footnote 821:
+
+  Du Chaillu, loc. cit., p. 163.
+
+Footnote 822:
+
+  Johnston, _George Grenfell and the Congo_, vol. ii, p. 672.
+
+Footnote 823:
+
+  Van Overbergh, loc. cit., No. 4, p. 297.
+
+Footnote 824:
+
+  Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 418.
+
+Footnote 825:
+
+  Van Overbergh, loc. cit., No. 3, p. 244.
+
+Footnote 826:
+
+  Delhaise, loc. cit., p. 157.
+
+Footnote 827:
+
+  Gutmann, loc. cit., p. 3.
+
+Footnote 828:
+
+  Leslie, _Zulus and Amatongas_, p. 198.
+
+Footnote 829:
+
+  Casalis, _Basutos_, p. 193.
+
+Footnote 830:
+
+  Holden, loc. cit., p. 172.
+
+Footnote 831:
+
+  Best, _Man_, vol. xiv, p. 32.
+
+Footnote 832:
+
+  Dieffenbach, _Travels_, vol. ii, p. 16; Angas, _Australia and New
+  Zealand_, vol. i, p. 314; Tuke, _Edinburgh Medical Journal_, vol. ix,
+  part 1, p. 224; Tregear, _J. A. I._, vol. xix, p. 101.
+
+Footnote 833:
+
+  Dumas, _Collection des Thèses_, p. 18.
+
+Footnote 834:
+
+  Kubary, _Journal des Museum Godeffroy_, vol. i, p. 53. See also same
+  author, _Ethnographische Beiträge_, p. 148.
+
+Footnote 835:
+
+  Brainne, _Nouvelle-Calédonie_, p. 250.
+
+Footnote 836:
+
+  Codrington, _Melanesians_, p. 235.
+
+Footnote 837:
+
+  Danks, _J. A. I._, vol. xviii, p. 288.
+
+Footnote 838:
+
+  Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, p. 297.
+
+Footnote 839:
+
+  Murray, _Papua_, p. 195.
+
+Footnote 840:
+
+  Seligman, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxii, p. 302.
+
+Footnote 841:
+
+  Epp, _Holländisch-Ostindien_, p. 393.
+
+Footnote 842:
+
+  Kreutz, _Zeit. Soc. Wiss._, vol. ii, p. 201.
+
+Footnote 843:
+
+  Pritchard, _Polynesian Reminiscences_, p. 141.
+
+Footnote 844:
+
+  Ribbe, _Zwei Jahre_, p. 144.
+
+Footnote 845:
+
+  Bernard, _Nouvelle-Calédonie_, p. 288. See also Glaumont, _Rev.
+  d’Eth._, vol. vii, p. 80; Lortsch, _Globus_, 1885, p. 107; and
+  Moncelon, _Bull. Soc. Anth._, vol. ix, p. 361.
+
+Footnote 846:
+
+  Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 176.
+
+Footnote 847:
+
+  Thurmwald, _Forschungen_, p. 123.
+
+Footnote 848:
+
+  Hagen, _Unter den Papuas_, p. 233.
+
+Footnote 849:
+
+  Ling Roth, _Sarawak_, p. 100.
+
+Footnote 850:
+
+  Jenks, _Ethnological Survey Publications_, vol. i, p. 61.
+
+Footnote 851:
+
+  Hitchcock, _A. R. B. E._, 1890, p. 465.
+
+Footnote 852:
+
+  Moerenhaut, _Voyages_, p. 62.
+
+Footnote 853:
+
+  _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition_, vol. v, p. 247.
+
+Footnote 854:
+
+  Tregear, loc. cit., p. 103.
+
+Footnote 855:
+
+  _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition_, vol. v, p. 199.
+
+Footnote 856:
+
+  Thomson, _Savage Island_, p. 141.
+
+Footnote 857:
+
+  Kubary, _Journal des Museum Godeffroy_, vol. i, p. 54.
+
+Footnote 858:
+
+  Krämer, _Samoa-Inseln_, vol. i, p. 38.
+
+Footnote 859:
+
+  Seligman, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxii, p. 302. See also Seligman,
+  _Melanesians_, p. 86.
+
+Footnote 860:
+
+  Schellong, _Zeit. für Eth._, vol. xxviii, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 861:
+
+  Ribbe, loc. cit., p. 144.
+
+Footnote 862:
+
+  Glaumont, loc. cit., p. 80.
+
+Footnote 863:
+
+  Lambert, _Néo-Calédoniens_, p. 104.
+
+Footnote 864:
+
+  Brown, _Melanesians_, p. 37.
+
+Footnote 865:
+
+  Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 176.
+
+Footnote 866:
+
+  Ibid., p. 178.
+
+Footnote 867:
+
+  Seeman, _Viti_, p. 191.
+
+Footnote 868:
+
+  Seligman, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxii, p. 303.
+
+Footnote 869:
+
+  Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, p. 165.
+
+Footnote 870:
+
+  Pfeil, _Studien und Beobachtungen_, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 871:
+
+  Angas, loc. cit., p. 314.
+
+Footnote 872:
+
+  Dieffenbach, loc. cit., p. 33.
+
+Footnote 873:
+
+  Brown, _New Zealand_, p. 40.
+
+Footnote 874:
+
+  Haddon, _J. A. I._, vol. xix. p. 359.
+
+Footnote 875:
+
+  _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition_, vol. iii, p. 108.
+
+Footnote 876:
+
+  Krämer, _Die Samoa-Inseln_, p. 335.
+
+Footnote 877:
+
+  Turner, _Samoa_, p. 83.
+
+Footnote 878:
+
+  Ribbe, loc. cit., p. 194.
+
+Footnote 879:
+
+  Kubary, _Journal des Museum Godeffroy_, vol. i, p. 54.
+
+Footnote 880:
+
+  Melville, _Narrative_, p. 213.
+
+Footnote 881:
+
+  Tautain, _L’Anthropologie_, vol. ix, p. 418.
+
+Footnote 882:
+
+  Jenkins, _Voyage_, p. 404.
+
+Footnote 883:
+
+  Seligman, _Melanesians_, p. 80.
+
+Footnote 884:
+
+  Stone, _New Guinea_, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 885:
+
+  Krieger, loc. cit., pp. 165, 293, and 390. Neuhaus confirms this
+  (_Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, vol. i, p. 150).
+
+Footnote 886:
+
+  Brown, _Melanesians_, p. 37.
+
+Footnote 887:
+
+  Pfeil, loc. cit., p. 32. See also Stephan and Graebner,
+  _Neu-Mecklenberg_, p. 16.
+
+Footnote 888:
+
+  Lortsch, loc. cit., p. 107; De Vaux, ‘Les Canaques’, _Rev. d’Eth._,
+  vol. ii, p. 330.
+
+Footnote 889:
+
+  Blyth, _Glasgow Medical Journal_, vol. xxviii, p. 178.
+
+Footnote 890:
+
+  Ling Roth, _Sarawak_, vol. i, p. 106.
+
+Footnote 891:
+
+  Brooke, _Sarawak_, vol. ii, p. 335.
+
+Footnote 892:
+
+  Wallace, _Malay Archipelago_, vol. i, p. 141.
+
+Footnote 893:
+
+  Bock, _Head Hunters_, p. 211.
+
+Footnote 894:
+
+  Hagen, _Unter den Papuas_, p. 27.
+
+Footnote 895:
+
+  Marsden, _History of Sumatra_, p. 219.
+
+Footnote 896:
+
+  Modigliani, _Viaggio_, p. 554.
+
+Footnote 897:
+
+  Bickman, _Travels_, p. 278.
+
+Footnote 898:
+
+  Kreutz, loc. cit., p. 40.
+
+Footnote 899:
+
+  Batchelor, _Ainu_, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 900:
+
+  Hitchcock, loc. cit., p. 465.
+
+Footnote 901:
+
+  Dieffenbach, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 12; Goldie, _Trans. and Proc. N.
+  Z. Inst._, vol. xxxvii, p. 110; Tuke, loc. cit., p. 735.
+
+Footnote 902:
+
+  Hunt, _J. A. I._, vol. xxviii, p. 9.
+
+Footnote 903:
+
+  Haddon, _J. A. I._, vol. xix, p. 359.
+
+Footnote 904:
+
+  _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition_, vol. vi, p. 197.
+
+Footnote 905:
+
+  Dumas, loc. cit., p. 18.
+
+Footnote 906:
+
+  Jenkins, loc. cit., p. 404; Krämer, loc. cit., p. 335; Thomson,
+  _Fijians_, p. 211.
+
+Footnote 907:
+
+  Krämer, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 53; Turner, _Samoa_, p. 79.
+
+Footnote 908:
+
+  Gardiner, _J. A. I._, vol. xxvii, p. 480.
+
+Footnote 909:
+
+  Thomson, _Savage Island_, p. 141.
+
+Footnote 910:
+
+  Pritchard, _Polynesian Reminiscences_, p. 423; Waterhouse, _King and
+  People of Fiji_, p. 327; Thomson (_Fijians_, p. 180) thinks that it
+  has been introduced lately. On the other hand Blyth says that it was
+  formerly more prevalent than it is now (loc. cit., p. 181).
+
+Footnote 911:
+
+  Hagen and Pineau, _Rev. d’Eth._, vol. vii, p. 332.
+
+Footnote 912:
+
+  Jamieson, _Aust. Med. Journ._, new series, vol. vii, p. 53.
+
+Footnote 913:
+
+  Bernard, _Nouvelle-Calédonie_, p. 288; Rochas, _Nouvelle-Calédonie_,
+  p. 200.
+
+Footnote 914:
+
+  Codrington, _Melanesians_, p. 229; Ribbe, loc. cit., p. 144;
+  Parkinson, _Int. Arch. Eth._, vol. xiii, p. 8; Elton, _J. A. I._, vol.
+  xvii, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 915:
+
+  Brown, _Melanesians_, p. 33; Danks, _J. A. I._, vol. xviii, p. 291;
+  Pfeil, loc. cit., p. 313; Stephan and Graebner, loc. cit., p. 18.
+
+Footnote 916:
+
+  Ribbe, loc. cit., p. 194.
+
+Footnote 917:
+
+  Riedel, _Rev. Col. Inter._, vol. ii, p. 71.
+
+Footnote 918:
+
+  Krieger, loc. cit., p. 165 (German New Guinea), p. 292 (British New
+  Guinea), and p. 390 (Dutch New Guinea).
+
+Footnote 919:
+
+  Ibid., p. 392.
+
+Footnote 920:
+
+  Murray, _Papua_, p. 194.
+
+Footnote 921:
+
+  Rosenberg, _Malayische Archipel_, p. 454.
+
+Footnote 922:
+
+  Williamson, _Mafulu People_, p. 176.
+
+Footnote 923:
+
+  Seligman, _Melanesians_, p. 135.
+
+Footnote 924:
+
+  Ibid., p. 568.
+
+Footnote 925:
+
+  Modigliani, loc. cit., p. 554.
+
+Footnote 926:
+
+  Kreutz, loc. cit., p. 201.
+
+Footnote 927:
+
+  Jenks, loc. cit., p. 60.
+
+Footnote 928:
+
+  Turner, _Samoa_, p. 280.
+
+Footnote 929:
+
+  Angas, _Australia and New Zealand_, vol. i, p. 312.
+
+Footnote 930:
+
+  Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui_, p. 338.
+
+Footnote 931:
+
+  Tuke, loc. cit., p. 221.
+
+Footnote 932:
+
+  Polack, _Manners and Customs_, vol. ii, p. 92. See also Meade, _Ride_,
+  p. 163, and Dieffenbach, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 16.
+
+Footnote 933:
+
+  Brown, _New Zealand_, p. 41; Earle, _Narrative_, p. 243.
+
+Footnote 934:
+
+  Haddon, _J. A. I._, vol. xix, p. 359; _Cambridge Anthropological
+  Expedition_, vol. vi, p. 107.
+
+Footnote 935:
+
+  _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition_, vol. vi, p. 107.
+
+Footnote 936:
+
+  Tuituila, _Journ. Pol. Soc._, vol. i, p. 267.
+
+Footnote 937:
+
+  West, _Ten Years_, p. 270.
+
+Footnote 938:
+
+  Turner, _Samoa_, p. 79; Brown, _Melanesians_, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 939:
+
+  Krämer, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 53.
+
+Footnote 940:
+
+  Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 141.
+
+Footnote 941:
+
+  Rivers, _Melanesian Society_, vol. i, p. 313.
+
+Footnote 942:
+
+  Thurmwald, _Zeit. für Eth._, vol. xlii, p. 111.
+
+Footnote 943:
+
+  Gill, _Coral Islands_, vol. ii, p. 13.
+
+Footnote 944:
+
+  Edgeworth David, _Funafuti_, p. 195.
+
+Footnote 945:
+
+  Lutteroth, _Insel Tahiti_, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 946:
+
+  Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, vol. i, pp. 249 ff.; same author,
+  _Tour through Hawaii_, p. 325.
+
+Footnote 947:
+
+  Kotzebue, _Voyage_, p. 211.
+
+Footnote 948:
+
+  Ellis, _Narrative_, pp. 324 ff.; Angas, _Polynesia_, p. 144; Dumas,
+  loc. cit., p. 19. The last-named author says that it was undoubtedly
+  more prevalent before the arrival of Europeans than later.
+
+Footnote 949:
+
+  Waterhouse, loc. cit., p. 328.
+
+Footnote 950:
+
+  Glaumond, loc. cit., p. 79.
+
+Footnote 951:
+
+  Bernard, loc. cit., p. 288.
+
+Footnote 952:
+
+  Moncelin, loc. cit., p. 357.
+
+Footnote 953:
+
+  Somerville, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiii, p. 4. According to Paton,
+  ‘Infanticide is systematically practised’ (_New Hebrides_, p. 452).
+
+Footnote 954:
+
+  Meinecke, _Z. G. E._, vol. ix, p. 340.
+
+Footnote 955:
+
+  Codrington, _Melanesians_, p. 229.
+
+Footnote 956:
+
+  Kotzebue, loc. cit., p. 173.
+
+Footnote 957:
+
+  Turner, _Samoa_, p. 284.
+
+Footnote 958:
+
+  Hale, _U.S. Exploring Expedition_, vol. vi, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 959:
+
+  Elton, _J. A. I._, vol. xvii, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 960:
+
+  Guppy, _Solomon Islands_, p. 42.
+
+Footnote 961:
+
+  Elton, loc. cit., p. 93; Somerville, _J. A. I._, vol. xxvi, p. 393;
+  Parkinson, loc. cit., p. 8; Ribbe, loc. cit., p. 144.
+
+Footnote 962:
+
+  Verguet, _Rev. d’Eth._, vol. iv, p. 206.
+
+Footnote 963:
+
+  Brown, _Melanesians_, p. 36; Pfeil, loc. cit., p. 18.
+
+Footnote 964:
+
+  Seligman, _Melanesians_, p. 568.
+
+Footnote 965:
+
+  Ibid., p. 705.
+
+Footnote 966:
+
+  Williamson, _Mafulu People_, p. 176.
+
+Footnote 967:
+
+  Murray, loc. cit., p. 194.
+
+Footnote 968:
+
+  Erdweg, _Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_,
+  vol. xxxii, p. 281.
+
+Footnote 969:
+
+  Newton, _New Guinea_, p. 189.
+
+Footnote 970:
+
+  St. John, _Forests of the Far East_, vol. i, p. 48; Brooke, loc. cit.,
+  vol. ii, p. 337.
+
+Footnote 971:
+
+  Ratzel, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 268; Romilly, _Western Pacific_, p. 68.
+
+Footnote 972:
+
+  Moerenhaut, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 30, says that ‘Tous ces peuples
+  étaient très fréquemment en guerre’.
+
+Footnote 973:
+
+  Dieffenbach, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 16; Tregear, _J. A. I._, vol. xix,
+  p. 110.
+
+Footnote 974:
+
+  Hunt, loc. cit., p. 10.
+
+Footnote 975:
+
+  _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition_, vol. iv, p. 6; vol. v, p. 229;
+  and vol. vi, p. 189.
+
+Footnote 976:
+
+  Ibid., vol. v, p. 298.
+
+Footnote 977:
+
+  Ellis, _Narrative_, p. 4; Dumas, loc. cit., p. 19.
+
+Footnote 978:
+
+  Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, p. 293; Lutteroth, loc. cit., p. 17.
+
+Footnote 979:
+
+  Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, p. 294.
+
+Footnote 980:
+
+  Turner, _Samoa_, p. 189; Pritchard, loc. cit., p. 55; Angas,
+  _Polynesia_, p. 270.
+
+Footnote 981:
+
+  Brown, _Melanesians_, p. 173.
+
+Footnote 982:
+
+  Gardiner, _J. A. I._, vol. xxvii, p. 470.
+
+Footnote 983:
+
+  Ibid., p. 474.
+
+Footnote 984:
+
+  Gill, _Coral Islands_, vol. ii, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 985:
+
+  Jenkins, loc. cit., p. 407.
+
+Footnote 986:
+
+  Kubary, _Journal des Museum Godeffroy_, vol. i, p. 62; Wilson, _Pelew
+  Islands_, p. 334.
+
+Footnote 987:
+
+  Seligman, _Melanesians_, p. 671.
+
+Footnote 988:
+
+  Williams, _Fiji_, p. 43.
+
+Footnote 989:
+
+  Ibid., p. 203. He calculates the annual loss as from 1,500 to 2,000,
+  and adds that this should be increased in order to include widows
+  strangled on the death of their husbands (p. 53).
+
+Footnote 990:
+
+  Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 86.
+
+Footnote 991:
+
+  Hagen and Pineau, loc. cit., p. 336.
+
+Footnote 992:
+
+  Lambert, loc. cit., pp. 173 ff.; Moncelon, loc. cit., p. 358; de
+  Rochas, p. 304; Brainne, loc. cit., pp. 244 ff.
+
+Footnote 993:
+
+  Guppy, loc. cit., p. 33; Verguet, loc. cit., p. 215.
+
+Footnote 994:
+
+  Romilly, _Western Pacific_, p. 69.
+
+Footnote 995:
+
+  Seligman, _Melanesians_, p. 121.
+
+Footnote 996:
+
+  Abel, _New Guinea_, pp. 129 ff.; Williamson, _Mafulu People_, p. 180;
+  Reche, _Südsee-Expedition_, 1908–10, p. 289.
+
+Footnote 997:
+
+  Ling Roth, _Sarawak_, vol. ii, p. 117; Hose and McDougall, _Pagan
+  Tribes_, pp. 158 ff.
+
+Footnote 998:
+
+  Ling Roth, _Sarawak_, vol. ii, p. 120.
+
+Footnote 999:
+
+  Batchelor, loc. cit., p. 15.
+
+Footnote 1000:
+
+  Chalmers, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxiii, p. 123.
+
+Footnote 1001:
+
+  Thomson, _British New Guinea_, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 1002:
+
+  Woodford, _Head Hunters_, p. 154; Guppy, loc. cit., p. 16; Romilly,
+  _Western Pacific_, p. 73.
+
+Footnote 1003:
+
+  Hickson, _New Hebrides_, p. 275.
+
+Footnote 1004:
+
+  Hose and McDougall, loc. cit., p. 187.
+
+Footnote 1005:
+
+  Ibid., p. 187.
+
+Footnote 1006:
+
+  Gomes, _Sea Dyaks_, p. 5.
+
+Footnote 1007:
+
+  Brooke, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 121; Ling Roth, _Sarawak_, vol. ii, p.
+  143.
+
+Footnote 1008:
+
+  Brooke, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 121; St. John, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 68.
+
+Footnote 1009:
+
+  Jenks, loc. cit., p. 172.
+
+Footnote 1010:
+
+  Ibid., p. 182.
+
+Footnote 1011:
+
+  Romilly, _From my Verandah_, p. 52.
+
+Footnote 1012:
+
+  Von der Sande, _Nova Guinea_, vol. iii, p. 270. Neuhaus, loc. cit.,
+  vol. i, p. 131, attributes considerable importance to this factor.
+
+Footnote 1013:
+
+  It is again noticeable that in the accounts of the older observers the
+  general good health of these races is remarked upon. See, for
+  instance, Kotzebue, loc. cit., p. 129 (for the Sandwich Islands) and
+  p. 170 (for Radeck); Cheyne, _Western Pacific Ocean_, p. 9 (for Island
+  of Pines).
+
+Footnote 1014:
+
+  Newton, loc. cit., p. 189. For New Ireland see Stephan and Graebner,
+  loc. cit., p. 18, where the high child mortality is attributed to
+  exposure.
+
+Footnote 1015:
+
+  Kreutz, loc. cit., p. 202.
+
+Footnote 1016:
+
+  Turner, _Samoa_, p. 135.
+
+Footnote 1017:
+
+  Jenks, loc. cit., p. 61. For the whole question of child mortality
+  among primitive races see Gerland, _Über das Aussterben der
+  Naturvölker_, p. 24 to p. 39.
+
+Footnote 1018:
+
+  Bogoras, _Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, p. 690.
+
+Footnote 1019:
+
+  Jochelson, ibid., vol. ix, p. 110.
+
+Footnote 1020:
+
+  Ibid., vol. vi, p. 413.
+
+Footnote 1021:
+
+  Ibid., vol. ix, p. 104.
+
+Footnote 1022:
+
+  Sumner, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxi, p. 79.
+
+Footnote 1023:
+
+  For instance, by Sumner, loc. cit., p. 79, for the Yakuts; by Jackson,
+  _Great Frozen Land_, p. 82, for the Samoyeds; and by Georgi,
+  _Bemerkungen_, vol. i, p. 265, for the Tunguses.
+
+Footnote 1024:
+
+  Krasheninicoff, _History of Kamtchatka_, p. 216. De Lesseps
+  (_Travels_, vol. i, p. 133) puts the average at four to five children.
+  It may be noticed that according to Pallas (_Reise_, vol. iii, p. 77)
+  the Samoyeds do not cohabit for two months after the birth of a child.
+
+Footnote 1025:
+
+  Sograff, _Arch. für Anth._, vol. xiv, p. 293.
+
+Footnote 1026:
+
+  Jochelson, loc. cit., vol. vi, p. 414.
+
+Footnote 1027:
+
+  Krasheninicoff, loc. cit., p. 217.
+
+Footnote 1028:
+
+  Stellers, _Kamtchatka_, p. 349.
+
+Footnote 1029:
+
+  Sarytschev, _Collection of Voyages_, vol. vi, p. 50; Bogoras, loc.
+  cit., p. 513.
+
+Footnote 1030:
+
+  Finsch, _Reise_, p. 538. See Georgi, loc. cit., p. 263, for the
+  Tunguses and Bogoras, loc. cit., p. 33, for the Chuckee.
+
+Footnote 1031:
+
+  See Finsch, loc. cit., p. 538, for the Ostyaks and Samoyeds;
+  Jochelson, loc. cit., vol. vi, p. 423, for the Koryak; and Sumner,
+  loc. cit., p. 79, for the Yakuts.
+
+Footnote 1032:
+
+  On this subject see Cannan, _Theories of Production and Distribution_,
+  ch. v. Professor Cannan’s work has been used in this and in the two
+  following sections.
+
+Footnote 1033:
+
+  Nicholson, _Political Economy_, vol. i, p. 182, note.
+
+Footnote 1034:
+
+  Cannan, loc. cit., p. 143.
+
+Footnote 1035:
+
+  Cannan, loc. cit., p. 144.
+
+Footnote 1036:
+
+  Nicholson, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 163.
+
+Footnote 1037:
+
+  Cannan, _Wealth_, p. 68. This is frequently misunderstood. Thus we
+  read that ‘occasionally, from accidental circumstances, England was
+  for a short time under-populated, and these were the periods when ...
+  the labourer was well off’ (Inge, loc. cit., p. 90). The evidence
+  alluded to would tend to show that there was previously a condition of
+  over-population. In any case a people as a whole is not better off
+  when under-population arises.
+
+Footnote 1038:
+
+  Cannan, _Theories of Production and Distribution_, p. 181.
+
+Footnote 1039:
+
+  See Leroy-Beaulieu, _Question de la Population_, ch. iii.
+
+Footnote 1040:
+
+  Quoted by Nicholson, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 180.
+
+Footnote 1041:
+
+  Ling Roth, _Tasmania_, p. 116.
+
+Footnote 1042:
+
+  Bonwick, loc. cit., p. 83.
+
+Footnote 1043:
+
+  Wheeler, _Tribe in Australia_, p. 35.
+
+Footnote 1044:
+
+  Wheeler, loc. cit., p. 45. Malinowski (loc. cit., p. 152) comments on
+  this tribal over-right, which, he says, is shadowy.
+
+Footnote 1045:
+
+  See, for instance, Brown, _J. A. I._, vol. xliii, p. 144, for Western
+  Australia; Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes_, p. 7, for Central
+  Australia; and Stanbridge, _Trans. Eth. Soc._, new series, vol. i, p.
+  286, for Victoria.
+
+Footnote 1046:
+
+  Malinowski, loc. cit., p. 156.
+
+Footnote 1047:
+
+  Brown, _J. A. I._, vol. xliii, p. 145. Spencer and Gillen describe the
+  ownership by local groups of quarries where stone suitable for making
+  instruments is found (_Native Tribes_, p. 590).
+
+Footnote 1048:
+
+  Ibid., p. 146. See, too, Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, p. 27.
+
+Footnote 1049:
+
+  Stanbridge, loc. cit., p. 286. See also Parker, _Aborigines_, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 1050:
+
+  Brown, _Geog. Journ._, vol. i, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 1051:
+
+  Eyre, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 297.
+
+Footnote 1052:
+
+  Smyth, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 145.
+
+Footnote 1053:
+
+  Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_, p. 147.
+
+Footnote 1054:
+
+  See Grosse, _Die Formen der Familie_, p. 35.
+
+Footnote 1055:
+
+  Stow, loc. cit., p. 35.
+
+Footnote 1056:
+
+  Ibid., p. 86.
+
+Footnote 1057:
+
+  Klutschak, loc. cit., p. 227.
+
+Footnote 1058:
+
+  Rink, loc. cit., p. 31.
+
+Footnote 1059:
+
+  ‘Captain Cook found among the Ahts “very strict notions of their
+  having a right to the exclusive property of everything that their
+  country produces”, so that they claimed pay for even wood, water, and
+  grass. The limits of their tribal property are very clearly defined,
+  but individuals rarely claim any property in land’ (Bancroft, loc.
+  cit., vol. i, p. 191). See also Dellenbaugh, _North Americans_, pp.
+  410 ff.
+
+Footnote 1060:
+
+  _Handbook of American Indians_, Article ‘Land Tenure’.
+
+Footnote 1061:
+
+  Harmon, loc. cit., p. 255.
+
+Footnote 1062:
+
+  Hill Tout, _British North America_, p. 147. See also Bancroft, loc.
+  cit., vol. i, p. 118.
+
+Footnote 1063:
+
+  Ibid., p. 157.
+
+Footnote 1064:
+
+  Ibid., p. 159.
+
+Footnote 1065:
+
+  _Handbook of American Indians_, Article ‘Property’. See Teit, loc.
+  cit., vol. ii, p. 255, for a description of this among the Lillooet
+  Indians; also Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 230, and Niblack, loc.
+  cit., pp. 298 and 337.
+
+Footnote 1066:
+
+  Swanton, _Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. v, p. 71.
+
+Footnote 1067:
+
+  Elliot, _Arctic Province_, p. 54.
+
+Footnote 1068:
+
+  Krause, loc. cit., p. 167. Before leaving the Indians it is worth
+  noticing that each family had, as a rule, its own store of food. Many
+  different methods of storing food are known; the more migratory tribes
+  of the Salish and the Tinneh stored food either in detached sheds
+  elevated on posts several feet from the ground, or where the soil was
+  unusually dry in well-like holes. See Hill Tout, _British North
+  America_, p. 108.
+
+Footnote 1069:
+
+  Sarasins, loc. cit., vol. iii, pp. 475 ff. See also Seligman, loc.
+  cit., p. 106.
+
+Footnote 1070:
+
+  Cooper, loc. cit., p. 178.
+
+Footnote 1071:
+
+  Hobhouse, Wheeler, and Ginsberg, _Institutions of the Simpler
+  Peoples_, pp. 243 ff.
+
+Footnote 1072:
+
+  _Handbook of American Indians_, Article ‘Property’.
+
+Footnote 1073:
+
+  Ibid., Article ‘Land Tenure’.
+
+Footnote 1074:
+
+  Fletcher and La Flesche, 27th _A. R. B. E._, p. 269. Dorsey (loc.
+  cit., p. 366) gives further details.
+
+Footnote 1075:
+
+  Joyce, _Mexican Archaeology_, p. 116.
+
+Footnote 1076:
+
+  Spix and Martius, vol. i, p. 83.
+
+Footnote 1077:
+
+  Bartle Frere, _J. A. I._, vol. xii, p. 260.
+
+Footnote 1078:
+
+  Ellis, _Ewe-Speaking People_, p. 217.
+
+Footnote 1079:
+
+  Ibid., _Yoruba-Speaking People_, p. 188.
+
+Footnote 1080:
+
+  Talbot, loc. cit., p. 262.
+
+Footnote 1081:
+
+  Scott Elliot, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiii, p. 82.
+
+Footnote 1082:
+
+  Tremearne, _J. A. I._, vol. xlii, p. 187.
+
+Footnote 1083:
+
+  Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 123.
+
+Footnote 1084:
+
+  Ibid., p. 129.
+
+Footnote 1085:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _Ann. Mus. Congo Belge_, sér. 3, tome ii, p. 91.
+
+Footnote 1086:
+
+  Van Overbergh, loc. cit., No. 2, p. 465.
+
+Footnote 1087:
+
+  Hobley, _Akamba_, pp. 82 and 136 ff.
+
+Footnote 1088:
+
+  Halkin, loc. cit., p. 493.
+
+Footnote 1089:
+
+  Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 1090:
+
+  Routledge, _Prehistoric People_, p. 39.
+
+Footnote 1091:
+
+  Werner, loc. cit., p. 179.
+
+Footnote 1092:
+
+  Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 471.
+
+Footnote 1093:
+
+  Junod, _South African Tribe_, vol. i, p. 307.
+
+Footnote 1094:
+
+  Theal, _Yellow- and Dark-Skinned People_, p. 230.
+
+Footnote 1095:
+
+  Conder, _J. A. I._, vol. xvi, p. 86.
+
+Footnote 1096:
+
+  Hahn, _Z. G. E._, vol. iii, p. 255. For Madagascar, where conditions
+  are much the same, see Parker, _J. A. I._, vol. xii.
+
+Footnote 1097:
+
+  Wilson, _Pelew Islands_, p. 297.
+
+Footnote 1098:
+
+  Tregear, loc. cit., p. 106.
+
+Footnote 1099:
+
+  Ling Roth, loc. cit., p. 419.
+
+Footnote 1100:
+
+  Thomson, _British New Guinea_, p. 194.
+
+Footnote 1101:
+
+  Müller, _Unter Tungusen_, p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1102:
+
+  Howitt, _Native Tribes_, p. 759.
+
+Footnote 1103:
+
+  Howitt, _Native Tribes_, p. 765.
+
+Footnote 1104:
+
+  Ibid., p. 767.
+
+Footnote 1105:
+
+  Stow, loc. cit., p. 41. See also Theal, _Yellow- and Dark-Skinned
+  People_, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 1106:
+
+  Nansen, _Eskimo Life_, p. 113.
+
+Footnote 1107:
+
+  See, for instance, Klutschak, pp. 231 ff., and Whymper, _Voyages et
+  Aventures_, p. 346.
+
+Footnote 1108:
+
+  Rink, loc. cit., p. 31.
+
+Footnote 1109:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 121.
+
+Footnote 1110:
+
+  Teit, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 256.
+
+Footnote 1111:
+
+  MacGee, 17th _A. R. B. E._, p. 273.
+
+Footnote 1112:
+
+  Hill Tout (_British North America_, p. 159) describes an exceptional
+  case of a Salish tribe in which ‘even the food was held and the meals
+  taken in common, the presiding elder or headsman calling a certain
+  family each day to provide the meals for all the rest, every one
+  taking it in turn to discharge this social duty’.
+
+Footnote 1113:
+
+  Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 229.
+
+Footnote 1114:
+
+  Angas, loc. cit., p. 373.
+
+Footnote 1115:
+
+  Haseman, _Am. Anth._, vol. xiv, p. 338.
+
+Footnote 1116:
+
+  Some authors have assumed without producing any evidence that these
+  practices—especially infanticide—have increased, if they have not been
+  initiated, after contact with Europeans. It is, therefore, of interest
+  to note that according to Rivers there is definite genealogical
+  evidence from Tikopia of the disappearance of infanticide (_Melanesian
+  Society_, vol. i, p. 352).
+
+Footnote 1117:
+
+  According to Neuhauss for instance, both abortion and infanticide were
+  formerly prevalent in parts of New Guinea where they are now rare
+  owing to missionary teaching. No accurate account has been given of
+  these tribes in their former state, and thus quite possibly a modern
+  observer might well merely record the practices as being ‘rare’—a
+  statement which would be misleading for our present purpose but which
+  is of the kind likely to be relied on by those who do not admit the
+  wide prevalence of these customs (_Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, vol. i, p.
+  31).
+
+Footnote 1118:
+
+  As will be pointed out later, this statement of Tacitus is undoubtedly
+  incorrect.
+
+Footnote 1119:
+
+  Curr, _Recollections_, p. 252.
+
+Footnote 1120:
+
+  Curr, _Recollections_, p. 263.
+
+Footnote 1121:
+
+  Taplin, loc. cit., p. 14.
+
+Footnote 1122:
+
+  Howitt, _Native Tribes_, p. 748.
+
+Footnote 1123:
+
+  Howitt, _Native Tribes_, p. 749.
+
+Footnote 1124:
+
+  Bonney, _J. A. I._, vol. xiii, p. 125.
+
+Footnote 1125:
+
+  Beveridge, loc. cit., p. 26.
+
+Footnote 1126:
+
+  Wilhelmi, loc. cit., p. 181. See also Eylmann, loc. cit., p. 261.
+
+Footnote 1127:
+
+  Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes_, p. 608.
+
+Footnote 1128:
+
+  Foelsche, loc. cit., p. 192.
+
+Footnote 1129:
+
+  Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes_, p. 264.
+
+Footnote 1130:
+
+  Curr, _Australian Race_, vol. i, p. 76. In another work, however, the
+  same author says that he often spoke to the natives on this subject,
+  and is ‘sure that the idea of over-population never entered their
+  heads’ (_Recollections_, p. 263). Smyth (loc. cit., vol. i, p. 52)
+  thinks that there may be some fear of over-population.
+
+Footnote 1131:
+
+  Schürmann, loc. cit., p. 223.
+
+Footnote 1132:
+
+  Gason, loc. cit., p. 8.
+
+Footnote 1133:
+
+  Foelsche, loc. cit., p. 192.
+
+Footnote 1134:
+
+  Eyre, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 376.
+
+Footnote 1135:
+
+  Mathew, _Two Representative Tribes_, p. 165.
+
+Footnote 1136:
+
+  Guinnard, loc. cit., p. 143.
+
+Footnote 1137:
+
+  Charlevoix, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 405.
+
+Footnote 1138:
+
+  Edgeworth David, _Funafuti_, p. 195.
+
+Footnote 1139:
+
+  Rivers, _Melanesian Society_, vol. i, p. 313.
+
+Footnote 1140:
+
+  Neuhaus, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 150.
+
+Footnote 1141:
+
+  Jenkins, loc. cit., p. 404. See also Krämer, loc. cit., p. 335.
+
+Footnote 1142:
+
+  Ellis, _Narrative_, p. 324.
+
+Footnote 1143:
+
+  Ibid., p. 327.
+
+Footnote 1144:
+
+  Tuituila, loc. cit., p. 267.
+
+Footnote 1145:
+
+  Waterhouse, loc. cit., p. 327.
+
+Footnote 1146:
+
+  Hunt, _J. A. I._, vol. xxviii, p. 9.
+
+Footnote 1147:
+
+  Codrington, loc. cit., p. 229.
+
+Footnote 1148:
+
+  Williamson, _Mafulu People_, p. 177.
+
+Footnote 1149:
+
+  _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition_, vol. v, p. 198.
+
+Footnote 1150:
+
+  Ibid., vol. vi, p. 107.
+
+Footnote 1151:
+
+  Rengger, loc. cit., p. 329.
+
+Footnote 1152:
+
+  Hawtrey, loc. cit., p. 295.
+
+Footnote 1153:
+
+  Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. v, p. 272.
+
+Footnote 1154:
+
+  Grinnell, loc. cit., p. 15.
+
+Footnote 1155:
+
+  Keating, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 394.
+
+Footnote 1156:
+
+  Ehrenreich, loc. cit., p. 27.
+
+Footnote 1157:
+
+  Russell, 26th _A. R. B. E._, p. 186.
+
+Footnote 1158:
+
+  Blyth, loc. cit., p. 181.
+
+Footnote 1159:
+
+  Seeman, _Viti_, p. 191.
+
+Footnote 1160:
+
+  Gutmann, loc. cit., p. 3.
+
+Footnote 1161:
+
+  Krieger, loc. cit., p. 165. See also Parkinson, loc. cit., p. 22.
+
+Footnote 1162:
+
+  Kotzebue, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 173.
+
+Footnote 1163:
+
+  Turner, _Samoa_, p. 284.
+
+Footnote 1164:
+
+  Seligman, _Melanesians_, p. 270.
+
+Footnote 1165:
+
+  Turner, _Samoa_, p. 333. According to Paton, loc. cit., p. 452,
+  infanticide was ‘systematically practised’.
+
+Footnote 1166:
+
+  Danks, loc. cit., p. 291.
+
+Footnote 1167:
+
+  Rivers, _Todas_, p. 401.
+
+Footnote 1168:
+
+  Malinowski, loc. cit., p. 48.
+
+Footnote 1169:
+
+  Curr, _Australian Race_, vol. i, p. 110; Dawson, loc. cit., p. 35;
+  Smyth, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 291; Malinowski, loc. cit., p. 259;
+  Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_, p. 184.
+
+Footnote 1170:
+
+  Crantz, loc. cit., p. 158; Boas, 6th _A. R. B. E._, p. 579.
+
+Footnote 1171:
+
+  Crantz, loc. cit., p. 158; Boas, 6th _A. R. B. E._, p. 579; Klutschak,
+  loc. cit., p. 233; Nansen, _Greenland_, vol. ii, p. 230; id., _Eskimo
+  Life_, p. 139; Murdoch, 9th _A. R. B. E._, p. 104. ‘There is a
+  superstition’, says Dall, speaking of the Eskimos of Alaska, ‘that a
+  youth must not marry until he has killed a deer, otherwise he will
+  have no children’ (loc. cit., p. 196).
+
+Footnote 1172:
+
+  _Handbook of American Indians_, Article ‘Marriage’.
+
+Footnote 1173:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 134. For the Kutchins see Richardson,
+  _Arctic Searching Expedition_, vol. i, p. 407, and for the inhabitants
+  of Cadiack, Lisiansky, _Voyage_, p. 198.
+
+Footnote 1174:
+
+  Swanton, _Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. v, p. 50.
+
+Footnote 1175:
+
+  MacGee, 17th _A. R. B. E._, p. 280. For further details of marriage by
+  service among the Indians see Carver, loc. cit., p. 373, and Domenech,
+  loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 300.
+
+Footnote 1176:
+
+  Skeat and Blagden, _Malays_, vol. ii, p. 70.
+
+Footnote 1177:
+
+  King and Fitzroy, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 182. See also Bridges, loc.
+  cit., p. 201.
+
+Footnote 1178:
+
+  See Carpenter, _Intermediate Types_, _passim_.
+
+Footnote 1179:
+
+  Richardson, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 383.
+
+Footnote 1180:
+
+  Crantz, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 163.
+
+Footnote 1181:
+
+  Teit, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 321.
+
+Footnote 1182:
+
+  Ibid., vol. ii, p. 265.
+
+Footnote 1183:
+
+  Ratzel, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 124. According to Man (loc. cit., p.
+  81) men among the Andamanese marry at from eighteen to twenty-three
+  years of age; Portman (loc. cit., p. 369) says twenty-six. Deniker
+  (_Rev. d’Eth._, p. 301) says that the Ghiliaks do not marry until
+  between twenty and twenty-five years old. The Aetas of the province of
+  Cagayan have to pass a bow and arrow shooting test before marriage
+  (Blumentritt, _Z. G. E._, vol. xxvii, p. 65). The custom of wrestling
+  for wives has been recorded for various races (Lubbock, _Primitive
+  Man_, p. 106).
+
+Footnote 1184:
+
+  Kreutz, loc. cit., p. 202.
+
+Footnote 1185:
+
+  Jenks, loc. cit., p. 68.
+
+Footnote 1186:
+
+  Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 172.
+
+Footnote 1187:
+
+  Ibid., p. 202.
+
+Footnote 1188:
+
+  Rosset, _J. A. I._, vol. xvi, p. 168.
+
+Footnote 1189:
+
+  Christian, _Geog. Journ._, vol. xiii, p. 114.
+
+Footnote 1190:
+
+  Krieger, loc. cit., pp. 172, 297.
+
+Footnote 1191:
+
+  Danks, loc. cit., p. 288.
+
+Footnote 1192:
+
+  Marsden, _Sumatra_, pp. 218, 219; Brenner, _Besuch bei den
+  Kannibalen_, p. 247.
+
+Footnote 1193:
+
+  Reed, loc. cit., p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1194:
+
+  _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition_, vol. v, p. 247.
+
+Footnote 1195:
+
+  Ibid., p. 230.
+
+Footnote 1196:
+
+  Hickson, loc. cit., p. 275 (of the New Hebrides).
+
+Footnote 1197:
+
+  Bock, _Head Hunters_, p. 216.
+
+Footnote 1198:
+
+  Junod, _South African Tribe_, p. 100.
+
+Footnote 1199:
+
+  Ibid., p. 102.
+
+Footnote 1200:
+
+  Ibid., p. 101.
+
+Footnote 1201:
+
+  Ibid., p. 125.
+
+Footnote 1202:
+
+  Theal, _Yellow- and Dark-Skinned People_, p. 220.
+
+Footnote 1203:
+
+  Junod, _Ba-Ronga_, p. 30.
+
+Footnote 1204:
+
+  Werner, loc. cit., p. 129.
+
+Footnote 1205:
+
+  Werner, loc. cit., p. 128.
+
+Footnote 1206:
+
+  Routledge, _Prehistoric People_, p. 124.
+
+Footnote 1207:
+
+  Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 88. The price of course varies with varying
+  economic conditions, as Dundas notes for the Wawanga (_J. A. I._, vol.
+  xliii).
+
+Footnote 1208:
+
+  Fabry, loc. cit., p. 221.
+
+Footnote 1209:
+
+  Plas, loc. cit., pp. 215, 219.
+
+Footnote 1210:
+
+  Dundas, _J. A. I._, vol. xliii, p. 516.
+
+Footnote 1211:
+
+  Johnston, _Uganda_, vol. ii, p. 822.
+
+Footnote 1212:
+
+  Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 440.
+
+Footnote 1213:
+
+  Ibid., p. 441.
+
+Footnote 1214:
+
+  Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 417.
+
+Footnote 1215:
+
+  Cureau, loc. cit., p. 417.
+
+Footnote 1216:
+
+  Talbot, loc. cit., p. 105. It will also be remembered that
+  contraceptive practices are of importance in Africa, and that there is
+  evidence that in the neighbourhood of Port Herald a young couple must
+  not have children until they have built a house for themselves. See p.
+  177.
+
+Footnote 1217:
+
+  Carver, loc. cit., p. 373.
+
+Footnote 1218:
+
+  Jones, _Ojebway Indians_, p. 79.
+
+Footnote 1219:
+
+  Du Pratz, loc. cit., p. 199.
+
+Footnote 1220:
+
+  Dorsey, loc. cit., p. 259.
+
+Footnote 1221:
+
+  Bossu, _Voyages_, p. 247.
+
+Footnote 1222:
+
+  Joyce, _Mexican Archaeology_, p. 162. See also Bancroft, loc. cit.,
+  vol. ii, p. 251.
+
+Footnote 1223:
+
+  Schomburgk, _Reisen_, vol. ii, p. 251.
+
+Footnote 1224:
+
+  im Thurm, loc. cit., p. 221.
+
+Footnote 1225:
+
+  Rivero and von Tschudi, _Peruvian Antiquities_, p. 185.
+
+Footnote 1226:
+
+  Von Martius, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 109.
+
+Footnote 1227:
+
+  Azara, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 1228:
+
+  See Herbert Spencer, _Principles of Biology_, vol. ii, p. 515.
+
+Footnote 1229:
+
+  Morgulis, _American Naturalist_, vol. xlvii, p. 477.
+
+Footnote 1230:
+
+  Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes_, p. 44.
+
+Footnote 1231:
+
+  Same authors, _Across Australia_, vol. i, p. 191.
+
+Footnote 1232:
+
+  Ibid., vol. i, p. 197.
+
+Footnote 1233:
+
+  Schürmann, loc. cit., p. 209.
+
+Footnote 1234:
+
+  Curr, _Recollections_, p. 259.
+
+Footnote 1235:
+
+  Semon, loc. cit., p. 217. See also Smyth, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 122.
+
+Footnote 1236:
+
+  Thomas, _Natives of Australia_, p. 88. See also Eylmann, loc. cit., p.
+  293.
+
+Footnote 1237:
+
+  See, for instance, Palmer, _J. A. I._, vol. xiii, p. 281.
+
+Footnote 1238:
+
+  Burchell, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 422.
+
+Footnote 1239:
+
+  Stow, loc. cit., p. 91.
+
+Footnote 1240:
+
+  Ibid., p. 180.
+
+Footnote 1241:
+
+  Theal, loc. cit., p. 36. See also Moffat, loc. cit., p. 57, and
+  Campbell, _Personal Narrative_, p. 88.
+
+Footnote 1242:
+
+  Thomas (loc. cit., p. 117) speaks of storing up of food. The Kurnai do
+  not store up food, but the Dieri, who are closely allied to them, do
+  so on a small scale (Fison and Howitt, loc. cit., p. 108).
+
+Footnote 1243:
+
+  The beginnings of this custom are found among the Fuegians. Darwin
+  says that ‘when they find a stranded whale, they bury large portions
+  in the sand, and during the often recurrent famines travel from great
+  distances for the remnants of the half putrid mass’ (_Voyage_, vol. i,
+  p. 327).
+
+Footnote 1244:
+
+  Boas, 6th _A. R. B. E._, p. 427. See also Rink, loc. cit., p. 186.
+
+Footnote 1245:
+
+  Crantz, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 134.
+
+Footnote 1246:
+
+  Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 127. In the spring, when the winter
+  stores are exhausted, they usually experience a lean season (ibid., p.
+  129).
+
+Footnote 1247:
+
+  Swan, _North-west Coast_, p. 154.
+
+Footnote 1248:
+
+  Le Jeune, _Jesuit Relations_, vol. vi, p. 229.
+
+Footnote 1249:
+
+  Ibid., pp. 233, 277, and 285.
+
+Footnote 1250:
+
+  Hardisty, loc. cit., p. 311. Other accounts describe lean periods
+  among the northern tribes as fairly common, during which ‘they often
+  subsist for a great length of time upon a very little food’ (Harmon,
+  loc. cit., p. 284). See also Morgan, _Houses and House Life_, p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1251:
+
+  Sproat, loc. cit., p. 53.
+
+Footnote 1252:
+
+  Ibid., p. 22.
+
+Footnote 1253:
+
+  Baegert, loc. cit., p. 366.
+
+Footnote 1254:
+
+  Ibid.
+
+Footnote 1255:
+
+  Cabeça de Vaca, p. 63.
+
+Footnote 1256:
+
+  Similar evidence is forthcoming for many other races. For the
+  Andamanese see Man, loc. cit., pp. 342 ff.; for the Payaguas, Azara,
+  loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 142; for the Ghiliaks, Deniker, _Rev. d’Eth._,
+  vol. ii, p. 295; and for the Fuegians, Hyades and Deniker, loc. cit.,
+  pp. 122, 339.
+
+Footnote 1257:
+
+  _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition_, vol. iv, p. 180.
+
+Footnote 1258:
+
+  Ling Roth, _Sarawak_, vol. i, p. 422.
+
+Footnote 1259:
+
+  Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 332.
+
+Footnote 1260:
+
+  Ibid., p. 335.
+
+Footnote 1261:
+
+  Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 1262:
+
+  Ibid., p. 6.
+
+Footnote 1263:
+
+  Cureau, loc. cit., p. 252.
+
+Footnote 1264:
+
+  Werner, loc. cit., p. 181.
+
+Footnote 1265:
+
+  Tremearne, _J. A. I._, vol. xlii, p. 180.
+
+Footnote 1266:
+
+  Gaud, loc. cit., p. 21.
+
+Footnote 1267:
+
+  Catlin, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 124.
+
+Footnote 1268:
+
+  im Thurm, loc. cit., p. 253.
+
+Footnote 1269:
+
+  Forbes, _Timor Laut_, p. 9.
+
+Footnote 1270:
+
+  Kotzebue, loc. cit., p. 129.
+
+Footnote 1271:
+
+  Ibid., p. 170.
+
+Footnote 1272:
+
+  Routledge, _Prehistoric People_, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 1273:
+
+  Anderson, _Lake Ngami_, p. 49.
+
+Footnote 1274:
+
+  Theal, _Yellow- and Dark-Skinned People_, p. 175. See also
+  Ellenberger, loc. cit., p. 295.
+
+Footnote 1275:
+
+  Catlin, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 228.
+
+Footnote 1276:
+
+  Heriot, loc. cit., p. 350.
+
+Footnote 1277:
+
+  Du Pratz, vol. ii, p. 161.
+
+Footnote 1278:
+
+  Azara, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 142.
+
+Footnote 1279:
+
+  Ibid., p. 107.
+
+Footnote 1280:
+
+  Ibid., p. 8.
+
+Footnote 1281:
+
+  Wallace, _Narrative_, p. 478.
+
+Footnote 1282:
+
+  Humboldt, _Personal Narrative_, vol. iii, p. 233.
+
+Footnote 1283:
+
+  Spix and Martius, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 249.
+
+Footnote 1284:
+
+  There is evidence of an Australian tribe asking for an extension of
+  territory. So rare, however, is evidence of this kind that it only
+  serves to emphasize that the strict maintenance of territories was the
+  normal condition.
+
+Footnote 1285:
+
+  Knibbs, _Census of Australia_, Appendix A, vol. i, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 1286:
+
+  There is some evidence that miscarriages are not uncommon among these
+  races (for Australia see Grey, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 249, and for the
+  Loucheux Indians see Hardisty, loc. cit., p. 312). If this is so, it
+  would appear also to be due to changed conditions to which primitive
+  races had not learnt to adapt themselves—there being no advantages in
+  their so doing.
+
+Footnote 1287:
+
+  Hall,_ Ancient History of the Near East_, p. 110. So, too, Memphis was
+  apparently a very cramped city.
+
+Footnote 1288:
+
+  Rogers, _Six Centuries_, vol. i, p. 336.
+
+Footnote 1289:
+
+  On this subject see Hirsch, _Handbook of Geographical and Historical
+  Pathology_; Hecker, _Epidemics of the Middle Ages_; Clemow, _Geography
+  of Disease_.
+
+Footnote 1290:
+
+  The famous ‘plague’ of Athens, 430 to 428 B. C., was not plague in the
+  technical sense; it was probably typhoid or small-pox.
+
+Footnote 1291:
+
+  Macdonell, _Biometrika_, vol. ix, p. 369.
+
+Footnote 1292:
+
+  Rogers, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 118.
+
+Footnote 1293:
+
+  Ibid., p. 336.
+
+Footnote 1294:
+
+  Theilhaber, _Das sterile Berlin_, p. 27.
+
+Footnote 1295:
+
+  Henderson, _Mortality Laws and Statistics_, p. 3.
+
+Footnote 1296:
+
+  Ibid., pp. 4, 110.
+
+Footnote 1297:
+
+  _Annual Report of the Registrar-General for 1917._
+
+Footnote 1298:
+
+  Rogers, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 332.
+
+Footnote 1299:
+
+  Niebuhr, _Lectures in Ancient History_, vol. ii, p. 234.
+
+Footnote 1300:
+
+  Hecker, loc. cit., p. 30. The proportion of the population which
+  perished is often said to have been greater. Rogers (loc. cit., vol.
+  ii, p. 223) puts it at one-third of the population of England.
+
+Footnote 1301:
+
+  Vambéry, _Travels_, p. 313.
+
+Footnote 1302:
+
+  Hodson, _Naga Tribes_, p. 113.
+
+Footnote 1303:
+
+  Crooke, _Northern India_, p. 41.
+
+Footnote 1304:
+
+  Ibid., p. 47.
+
+Footnote 1305:
+
+  Thus in irrigated countries, if the system of irrigation is allowed to
+  fall into decay or if it is damaged directly or indirectly by war,
+  famine may result. See Creswell, _Man_, vol. xv, p. 68.
+
+Footnote 1306:
+
+  Lecky, _European Morals_, vol. ii, p. 248.
+
+Footnote 1307:
+
+  Wattal, _Population Problem_, p. 20.
+
+Footnote 1308:
+
+  Ibid., p. 21.
+
+Footnote 1309:
+
+  Balls, _Egypt_, p. 224. For Chinese Tibet see Wilson, _Abode of Snow_,
+  p. 193.
+
+Footnote 1310:
+
+  See Rubin, _J. R. S. S._, vol. lxiii, p. 610.
+
+Footnote 1311:
+
+  Wattal, loc. cit., p. 20.
+
+Footnote 1312:
+
+  Westermarck, _Moral Ideas_, vol. ii, p. 403. See on this subject
+  Schömann, _Griechische Alterthümer_, vol. i, p. 271, and Plutarch,
+  _Lycurgus_, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 1313:
+
+  Macdonell, loc. cit., p. 369.
+
+Footnote 1314:
+
+  Müller, _Das Sexuelle Leben_, p. 7.
+
+Footnote 1315:
+
+  Ibid., p. 14.
+
+Footnote 1316:
+
+  Westermarck, _Moral Ideas_, vol. ii, p. 407. In China there is a
+  Golden Orchid Society, the girl members of which swear never to marry
+  (Giles, _China_, p. 69).
+
+Footnote 1317:
+
+  Monier-Williams, _Buddhism_, p. 269.
+
+Footnote 1318:
+
+  Polak, _Persien_, vol. i, p. 205.
+
+Footnote 1319:
+
+  Fustel de Coulanges, _Cité antique_, p. 50.
+
+Footnote 1320:
+
+  Doughty, _Travels_, vol. i, p. 321. See also Bertherand, _Médecine et
+  Hygiène des Arabes_.
+
+Footnote 1321:
+
+  Gardner, _Journ. Eth. Soc._, new series, vol. ii, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 1322:
+
+  Ross, _Corea_, p. 313.
+
+Footnote 1323:
+
+  Kerr, _Natives of India_, p. 202.
+
+Footnote 1324:
+
+  Wattal, loc. cit., p. 3.
+
+Footnote 1325:
+
+  Westermarck, _Moral Ideals_, vol. ii, p. 400.
+
+Footnote 1326:
+
+  Ibid., p. 400.
+
+Footnote 1327:
+
+  Monier-Williams, _Buddhism_, pp. 363, 364.
+
+Footnote 1328:
+
+  Dubois, _Hindu Manners_, p. 214.
+
+Footnote 1329:
+
+  Gray, _China_, vol. i, p. 186. See also Douglas, _China_, p. 85, and
+  Giles, _China_, p. 189.
+
+Footnote 1330:
+
+  Leong and Tao, _Life in China_, p. 10.
+
+Footnote 1331:
+
+  Crawford, _Journal_, vol. ii, p. 240.
+
+Footnote 1332:
+
+  Bock, _Temples and Elephants_, p. 186.
+
+Footnote 1333:
+
+  Polak, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 201.
+
+Footnote 1334:
+
+  Hue, _Souvenirs_, vol. i, p. 297.
+
+Footnote 1335:
+
+  Pallas, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 305.
+
+Footnote 1336:
+
+  Crooke, _North-Western Provinces_, p. 228.
+
+Footnote 1337:
+
+  Risley, _People of India_, p. 185.
+
+Footnote 1338:
+
+  Leopold and Weise, _Sexual-Ordnung_, p. 347. In the Vedic Age,
+  however, child marriages were apparently unknown (see Bennet,
+  _Antiquities of India_, p. 114).
+
+Footnote 1339:
+
+  Eram, _Accouchements en Orient_, p. 69.
+
+Footnote 1340:
+
+  Wassilief, _Zentralblatt für Anthropologie_, vol. x.
+
+Footnote 1341:
+
+  Mondière, _Mém. Soc. Anth._, vol. ii, p. 465.
+
+Footnote 1342:
+
+  Rivers, _Todas_, p. 503.
+
+Footnote 1343:
+
+  Lenormant, _Histoire ancienne_, vol. iii, p. 142.
+
+Footnote 1344:
+
+  Doughty, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 237; Burckhardt, _Notes on the
+  Bedouins_, p. 96.
+
+Footnote 1345:
+
+  Koran, ch. ii.
+
+Footnote 1346:
+
+  Faulds, _Nine Years_, p. 285. See also Warnick, _Archiv für
+  Gynaekologie_, vol. x, p. 574. For China see Matignon, _Dix Ans_, p.
+  318.
+
+Footnote 1347:
+
+  Polak, loc. cit., p. 216.
+
+Footnote 1348:
+
+  Bock, _Temples and Elephants_, p. 260.
+
+Footnote 1349:
+
+  Rigler, _Die Türkei_, vol. i, p. 212.
+
+Footnote 1350:
+
+  Müller, _Das Sexuelle Leben_, p. 6.
+
+Footnote 1351:
+
+  Ibid., p. 29.
+
+Footnote 1352:
+
+  Ibid., p. 37.
+
+Footnote 1353:
+
+  Gray, _China_, vol. i, p. 185.
+
+Footnote 1354:
+
+  Smith, _Kinship_, p. 283.
+
+Footnote 1355:
+
+  Rigler, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 212.
+
+Footnote 1356:
+
+  It is possible that there are traces of this custom in Persia (see
+  Polak, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 216).
+
+Footnote 1357:
+
+  Theilhaber, _Das sterile Berlin_, p. 10. See also Theilhaber, ‘Die
+  Geburten-Beschränkung’, _Neue Generation_, 1913.
+
+Footnote 1358:
+
+  Collineau, _Revue Mensuelle de l’ École d’ Anthropologie_, 1899.
+
+Footnote 1359:
+
+  Webb, _Pathologia Indica_, p. 258.
+
+Footnote 1360:
+
+  Wattal, loc. cit., p. 28.
+
+Footnote 1361:
+
+  Aristotle, _Politics_, ii. 9.
+
+Footnote 1362:
+
+  Wattal, loc. cit., p. 7.
+
+Footnote 1363:
+
+  Lecky, _European Morals_, vol. ii, p. 21.
+
+Footnote 1364:
+
+  Ibid., p. 21.
+
+Footnote 1365:
+
+  Westermarck, _Moral Ideals_, vol. i, p. 415.
+
+Footnote 1366:
+
+  Theilhaber, _Das sterile Berlin_, p. 11. See also von Siebold,
+  _Versuch einer Geschichte der Geburtshilfe_.
+
+Footnote 1367:
+
+  Eram, loc. cit., p. 45. It was forbidden by the Laws of Manu (viii.
+  37).
+
+Footnote 1368:
+
+  Wilkins, _Hinduism_, p. 429. See also Shortt, _Transactions
+  Obstetrical Society_, vol. ix; Webb, loc. cit., p. 259; and
+  Jellinghaus, _Zeit. für Eth._, vol. iii, p. 365.
+
+Footnote 1369:
+
+  Matignon, _Dix Ans au Pays du Dragon_, p. 318. See also the same
+  author’s _La Superstition, le Crime et la Misère en Chine_, and
+  Collineau, loc. cit., p. 352.
+
+Footnote 1370:
+
+  Mondière, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 487.
+
+Footnote 1371:
+
+  Warnick, loc. cit., p. 574. See also MacLennan’s quotations from Miss
+  Bird, loc. cit., p. 105.
+
+Footnote 1372:
+
+  Polak, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 217.
+
+Footnote 1373:
+
+  Ploss and Bartels, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 846.
+
+Footnote 1374:
+
+  Rique, _Gaz. Méd._, vol. xviii, p. 161. For the Tartars see
+  Niemojowski, _Siberian Pictures_, vol. i, p. 161.
+
+Footnote 1375:
+
+  Rigler, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 206, and vol. ii, p. 229.
+
+Footnote 1376:
+
+  Polak, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 218.
+
+Footnote 1377:
+
+  Sutherland, _Moral Instinct_, vol. i, p. 139.
+
+Footnote 1378:
+
+  Buckle, _Miscellaneous Works_, vol. ii, p. 240.
+
+Footnote 1379:
+
+  Sutherland, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 132.
+
+Footnote 1380:
+
+  Glotz, _Études sociales_, p. 187.
+
+Footnote 1381:
+
+  Ibid., p. 188.
+
+Footnote 1382:
+
+  Ibid., p. 191. Possibly, however, there was no public ceremony unless
+  the father had decided to keep the child.
+
+Footnote 1383:
+
+  Ibid., p. 212.
+
+Footnote 1384:
+
+  Ibid., p. 224.
+
+Footnote 1385:
+
+  Lecky, _European Morals_, vol. ii, p. 26.
+
+Footnote 1386:
+
+  Sutherland, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 136.
+
+Footnote 1387:
+
+  Ibid., p. 137.
+
+Footnote 1388:
+
+  Smith, _Kinship_, p. 279. See also Doughty, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 239,
+  and Wilken, _Das Matriarchat_, p. 53.
+
+Footnote 1389:
+
+  Smith, _Kinship_, p. 129. For evidence of infanticide in Mingrelia see
+  Chardin, _Travels_, p. 144. The Gagas put all children to death and
+  stole others (Battel, _Strange Adventures_, p. 326).
+
+Footnote 1390:
+
+  Norman, _Peoples and Politics_, p. 290.
+
+Footnote 1391:
+
+  Gray, _China_, vol. ii, p. 50.
+
+Footnote 1392:
+
+  Douglas, _China_, p. 106.
+
+Footnote 1393:
+
+  Abeel, _Journal_, p. 108.
+
+Footnote 1394:
+
+  Ibid., p. 109. Douglas, however, says that infanticide scarcely exists
+  in Pekin (_Society in China_, p. 353).
+
+Footnote 1395:
+
+  Moule, _New China_, p. 179.
+
+Footnote 1396:
+
+  Sutherland, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 142.
+
+Footnote 1397:
+
+  Giles, _China_, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 1398:
+
+  Leong and Tao, loc. cit., p. 91.
+
+Footnote 1399:
+
+  Faulds, loc. cit., p. 285. For Tonquin see Richard, _History of
+  Tonquin_, p. 757.
+
+Footnote 1400:
+
+  Wilkins, _Hinduism_, p. 431.
+
+Footnote 1401:
+
+  Risley, loc. cit., pp. 166 and 168; Dubois, _Hindu Manners_, vol. ii,
+  p. 612; Crooke, loc. cit., p. 136; Browne, _Indian Infanticide_, p.
+  612; Wilkins, loc. cit., p. 431; Russell, _Central Provinces_, vol.
+  iv, p. 419.
+
+Footnote 1402:
+
+  Wilkins, loc. cit., p. 432.
+
+Footnote 1403:
+
+  Godden, _J. A. I._, vol. xxvi, p. 179; Risley, loc. cit., p. 165.
+
+Footnote 1404:
+
+  Hodson, _Man_, vol. xiv, p. 98.
+
+Footnote 1405:
+
+  Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes_, p. 504.
+
+Footnote 1406:
+
+  Macpherson, _Memorials of Service_, p. 132; Campbell, _Personal
+  Narrative_, p. 139.
+
+Footnote 1407:
+
+  Macpherson, _Religion of the Khonds_, p. 65.
+
+Footnote 1408:
+
+  Rivers, _Todas_, p. 478.
+
+Footnote 1409:
+
+  Sutherland, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 144.
+
+Footnote 1410:
+
+  Wilkins, loc. cit., p. 431.
+
+Footnote 1411:
+
+  Dubois, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 612. Infanticide was sometimes
+  committed by the Kandyans (Bailey, _Trans. Eth. Soc._, vol. ii, p.
+  296), by the Koulous (Ujfalvy, _Bull. Soc. Anth._, vol. v, p. 227), by
+  the Belochis (Barton, _Sindh_, p. 244), and in Svanetia
+  (Phillipps-Wolley, _Savage Svanetia_, vol. ii, p. 92).
+
+Footnote 1412:
+
+  Stricker, _Arch. für Anth._, vol. v, p. 451. It was practised in the
+  Vedic age (Kaegi, _Rigveda_, p. 16).
+
+Footnote 1413:
+
+  Sutherland, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 138. See Grimm, _Deutsche
+  Rechtsalterthümer_, pp. 455 ff.
+
+Footnote 1414:
+
+  Ibid., p. 138.
+
+Footnote 1415:
+
+  Lubbock, _Prehistoric Times_, p. 176.
+
+Footnote 1416:
+
+  Infanticide was practised by the extinct Guanches of the Canary
+  Islands (Ploss, _Das Kind_, vol. ii, p. 259). Dasent says of the
+  Norsemen that it was the father’s right to rear his children or not at
+  his will. ‘As soon as it was born the child was laid upon the bare
+  ground; and until the father came and looked at it ... its fate hung
+  in the balance’ (_Story of Burnt Njal_, vol. i, p. xxv).
+
+Footnote 1417:
+
+  Gönezi, ‘Die auf die Geburt und das Säugen der Kinder bezughabenden
+  Gebräuche’, _Zentralblatt für Anthropologie_, vol. xii.
+
+Footnote 1418:
+
+  Tertullian, _First Book to His Wife_, p. 414.
+
+Footnote 1419:
+
+  Augustine, _On the Good of Marriage_, p. 285.
+
+Footnote 1420:
+
+  Lea, _Sacerdotal Celibacy_, vol. i, p. 62.
+
+Footnote 1421:
+
+  Ibid., pp. 260 and 301.
+
+Footnote 1422:
+
+  Ibid., p. 105.
+
+Footnote 1423:
+
+  Schönberg, _Volkswirtschaftslehre_, p. 868.
+
+Footnote 1424:
+
+  Lea, loc. cit., p. 107.
+
+Footnote 1425:
+
+  _Concilium Tridentinum_, Sessio 24, Can. 10. ‘Si quis dixerit statum
+  coniugalem anteponendum esse statui virginitatis vel coelibatus, et
+  non esse melius ac beatus manere in virginitate aut coelibatu, quam
+  iungi matrimonio, anathema sit’ (quoted by Lea, loc. cit., vol. ii, p
+  204).
+
+Footnote 1426:
+
+  Rubin, loc. cit., p. 598.
+
+Footnote 1427:
+
+  Ibid., p. 606.
+
+Footnote 1428:
+
+  Ibid., p. 608.
+
+Footnote 1429:
+
+  Ibid., p. 609.
+
+Footnote 1430:
+
+  Westermarck, _Human Marriage_, p. 145.
+
+Footnote 1431:
+
+  Popenoe and Johnson, _Applied Eugenics_, p. 136.
+
+Footnote 1432:
+
+  See, for instance, Albertus Magnus, _De Secretis Mulierum_, p. 233.
+
+Footnote 1433:
+
+  Rubin, loc. cit., p. 614.
+
+Footnote 1434:
+
+  _The Declining Birth-rate_, p. 20.
+
+Footnote 1435:
+
+  Lecky, _European Morals_, vol. ii, p. 21.
+
+Footnote 1436:
+
+  _The Declining Birth-rate_, p. 58. Leroy-Beaulieu gives a very high
+  estimate of the number of abortions which occur yearly in France
+  (_Question de la Population_, p. 330).
+
+Footnote 1437:
+
+  Glotz, loc. cit., p. 223.
+
+Footnote 1438:
+
+  Lecky, _European Morals_, vol. ii, p. 27.
+
+Footnote 1439:
+
+  The fact that penance was imposed upon the mother who killed her child
+  by the Council of Mentz in 852 suggests that the practice was not
+  uncommon at that time (Westermarck, _Moral Ideas_, vol. i, p. 411).
+
+Footnote 1440:
+
+  See _The Declining Birth-rate_, pp. 58–62.
+
+Footnote 1441:
+
+  Among these races the evolution of the capitalist system had begun and
+  in Babylonia had gone a considerable distance (Sayce, _Babylonians and
+  Assyrians_, p. 127).
+
+Footnote 1442:
+
+  Myres, _Eug. Rev._, vol. vii, p. 30.
+
+Footnote 1443:
+
+  There are often a limited number of families in each village (Barnett,
+  _Antiquities of India_, p. 105).
+
+Footnote 1444:
+
+  For particulars see Gray, _China_, vol. ii, p. 108.
+
+Footnote 1445:
+
+  Leong and Tao, loc. cit., p. 10.
+
+Footnote 1446:
+
+  Giles, loc. cit., p. 189.
+
+Footnote 1447:
+
+  Robertson Smith, _Kinship and Early Marriage_, p. 36.
+
+Footnote 1448:
+
+  For Tartar tribes see William de Rubruck, _Journey_, pp. 53 and 188.
+
+Footnote 1449:
+
+  Dickson, _Climate and Weather_, p. 148. For a study of somewhat
+  similar conditions in Australia see Taylor, _The Australian
+  Environment_.
+
+Footnote 1450:
+
+  Roy, _Mundas_, p. 346.
+
+Footnote 1451:
+
+  Wattal, loc. cit., ch. v.
+
+Footnote 1452:
+
+  Moule, _New China and Old_, p. 179. See also Bland, _Recent Events and
+  Present Policies in China_.
+
+Footnote 1453:
+
+  See p. 260.
+
+Footnote 1454:
+
+  See Marshall, _Principles of Economics_, p. 186.
+
+Footnote 1455:
+
+  Rogers, _Six Centuries_, vol. i, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 1456:
+
+  Ibid., p. 45.
+
+Footnote 1457:
+
+  Vinogradoff, _Villeinage in England_, p. 246.
+
+Footnote 1458:
+
+  Pollard, _Factors in Modern History_, p. 135.
+
+Footnote 1459:
+
+  Marshall, _Principles of Economics_, p. 186.
+
+Footnote 1460:
+
+  Froude, _Henry VIII_, p. 3, note.
+
+Footnote 1461:
+
+  Davies, _Life in an English Village_, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 1462:
+
+  Rogers, _Six Centuries_, vol. i, p. 106.
+
+Footnote 1463:
+
+  Tawney, _Agrarian Problem_, p. 105, note.
+
+Footnote 1464:
+
+  Rubin, loc. cit., p. 598.
+
+Footnote 1465:
+
+  Rubin, loc. cit., p. 597.
+
+Footnote 1466:
+
+  _Report for Inquiry into the Administration and Practical Operation of
+  the Poor Laws_, Appendix F, p. 283.
+
+Footnote 1467:
+
+  Ibid., p. 520. For further information on this subject see the
+  _Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften_, Article ‘Eheschliessung’.
+  The Danish Poor Law Act of 1891 prohibits the marriage of the poor
+  under certain circumstances.
+
+Footnote 1468:
+
+  Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce_, vol. i, p. 442.
+
+Footnote 1469:
+
+  Pollard, loc. cit., p. 144.
+
+Footnote 1470:
+
+  _Two Centuries of Irish History_, edited by Bryce, p. 21. Sir Horace
+  Plunkett estimates that Ireland can now support about 2,500,000
+  agriculturalists or 500,000 families (_Ireland in the New Century_, p.
+  30). The population in 1790 was estimated at over 4,000,000. In the
+  sixteenth century it was probably less than 1,000,000.
+
+Footnote 1471:
+
+  Quoted by J. A. Hobson in evidence before the National Birth-Rate
+  Commission, _The Declining Birth-rate_, p. 285.
+
+Footnote 1472:
+
+  Bowley, _Distribution of National Income_, p. 18.
+
+Footnote 1473:
+
+  The decline in Austria dates from 1883, in Germany, Hungary, and
+  Italy, from 1885, in Norway from 1900.
+
+Footnote 1474:
+
+  Thus the mean age for marriage of all husbands in England only
+  increased from 28·43 years in 1896 to 28·88 years in 1909, while the
+  mean age for all wives only increased from 26·21 in 1896 to 26·69 in
+  1909.
+
+Footnote 1475:
+
+  For evidence that the decrease in fertility is due to artificial
+  restraint see Stevenson, _J. R. S. S._, vol. lxxxiii, p. 431. There
+  are reasons for thinking that contraceptive methods play a smaller,
+  and restraint from intercourse a larger, part than is generally
+  supposed (see Dr. Greenwood’s remarks on the paper quoted above, p.
+  440, and also Dudfield, _J. R. S. S._, vol. lxxi, 1908, p. 25).
+
+Footnote 1476:
+
+  Rubin, loc. cit., p. 606.
+
+Footnote 1477:
+
+  Hammond, _Village Labourer_, ch. vii.
+
+Footnote 1478:
+
+  See Pigou, _Wealth and Welfare_, p. 28.
+
+Footnote 1479:
+
+  Hobson, ‘Evidence before the National Birth-Rate Commission’, _The
+  Declining Birth-rate_, p. 289.
+
+Footnote 1480:
+
+  Myres, _Eugenics Review_, vol. vii, p. 21.
+
+Footnote 1481:
+
+  Also abortion, as we have seen, is not uncommon.
+
+Footnote 1482:
+
+  The excessive practice of infanticide in Tahiti and elsewhere in
+  Oceania may be regarded as an example of selfish indulgence. See p.
+  190. So, too, the Gagas put all children to death and stole others
+  (Battel, _Strange Adventures_, p. 326).
+
+Footnote 1483:
+
+  Keynes, _Economic Consequences of the Peace_, p. 215.
+
+Footnote 1484:
+
+  Ibid., loc. cit., p. 12.
+
+Footnote 1485:
+
+  Haddon, _Wanderings of Peoples_, p. 1.
+
+Footnote 1486:
+
+  _The Declining Birth-rate_, p. 43.
+
+Footnote 1487:
+
+  Myres, _Eugenics Review_, vol. vii, p. 31. These authors are only
+  repeating what has often been said in former times, as, for instance,
+  by Bacon in the following passage: ‘Look when the world has fewest
+  barbarous people but such as commonly will not marry, or generate,
+  except they know means to live (as is almost everywhere at this day
+  except Tartary) there is no danger of inundations of people. But when
+  there be great shoals of people which go on to populate, without
+  foreseeing means of life and sustentation, it is of necessity that
+  once in an age or two they discharge a portion of their people upon
+  other nations’ (_Essay on the Vicissitude of Things_).
+
+Footnote 1488:
+
+  These remarks also apply to those cases in which countries at times
+  appear to be empty. Attention is, for example, sometimes drawn to the
+  fact that England appears to have been an ‘empty’ country in the
+  Middle Ages. The emptiness is only apparent. Relative to the available
+  skill and all other relevant circumstances England was fully populated
+  in the Middle Ages; the tendency was rather towards over- than
+  under-population.
+
+Footnote 1489:
+
+  Except perhaps in the case of the so-called Irish migration to America
+  after the famine in the middle of the last century. Without doubt,
+  however, there was in this migration a large political element—the
+  nature of which is referred to below. Further there were many peculiar
+  features in the position, and the migration was scarcely a migration
+  in the broad historical sense.
+
+Footnote 1490:
+
+  Haddon, _Wanderings of Peoples_, p. 3.
+
+Footnote 1491:
+
+  See especially his _Pulse of Asia_, and _Civilization and Climate_,
+  ch. xi.
+
+Footnote 1492:
+
+  See Gregory, _Geographical Journal_, vol. xliii.
+
+Footnote 1493:
+
+  Peisker, _Cambridge Mediaeval History_, vol. i, p. 328.
+
+Footnote 1494:
+
+  Frequently, no doubt, such driftings were directed towards regions
+  previously uninhabited and uninhabitable.
+
+Footnote 1495:
+
+  Hogarth, _Ancient East_, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 1496:
+
+  Quoted by Mitchell, _Evolution and the War_, p. 3.
+
+Footnote 1497:
+
+  It is only fair to say that at least one German author has recently
+  demonstrated the falsity of this view (see Nicolai, _Biology of War_,
+  p. 34).
+
+Footnote 1498:
+
+  Mitchell, loc. cit., ch. i.
+
+Footnote 1499:
+
+  Comte, _Philosophie positive_, vol. iv, p. 506.
+
+Footnote 1500:
+
+  Nicolai, loc. cit., p. 34.
+
+Footnote 1501:
+
+  Holland Rose, _Origins of the War_, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 1502:
+
+  Evidence has lately been brought forward to show that not only is war
+  a custom but also that it is a custom of relatively late origin
+  (Perry, ‘Ethnological Study of Warfare’, _Mem. and Proc. Man. Lit. and
+  Phil. Soc._, vol. lxi). It is suggested that it is bound up with
+  organization under kings and chiefs, and that it was introduced at a
+  more or less definite time by a certain race. The evidence adduced
+  would seem not to be adequate. The theory belongs to a series of
+  attempts to show that very many customs and social institutions now
+  widespread evolved in some one centre and spread thence. Though
+  Professor Elliot Smith and his school may with justice insist on the
+  fact that the multiple origin of similar customs has been too lightly
+  assumed, it is equally unreasonable to insist upon tracing all similar
+  customs and institutions to the same source. Those who are acquainted
+  with the numerous and wonderful examples of convergence in the animal
+  kingdom—the independent evolution of tracheae in the Arachnids and in
+  the Insects, to take only one example—will have little difficulty in
+  accepting the view that, in response to similar environmental
+  conditions, similar customs may from time to time have been
+  independently evolved. Other authors have urged that the apparent
+  absence of weapons among the cultural remains of early races is
+  evidence that they did not practise warfare (Havelock Ellis,
+  _Philosophy of Conflict_, p. 49). But when so much doubt surrounds the
+  question as to how the most common implements were used, it is
+  dangerous to attribute much weight to this argument.
+
+Footnote 1503:
+
+  It has been remarked that those countries which began the war were on
+  the whole the countries with the highest birth-rate. The conclusion
+  has been drawn that pressure of population brings about war. On the
+  same lines as above, this conclusion may be shown to be unacceptable.
+
+Footnote 1504:
+
+  Voltaire, _Candide_—the opinion of the Anabaptist Jacques.
+
+Footnote 1505:
+
+  As an example of this increase in skill it may be noted that between
+  1840 and 1895 the quantity of product of various crops in America per
+  unit of labour increased fivefold (Quaintance, _American Economic
+  Association Publications_, 3rd Series, vol. v, 1904, p. 21).
+
+Footnote 1506:
+
+  Knibbs, _Scientia_, vol. xii, p. 495.
+
+Footnote 1507:
+
+  Mr. J. A. Hobson’s opinion, which is in conformity with that of the
+  great majority of economists, may be noted: ‘there is’, he says, ‘no
+  evidence that the world’s population is outrunning the natural
+  resources; but on the contrary the presumption is that for their
+  fuller utilization a larger population is necessary and thereby could
+  be maintained with a higher standard of living’ (_The Declining
+  Birth-rate_, p. 75).
+
+Footnote 1508:
+
+  Bowley, _Division of the Product of Industry_, p. 49.
+
+Footnote 1509:
+
+  Harrison, _Description of England_, Bk. II, ch. x, p. 215.
+
+Footnote 1510:
+
+  Nicolai, loc. cit., p. 48.
+
+Footnote 1511:
+
+  _Problems of Population and Parenthood_, p. 73. A French historian
+  says that ‘la densité de la population fait la force des nations’ (de
+  Morgan, _Premières Civilisations_, p. 111).
+
+Footnote 1512:
+
+  Holdich, _Political Frontiers_, p. 256. It is interesting to note that
+  the wheat-eating population of the world increased less rapidly in the
+  twenty-five years preceding 1906 than the wheat area of the world. At
+  the beginning of this period there were 283 people (more or less
+  wheat-eaters) for every hundred acres of wheat, whereas in 1906 there
+  were 264 such people for the same area (_Agricultural Statistics_, Cd.
+  3832, vol. xvi, part 4).
+
+Footnote 1513:
+
+  Beveridge, _Unemployment_, ch. i.
+
+Footnote 1514:
+
+  The average income per head in 1914 is given by Stamp as follows (_J.
+  R. S. S._, vol. lxxxii, p. 491):
+
+                                           £
+                           United States   72
+                           United Kingdom  50
+                           Germany         30
+                           France          38
+                           Italy           23
+                           Austria-Hungary 21
+                           Spain           11
+                           Australia       54
+                           Canada          40
+                           Japan            6
+
+  The figures are only approximate. The most accurate—those for the
+  United Kingdom and for Australia—are not likely to be inaccurate to a
+  greater extent than 10 per cent., while the least accurate—those for
+  Japan—may be inaccurate to a greater extent than 40 per cent.
+  Rowntree, commenting upon the low wages in Belgium as compared with
+  England, attributes them, not to over-population, but to a low
+  standard of education, low degree of efficiency and productivity, to
+  the fact that only a small proportion of workers are engaged in the
+  production of high-class goods, and to the feebleness of the trade
+  unions (_Land and Labour_, pp. 75 ff.).
+
+Footnote 1515:
+
+  Newsholme and Stevenson, loc. cit., p. 55.
+
+Footnote 1516:
+
+  Leroy-Beaulieu, _Question de la Population_, p. 55.
+
+Footnote 1517:
+
+  The high birth-rate in certain parts of Ireland—said to be due to the
+  influence of the Roman Catholic Church in discouraging the use of
+  contraceptive methods—may be leading to over-population.
+
+Footnote 1518:
+
+  Thus Marro found that children of older parents were more melancholy
+  than those of younger parents (_La Pubertà studiata nell’ uomo e nella
+  donna_).
+
+Footnote 1519:
+
+  _The Declining Birth-rate_, p. 63.
+
+Footnote 1520:
+
+  The arguments for and against are fully and fairly set out in
+  _Problems of Population and Parenthood_, pp. 44–8.
+
+Footnote 1521:
+
+  Personally I agree with the views of the Dean of St. Paul’s on this
+  matter. Speaking of the use of these methods, ‘it seems’, he says, ‘a
+  _pis aller_ which high-minded persons should avoid if they can
+  practise self-restraint. Whatever injures the feeling of
+  “sanctification and honour” with which St. Paul bids us regard these
+  intimacies of life, whatever tends to profane or degrade the
+  sacraments of wedded love, is so far an evil. But this is emphatically
+  a matter in which every man and woman must judge for themselves, and
+  must refrain from judging others’ (_Outspoken Essays_, p. 74).
+
+Footnote 1522:
+
+  Heron, _Drapers’ Company Research Memoirs_, No. 1, 1906. See also
+  Stevenson, loc. cit.
+
+Footnote 1523:
+
+  _The Declining Birth-rate_, p. 9.
+
+Footnote 1524:
+
+  It is also noticeable in India (Wattal, loc. cit., p. 24). It will be
+  remembered that in Denmark in the latter part of the mediaeval period
+  there was some slight tendency according to Rubin for marriage to be
+  postponed among the very highest social class; among the independent
+  class generally marriage in those days, however, not only took place
+  earlier than now but earlier than in the lower grades of society.
+
+Footnote 1525:
+
+  Among the industrial classes conception before marriage is not
+  uncommon. It is said that many men are not desirous of legal marriage
+  until it is probable that they will have children. This is not to be
+  regarded as evidence of loose sexual morality so much as evidence of
+  foresight and of thought for old age when, if they have children, they
+  will be more or less secure against extreme poverty.
+
+Footnote 1526:
+
+  Hill, _Am. Stat. Ass._, vol. xiii, p. 590. An allied problem is that
+  connected with the proportion of various racial elements among the
+  immigrants into a new country. Thus between 1900 and 1913 Great
+  Britain contributed roughly one-third and the United States and
+  continental Europe two-thirds of the immigrants into Canada.
+
+Footnote 1527:
+
+  Tucker, _Progress of the U.S.A._, p. 98.
+
+Footnote 1528:
+
+  Leroy-Beaulieu estimates that, if the degree of skill in production
+  now found in Western Europe was extended throughout the world, the
+  population economically desirable would be from two to three times
+  that of the present population of the world (_Question de la
+  Population_, p. 174).
+
+Footnote 1529:
+
+  These experiments have been summarized by Jenkinson (_Experimental
+  Embryology_, pp. 141 ff.).
+
+Footnote 1530:
+
+  Jenkinson, loc. cit., p. 151.
+
+Footnote 1531:
+
+  Ibid., p. 157.
+
+Footnote 1532:
+
+  Klebs, ‘Influence of the Environment’, in _Darwinism and Modern
+  Science_, p. 227.
+
+Footnote 1533:
+
+  MacLeod, _Quantitative Method_, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 1534:
+
+  Vernon, _Variation in Animals and Plants_, p. 312.
+
+Footnote 1535:
+
+  Quoted from Henslow by Vernon, ibid.
+
+Footnote 1536:
+
+  Thomson, _Animal Life_, p. 407.
+
+Footnote 1537:
+
+  Morgan, _Mechanism of Mendelian Heredity_, p. 38.
+
+Footnote 1538:
+
+  Stockard, _Journal of Experimental Zoology_, vol. vi, p. 334.
+
+Footnote 1539:
+
+  Jenkinson, loc. cit., p. 132.
+
+Footnote 1540:
+
+  Agar, _Phil. Trans._, Series B, vol. cciii, p. 319.
+
+Footnote 1541:
+
+  Tower, _Investigation of Evolution_, pp. 168 ff.
+
+Footnote 1542:
+
+  Morgan, loc. cit., p. 39.
+
+Footnote 1543:
+
+  Vernon, loc. cit., p. 219.
+
+Footnote 1544:
+
+  Thomson, _Animal Life_, p. 383.
+
+Footnote 1545:
+
+  Vernon, loc. cit., p. 294.
+
+Footnote 1546:
+
+  Thomson, _Animal Life_, p. 391. In the case of the Porto Santo rabbit
+  examined by Darwin the change in colour was found to be due to the
+  environment.
+
+Footnote 1547:
+
+  Ibid., p. 383.
+
+Footnote 1548:
+
+  Lock, _Recent Progress_, p. 317.
+
+Footnote 1549:
+
+  Shinji, ‘Wing Development in Aphids’, _Biol. Bull._, vol. xxxv.
+
+Footnote 1550:
+
+  Quoted by Vernon, loc. cit., p. 242.
+
+Footnote 1551:
+
+  Gemmill, _Teratology of Fishes_, p. 44. The cyclopia found was
+  attributed by Gemmill only partly to environmental causes.
+
+Footnote 1552:
+
+  Vernon, loc. cit., p. 213.
+
+Footnote 1553:
+
+  Ibid., p. 215. Similarly the snail, _Helix aspersa_, has a variety
+  (_tenuis_) with a thin shell which is found where calcareous material
+  is scarce.
+
+Footnote 1554:
+
+  Vernon, loc. cit., p. 261.
+
+Footnote 1555:
+
+  Darwin, _Descent of Man_, p. 33.
+
+Footnote 1556:
+
+  Mitchell, loc. cit., p. 47.
+
+Footnote 1557:
+
+  Hansen, ‘Increase in Stature’, p. 23, in _Problems in Eugenics_.
+
+Footnote 1558:
+
+  Ewart, ‘The Influence of Parental Age on Offspring’, _Eugenics
+  Review_, vol. iii.
+
+Footnote 1559:
+
+  Boas, _Changes in Immigrants_, p. 5.
+
+Footnote 1560:
+
+  Sergi, ‘Variation and Heredity’, p. 18 (in _Problems in Eugenics_).
+  Few anthropologists, it may be added, accept Boas’s conclusions.
+
+Footnote 1561:
+
+  See Ammon, _Natürliche Auslese beim Menschen_ and _Zur Anthropologie
+  der Badener_.
+
+Footnote 1562:
+
+  Levi, _Anthropometria Militare_.
+
+Footnote 1563:
+
+  Huntington, _World Power and Evolution_, p. 173.
+
+Footnote 1564:
+
+  Fishberg, _Mem. Am. Anth. Ass._, vol. i, 1905.
+
+Footnote 1565:
+
+  Nystrom has elaborated a theory according to which the habits and
+  customs of races profoundly affect the shape of the head, but it
+  cannot be said that he brings forward any convincing evidence (‘Über
+  die Formenveränderungen des menschlichen Schädels’, _Arch. für Anth._,
+  Bd. 27).
+
+Footnote 1566:
+
+  Boas, loc. cit., p. 76.
+
+Footnote 1567:
+
+  _System of Medicine_, edited by Allbutt and Rolleston, vol. ii, part
+  ii, p. 2.
+
+Footnote 1568:
+
+  See Kohlbrugge, ‘Influence of a Tropical Climate on Europeans’, _Eug.
+  Rev._, vol. iii.
+
+Footnote 1569:
+
+  Huntingdon, _Civilization and Climate_. See also the same author’s
+  ‘Climate and Evolution of Civilization’, in _Evolution of the Earth
+  and its Inhabitants_, edited by Lull.
+
+Footnote 1570:
+
+  Thus Montesquieu remarked upon the fact that greatest vigour is found
+  in the colder climates (_Esprit des Lois_, Part III, Bk. XIV, ch. ii).
+
+Footnote 1571:
+
+  Gregory, _Geog. Journ._, vol. xliii. There have been many studies of
+  the influence of climate upon temperament. See, for instance, Dexter,
+  _Weather Influences_.
+
+Footnote 1572:
+
+  Darwin, _Descent of Man_, p. 35.
+
+Footnote 1573:
+
+  Acton and Harvey, ‘Increase in the Number of Erythrocytes’,
+  _Biometrika_, vol. viii. See also the results of the Monte Rosa and
+  Pike’s Peaks Expeditions, _Phil. Trans._, vols. cciii and ccvi.
+
+Footnote 1574:
+
+  Barrington and Pearson, _Eug. Lab. Mem._, No. 5, 1909.
+
+Footnote 1575:
+
+  The results of these investigations have been summed up by Miss
+  Elderton in a pamphlet entitled _The Relative Strength of Nature and
+  Nurture_.
+
+Footnote 1576:
+
+  See, for instance, Bridges and Coles, ‘Relation of Intelligence to
+  Social Status’, _Psychological Review_, vol. xxiv.
+
+Footnote 1577:
+
+  Galton, _Inquiries into Human Faculty_, p. 236.
+
+Footnote 1578:
+
+  McDougall, _Social Psychology_, p. 118.
+
+Footnote 1579:
+
+  Here environment clearly means social or traditional environment.
+
+Footnote 1580:
+
+  Leiper, ‘Some Inhabitants of Man’, p. 151 (in _Animal Life and Human
+  Progress_, edited by Dendy).
+
+Footnote 1581:
+
+  See Jones, _Malaria and Greek History_.
+
+Footnote 1582:
+
+  See Fisher, ‘Genesis of Twins’, _Genetics_, vol. iv.
+
+Footnote 1583:
+
+  Galton, _Inquiries into Human Faculty_, p. 219. Curiously enough there
+  was no similarity to be detected in handwriting—an interesting
+  commentary on the value to be attributed to deductions drawn from
+  handwriting as to character.
+
+Footnote 1584:
+
+  Galton, loc. cit,. p. 226.
+
+Footnote 1585:
+
+  Ibid., p. 231.
+
+Footnote 1586:
+
+  Ibid.
+
+Footnote 1587:
+
+  Ibid., p. 232.
+
+Footnote 1588:
+
+  Ibid., p. 233.
+
+Footnote 1589:
+
+  Galton, _Inquiries into Human Faculty_, p. 233.
+
+Footnote 1590:
+
+  Ibid., p. 235.
+
+Footnote 1591:
+
+  Ibid., p. 237. The general results of Galton’s work have been
+  confirmed in all important respects by Thorndike’s elaborate
+  investigations (‘Measurements of Twins’ _Archives of Philosophy,
+  Psychology, and Scientific Methods_, vol. i, 1905).
+
+Footnote 1592:
+
+  Ridgeway, _J. A. I._, vol. xl, p. 13.
+
+Footnote 1593:
+
+  The ‘Ancestral Law of Heredity’, which attributes on the average half
+  the germinal constitution to the parents, a quarter to the
+  grandparents, an eighth to the great-grandparents, and so on, is not
+  incompatible with Mendelian inheritance as a general statistical
+  result. The conception of the nature of inheritance involved in this
+  theory is, however, incompatible with the Mendelian conception of
+  unit-characters, which conception, it may be said, is the only one
+  which fits the facts.
+
+Footnote 1594:
+
+  The fact that the germinal constitution of any one individual
+  belonging to a species, in which biparental reproduction is taking
+  place, differs almost always from that of any other member of the
+  species is due on the Mendelian hypothesis to the chance mixture of
+  factors in the zygote.
+
+Footnote 1595:
+
+  Adami, ‘Inheritance and Disease’, p. 26 (in _A System of Medicine_,
+  edited by Osler and McCrae).
+
+Footnote 1596:
+
+  Adami, loc. cit., p. 26.
+
+Footnote 1597:
+
+  Ibid.
+
+Footnote 1598:
+
+  Quoted by Thomson, _Heredity_, p. 275.
+
+Footnote 1599:
+
+  Tredgold found that 80 per cent. of the mentally deficient had a bad
+  nervous inheritance (_Mental Deficiency_, p. 40).
+
+Footnote 1600:
+
+  McDougall, _Social Psychology_, ch. iii.
+
+Footnote 1601:
+
+  McDougall, _Social Psychology_, ch. iv.
+
+Footnote 1602:
+
+  Ibid., ch. iii.
+
+Footnote 1603:
+
+  Pearson, ‘Groundwork of Eugenics’, _Eugenics Laboratory Lecture
+  Series_, 1909, p. 25.
+
+Footnote 1604:
+
+  Snow, _Studies in National Deterioration_, No. 7, p. 34. See also
+  Beeton and Pearson, ‘Inheritance of the Duration of Life’,
+  _Biometrika_, vol. i, 1901, and Elderton and Pearson, ‘Further
+  Evidence of Natural Selection in Man’, _Biometrika_, vol. x, 1915.
+
+Footnote 1605:
+
+  Pruner-Bey (‘Mémoire sur les Nègres’, _Mém. Soc. Anth._, vol. i, p.
+  334) has shown in detail how the peculiarities of negro structure are
+  to be regarded as adaptations to the surrounding conditions.
+
+Footnote 1606:
+
+  Keith, _Nature_, vol. civ, p. 302.
+
+Footnote 1607:
+
+  Ibid., p. 303.
+
+Footnote 1608:
+
+  Keith, _Nature_, vol. civ, p. 303.
+
+Footnote 1609:
+
+  Ibid., p. 404.
+
+Footnote 1610:
+
+  McGee, loc. cit., p. 157.
+
+Footnote 1611:
+
+  For evidence that disease leads to a selective death-rate see Popenoe
+  and Johnson, loc. cit., pp. 124 ff.
+
+Footnote 1612:
+
+  See Popenoe and Johnson, loc. cit., ch. xi.
+
+Footnote 1613:
+
+  There has been much discussion as to the effect upon the population of
+  France owing to the Napoleonic wars. The facts have been summed up by
+  Havelock Ellis (_Essays in War Time_, pp. 33 ff.), and it appears that
+  without any question the average physical constitution of the French
+  was lowered; most kinds of infirmities, for instance, became more
+  frequent.
+
+Footnote 1614:
+
+  Recent research bearing on this problem has been summed up by East and
+  Jones in their book _Inbreeding and Outbreeding_.
+
+Footnote 1615:
+
+  Dublin and Baker, _Amer. Stat. Soc._, vol. xvii, 1920. Nevertheless,
+  as shown by an important memoir by Hrdlicka, a new variety is not
+  being produced, at least with any rapidity, under the influence of the
+  American environment. Hrdlicka studied representatives of the old
+  white American stock, whose ancestors had been for four generations in
+  the United States, and concluded that no new sub-type has yet emerged.
+  In fact the faithful preservation of the traits of the original
+  immigrants is the outstanding result of the study.
+
+Footnote 1616:
+
+  An admirable summing up of what is known as to the effect of alcohol
+  on the germinal constitution will be found in Popenoe and Johnson,
+  loc. cit., ch. ii.
+
+Footnote 1617:
+
+  Pearson, ‘Problem of Practical Eugenics’, _Eugenics Laboratory Lecture
+  Series_, No. 5.
+
+Footnote 1618:
+
+  Greenwood and Yule, _J. R. S. S._, vol. lxxii, 1914. See Pearson’s
+  reply ‘On the Handicapping of the First-born’, _Eugenics Laboratory
+  Lecture Series_, No. 10.
+
+Footnote 1619:
+
+  Ridgeway, loc. cit., p. 18.
+
+Footnote 1620:
+
+  Punnett, _Mendelism_, p. 208.
+
+Footnote 1621:
+
+  Thomas, _Natives of Australia_, p. 25.
+
+Footnote 1622:
+
+  Smyth, _Aborigines_, vol. i, p. 22.
+
+Footnote 1623:
+
+  Spiller, ‘Mentality of Australian Aborigines’, _Soc. Rev._, vol. vi.
+
+Footnote 1624:
+
+  Semon, _Australian Bush_, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 1625:
+
+  Smyth, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 22
+
+Footnote 1626:
+
+  Mathew, _Eaglehawk and Crow_, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 1627:
+
+  Man, _J. A. I._, vol. xii, p. 95.
+
+Footnote 1628:
+
+  Baegert, loc. cit., p. 378.
+
+Footnote 1629:
+
+  Theal, _Yellow- and Dark-Skinned People_, p. 264.
+
+Footnote 1630:
+
+  Theal, loc. cit., p. 265.
+
+Footnote 1631:
+
+  Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 131.
+
+Footnote 1632:
+
+  Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 408.
+
+Footnote 1633:
+
+  Junod, _South African Tribe_, p. 100.
+
+Footnote 1634:
+
+  Ellis, _Ewe-Speaking Peoples_, p. 9.
+
+Footnote 1635:
+
+  Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxv, p. 268.
+
+Footnote 1636:
+
+  Maugham, _Portuguese East Africa_, p. 268.
+
+Footnote 1637:
+
+  Weeks, _Among Congo Cannibals_, p. 76.
+
+Footnote 1638:
+
+  Bryant, _Eug. Rev._, vol. ix., pp. 47–9.
+
+Footnote 1639:
+
+  Olivier, _White Capital and Coloured Labour_, p. 59.
+
+Footnote 1640:
+
+  Strong, _Pedagogical Seminary_, vol. xx, p. 501.
+
+Footnote 1641:
+
+  Strong, loc. cit., p. 503.
+
+Footnote 1642:
+
+  Ibid., p. 501. With regard to the disabilities under which the Negro
+  labours in America see Booker T. Washington, _Story of the Negro_,
+  vol. ii, pp. 114 ff.
+
+Footnote 1643:
+
+  Popenoe and Johnson, loc. cit., p. 288.
+
+Footnote 1644:
+
+  Huntington, _Civilization and Climate_, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 1645:
+
+  Huntington, loc. cit., p. 14.
+
+Footnote 1646:
+
+  McDougall, _Social Psychology_, p. 284.
+
+Footnote 1647:
+
+  Ibid., p. 286.
+
+Footnote 1648:
+
+  See McDougall, _Psychology_, p. 171.
+
+Footnote 1649:
+
+  Stout, _Manual of Psychology_, p. 597.
+
+Footnote 1650:
+
+  Hobhouse, _Development and Purpose_, p. 91.
+
+Footnote 1651:
+
+  Hobhouse, _Development and Purpose_, chs. vi, vii, viii, and ix.
+
+Footnote 1652:
+
+  Ibid., p. 96.
+
+Footnote 1653:
+
+  Frazer, _Golden Bough_, London, 1911, part i, vol. i, p. 175.
+
+Footnote 1654:
+
+  Frazer, loc. cit., part i, vol. i, p. 53. Taboo, it may be observed,
+  is merely a kind of negative magic.
+
+Footnote 1655:
+
+  The beginning of writing—for instance the Maya script—dates from the
+  second period.
+
+Footnote 1656:
+
+  McDougall, _Social Psychology_, p. 111.
+
+Footnote 1657:
+
+  See on this subject, Rivers, ‘Disappearance of Useful Arts’,
+  _Festskrift tilleguad Edward Westermarck_, 1912.
+
+Footnote 1658:
+
+  There is a tendency to exaggerate the importance of tradition among
+  animals. Thus it has been said that nest building is ‘largely’
+  traditional among birds. But the Curator of Birds in the New York
+  Zoological Park raised a number of wild birds from incubated eggs, and
+  found that these birds, although they had never had parental care or
+  example, nevertheless learnt to fly, to build nests, and to perform
+  all these activities—though they were sometimes slower in so doing
+  than they would otherwise have been—that are at times said to be
+  ‘largely’ traditional (see Lull, _Organic Evolution_, p. 170).
+
+Footnote 1659:
+
+  Joubert, _Pensées_, p. 217.
+
+Footnote 1660:
+
+  Marshall, _Principles of Economics_, p. 160.
+
+Footnote 1661:
+
+  See Cureau, loc. cit., p. 253.
+
+Footnote 1662:
+
+  Statements such as the following are commonplaces of anthropological
+  literature. ‘These [Brazilians] have found life too easy, as the
+  latter [Australians] have found it too difficult’ (Herbertson, _Man
+  and His Work_, p. 3).
+
+Footnote 1663:
+
+  Quoted by Fisher, _Soc. Rev._, vol. i, p. 61.
+
+Footnote 1664:
+
+  Rivers, ‘Contact of Peoples’, _Essays and Studies presented to W.
+  Ridgeway_, p. 478.
+
+Footnote 1665:
+
+  Boas, _J. A. I._, vol. xl, p. 536.
+
+Footnote 1666:
+
+  Semple, _Geographic Environment_, p. 357.
+
+Footnote 1667:
+
+  See Durkheim, _Travail Social_, chs. vi and vii.
+
+Footnote 1668:
+
+  Sherring, _Hindu Castes and Tribes_, vol. iii, p. 218.
+
+Footnote 1669:
+
+  Hobhouse, Wheeler, and Ginsberg, loc. cit., p. 254.
+
+Footnote 1670:
+
+  According to Delvaille (_Histoire de l’Idée de Progrès_, p. 405)
+  Terrasson, writing in the eighteenth century, was the first author to
+  emphasize the importance of tradition in the modern sense—particularly
+  in his work _La Philosophie applicable à tous les objets de la
+  raison_.
+
+Footnote 1671:
+
+  See _Am. Anth._, vol. xiv, 1912, for a symposium of the views of
+  American authorities on this point.
+
+Footnote 1672:
+
+  Payne, _History of the New World_, vol. i, p. 311.
+
+Footnote 1673:
+
+  Payne, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 289.
+
+Footnote 1674:
+
+  The single-humped Arabian camel has never been found wild, but it is
+  said that the double-humped Bactrian camel has been found wild in
+  Turkestan. See Flower and Lydekker, _Mammals_, p. 297.
+
+Footnote 1675:
+
+  Wild oxen were abundant in Europe in the time of Julius Caesar, and of
+  them the Chillingham herd may be a remnant. Horses were abundant in
+  Europe in Neolithic times. But it is probable that both oxen and
+  horses were first domesticated in Asia. The ovine group was originally
+  situated in the mountain region of Central Asia, though _Ovis
+  savigni_, apparently allied to the Argoli, has been found fossil in
+  the Forest Bed of Norfolk (Flower and Lydekker, loc. cit., pp. 355,
+  357, 367, and 382).
+
+Footnote 1676:
+
+  Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 429.
+
+Footnote 1677:
+
+  Elliot Smith, _Presidential Address to the British Association_,
+  Section H, 1912, p. 577.
+
+Footnote 1678:
+
+  Rhys Davids, _Buddhism_, p. 40.
+
+Footnote 1679:
+
+  Olivier, _White Capital and Coloured Labour_, p. 57.
+
+Footnote 1680:
+
+  McDougall, _Group Mind_, p. 119.
+
+Footnote 1681:
+
+  McDougall, _Group Mind_, p. 112.
+
+Footnote 1682:
+
+  See McDougall, _Group Mind_, ch. xvii.
+
+Footnote 1683:
+
+  Leroy-Beaulieu, _Israël chez les Nations_, p. 77.
+
+Footnote 1684:
+
+  Pollard, _Factors in Modern History_, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 1685:
+
+  Vacher de Lapouge, _Sélections sociales_, pp. 293 ff.
+
+Footnote 1686:
+
+  For a discussion of this problem see Hoernes, _Naturund Urgeschichte
+  des Menschen_, vol. i, pp. 119 ff.
+
+Footnote 1687:
+
+  Smith, _Church and State in the Middle Ages_, p. 83.
+
+Footnote 1688:
+
+  Where, as in America, different racial stocks exist, differential
+  fertility assumes greater importance. See p. 320.
+
+Footnote 1689:
+
+  McDougall, _Group Mind_, p. 260.
+
+Footnote 1690:
+
+  McDougall, _Group Mind_, p. 247.
+
+Footnote 1691:
+
+  Flinders Petrie, _Revolutions of Civilization_.
+
+Footnote 1692:
+
+  Galton, _Eug. Rev._, vol. i, p. 75.
+
+Footnote 1693:
+
+  Lee, _Great Englishmen of the Sixteenth Century_, p. 28.
+
+Footnote 1694:
+
+  A. E., _Imagination and Reveries_, p. 107.
+
+Footnote 1695:
+
+  Marett, _Psychology and Folk-Lore_, p. 73.
+
+Footnote 1696:
+
+  As, for instance, by Renan in the following passage which contains
+  nevertheless an element of truth: ‘La guerre est, de la sorte, une des
+  conditions du progrès, le coup de fouet qui empêche un pays de
+  s’endormir, en forçant la médiocrité satisfaite d’elle-même à sortir
+  de son apathie. L’homme n’est soutenu que par l’effort et la lutte....
+  Le jour où l’humanité deviendrait un grand empire romain pacifié et
+  n’ayant plus d’ennemis extérieurs serait le jour où la moralité et
+  l’intelligence courraient les plus grands dangers’ (_Réforme
+  intellectuelle et morale_, p. 111).
+
+Footnote 1697:
+
+  Wallas, _Great Society_, p. 80. ‘In a settled and traditional society
+  custom is of such overwhelming weight that a law can only act in
+  accordance with it; a sudden change in the machinery of government
+  would break down of itself—nay, in such a society laws can hardly be
+  passed save those that the development of tradition demands’ (Belloc,
+  _Life of Danton_, p. 142).
+
+Footnote 1698:
+
+  McDougall, _Group Mind_, p. 146.
+
+Footnote 1699:
+
+  Bridges and Coles, _Psychological Review_, vol. xxiv, p. 29. These
+  authors do not commit themselves to any view with regard to the
+  interpretation of their results—a fact which commends the
+  investigation to students of these matters as indicating that the
+  investigation was not undertaken with any bias (a condition of things
+  unfortunately not common in studies of this problem).
+
+------------------------------------------------------------------------
+
+
+
+
+                          TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
+
+
+ ● Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.
+ ● Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last
+     chapter.
+ ● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
+ ● Enclosed bold or blackletter font in =equals=.
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77753 ***