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} + .c029 { border: none; border-bottom: thin solid; width: 10%; margin-left: 0; + margin-top: 1em; text-align: justify; } + div.tnotes { padding-left:1em;padding-right:1em;background-color:#E3E4FA; + border:thin solid silver; margin:2em 10% 0 10%; font-family: Georgia, serif; + clear: both; } + .covernote { visibility: hidden; display: none; } + div.tnotes p { text-align: justify; } + .x-ebookmaker .covernote { visibility: visible; display: block; } + .figcenter {font-size: .9em; page-break-inside: avoid; max-width: 100%; } + h1 {line-height: 150%; } + .footnote {font-size: .9em; } + div.footnote p {text-indent: 2em; margin-bottom: .5em; } + .chapter { clear: both; page-break-before: always; } + body {font-family: Garamond, Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; } + table {font-size: .9em; padding: 1.5em .5em 1em; page-break-inside: avoid; + clear: both; } + div.titlepage {text-align: center; page-break-before: always; + page-break-after: always; } + div.titlepage p {text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; + line-height: 1.5; margin-top: 3em; } + .ph1 { text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; font-size: xx-large; + margin: .67em auto; page-break-before: always; } + .ph2 { text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; font-size: x-large; margin: .75em auto; + page-break-before: always; } + .blackletter {font-family: 'Old English Text MT', serif; font-weight:bold; + font-style: normal; } + .x-ebookmaker p.dropcap:first-letter { float: left; } + </style> + </head> + <body> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77706 ***</div> + +<div class='tnotes covernote'> + +<p class='c000'><strong>Transcriber’s Note:</strong></p> + +<p class='c000'>New original cover art included with this eBook is granted to the public domain.</p> + +</div> + +<div class='chapter ph1'> + +<div class='nf-center-c0'> +<div class='nf-center c001'> + <div>THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE</div> + <div>1536–1537</div> + <div class='c002'>AND</div> + <div class='c002'>THE EXETER CONSPIRACY</div> + <div>1538</div> + <div class='c003'><span class='c004'>IN TWO VOLUMES</span></div> + <div><span class='c004'>VOL. I</span></div> + </div> +</div> + +</div> + +<div class='nf-center-c0'> +<div class='nf-center c003'> + <div>CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS</div> + <div class='c002'>C. F. CLAY, <span class='sc'>Manager</span></div> + <div class='c002'><span class='blackletter'>London</span>: FETTER LANE, E.C.</div> + <div><span class='blackletter'>Edinburgh</span>: 100 PRINCES STREET</div> + </div> +</div> + +<div class='figcenter id001'> +<img src='images/i_colophon.jpg' alt='Black-and-white woodcut colophon showing a heraldic shield divided into four quarters with rampant lions, separated by vertical panels of ermine spots; a small rectangular cartouche sits at the center.' class='ig001'> +</div> + +<div class='nf-center-c0'> + <div class='nf-center'> + <div><span class='blackletter'>New York</span>: G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS</div> + <div><span class='blackletter'>Bombay, Calcutta and Madras</span>: MACMILLAN AND CO., <span class='sc'>Ltd.</span></div> + <div><span class='blackletter'>Toronto</span>: J. M. DENT AND SONS, <span class='sc'>Ltd.</span></div> + <div><span class='blackletter'>Tokyo</span>: THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA</div> + <div class='c003'><span class='small'><i>All rights reserved</i></span></div> + </div> +</div> + +<div class='titlepage'> + +<div> + <h1 class='c005'>THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE<br> 1536–1537<br> <span class='large'>AND</span><br> THE EXETER CONSPIRACY<br> 1538</h1> +</div> + +<div class='nf-center-c0'> +<div class='nf-center c003'> + <div>BY</div> + <div class='c002'><span class='xlarge'>MADELEINE HOPE DODDS</span></div> + <div class='c002'><span class='small'>(Historical Tripos, Cambridge)</span></div> + <div class='c002'>AND</div> + <div class='c002'><span class='xlarge'>RUTH DODDS</span></div> + <div class='c003'>VOLUME I</div> + <div class='c003'><span class='large'>Cambridge:</span></div> + <div>at the University Press</div> + <div>1915</div> + </div> +</div> + +</div> + +<div class='nf-center-c0'> +<div class='nf-center c003'> + <div><span class='small'>Cambridge:</span></div> + <div><span class='small'>PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.</span></div> + <div><span class='small'>AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS</span></div> + <div class='c003'><span class='small'>PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN</span></div> + </div> +</div> + +<div class='chapter'> + <h2 class='c006'>NOTE</h2> +</div> + +<p class='drop-capa0_0_8 c007'>The authors wish to express their most sincere gratitude to +Miss Myra Curtis, Professor A. F. Pollard, Mr I. J. Bell of +the British Museum, Mr H. R. Leighton, the Rev. J. Wilson, and +Mr T. C. Hodgson for their kind and valuable help in the preparation +of this book.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The documents transcribed by the authors from the originals +have been given in the original spelling; in those which have been +taken from printed copies the spelling has been modernised.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The spelling of proper names of persons and places is that used +in the Index to the Letters and Papers of Henry VIII.</p> + +<div class='nf-center-c0'> + <div class='nf-center'> + <div>M. H. D.</div> + <div>R. D.</div> + </div> +</div> + +<div class='lg-container-l'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'><i>July 1915.</i></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<div class='chapter'> + <h2 class='c006'>CONTENTS</h2> +</div> + +<table class='table0'> + <tr> + <th class='c009'>CHAPTER</th> + <th class='c010'> </th> + <th class='c011'>PAGE</th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>I</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Turning-Point</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_1'>1</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>II</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Plots and Tokens</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_14'>14</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>III</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Affinity and Confederacy</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_28'>28</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>IV</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Facts and Rumours</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_63'>63</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>V</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Rising in Lincolnshire</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_89'>89</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>VI</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Failure of Lincolnshire</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_117'>117</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>VII</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Insurrection in the East Riding</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_141'>141</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>VIII</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Pilgrims’ Advance</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_168'>168</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>IX</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Extent of the Insurrection</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_192'>192</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>X</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Musters at Pontefract</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_227'>227</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>XI</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The First Appointment at Doncaster</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_241'>241</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>XII</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The First Weeks of the Truce</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_273'>273</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>XIII</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Council at York</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_308'>308</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'>XIV</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Council at Pontefract</span></td> + <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_341'>341</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'> </td> + <td class='c010'> </td> + <td class='c011'> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'> </td> + <td class='c010'> </td> + <td class='c011'> </td> + </tr> + <tr><th class='c012' colspan='3'>MAPS</th></tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'> </td> + <td class='c010'> </td> + <td class='c011'> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'><a href='#Page_I'>I</a></td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Map of England showing the Areas of Disaffection</span></td> + <td class='c011'><i>To face p.</i> <a href='#Page_1'>1</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'><a href='#Page_II'>II</a></td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Central Lincolnshire</span></td> + <td class='c013'>„ „</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'><a href='#Page_III'>III</a></td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Main Roads from London to the North</span></td> + <td class='c013'>„ „</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'><a href='#Page_IV'>IV</a></td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The East Riding of Yorkshire</span></td> + <td class='c013'>„ „</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c009'><a href='#Page_V'>V</a></td> + <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Northern Counties</span></td> + <td class='c013'>„ „</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_vii'>vii</span> + <h2 class='c006'>ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS</h2> +</div> + + <dl class='dl_1 c003'> + <dt>PAGE</dt> + <dd>  + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_3'>3</a></strong></dt> + <dd>For influence on elections in the King’s favour, see “History,” October 1914, A. F. + Hattersley, “The Real Position of the Duke of Norfolk in 1529–30.” + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_50'>50</a></strong></dt> + <dd><i>For</i> Thomas Monkton <i>read</i> William Monketon. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_79'>79</a></strong></dt> + <dd>The church plate of Hull. This method of securing the value of the church plate to the + parish became fairly common in the later part of Henry VIII’s reign and during the reign + of Edward VI. See Cox, “Churchwardens’ Accounts” (the Antiquary’s Books), pp. 133, 140–1. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_91'>91</a></strong></dt> + <dd>For the commission to the clergy see Usher, “The Rise and Fall of the High Commission,” + pp. 15–21. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_116'>116</a></strong></dt> + <dd>Note E. The Sir Marmaduke Constable mentioned was Sir Robert’s brother, not his cousin. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_123'>123</a></strong></dt> + <dd>Composition of the royal and the rebel forces. See Cox, “Churchwardens’ Accounts” (the + Antiquary’s Books), pp. 325–7, for the parish soldier and the parish armour. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_145'>145</a></strong></dt> + <dd>“Four docepyers.” Not “deceivers,” as suggested, but “douzepers,” great men. See New + English Dictionary, and Lydgate, “Minor Poems” (Percy Society), p. 25:— +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“Where been of Fraunce all the dozepiere,</div> + <div class='line'>Which in Gaule had the governaunce?”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_149'>149</a></strong></dt> + <dd>The commons of Howdenshire attacked the house of Sir Marmaduke Tunstall, the Bishop of + Durham’s nephew, but “some more sober than the residue” prevented any serious damage. See + “Richmondshire Wills” (Surtees Society), p. 288 n. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_184'>184</a></strong></dt> + <dd>Spoiling of Blytheman’s house. Colins was afterwards accused of being the chief + plunderer. See L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1264. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_203'>203</a></strong></dt> + <dd>Oxneyfield is close to Darlington, where it seems that the townspeople rose and joined + the rebels. The dean of the collegiate church commended one of his servants who “was the + safeguard of my life, for else I had been betrapped by the commons ere I had known.” + “Richmondshire Wills” (Surtees Society), p. 40 n. Cf. below, vol. <span + class='fss'>II</span>, p. 94. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_208'>208</a></strong></dt> + <dd>The lordship of Middleham, which had belonged to Warwick the Kingmaker, on his death and + attainder was granted by Edward IV to Richard Duke of Gloucester, afterwards Richard III. + (Gairdner, “Richard III,” p. 22.) It is well known that Richard married Warwick’s + daughter Anne, co-heiress with her sister Isabel, and thus obtained a claim to the + lordship not only by grant but also by inheritance. He and his wife were very popular at + Middleham, which he called his home (ibid. pp. 28, 259). When Richard in his turn was + killed and attainted, Middleham escheated to the crown, but, Anne and her only child + being dead, Warwick’s line was now represented by the Countess of Salisbury, the daughter + of Anne’s sister Isabel, who was married to the Duke of Clarence. This expression of + affection for the old line may therefore be a reference to the Poles. +<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_viii'>viii</span></div> + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_209'>209</a></strong></dt> + <dd>“Merlione.” This is a misreading of “Meliore,” i.e. Mallory. The leader of the siege of + Skipton was not a peasant with a feigned name, but a member of the family of Mallory. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_213'>213</a></strong></dt> + <dd><i>For</i> Guisburn <i>read</i> Guisborough, as on p. 71. It is not quite clear whether + this incident happened at Guisburn or at Guisborough, but the latter seems the more + probable. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_233'>233</a></strong></dt> + <dd>“St Saviour’s of Newburgh.” The Priory of Newburgh was dedicated to the Virgin Mary, but + the canons possessed “the girdle Sancti Salvatoris, which, as it was said, was good for + those in child birth.” (L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, p. 137.) This relic was + kept in St Saviour’s chapel at the Priory, where many pilgrims resorted. (L. and P. <span + class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 1231.) Probably Newburgh was called St Saviour’s after the + most famous relic which it possessed, though it was really St Mary’s, just as Durham was + called St Cuthbert’s, though it also was dedicated to the Virgin. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_233b'>233<span style="display: none">b</span></a></strong></dt> + <dd>The message to Darcy from Shrewsbury’s camp. After the rebellion was over, when even the + executions were almost at an end, Christopher Lassels, who was imprisoned in the Tower + with Aske, was heard to say that Aske had told him “very sure tokens” by which the man + who sent the warning might be recognised. This remark of Lassels was reported to Cromwell + on 22 July 1537, but there is no record to show whether any arrest was made on Lassels’ + information. (L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 321.) + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_237'>237</a></strong></dt> + <dd><i>For</i> “Sir Robert Bowes of Barnard Castle, and his sons” <i>read</i> “Robert Bowes + and his brothers.” + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_266'>266</a></strong></dt> + <dd>The deposition against Hogon is printed in full, with illustrative notes by Furnivall, in + “Ballads from MSS,” vol. <span class='fss'>I</span>, pt 2, p. 310 (Ballad Society). + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_273'>273</a></strong></dt> + <dd>Hutton of Snape, probably a misreading of Snaith. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_281'>281</a></strong></dt> + <dd>Pickering’s poem is printed by Furnivall in “Ballads from MSS,” vol. <span + class='fss'>I</span>, pt 2, p. 301 (Ballad Society). The editor states that it was + published at Ripon in 1843, with a preface by J. R. W. I have not seen this last version, + but it appears that neither Furnivall nor J. R. W. knew the author of the poem and its + occasion, though they conjectured correctly that it referred to the Pilgrimage of Grace. + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_317'>317</a></strong></dt> + <dd>Henry VIII and the letter. Cf. Chapuys’ despatch of 3 November 1533:—“On 25 October Henry + had received Gardiner’s letter of the 17th, in which the bishop reported that Clement had + refused to dispose of the matrimonial cause in the offhand manner that had been + suggested. Henry became pale with anger and crushed Gardiner’s letter in his hand, + exclaiming that he was betrayed, and that the King of France was not the true friend he + had thought. He continued for some time to swear at the pope, and could not regain his + equanimity.” (L. and P. <span class='fss'>VI</span>, 1392.) + </dd> + <dt><strong><a href='#Page_364'>364</a></strong></dt> + <dd>As late as 1596 it was maintained that the long bow was superior to firearms (Sir H. + Knyvet, “Defence of the Realme,” 1596), but on the other hand as early as 1515 in a paper + relating to Ireland it was stated that “the wild Irish and English rebels of all the land + doth dread more and feareth the sudden shot of guns much more than the shot of arrows or + any other shot of kind of weapon in this world.” (L. and P. <span class='fss'>II</span> + (1), 1366, printed in full Furnivall, “Ballads from MSS,” <span class='fss'>I</span>, pt + 1, p. 38 [Ballad Society].) + </dd> + </dl> + +<div class='figcenter id002'> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_I'>I</span> +<img src='images/i_map_i.jpg' alt='ENGLAND AND WALES' class='ig001'> +<div class='ic002'> +<p><i>Cambridge Univ. Press</i></p> +</div> +</div> + +<div class='figcenter id002'> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_II'>II</span> +<img src='images/i_map_ii.jpg' alt='SKETCH MAP OF CENTRAL LINCOLNSHIRE SHOWING THE WAPONTAKES AS GIVEN BY —SPEED—' class='ig001'> +<div class='ic002'> +<p><i>Cambridge Univ. Press</i></p> +</div> +</div> + +<div class='figcenter id002'> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_III'>III</span> +<img src='images/i_map_iii.jpg' alt='SKETCH MAP SHOWING THE MAIN ROADS NORTH FROM LONDON' class='ig001'> +<div class='ic002'> +<p><i>Cambridge Univ. Press</i></p> +</div> +</div> + +<div class='figcenter id002'> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_IV'>IV</span> +<img src='images/i_map_iv.jpg' alt='EAST RIDING' class='ig001'> +<div class='ic002'> +<p><i>Cambridge Univ. Press</i></p> +</div> +</div> + +<div class='figcenter id002'> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_V'>V</span> +<img src='images/i_map_v.jpg' alt='SKETCH' class='ig001'> +<div class='ic002'> +<p><i>Cambridge Univ. Press</i></p> +</div> +</div> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER I<br> <span class='c004'>THE TURNING-POINT</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>In order to see the rebellion of 1536–7 in its true perspective +it is necessary to make a preliminary survey of the political position +in England before the first rising took place. At the end of July +1536 Henry VIII’s domestic relations were more settled than they +had been for the last ten years. The execution of Anne Boleyn on +19 May had been followed by his marriage with Jane Seymour, who +was indisputably his lawful wife. The parliament which met on +8 June declared the two children of the King’s former wives, Mary +and Elizabeth, illegitimate, and settled the succession to the crown +upon the issue of the King’s latest marriage: that failing, the King +was empowered to determine his heir himself either by will or by +letters patent<a id='r1'></a><a href='#f1' class='c016'><sup>[1]</sup></a>. It was believed that the object of this statute was +to bring into the succession Henry’s illegitimate son, Henry Duke of +Richmond, who, however, died on 23 July<a id='r2'></a><a href='#f2' class='c016'><sup>[2]</sup></a>. After his death the +situation with regard to the succession was practically the same as it +had been before the divorce of Katherine of Arragon was proposed. +The King was legally married, but it was considered unlikely that +Queen Jane would have a child, and unless he acknowledged Mary, +his heir by blood was the King of Scotland, whose claim was exceedingly +unpopular in England. If the King died it was certain that +Mary would be chosen by the nation as their queen, whether she +was legitimate or illegitimate. Moreover the power to offer her +hand in marriage might be useful to her father in foreign affairs.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A reconciliation between the King and his daughter was effected +in July<a id='r3'></a><a href='#f3' class='c016'><sup>[3]</sup></a>, and the greater part of England would have rejoiced if the +matter had gone still further<a id='r4'></a><a href='#f4' class='c016'><sup>[4]</sup></a>,—if Henry had acknowledged Mary, +beheaded Cromwell, burnt Latimer and the heretic bishops, and +reconciled himself with the Pope, who in return would certainly have +<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>been willing to recognise Queen Jane and her possible children. +Apart from all other objections to this change of policy, however, +there was one fatal obstacle; the King could not afford it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The characters of the Tudor Kings have made so deep an +impression on English history that it is easy to explain the events +of their reigns by attributing everything to their personal traits, but +Henry’s need of money was due to something that lay deeper than +his own extravagance and rapacity. The whole of Europe was +undergoing great economic changes, in consequence of the discovery +of new trade routes and the importation of gold and silver from +America, which depreciated the value of the coinage. Prices rose +and the spending power of any fixed sum of money diminished. +As the royal revenues were almost entirely customary and therefore +fixed, it followed that the King was growing poorer while the +expenses of government were constantly increasing as the nation +emerged from feudal into modern life<a id='r5'></a><a href='#f5' class='c016'><sup>[5]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>One of the most deeply-rooted feudal theories was that “the +King should live of his own,” that is, that the ordinary revenues +derived from the crown lands, the customs and feudal dues, should +serve for the ordinary needs of the government, and that taxes should +be levied only in time of war, or to meet extraordinary need. This +theory had seldom corresponded to facts, and it was now quite untenable, +but the tax-payer naturally cherished it. Henry’s taxation had +already aroused great discontent, but the need for a sufficient revenue +did not grow less, and the King could not afford to give up the money +which, as supreme head of the Church of England, he diverted from +the Pope, or the still more considerable sum that he hoped to derive +from the suppression of the monasteries. But while the great mass +of the nation desired nothing so much as the remission of all taxes, +the educated classes were beginning to realise that this would not +be such a very desirable state of affairs. The idea was just beginning +to emerge that if the King did not need money he would never call +a parliament, and that the liberties of the nation depended on its +control of taxation. When the King declared that if only the wealth +of the monasteries were in his hands he would never ask his people +for money again, there were a few who saw that the King’s wealth +was a much more serious danger than the King’s poverty<a id='r6'></a><a href='#f6' class='c016'><sup>[6]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The state of affairs on the continent permitted Henry to do as he +pleased, for Francis I had again attacked Charles V, and the Pope +<span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>could do nothing while his two champions were cutting each other’s +throats. Henry therefore continued to carry out the policy expressed +in the acts of his two last parliaments, the long parliament which +met in December 1529 and was dissolved in March 1536, and its +brief successor which met in June and was dissolved in July 1536.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A word must be said about the composition of these parliaments. +A Tudor House of Commons was not, of course, representative in the +modern sense of the word, for it consisted exclusively of country +gentlemen and wealthy merchants, who were in most cases appointed +by a small close body rather than popularly elected. The influence +of the crown, exercised through the sheriff or through some local +magnate, was paramount at the nomination of members, and it does +not seem to have been resented, so long as the chosen candidate was +a well-known man in the district for which he was appointed. The +electors were willing that the King should choose the man most +pleasing to himself among perhaps a dozen equally eligible persons, +but gentlemen and burgesses alike resented the “carpet-bagger,” the +stranger sent down from the court, who knew nothing of the place +and despised the provincials whom he nominally represented<a id='r7'></a><a href='#f7' class='c016'><sup>[7]</sup></a>. They +also objected to members who held government posts, and, curiously +enough, bye-elections were considered an abuse, as it was maintained +that when a member died his seat ought to remain vacant until the +next general election<a id='r8'></a><a href='#f8' class='c016'><sup>[8]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The parliament of 1529–36 violated even these elementary conditions +of representation; Cromwell, who came into power during +these seven years, gradually developed the art of managing the +House of Commons to an extent which had never been known +before, and the electors were powerless in his hands, because they +could not understand what was happening<a id='r9'></a><a href='#f9' class='c016'><sup>[9]</sup></a>. It must also be noticed +that the electors in 1529 had very little means of knowing what +measures would be brought before the parliament. They knew of +course that the King would want money, and they knew also that +the question of the divorce would be dealt with, but even the best-informed +can hardly have foreseen the act for the dissolution of the +smaller monasteries. It must, therefore, be borne in mind that the +acts of this parliament were not passed with the consent, or even +with the knowledge, of the nation. Their true originator was believed +to be Thomas Cromwell. Whether his rise had been slow +or rapid, this remarkable man was now (1536) at the height of his +<span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>power<a id='r10'></a><a href='#f10' class='c016'><sup>[10]</sup></a>, and the greater number of this parliament’s acts were stages +in the progress of his policy. By birth Cromwell came of the English +lower middle class, but part of his early manhood was spent in Italy<a id='r11'></a><a href='#f11' class='c016'><sup>[11]</sup></a>, +and his character was an illustration of the proverb “An Englishman +Italianate is a devil incarnate.” He belonged to the new school of +political thought which had for its exponents Philip de Commines and +Machiavelli, and for its heroes Louis XI and Caesar Borgia. Thomas +Cromwell, clothier, solicitor and moneylender, seems genuinely to +have believed that it was the duty of any man who by birth, luck or +skill became a prince, to make himself absolute, and to guard against +any breath of opposition at home as carefully as he did against any +hint of attack from abroad. He was really convinced that an absolute +autocracy was the best form of government for any country, and that +it was the duty of a good subject to do everything in his power to +strengthen the hand of the King. Religion meant nothing at all to +him. He conformed to the existing usages, whatever they might be, +but distinctions between creeds only interested him in so far as they +might be used politically. Honour, mercy, conscience, were simply +the prevailing weaknesses of mankind, which might be employed for +his advantage, just as he might take advantage of drunkenness or +stupidity. It was not so much that he disregarded as that he never +felt them. With all this moral insensibility he was a singularly +efficient administrator. Instead of fearing and slighting the houses +of parliament, he manipulated them for his own ends, while his spy +system was unrivalled. But this was the darker side of his labours; +it was also part of his policy to promote trade, to put the kingdom +in a state of defence, to repress crime and violence as well as rebellion. +His faults as a statesman were rapacity and a too great desire to +interfere in every department of life. It was now six years since his +celebrated promise “to make Henry the richest king that ever was +in England”<a id='r12'></a><a href='#f12' class='c016'><sup>[12]</sup></a>; at last the treasures of the monasteries were within +his grasp, and his promise seemed on the point of fulfilment.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Cromwell’s low birth exposed him to the scorn of his contemporaries, +and has been brought up against him even by modern historians; +nevertheless if it were necessary to make a choice between +his moral character and that of his high-born opponent, Thomas +Howard, Duke of Norfolk, it could scarcely be denied that Norfolk +was the greater scoundrel of the two. He was simply a courtier and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>politician, with not a tenth of Cromwell’s ability. By inclination +he was conservative and favoured the Old Learning, but if he could +advance himself by denying his politics or his faith he was quite ready +to abandon either. Cromwell at least had a political end in view; +Norfolk merely wished to aggrandise himself and had no other object.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It goes without saying that the two regarded each other with +the bitterest hatred. After the fall of Anne Boleyn Cromwell +managed to procure Norfolk’s banishment from the court, but they +were in constant correspondence with each other. Among all the +records of misery, crime and brutality in the Letters and Papers of +the time there is perhaps nothing more horrible than Norfolk’s +letters to Cromwell; the sickly expressions of goodwill, the filthy +jokes, the grimaces of thankfulness, make them vile reading. But +not many letters were written in the summer of 1536, for Norfolk +had just been worsted, and Cromwell was completely master of the +situation.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The general course of Cromwell’s systematic attack on the Church +is so well known that it is necessary only to recapitulate those +features which chiefly aroused popular indignation.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1529, the first year of Henry’s long parliament, a very sweeping +measure was passed to regulate the clergy. They were prohibited +from holding any land by lease. All leases held by ecclesiastics must +be transferred to laymen before the next Michaelmas. Spiritual persons +were prohibited from trading, except in the case of monasteries +selling the produce of their own lands for their own needs. No +priest was henceforth to hold more than one benefice of value above +£8 yearly, but existing pluralists might retain four; members of +the King’s Council, chaplains of the royal family or of peers, and +brothers of peers and knights, were permitted to hold three, and +Doctors of Divinity might hold two. Every priest was required to +reside on one of his benefices, but exceptions were made in favour of +pilgrims, persons on the King’s service, scholars at universities, and +royal chaplains. Spiritual persons were prohibited from keeping +breweries and tan-yards<a id='r13'></a><a href='#f13' class='c016'><sup>[13]</sup></a>. The chief object of this statute was +probably to facilitate the transference of ecclesiastical property to +laymen<a id='r14'></a><a href='#f14' class='c016'><sup>[14]</sup></a>. It must have caused great indignation among the clergy. +They may have hoped at first that it would not be strictly enforced, +but in 1536 it was re-enacted with still more stringent residentiary +clauses<a id='r15'></a><a href='#f15' class='c016'><sup>[15]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>In 1530 the clergy of England were called upon to face the +overwhelming charge that they had all offended against the Statute +of Praemunire by acknowledging Wolsey’s legatine authority. In +order to buy their pardon from the King they were compelled to +pay a heavy fine. In addition to this the King demanded that they +should acknowledge him “the only Protector and Supreme Head of +the Church and clergy of England,” and that cure of souls was committed +to him, “curæ animarum ejus majestati commissæ et populo +sibi commisso debite inservire possimus.” He made other demands, +but these were the most important points. The clergy would only +accept the title qualified by the phrase “quantum per Christi leges +licet,” “as far as the laws of Christ will allow.”<a id='r16'></a><a href='#f16' class='c016'><sup>[16]</sup></a> They applied the +same qualifications to the phrase about the cure of souls “ut et curæ +animarum populi ejus majestati commissi <i>dehinc</i> servire possimus,” +“and so far (as the laws of Christ will allow) we are able to agree +that the cure of the souls of his people has been committed to +his Majesty.” This acknowledgment was made, as far as can be +discovered, only by the southern convocation. The questions were +not put to the northern convocation, and it seems that at least three +of the northern bishops, Tunstall being one, protested against the +new title, even with the modification<a id='r17'></a><a href='#f17' class='c016'><sup>[17]</sup></a>. However the King was +satisfied for the moment by the compromise, and the clergy were +solemnly pardoned<a id='r18'></a><a href='#f18' class='c016'><sup>[18]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is not necessary to go into the complicated questions of the +Petition of the Commons, the Answer of the Ordinaries, and the +Submission of the Clergy in 1532, as they were not understood by +the people at large<a id='r19'></a><a href='#f19' class='c016'><sup>[19]</sup></a>. Passing over the anti-papal legislation of the +following years, those acts which were protested against by the rebels +are the only ones which need be mentioned. The first of these was +the Act which conditionally restrained the payment of Annates or +First Fruits to Rome in 1532<a id='r20'></a><a href='#f20' class='c016'><sup>[20]</sup></a>, a prohibition which was made absolute +in 1534<a id='r21'></a><a href='#f21' class='c016'><sup>[21]</sup></a>. The fault found with this statute was not that the payments +were no longer made to Rome, but that they were still levied +by the King.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1534 Henry attacked the Church of Rome at a vital point. +On 31 March of that year the question was put to the Convocation +of Canterbury, “Whether the Roman pontiff has any greater +<span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>jurisdiction bestowed on him by God in the Holy Scripture in this +realm of England than any other foreign bishop?” Only four of +those present voted for the Pope’s authority, and it was consequently +resolved by a large majority that he had no such power<a id='r22'></a><a href='#f22' class='c016'><sup>[22]</sup></a>. On +5 May the same resolution was passed by the Convocation of York +without a dissenting vote<a id='r23'></a><a href='#f23' class='c016'><sup>[23]</sup></a>. Following on this, Henry caused the +Supremacy Act to be passed in November 1534. This measure conferred +upon the King and his heirs for ever the title of “Only +supreme head on earth of the Church of England.” The saving +clause “quantum per Christi leges licet” was quietly ignored<a id='r24'></a><a href='#f24' class='c016'><sup>[24]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It must always be remembered that behind this brief summary +the great drama of the rival queens, Katherine of Arragon and Anne +Boleyn, had been running its course. The anti-papal acts so far had +been diplomatic moves. In the more remote country districts they +were probably hardly known and not at all understood. But at this +point Henry resolved to make the whole nation realise their altered +relation to Rome.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In April 1535 Henry issued a mandate which declared that +“sundry persons both religious and secular, priests and curates, daily +set forth and extol the jurisdiction and authority of the Bishop of +Rome, otherwise called Pope, sowing their pestilential and false +doctrine, praying for him in the pulpit, making him a god, illuding +and seducing our subjects, and bringing them into great errors, +sedition and evil opinions, more preserving the power, laws and +jurisdiction of the said bishop than the most holy laws and precepts +of Almighty God.” Any person offending in this way was to be +apprehended at once and committed to prison without bail until the +King’s pleasure in his case was known<a id='r25'></a><a href='#f25' class='c016'><sup>[25]</sup></a>. Royal letters were sent out +on 1 June 1535 to all the bishops to command them to declare the +King’s new title in their sermons every Sunday, and to cause their +clergy to do the same. The name of the Bishop of Rome was to be +erased from all services and mass books. This was followed on the +3rd by an “Order for preaching and bidding of the beads in all +sermons to be made within the realm.” The Pope and the Cardinals +of Rome were no longer to be named in the bidding of the beads. +The prayers were to be “for the whole Catholic Church and for the +Catholic Church of the realm; for the King, only Supreme Head of +the Catholic Church of England, for Queen Anne and the Lady +Elizabeth, for the whole clergy and temporality, and especially for +<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>such as the preacher might name of devotion; for the souls of the +dead, and specially of such as it might please the preacher to +name.” Every preacher was ordered to preach against the usurped +power of the Bishop of Rome, and they were to abstain for one +year from any reference to purgatory, honouring of saints, marriage +of priests, pilgrimages, miracles<a id='r26'></a><a href='#f26' class='c016'><sup>[26]</sup></a>. The shock which this measure +gave to the nation will be to some extent illustrated in the following +chapters. It struck at the very foundations of the existing creed. +The papal authority was not always popular in England,—men +grumbled at the Pope, sneered at him, criticised him,—but that he +was the only supreme head of Christianity was as firmly believed +and as confidently accepted as that the sun rose in the east. +When simple country priests were called upon to deny weekly a +proposition which they had never before dreamed of questioning, +they and their congregations might well think that the foundations +of society were giving way, and their worst fears seemed to be +realised by the Act for the Suppression of the Smaller Monasteries, +passed in the following year<a id='r27'></a><a href='#f27' class='c016'><sup>[27]</sup></a>. It is not necessary to repeat the well-known +story of Henry’s dealings with the monasteries, and the whole +of the following work is a commentary on it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the same year the privileges of the palatinate of Durham and +other exempted districts were abolished<a id='r28'></a><a href='#f28' class='c016'><sup>[28]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the short parliament of June-July 1536 two Acts were passed +of considerable importance. By one all bulls, breves, dispensations +and faculties from the Pope now within the realm were declared +void<a id='r29'></a><a href='#f29' class='c016'><sup>[29]</sup></a>. In 1534 the clergy had been prohibited from obtaining +dispensations, etc. from Rome<a id='r30'></a><a href='#f30' class='c016'><sup>[30]</sup></a>, but those obtained before 12 March +1533 had been expressly declared valid. Now, however, they were +required to surrender their papal licences, etc. to the Archbishop of +Canterbury before Michaelmas 1537<a id='r31'></a><a href='#f31' class='c016'><sup>[31]</sup></a>. The Imperial ambassador, +Chapuys, reported that this was the statute which the parliament +was most reluctant to pass, as it involved serious questions of +legitimacy, “but in the end everything must go as the King +wishes.”<a id='r32'></a><a href='#f32' class='c016'><sup>[32]</sup></a> The other statute dealt with the question of sanctuary +and benefit of clergy. Already several statutes had been passed +limiting this much abused privilege<a id='r33'></a><a href='#f33' class='c016'><sup>[33]</sup></a>. In this statute benefit of +clergy was denied to any ecclesiastic who committed the crimes +<span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>specified in former statutes as those for which no layman might +claim benefit. The offending priest was to be punished like a +layman, without degradation from his holy orders<a id='r34'></a><a href='#f34' class='c016'><sup>[34]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>By the time that this mass of legislation was completed there +were very few people in England who knew what they were really +intended by the government to believe. In order that the new state +of things might be understood, the King as Supreme Head of the +Church of England, with the advice and assent of Convocation, +published Ten Articles about Religion. They were issued in June +1536, when the year’s prohibition of controversy about purgatory, +pilgrimages, etc. was at an end<a id='r35'></a><a href='#f35' class='c016'><sup>[35]</sup></a>. The first five articles stated +those points in belief which were necessary to salvation. They were +the grounds of faith, as set forth in the Bible, the Creeds as interpreted +by the patristic traditions not contrary to Scripture, and by +the Acts of the Four Councils; Justification; Baptism; Penance, +which included confession and good works; and the Sacrament of +the Altar. Thus only three of the seven sacraments were named as +essential. The other five Articles dealt with such points “as have +been of a long continuance for a decent order and honest policy, +prudently instituted and used in the churches of our realm, and be +for that same purpose and end to be observed and kept accordingly, +although they be not expressly commanded of God, nor necessary to +our salvation.” These were paying honour to saints, placing their +images in churches and praying to them; the rites and ceremonies of +the Church; and the belief in purgatory, which involved prayers for +the dead<a id='r36'></a><a href='#f36' class='c016'><sup>[36]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Ten Articles received the assent of the southern, but not of +the northern convocation, although they were signed by the Archbishop +of York and the Bishop of Durham<a id='r37'></a><a href='#f37' class='c016'><sup>[37]</sup></a>. They were supplemented +in July by an order of the Supreme Head and Convocation that no +holy days should be observed in harvest time, 1 July–29 September, +except the feasts of the Apostles, the Virgin Mary, and St George; or +in the law terms, except Ascension Day, the Nativity of St John the +Baptist, All Hallows and Candlemas; all feasts of the Dedication +should be observed on the first Sunday in October, and no “church +holidays,” which were the feasts of the patron saints of churches, +should be observed unless they fell on an authorised holy day<a id='r38'></a><a href='#f38' class='c016'><sup>[38]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>In the same month these new regulations were enforced by the +first Royal Injunctions of Henry VIII<a id='r39'></a><a href='#f39' class='c016'><sup>[39]</sup></a>. The publication of these +injunctions “was the first act of pure supremacy done by the King, +for in all that had gone before he had acted with the concurrence of +Convocation.”<a id='r40'></a><a href='#f40' class='c016'><sup>[40]</sup></a> The Ten Articles were a compromise between the +Old and the New Learning, but the Injunctions, which were issued +in Cromwell’s name, went further in the way of innovations. The +clergy were ordered to preach every Sunday for the next quarter, +and afterwards twice a quarter, on the subject of the King’s +Supremacy, setting forth the abolition of the Bishop of Rome’s +pretended authority. They were also to expound and enforce the +Ten Articles and to declare the new order for holy days. They were +to discourage superstitious ceremonies, and to exhort all men to +“apply themselves to the keeping of God’s commandments and +fulfilling of His works of charity, rather than to make pilgrimages or +bestow money on saints and relics.” In this the Injunctions went +further than the Articles, in which pilgrimages were not mentioned. +Another innovation was the order that all servants and young people +must be taught the Lord’s Prayer, the Creed and the Ten Commandments +in English. The remaining injunctions directed the clergy to +study, give alms, lead sober lives, etc.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In addition to these measures, any one of which was sufficient to +arm all the forces of tradition and religious conservatism against the +King, several important political Acts had been passed, which were +scarcely more likely to be popular. Among these the three Succession +Acts were the most important. The first declared the Princess Mary +illegitimate and entailed the succession on the heirs male of the +King and Anne Boleyn, or failing heirs male, on the Princess +Elizabeth. All were to swear to maintain this act, under penalty of +high treason<a id='r41'></a><a href='#f41' class='c016'><sup>[41]</sup></a>. The second Succession Act confirmed the first and +supplied a form of oath to be taken<a id='r42'></a><a href='#f42' class='c016'><sup>[42]</sup></a>, but this was superseded by the +third, which has been described above. The Treason Act gave a +new definition of high treason. It was declared to be high treason +“if any person ... do <i>maliciously</i> wish, will or desire by words or +writing, or by craft imagine, invent, practise, or attempt any bodily +harm to be done or committed to the King’s most royal person, the +queen’s or their heir’s apparent, or to deprive them of their dignity, +title or name of their royal estates, or <i>slanderously and maliciously</i> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>publish and pronounce, by express wri. ting or words, that the King +our sovereign lord should be heretic, schismatic, tyrant, infidel or +usurper of the crown.”<a id='r43'></a><a href='#f43' class='c016'><sup>[43]</sup></a> This act was passed only after prolonged +debate in the House of Commons, and the King was forced to permit +the word “maliciously” to be inserted; this was done in the hope of +saving those who could not conscientiously call the King Supreme +Head of the Church, but did and said nothing to prevent others from +giving him the title<a id='r44'></a><a href='#f44' class='c016'><sup>[44]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was for offences against these statutes, the second Succession +Act and the Treason Act, that Sir Thomas More and Cardinal Fisher +were put to death in July 1535. Pope Paul III, roused at last by +this deliberate defiance of his authority, prepared a bull of interdict +and deposition against Henry in the autumn of the same year<a id='r45'></a><a href='#f45' class='c016'><sup>[45]</sup></a>. But +he had not sufficient faith in his own curses to launch them at Henry +without adequate secular support. If he had had the courage of a +medieval pope, he would have published the bull with perfect confidence +that it would accomplish its own work, without earthly aid; +what is more, it would very likely have been effective, as will be +shown hereafter. Paul III, however, endeavoured to back up his +supernatural threats by physical force, and failed. Francis I protested +vigorously against the publication of the bull, as he was Henry’s ally, +while Charles V was not in a position to lend his aid, and the Pope +suspended it for the time<a id='r46'></a><a href='#f46' class='c016'><sup>[46]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Returning to the unpopular statutes of the long parliament, +the financial situation must be briefly considered. Henry’s money +troubles have already been mentioned. The usual levies by direct +taxation, the Fifteenth and the Tenth, had originally been the actual +fraction of the tax-payer’s possessions, but since 1334 they had +become fixed payments levied from each county without reassessment, +and therefore did not represent the wealth of the nation<a id='r47'></a><a href='#f47' class='c016'><sup>[47]</sup></a>. In +addition to the usual Fifteenth and Tenth, the long parliament +granted to the King a general subsidy of 1<i>d.</i> in the £ on incomes +above £20 a year, levied by commissioners who were sent into +every shire to discover through the constables the amount which +each person ought to pay<a id='r48'></a><a href='#f48' class='c016'><sup>[48]</sup></a>. In Henry’s reign at any rate a real +<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>assessment was made, and the measure was consequently exceedingly +unpopular.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Another act which was designed to increase the revenue was the +Statute of Uses<a id='r49'></a><a href='#f49' class='c016'><sup>[49]</sup></a>. The object of this statute was to preserve intact +to the King the feudal dues from estates which were held directly +from him in chief. Such estates might not be given by will, but +their holders usually provided for their families by leaving a rent +charge on the estate to the use of their younger children or other +dependents. The statute abolished such uses entirely, and thus +deprived the whole family, except the eldest son, of any income from +an estate held in chief from the King.</p> + +<p class='c008'>These statutes were all passed at the direct instance of the King, +and chiefly for his profit, but statutes of a more disinterested +character were not more popular. Tudor statesmen were firmly +convinced that it was their duty to regulate the trade of the nation +in every possible way. Their constant interference in minute points +must have been most exasperating to tradesmen, and although their +object was always the common good, such unwise meddling produced +bad results more often than good ones, and therefore was detested +not only by the sellers, but also by the buyers, whose interests it was +supposed to protect. Moreover the common people had no confidence +in the government, and were always ready to believe rumours that +these acts would turn out to be new forms of taxation.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A statute which aroused great indignation in the eastern counties +was passed in 1535. Clothiers were ordered to weave into their +cloth their respective trade marks, and to specify the length of each +piece of cloth on a seal attached to it. Until this was done the +aulnager was not permitted to seal the goods. At the same time the +legal breadth of various kinds of cloth, which had been regulated by +previous statutes, was increased, except in the case of Suffolk set +cloths. The provisions of the statute did not apply to the county +of Worcester<a id='r50'></a><a href='#f50' class='c016'><sup>[50]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In order, to check the evils of enclosures, which were increasing +rapidly<a id='r51'></a><a href='#f51' class='c016'><sup>[51]</sup></a>, it was enacted that no grazier might keep a flock of more +than 2,000 sheep<a id='r52'></a><a href='#f52' class='c016'><sup>[52]</sup></a>, and by another statute landowners who had +abandoned husbandry for sheep-farming since 1515, were ordered to +re-erect or repair the houses of husbandry on their lands under +<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>penalty of forfeiting half the land to the crown<a id='r53'></a><a href='#f53' class='c016'><sup>[53]</sup></a>. These two statutes +were intended to check the depopulation caused by sheep-farming +enclosures, and were therefore popular in intention, but they were +naturally resented by the landowners, and rumours spread that both +cattle and sheep were to be taxed or confiscated.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Other measures with an equally good object had equally unfortunate +results. Ever since 1529 the government had been +endeavouring to keep down the price of meat. As all prices were +rising rapidly during this period, owing to causes beyond the control +of legislation, these efforts had exasperated the butchers, while they +left the purchasers in a rather worse case than before<a id='r54'></a><a href='#f54' class='c016'><sup>[54]</sup></a>. In 1534 by +one of several statutes dealing with the subject the Lords of the +Council were empowered to issue proclamations “from time to time +as the case shall require to set and tax reasonable prices of all such +kinds of victuals” as “cheese, butter, capons, hens, chickens,” etc.<a id='r55'></a><a href='#f55' class='c016'><sup>[55]</sup></a> +It seems possible that this statute, together with the ineffective +regulations which accompanied it, gave rise to the rumour that all +poor men were to be prohibited from eating “white meat” unless +they paid a tax to the King on every chicken, capon or such-like<a id='r56'></a><a href='#f56' class='c016'><sup>[56]</sup></a>. +But whether the rumour may be traced to this statute or not, it will +be seen in what follows that the butchers sought their revenge on +the King by taking an active part in the insurrection.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From this brief review it is obvious that the government had +been pursuing a remarkably daring policy in all departments of +national life. In the following chapters an attempt will be made +to show how the different classes were affected by this varied mass +of legislation, and what their feelings were towards its originators, +the King and Thomas Cromwell.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER II<br> <span class='c004'>PLOTS AND TOKENS</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>Before the Act dissolving the Lesser Monasteries was passed, in +March 1536, the opposition to Henry’s policy was too much broken +up by class distinctions to be very formidable; nor did the chief +of the conservative nobles ever encourage the popular movement. +Henry was able to crush his opponents separately, when a united +attack might have shaken even his weight from the throne.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the first place he was opposed by the party of the Old +Nobility. By this we do not mean Norfolk and other time-servers +of his opinion, but another and weaker faction, the remaining +members of the Yorkist nobility, who had survived the Wars of the +Roses. The religious problems of Henry’s reign somewhat obscure +its connection with the history of the century before it. The days +of Cranmer and Pole seem so far removed from those of Warwick +the Kingmaker and Richard Crookback that it requires an effort to +realise that Henry had to deal with a legacy of trouble from the +earlier period, as well as with his own share of the difficulties of +the new age. The previous storm had not yet passed away when +the new cloud appeared on the horizon and the two broke in full +fury upon the unfortunate house of Pole.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Margaret, Countess of Salisbury, the only living child of George, +Duke of Clarence, was chief among the old aristocracy, who were +now sometimes called the party of the White Rose. Katherine of +Arragon had been warmly attached to the Countess and her family. +The tender-hearted queen believed that Margaret’s brother was +sacrificed in order to bring about her marriage with Prince Arthur. +The Countess’ eldest son, Henry, Lord Montague, married Jane +Neville, daughter to Lord Abergavenny, while her daughter Ursula +became the wife of Lord Stafford, the Duke of Buckingham’s son. +It was even whispered that higher honours awaited the Poles. The +Countess became governess to the Princess Mary, and Queen Katherine +<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>would gladly have seen a marriage between her daughter and her +friend’s son Reginald, who was a promising lad of sixteen when Mary +was born in 1516. The family was closely connected by blood and +friendship with Edward Courtenay, Marquis of Exeter, and his wife +Gertrude. The Marquis was the son of Katherine, the youngest +daughter of Edward IV, and therefore heir to the throne, after the +Tudors: a very dangerous position<a id='r57'></a><a href='#f57' class='c016'><sup>[57]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Henry had learnt his lesson from his father too well to allow this +state of things to continue. For the last hundred years the nobles +had kept the kingdom in a turmoil. Northumberland, Warwick, +the second Duke of Buckingham, had in turn made and unmade +kings at their pleasure; now the day of reckoning had come. The +two Henrys performed in England the work that Richelieu was to +achieve in France a century later; they made the nobles realise at +the cost of much bloodshed, that there was to be one king in the +country, not half-a-dozen. No one can deny that they triumphed +only by means of cruelty and injustice, and that their motives were +selfish. But when it is considered how greatly the nation benefited, +and when the fate of countries like Poland where the work was +never carried out is remembered, it seems ungrateful to abuse the +kings who did so much for their country at the cost of their +reputation.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Buckingham was executed in 1521 and his son was ruined<a id='r58'></a><a href='#f58' class='c016'><sup>[58]</sup></a>; +Montague and Abergavenny were thrown into prison<a id='r59'></a><a href='#f59' class='c016'><sup>[59]</sup></a> and made to +pay heavy fines. The reason was simply that they were powerful +enough to be dangerous, and Henry was powerful enough to crush +them.</p> + +<p class='c008'>So far the King had acted from the old motives and guarded +against the old dangers; with the divorce of Katherine new factors +came into play. The Pole family was devoted to the Queen, and +would in any case have opposed the divorce. In addition to this +motive the Countess was a very devout woman and had brought up +her sons to be pillars of the Church<a id='r60'></a><a href='#f60' class='c016'><sup>[60]</sup></a>. In 1532 Reginald Pole with +some difficulty obtained leave to go abroad, to escape acquiescence in +the divorce.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Reginald Pole was a man of quiet, amiable and studious disposition. +He had been educated at the King’s expense, and was +genuinely fond of his patron. There seems to be little doubt that if +<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>he had been left alone he would have been content to live peacefully +in Italy with his friends and his studies. There he could have +deplored the misfortunes of his country without attempting to +remedy them by any more dangerous means than the vague, ineffectual +plots at which legitimists always excel. But he was shaken +out of his tranquillity by Henry himself. Early in 1535 Starkey, the +King’s chaplain, who was a friend of Pole’s, sent him a royal command +to state in writing his opinion on the royal title of Supreme Head of +the Church of England. Henry wished to force Pole to take up +a definite position. If he was friendly he might be useful; if hostile, +he was dangerous, and the King was determined to know how to +regard him. Pole was at first reluctant to undertake the task, but +once he embarked on it he worked hard, and indulged to the full in +the dangerous satisfaction of giving the King a piece of his mind. +The book “De Unitate Ecclesiastica” was finished by the end of the +year, but it was not despatched until Pole received the news of Anne +Boleyn’s fall. Then, imagining, that the King might now be induced +to change his policy, he sent it to England, at the end of May 1536, +by the hands of his trusted servant Michael Throgmorton. It was, +as its name implies, a vigorous defence of the one and indivisible +Catholic Church under one supreme head, the Pope. The language +of the book does not exceed the bounds of controversy as then +observed; though, considering the King’s figure, the comparison +between Henry and an unclean barrel was rather tactless. But Pole +stated with perfect frankness his very strong disapproval of the +King’s proceedings. From that time forth there was no hope that +Henry would ever be reconciled to his kinsman<a id='r61'></a><a href='#f61' class='c016'><sup>[61]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The interest of the book to a modern reader lies in its revelation +of Pole’s point of view. He had an essentially medieval mind; +throughout his writings he assumes the political ideal of the middle +ages, which pictured the Pope and the Emperor as the spiritual and +secular heads of Europe. If any lesser king withdrew his allegiance +from the Pope it was the Emperor’s duty to make him return to +the fold. Hence it was the obvious duty of Charles V to reduce +Henry to obedience. It never seems to have occurred to Pole that +any life which there might once have been in this theory was now +extinguished, and that the condition of affairs in medieval Europe +had passed away for ever. After Katherine’s death Charles had no +more justification for invading England simply because he disapproved +of the English government than England had for invading France +<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>because she disapproved of Napoleon. Besides, what with Francis I, +the Turks and the German Reformers, Charles had so many embarrassments +that it was in the highest degree improbable he would +ever be free to attempt the subjugation of England. But Pole was +blind to all this, and he and his English friends continued to put +their trust in foreign princes with disastrous consequences to themselves.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Pole had written his book at the King’s express request, stating +his opinions quite honestly; he believed his country was going to +perdition, and that a patriot’s only hope lay in force. From the point +of view of the English government the book was certainly treasonable. +It clearly and expressly urged all Englishmen to take up arms against +the King, and exhorted two foreign princes to invade the country +and help the rebels. Pole, however, was very careful that the +manuscript should not be copied or printed, and its contents were +only known to three or four of his friends<a id='r62'></a><a href='#f62' class='c016'><sup>[62]</sup></a>. It is unnecessary to +describe the King’s anger on receiving the book, or the letters of +remonstrance which he forced the Countess of Salisbury and Lord +Montague to write to the offending author. He himself dissembled +his anger, and summoned Pole to return home and there confer with +wise men on the subject, about which he was misinformed. Pole was +too prudent to accept this royal invitation<a id='r63'></a><a href='#f63' class='c016'><sup>[63]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The policy of the White Rose party is embodied in “De Unitate.” +The plan at the root of all their scheming was that Charles V +should invade England, marry Mary to Reginald Pole<a id='r64'></a><a href='#f64' class='c016'><sup>[64]</sup></a>, force Henry +to acknowledge Katherine, and establish a sort of regency, leaving +Henry only the title of King. There were two serious flaws in this +scheme. First, the conspirators overlooked the fact that an invasion +was sure to cause a violent reaction in favour of Henry, who was at +least an Englishman: they were, indeed, hopelessly out of touch +with the feeling of the nation at large. Secondly, nothing was more +unlikely than that Charles would consent to a marriage between +Mary and Pole, for he regarded her as his property and would be +sure, if he had the opportunity, to bestow her hand on some dependant +of his own. Ruling, as he did, over so many different countries, +he could not realise how strong national feeling was in such an +isolated kingdom as England, and how desirable therefore an English +husband would be for Mary, if she was ever to become Queen.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>Thus the White Rose party was following quite the wrong path, +intent on will-o’-the-wisp hopes of the Emperor’s help when they +should have turned to the mass of the nation for assistance. After +Katherine’s death the prospect that Charles would interfere in +English politics was very distant. King Henry did not “wear yellow +for mourning” for nothing<a id='r65'></a><a href='#f65' class='c016'><sup>[65]</sup></a>. But Exeter and the Poles looked only +to the Emperor, and while they did this Henry had little to fear from +them. Other members of the party saw their mistake after a while. +First among these was Lord Darcy.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Thomas, Lord Darcy, was the son of Sir William Darcy by his +wife Euphemia, daughter to Sir John Langton<a id='r66'></a><a href='#f66' class='c016'><sup>[66]</sup></a>. On his father’s +death (1488) he came into the lands in Lincolnshire which had +belonged to the Darcys since Doomsday Book was compiled, and also +those lands in Yorkshire, including the family seat of Templehurst, +which had come to the family by marriage in the reign of Edward III. +He was already over twenty-one and had probably married Dousabella<a id='r67'></a><a href='#f67' class='c016'><sup>[67]</sup></a>, +daughter to Sir Richard Tempest of the Dale, who was +the mother of his four sons, George, Richard, William and Arthur. +Darcy was raised to the peerage in 1505. In the same year he was +made steward of the lands of the young Earl of Westmorland. +This young man became Earl in 1523. The Earl’s character has +left few traces upon history. Norfolk described him as “of such +heat and hastiness of nature as to be unmeet” to hold the office of +Warden of the Marches<a id='r68'></a><a href='#f68' class='c016'><sup>[68]</sup></a>. He was connected with the White Rose +party by his marriage with Katherine, daughter to the unfortunate +Duke of Buckingham. His mother was Edith, sister to William, +Lord Sandes.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy’s great influence in the north was in part owing to this +connection with the Nevilles which was strengthened by his second +marriage, to Lady Neville, the young Earl’s mother. Darcy held +various offices of trust on the Borders during the reign of Henry VII. +The King kept a watchful eye on his powerful servant, and in +1496 he was indicted at Quarter Sessions in the West Riding +for giving various people his badge, “a token or livery called the +Buck’s Head.” However, Henry by his well-known system of +compensation created him Deputy Warden of the East and Middle +Marches (16 Dec., 1498) and later Warden of the East Marches +<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>(1 Sept., 1505). On the accession of Henry VIII his offices were +confirmed to him<a id='r69'></a><a href='#f69' class='c016'><sup>[69]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Early in the new reign occurred the strangest adventure of +Darcy’s life—his expedition to Spain. Ferdinand had asked his son-in-law +for the aid of 1500 English archers in his war against the +Moors. Darcy at his own request was appointed leader of this force. +The troops were mustered on 29 March, 1511. The expedition, +consisting of five companies of 250 men each, sailed from Plymouth +in May and arrived at Cadiz on 1 June. There was in Darcy +something of the spirit of his crusading ancestors; but the time for +a crusade had passed. The English were unruly and quarrelled with +the Spaniards so much that Ferdinand was only too glad to seize the +excuse of a truce with the Moors to pack them off home again. +They were in Spain little more than a fortnight, and on 17 June reembarked +without having loosed a shaft against the enemy. Darcy +was bitterly disappointed and to add to his troubles the voyage home +was long and stormy: on 3 August they had only reached St Vincent +and he was obliged to spend large sums on victualling the ships and +paying his men. His life-long friend, Sir Robert Constable, was one +of the five captains under him who shared the humiliation and +expense of it all. Such an experience might have made him shun +all further dealings with Spain, but on his return to England the +Spanish ambassador dealt liberally with him in the matter of money +and overcame his resentment. The archers who went out to fight +for a Christian prince against the Moors wore as their badge a +curious device called the “Five Wounds of Christ.”<a id='r70'></a><a href='#f70' class='c016'><sup>[70]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy took no part in the war with Scotland in 1513. He was +not on the glorious field of Flodden, where the future Duke of +Norfolk, then Lord Admiral, won such fame that for long years he +was beloved through all the north. Darcy had gone with the King +to France, where at the siege of Terouanne some accident caused the +rupture from which he suffered for the rest of his life. He returned +to the strenuous work of governing the Borders, of which more will +be said hereafter. During the period of Cardinal Wolsey’s power, +Darcy was on good terms with him; but in July 1529 he drew up an +indictment of the falling favourite. This, in the form of articles, +was signed by the Peers in Parliament, on 1 Dec. of the same year. +Exactly how much discredit attaches to him for thus acting against +a man for whom he had long professed friendship, must be decided +by others. The case against Darcy is made rather worse by the fact +<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>that he was at first ready to forward the divorce of Katherine of +Arragon. He signed the Memorial of the Lords to Clement VII, +and even appeared as a witness at the Queen’s trial, although he had +no evidence of any importance to give. On the other hand, he must +have disapproved of Wolsey’s policy for some time, and the tie +between the two men never seems to have been very close. Like +others he was slow to realise the lengths to which Henry was +prepared to go in order to get what he wanted. He did not foresee +that Wolsey’s policy might lead to a policy of still more daring +innovation. But when the situation was plain to him he fully +declared himself. In January 1532 Norfolk made an appeal to a +private meeting of persons of importance to defend the Royal +Prerogative against foreign interference, with the suggestion that +matrimonial causes, i.e. the divorce of Katherine, ought to be considered +a matter of temporal jurisdiction. Darcy answered. In his +speech he maintained that such causes were undoubtedly spiritual, +and therefore the Pope was the supreme judge in them. He further +insinuated that the King’s Council were trying to escape the +responsibility of deciding on a course of action by dragging others +into the matter<a id='r71'></a><a href='#f71' class='c016'><sup>[71]</sup></a>. He also addressed the Lords on the fitness of +parliament to deal with matters touching the Faith, but the date +and purport of this declaration are uncertain<a id='r72'></a><a href='#f72' class='c016'><sup>[72]</sup></a>. The result of his +boldness was that he was informed that his presence was not +required at the succeeding sessions<a id='r73'></a><a href='#f73' class='c016'><sup>[73]</sup></a> of the parliament.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Nevertheless he was not allowed to return to the north, but was +kept in London, much against his will, from the winter of 1529<a id='r74'></a><a href='#f74' class='c016'><sup>[74]</sup></a> till +at least as late as July 1535. The King would have been well +advised to remember the proverb about idle hands. Darcy, the +statesman and warrior, was kept some five years with nothing to do +but brood over the changes which were taking place around him, and +over the violation of his deepest and most honourable feelings. +Cromwell and the King might have foreseen the result. Darcy had +a strong sentiment of personal loyalty to the King; he could not +bear it to be thought that “Old Tom had one traitor’s tooth in his +head.” But as an honest man and a good Christian he felt he could +not stand by and see the Queen and her daughter dishonoured, the +Church destroyed, and the land brought under an absolute despotism, +without making an effort to save them. The doctrine of the +responsibility of the minister salved his conscience; it was easy to +<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>believe that if only Cromwell could be removed, Henry would turn +back from the strange and dangerous road along which he was being +led.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy was on intimate terms with Lord Hussey, a member of one +of the new official families which sprang up so plentifully under the +Tudors. Sir William Hussey, father to John, Lord Hussey, was Lord +Chief Justice of the King’s Bench in 17 Edward IV<a id='r75'></a><a href='#f75' class='c016'><sup>[75]</sup></a>; his parents +are unknown. John Hussey assisted in putting down Lovell’s +Rebellion in 1486, and obtained a footing at Court. He was partner +to the exactions of Empson and Dudley, and on the accession of +Henry VIII was obliged to obtain a pardon, but he did not lose +favour with the King. He received large grants of land in Lincolnshire, +where his seat was at Sleaford<a id='r76'></a><a href='#f76' class='c016'><sup>[76]</sup></a>; there he was unpopular with +his neighbours, who accused him of arrogance and ostentation<a id='r77'></a><a href='#f77' class='c016'><sup>[77]</sup></a>. He +served in France in 1513, and was employed on diplomatic missions +until in 1529 he was summoned to the House of Lords as Baron +Hussey of Sleaford. Through the whole of his career he had been +a loyal and unquestioning supporter of the government as it was. +His promotion was probably due to the King’s desire to strengthen +his party in the House of Lords. He did what was required of him; +he signed the document requesting the Pope to sanction the divorce +of Katherine, and gave evidence for the King at the Queen’s trial. +But Darcy, who was really opposed to the divorce, had done as much +as this. There is no doubt, however, that Henry believed Hussey to +be a man whom he could safely trust, for in 1533 he was appointed +chamberlain to the King’s daughter Mary, who had just been declared +illegitimate<a id='r78'></a><a href='#f78' class='c016'><sup>[78]</sup></a>. It was to his tender care she was confided for the time +of insult and desolation her father had in store for her. Unfortunately +for Hussey a warm friendship sprang up between Mary and his wife +Lady Anne, the daughter of George Grey, Earl of Kent<a id='r79'></a><a href='#f79' class='c016'><sup>[79]</sup></a>. Hussey +himself, though fairly hard-hearted, seems to have been touched +by the sufferings of his helpless charge. It must have been this +sympathy which drew him into communication with the White Rose +party.</p> + +<p class='c008'>About midsummer 1534 Darcy dined with Hussey at his London +house, and his old friend Sir Robert Constable was there as well. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>They talked of a sermon preached by Sir Francis Bigod’s priest; +Bigod was a young man of great lands in the north, who inclined to +the New Learning; his father had been among Darcy’s friends. In +the sermon under discussion the chaplain had “likened our Lady +to a pudding when the meat was out.” Not unnaturally shocked by +such an expression, they all declared they would be “none heretics” +but die Christian men. There by Hussey’s account the matter +ended; but in September of the same year he was in communication +with the Imperial ambassador<a id='r80'></a><a href='#f80' class='c016'><sup>[80]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Hitherto one of the King’s most unfaltering supporters, Hussey +at this time unquestionably indulged in treasonable practices. All +the disaffected nobles carried on secret correspondence with Chapuys, +and Hussey among the rest begged him to urge the Emperor to +invade England<a id='r81'></a><a href='#f81' class='c016'><sup>[81]</sup></a>, where everyone was ready to welcome him. Chapuys’ +correspondence reveals the fact that the nobles, at least, were at that +time thoroughly out of sympathy with the King’s policy. Sir Geoffrey +Pole, the younger brother of Lord Montague and Reginald, was +anxious to leave England, and offered to enter the Emperor’s service +in Spain. He gave up the plan when Chapuys pointed out that he +would leave his friends in the greatest danger; they were already +regarded with enough suspicion<a id='r82'></a><a href='#f82' class='c016'><sup>[82]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Meanwhile Darcy was making every effort to obtain permission to +quit the Court and go home<a id='r83'></a><a href='#f83' class='c016'><sup>[83]</sup></a>. But this was steadily refused. In +July (1534) he was upon the jury of peers which acquitted Lord +Dacre from a charge of high treason<a id='r84'></a><a href='#f84' class='c016'><sup>[84]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In September he was the most considerable of all the peers who +were secretly urging on Charles V an invasion of England<a id='r85'></a><a href='#f85' class='c016'><sup>[85]</sup></a>. This +is the most indefensible part of Darcy’s conduct. To attempt to +change the policy of the government, even by force if no other way +is possible, may be justifiable. But it was very different to invite +a foreign prince to invade England, and it was a pity that Darcy +was so much swayed by the prevailing policy of the White Rose +party as to consent to the scheme. Doubtless the excuse he +would have offered was the position of Katherine and Mary. +They were helpless in the King’s hands. They were inconvenient +to him, and people who inconvenienced Henry seldom lived +long. A national rising would only add to the danger of their +situation; but if Charles joined the rebels the Princesses would at +<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>worst be held as hostages while a sudden raid might snatch them +from Henry’s grasp<a id='r86'></a><a href='#f86' class='c016'><sup>[86]</sup></a>. With this object Darcy requested Charles to +send a small force to the mouth of the Thames, for Mary was at +Greenwich. Katherine at Kimbolton was so much further from the +Court that the rebels might hope to rescue her themselves. For the +rest, the old lord only asked the Emperor to come to some understanding +with the King of Scots, and to send to the North some +money, which was very scarce there, and a small number of arquebus +men<a id='r87'></a><a href='#f87' class='c016'><sup>[87]</sup></a>. Both he and Hussey believed the discontent to be so widespread +that a national rising would soon effect all that was required +without any further assistance from abroad. But Charles was too +busy to send even this slight aid. He instructed his ambassador +to hold out vague hopes to the White Rose party and to do nothing<a id='r88'></a><a href='#f88' class='c016'><sup>[88]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>For some time this policy succeeded. There was much passing +up and down of messages and tokens, and nothing at all was done. +Darcy gave Chapuys “a gold pansy, well enamelled” during the +autumn. The pansy was the badge of the Poles and was to prove +a sign of doom to that unhappy house. At Christmas he presented +him with a handsome sword, which Chapuys supposed to indicate +indirectly that the times were ripe “pour jouer des couteaulx.” His +brother-in-law, the brave Lord Sandes, sent expressions of sympathy; +and even the Earl of Northumberland, who was believed to be the +most loyal of the nobles, sent his physician to Chapuys to assure him +that the King was on the brink of ruin<a id='r89'></a><a href='#f89' class='c016'><sup>[89]</sup></a>. But time wore on; winter +drew to spring and spring to summer—the bloody spring and summer +of the executions under the Supremacy Act<a id='r90'></a><a href='#f90' class='c016'><sup>[90]</sup></a>. The Carthusians fell, +Sir Thomas More and the gentle Fisher. Still Darcy was detained +in London. Nor was he suspected without good reason, for he had +long since told Chapuys that once back in the north he would +secretly prepare for a general rising. In May he sent an elderly +relative of his<a id='r91'></a><a href='#f91' class='c016'><sup>[91]</sup></a> to the Imperial ambassador, whom the latter described +quaintly as “of more virtue and zeal than appears externally.” This +man proposed to go in person to the Emperor to discover whether he +really meant to send help, for if he was only deluding the English +they were determined to act for themselves. Chapuys warned him +that he would bring Darcy into danger, but he replied that once +his master was in the north he would not care a button for any +suspicions<a id='r92'></a><a href='#f92' class='c016'><sup>[92]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>Hussey, who was still trusted by the government, was at his house +in Sleaford about midsummer 1535. A Yorkshire gentleman, Thomas +Rycard, came to visit him. He found Hussey walking in his garden, +and they talked about the spread of heresy in Yorkshire. Rycard +said that as yet there was little of it, “except a few particular +persons who carried in their bosoms certain books.” He prayed that +the nobles might “put the King’s Grace in rememberance for +reformation thereof.” Hussey answered that there was no hope of +their suppression unless the two counties, Yorkshire and Lincolnshire +acted together, and he himself thought it would be necessary to fight +for the Faith<a id='r93'></a><a href='#f93' class='c016'><sup>[93]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In July (1535) Chapuys reported that he had seen Darcy’s cousin +again, and that “the good old lord” (his by-name among the +Imperialist party) was about to go home at last<a id='r94'></a><a href='#f94' class='c016'><sup>[94]</sup></a>. It appears from +a letter to Cromwell, dated at Templehurst, that he was at home by +13 Nov. The year date is not given but it must have been 1535<a id='r95'></a><a href='#f95' class='c016'><sup>[95]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is not necessary to describe the character of “Old Tom” at +length, for it stands out from the records so vividly that more than +any of his contemporaries he seems a living man; we learn to know +his out-spokenness, his grim humour, his high sense of honour at a +time when the very meaning of honour was almost forgotten. It was +a very cruel fate which placed him in an age when it was impossible +to live according to his motto, “One God, One King, One Faith.” +From the day on which Darcy rode north there was something +stirring in the land far more serious than any court intrigue, or +any wild scheme of the Emperor’s interference.</p> + +<p class='c008'>To do the White Rose party justice they were less concerned +with hopes of their own advancement than with anxiety for Katherine +and Mary. On 6 Nov. 1535, Chapuys wrote to the Emperor: “The +Marchioness of Exeter has sent to inform me that the King has +lately said to some of his most confidential councillors that he would +not longer remain in the trouble, fear and suspense he had so long +endured on account of the Queen and the Princess, and that they +should see at the coming Parliament, to get him released therefrom, +swearing most obstinately that he would wait no longer. The +Marchioness declares that this is as true as the Gospel, and begs me +to inform your Majesty and pray you to have pity upon the ladies.”<a id='r96'></a><a href='#f96' class='c016'><sup>[96]</sup></a> +A few days later he related the sequel: “The personage who informed +me of what I wrote to your Majesty on the 6th about the Queen and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>Princess<a id='r97'></a><a href='#f97' class='c016'><sup>[97]</sup></a>—came yesterday to this city (London) in disguise to +confirm what she had sent to me to say, and conjure me to warn +your Majesty, and beg you most urgently to see a remedy. She +added that the King, seeing some of those to whom he used this +language shed tears, said that tears and wry faces were of no avail, +because even if he lost his crown he would not forbear to carry his +purpose into effect.”<a id='r98'></a><a href='#f98' class='c016'><sup>[98]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It is evident that Henry had purposely alarmed and distressed +some of Katherine’s friends by threats of an outrage which even +he could scarcely have ventured to commit. Was the Marquis of +Exeter himself one of the councillors who wept? Someone must +have told the Marchioness about the King’s threats of getting rid +of the Queen and Princess, either her husband or another of the +confidential councillors. And she herself, if not her informant, was +deliberately communicating the “secrets of the realm of England” +to a foreign power. If the King knew this he was quite justified in +regarding the Courtenays with suspicion and expelling the Marquis +from the Council. The Marchioness acted treasonably, though she +did only what any good woman would have done under the circumstances. +But Henry could not be expected to see that. Katherine +soon gave her friends no more care, for she died in January 1536. +In the same month Henry’s long parliament met for its last session, +that in which the Act for the Suppression of the Lesser Monasteries +was to be passed.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Lord Hussey begged to be excused attendance, pleading ill-health, +but really, in all probability, because he knew it would be expected +to pass acts against the Church. He came joyfully to the new +parliament in June, assembled on the fall of Anne Boleyn. Mary +was now safe and would probably be restored to the succession; and, +on the fall of the late queen, it was universally hoped that a reaction +would take place in ecclesiastical matters. Here Hussey’s inclination +to treason seems to have ended, and his after connection with the +rebellion appears to have been sheer bad luck. Or perhaps his +wife, an ardent rebel, is to be blamed. She came up with him to +London, and at Whitsuntide went to visit her former mistress, the +Lady Mary, with whom she had exchanged tokens from time to time +since they parted. While she was with the disowned princess on +Whit Monday (5 June) she was overheard to call for a drink for “the +Princess,” and on Tuesday she said “the Princess” had gone walking<a id='r99'></a><a href='#f99' class='c016'><sup>[99]</sup></a>. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>As Mary’s only legal title was “the Lady Mary,” Lady Hussey was +arrested and sent to the Tower<a id='r100'></a><a href='#f100' class='c016'><sup>[100]</sup></a>. The charge must have been that +“the Princess” meant the Princess of Wales; Mary never was created +Princess of Wales, but the title was sometimes informally given to +her before 1529. In England the daughters of Kings were not +called “princesses” until later times. Chapuys, writing on the first +of July, said that the real reason of her imprisonment was the +King’s suspicion that she had encouraged Mary in her refusal to +acknowledge the Acts of Supremacy and the Succession. When he +heard that Mary had refused “he made the most strict inquiries, and +the Chancellor and Cromwell visited certain ladies at their houses, +who, with others, were called before the Council and compelled to +swear to the statutes; one of them, the wife of her chamberlain +(Lady Hussey), a lady of great house, and one of the most virtuous +in England, was taken to the Tower, where she is at present.”<a id='r101'></a><a href='#f101' class='c016'><sup>[101]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The question naturally arises, how much did Lady Hussey know +of all that was brewing in the North, and what did she tell Mary? +But it can never be answered, though it is certain that whatever her +husband’s views Lady Hussey was strongly in sympathy with the +rebels. Mary’s refusal to subscribe to the Acts caused an immense +sensation at Court. The King was furious and swore in a passion +that she should suffer the extreme penalty. Exeter and Fitzwilliam +were excluded from the Council, because they were suspected of +sympathy for her. Even Cromwell was not safe, for since Anne’s fall +he had been bidding for Mary’s goodwill, in anticipation of her +return to Henry’s favour. Chapuys assured Mary that she was in +immediate danger<a id='r102'></a><a href='#f102' class='c016'><sup>[102]</sup></a>, and that any oath she took under the circumstances +would not be binding. Much against her will she yielded to +his entreaties, and signed the form her father sent her, without +reading it. The result was an almost immediate return to her +father’s favour and she consented to dissemble in future, whenever it +was necessary<a id='r103'></a><a href='#f103' class='c016'><sup>[103]</sup></a>. Lady Hussey remained in the Tower throughout +July, and her health suffered from the confinement<a id='r104'></a><a href='#f104' class='c016'><sup>[104]</sup></a>. On 3 August +she was examined<a id='r105'></a><a href='#f105' class='c016'><sup>[105]</sup></a>, and by the beginning of October she had been +released and had gone home to Sleaford<a id='r106'></a><a href='#f106' class='c016'><sup>[106]</sup></a>.</p> + +<div> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span> + <h3 class='c017'>NOTES TO CHAPTER II</h3> +</div> + +<p class='c018'>Note A. Although Pole was created a Cardinal in 1536, he was not ordained +until 1556, after Mary’s marriage with Philip of Spain.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note B. The Dictionary of National Biography makes Edith his first wife +and Dousabella his second, but see Letters and Papers <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2) Index under +Darcy, Dousabella and Edith.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note C. He was possibly Dr Marmaduke Walby, a prebendary of Carlisle, +who was closely connected with Sir Robert Constable. After the rebellion had +broken out, Darcy proposed to send Walby to the Netherlands for help, because +he knew the Imperial ambassador<a id='r107'></a><a href='#f107' class='c016'><sup>[107]</sup></a>. From this it seems probable that Walby +had communicated with the ambassador on the present occasion.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note D. The cautious language is characteristic of the Chapuys correspondence. +The ambassador never mentioned a name when a substitute was to +be had. “He of whom I told you” is a very common phrase; Darcy is almost +invariably “the good old lord.” This may show that Chapuys feared his letters +might fall into the wrong hands, or it may be merely a diplomatic habit. Letters +of such vital importance must have been sent by the most reliable messengers, +but there was always a risk of miscarriage. Yet if they were discovered it does +not seem likely that the thin veil of anonymity could have saved those who were +compromised.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER III<br> <span class='c004'>AFFINITY AND CONFEDERACY</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>Between the nobles of the Court and the husbandmen in the +fields stood that great and influential class “the gentlemen.” On it +the Tudor government in the main depended. The gentlemen had +no more sympathy with the out-of-date dynastic dreams of the +White Rose party than with the economic grievances of the commons, +but they had their own grudges against the government. They +were hard-worked, and gained little thanks, as Henry went on the +truly royal principle that it was honour enough to be allowed to +serve him. They were worried by clumsy legislation, such as the +Statute of Uses; they were angry at the interference with the +House of Commons; and their better nature was outraged by the +suppression of the monasteries founded by their ancestors, of which +they were themselves the pupils and patrons. But the guiding +principle of the country gentlemen was their devotion to landed +property. They hated rebellion, because, sooner or later, it was +followed by confiscation of property. They feared a rising of the +lower classes because it endangered their property, even when it was +not originally directed against themselves. The German peasants +in 1524–5 had risen against the monasteries and the Church; but +out of that movement had developed a bloody civil war between the +rich and the poor. If fear of loss deterred the English gentlemen +from opposing the government, no less did hope of gain. When they +realised that the dissolution of the monasteries meant a general +scramble for more property, most of them forgot their religious +scruples; but this realisation did not come all at once.</p> + +<p class='c008'>So much can safely be said, but there is very little evidence as to +the discontent among the gentlemen. It is possible to discover the +attitude of the discontented nobles from the letters of Chapuys, +which often give us a delightful feeling of eavesdropping across four +centuries. Nor is there any doubt as to the feelings of the commons—scores +<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>of informers bear witness to their disaffection. But there +is no key to the confidence of the gentlemen. They were more +cautious than the labourers, less easily watched than the nobles. +Their private opinions were known only to their friends, who would +not, of course, inform against them. In the few cases (all after the +rising) when gentleman did inform against gentleman, there was +generally a feud of some standing between them. We are reduced +to arguing backward, as Henry did. The gentlemen, especially in +Yorkshire, were the leaders of the Pilgrimage of Grace. We cannot +really accept their own subsequent explanation that they acted +against their will in fear of their own tenants. There is abundant +evidence that risings of the commons alone were very easily put +down.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In this chapter we attempt to sketch the histories of half-a-dozen +northern families of gentle or noble blood, in order to give some idea +of the state of the north at the time and to outline the lives and +antecedents of the leaders of the rebellion.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Local government in Henry VIII’s reign depended to a great +extent on the peers. Each nobleman was responsible for the +behaviour of his own district or “country” as it was called; under +his supervision the gentlemen kept order, each on his own lands. +The lord’s private friendships, feuds and marriages had a widespread +influence on the lives of all whom he ruled. North of Trent the +gentlemen naturally grouped themselves into three clans round the +three great houses of Clifford, Percy, and Neville, the heads of which +were respectively the earls of Cumberland, Northumberland, and +Westmorland. It is necessary to know something of genealogy in +order to understand the history of a period when marriages were +arranged to suit family politics rather than the inclination of the +parties, and consequently a man was born to an hereditary friendship +with one family, a feud with another, and perhaps depended on a +third for all hope of advancement.</p> + +<p class='c008'>All the noblemen of the northern counties took part in the +strenuous task of governing the Borders. The border counties, +Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland and the Bishopric of +Durham, formed a district totally different from the rest of England. +Scotland was a troublesome neighbour, and the men of these counties +were a hardy race, famed for their soldier-like qualities and especially +for their skill as scouts and skirmishers. Then again these counties +were exempted from taxation on account of the Scots’ ravages and +their own special burdens of defence. Finally a state of lawlessness +<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>frequently prevailed, which in peaceful times never even threatened +the south. The Wardens of the Marches were usually noblemen such +as Lord Darcy, Lord Dacre, and the Earl of Northumberland. The +power entrusted to them was regarded with much suspicion by the +King, while it was quite insufficient to maintain order. As early as +1522 a secret council, under the presidency of a royal lieutenant, was +organised on the Borders. In 1525 it was re-organised and placed +under the presidency of Henry’s natural son the Duke of Richmond<a id='r108'></a><a href='#f108' class='c016'><sup>[108]</sup></a>. +The powers of the Council naturally roused much opposition in the +north. Among Lord Darcy’s papers there is a draft of a petition +complaining of its authority. The petitioners protested their loyalty, +and declared their willingness to prove it against any insinuations. +Seeing that they were so loyal, and that the country was quiet, with +no rufflings as in the days of King Henry and King Edward, “but +both the titles and all lovings to God (joined) in your Grace,” the +petitioners begged they might be left under the ordinary jurisdiction +of the Westminster Courts, which extended all over the kingdom +except in the county palatine of Durham, instead of being at the +mercy of the members of the Council, who might call any man +before them on the slightest pretext. They complained that so long +as things went well the Council alone was praised, and if affairs went +badly, wheresoever the fault might be, the whole blame was laid on +the gentlemen. Moreover, the petition continued, the Council was +composed of spiritual men, who were not fit to judge murders and +felonies, suppress sedition, or see to the defence of the realm, “and +as great clerks report, there is no manner of state within this your +realm that hath more need of reformation, nor to be put under good +government, than the spiritual men.” If this were true, it was not +meet that they should rule under the commission they now possessed +“for surely they and other spiritual men be sore moved against all +temporal men.” The petition ends with protestations of loyalty, +after which Darcy wrote in a note that the like commission had been +tried by “my Lady the King’s grandam,” and proved greatly to the +King’s disadvantage in stopping the lawful processes at Westminster +Hall. From this petition it appears that Darcy, and probably other +northern gentlemen, was ready to make use of the King’s anti-clerical +policy for his own ends, arguing, perhaps, that though he was as +loyal a son of the Church as any man, yet priests ought not to meddle +in secular matters<a id='r109'></a><a href='#f109' class='c016'><sup>[109]</sup></a>. This draft was drawn up in the year 1529, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>before any of the acts aimed at the clergy had been passed, and +before Darcy himself had chosen his side in the struggle between +King and Pope. It was probably never presented.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Some such body as the Council of the North was absolutely +necessary if any approach to law and order was to be maintained on +the Borders. In proof of this it is only necessary to describe one +case out of a dozen. Humphry Lisle, whose father Sir William +Lisle of Felton, had led a brief but crowded career as a freebooter in +1527–8, was run down and condemned to death with his father and +most of their band in 1528, when he was only thirteen. He subsequently +confessed that he had assisted in an attack on Newcastle +gaol, by which nine persons were liberated; that he had taken part in +four cattle raids, the burning and spoiling of five farms and villages, +and four highway robberies; that he had helped to capture a number +of prisoners to be held to ransom, and had been present at the murder +of a priest<a id='r110'></a><a href='#f110' class='c016'><sup>[110]</sup></a>. His life was spared by the Earl of Northumberland, +who had captured and hanged his father, but Humphry was sent to +the Tower. In 1532 he was back on the Borders and a knight, but +almost immediately afterwards he was outlawed and fled to Scotland<a id='r111'></a><a href='#f111' class='c016'><sup>[111]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Careers of this sort being rather the rule than the exception on +the Borders, the office of Warden of the Marches called for a strong +man. But one could seldom be found, and the quarrels of the +northern nobles among themselves embroiled matters still further. +The divisions of the house of Percy, for instance, caused infinite +trouble. The fifth Earl of Northumberland, surnamed the Magnificent, +died in 1527, leaving numerous large debts. He had three +sons by his wife Katherine, daughter and heiress of Sir Robert +Spencer<a id='r112'></a><a href='#f112' class='c016'><sup>[112]</sup></a>. The heir, Henry, born about 1503, was feeble in body +and, like all such men in that hurrying age, was constantly the +creature of those in power. From his earliest years he was either +led or bullied, first by his father and Cardinal Wolsey, in whose +household he was educated, later by Cromwell and Cromwell’s +dependent, Sir Reynold Carnaby. When Henry Percy was a page +in the Cardinal’s service the incident occurred by which he is best +known, his poor little love affair with Anne Boleyn. He seems to have +offered to marry her; but the King had already shown the maid of +honour favour. The Earl of Northumberland forbade his son to +<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>foster so dangerous a passion and hastened on his marriage with the +Lady Mary Talbot, daughter to the Earl of Shrewsbury<a id='r113'></a><a href='#f113' class='c016'><sup>[113]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1527 Henry Percy became Earl of Northumberland, and on +the fall of Cardinal Wolsey he was freed from the man who had +exercised most influence over him. It is characteristic of Cromwell’s +methods that he worked the Earl as he wished by means of the +young nobleman’s own favourite, Sir Reynold Carnaby<a id='r114'></a><a href='#f114' class='c016'><sup>[114]</sup></a>. While this +man retained his position the King could rely on Northumberland, +who was reputed to be one of the most loyal of the peers. He was at +one time in secret communication with Chapuys, but this was probably +a mere freak. Darcy described him as “very light and hasty” and not +to be trusted<a id='r115'></a><a href='#f115' class='c016'><sup>[115]</sup></a>. His loyalty seems to have sprung from abject fear +of Henry, and he probably would have been glad enough of the +King’s overthrow, though he would rather die than venture to assist +in it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Percy estates were rich, though burdened with debt, and the +castles were very strong. With them in his hands the King could +keep the north in subjection and even hope to abate the confusion +on the Borders. But if they were used against him by some capable +commander, such as the Earl’s brother, Sir Thomas Percy, the results +were sure to be serious; if foreign help were sent to the rebels, +perhaps fatal. Cromwell, with Sir Reynold Carnaby to forward his +plans, saw the chance of enriching the crown by the whole of the +Percy lands. The Earl’s life was uncertain; his marriage turned +out unhappily and there was no prospect of an heir; he was on bad +terms with his brother Sir Thomas, and Carnaby took care that +he should not forget the quarrel<a id='r116'></a><a href='#f116' class='c016'><sup>[116]</sup></a>. It was not surprising that the +brothers should disagree, for Sir Thomas had all the conspicuous +vices and virtues of his race, which were completely absent in the +invalid Earl. An instance of their constant disputes occurred in +1532, when the Earl appointed Lord Ogle Deputy Warden of the +Marches. Ogle was allied to Carnaby, and Sir Thomas together +with his younger brother, Sir Ingram Percy, refused to recognise his +authority and forbade their tenants to do so. Sir Thomas issued +proclamations declaring that he was the true Warden, and Lord +Ogle postponed his first Warden’s court for fear that the brothers +would break it up<a id='r117'></a><a href='#f117' class='c016'><sup>[117]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>Sir Thomas on his side complained that the Earl had not given +him the lands left to him in his father’s will until he was on the eve +of marriage<a id='r118'></a><a href='#f118' class='c016'><sup>[118]</sup></a>. His wife was Eleanor, daughter and co-heiress to +Harbottle of Beamish; by her he had two sons, Thomas and Henry, +and a daughter. Their home was generally at Prudhoe Castle on +the Tyne<a id='r119'></a><a href='#f119' class='c016'><sup>[119]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It does not appear that the breach between the brothers was +irreparable until about 1535, in which year the King gave the childless +Earl licence to appoint any one of the Percy name and blood heir +to all his lands<a id='r120'></a><a href='#f120' class='c016'><sup>[120]</sup></a>. But when Sir Thomas, his natural successor, was +proposed, the King raised objections<a id='r121'></a><a href='#f121' class='c016'><sup>[121]</sup></a>. The result was that in +February 1535 the Earl made the King his sole heir, and an Act of +Parliament was passed “concerning the assurance of the possessions +of the Earl of Northumberland to the King’s Highness and his +heirs<a id='r122'></a><a href='#f122' class='c016'><sup>[122]</sup></a>.” Nothing could have made the Earl more unpopular, and it +was probably this alienation of the family property rather than his +personal extravagance and inherited debts that earned him his +surname “the Unthrifty.”<a id='r123'></a><a href='#f123' class='c016'><sup>[123]</sup></a> Sir Thomas was provided for in the Act, +but he could hardly be grateful for a pension when he felt himself +heir by right to an earldom and the broadest lands in the north<a id='r124'></a><a href='#f124' class='c016'><sup>[124]</sup></a>. +No appeal was possible when the King gained by his loss. A petition +which he sent to Cromwell in July 1535 shows his helplessness. In +this he related how the lands at Corbridge so tardily allowed him, +which he “with great labour” had defended from the Scots, had now +been granted by his brother to Sir Reynold Carnaby. Sir Thomas +naturally refused to give them up, and went to remonstrate with his +brother in person. But he was not allowed even to see the Earl and +was rudely turned from his house. He concluded by begging that +Carnaby might be removed from the Earl’s service, as he was the +cause of his master’s quarrels with his wife, brothers and nearest +relatives<a id='r125'></a><a href='#f125' class='c016'><sup>[125]</sup></a>. Cromwell was not likely to remove Carnaby from the +place where he had been of so much use; and it was Cromwell and +Carnaby whom Sir Thomas secretly denounced as the authors of his +wrongs when he, with Sir Ingram, swore to be revenged on the +Earl’s favourite as “the destruction of all our blood.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Perhaps the most curious part of the whole matter is the Earl’s +hatred of his brother. The reason may lie in some long-forgotten +<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>offence, but as far as can be known there were wrongs on both sides +in their early quarrels. Sir Thomas was the more deeply injured +when his brother set aside his claim and that of his young sons to +inherit his lands; yet he seems to have felt a kind of personal +loyalty to the Earl as head of his house, while the Earl constantly +refused even to speak with his brother. Easily swayed in most +matters, he had all a weak man’s unreasoning obstinacy when driven +to desperation. To modern eyes he seems a pathetically frail figure; +but it was an age of strong men, and he inspired more curses than +pity then. Sir Thomas Percy was the darling of the people, always +sympathetic to the disinherited; he was the favourite of his mother, +the dowager countess, to whom he was much attached<a id='r126'></a><a href='#f126' class='c016'><sup>[126]</sup></a>; it was to +him rather than to the Earl that the helpless appealed in times +of trouble<a id='r127'></a><a href='#f127' class='c016'><sup>[127]</sup></a>. Like his father, the Magnificent Earl, he delighted +in gorgeous array and warlike adventures<a id='r128'></a><a href='#f128' class='c016'><sup>[128]</sup></a>; he was fearless and +honest as Hotspur himself. But he was as lawless as the Border +thieves who were often his followers and allies. Feuds were still +pursued with great earnestness in the north, but his methods were +rather out of date. On the first opportunity he followed the rude +old plan of spoiling his enemy’s goods, laying waste his lands, and +chasing him into his fastnesses with blood-curdling threats.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Whatever may be thought of the Percys’ habits, they were no worse +than those of the Cliffords, the staunch supporters of the government. +Henry Clifford, first Earl of Cumberland, was the son of Henry Lord +Clifford, the “Shepherd Lord,” by his wife Anne, daughter of Sir John +St John of Bletsoe. The future Earl was born in 1493, and brought +up with the sons of Henry VII. He married first Margaret, daughter +of the Earl of Shrewsbury, and second another Margaret, daughter of +the fifth Earl of Northumberland, the Magnificent Earl; his second +wife was the mother of his children. In disposition the Earl of +Cumberland resembled his grandfather “the Butcher”—the Black +Clifford of “Henry VI”—rather than his father, “the Shepherd.” +In his youth he was extravagant, and supplied his need of money by +robbery and violence<a id='r129'></a><a href='#f129' class='c016'><sup>[129]</sup></a>. After he succeeded his father, he followed +the same course of action. Several cases were brought against his +unruly servants in the Court of Star Chamber<a id='r130'></a><a href='#f130' class='c016'><sup>[130]</sup></a>. The Earl himself was +too great a man to be touched, and the local courts were powerless +<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>to supply any remedy for his aggressions. He was a hard landlord +and well hated in his own county, but he enjoyed the King’s +favour without interruption, and his son Henry, Lord Clifford, was +permitted to marry Eleanor the daughter of the Duke of Suffolk and +Mary Tudor, the King’s sister, a somewhat dangerous honour<a id='r131'></a><a href='#f131' class='c016'><sup>[131]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1534 the Earl of Cumberland accused Lord Dacre of high +treason, having seized his goods long before the trial. This was +merely the last move in a feud of some standing. Dacre was tried, +but acquitted<a id='r132'></a><a href='#f132' class='c016'><sup>[132]</sup></a>. He was the only nobleman acquitted on a charge of +high treason during Henry VIII’s reign; but he was heavily fined, +which was presumably all that the government wanted. It was, however, +rather shortsighted policy, for something between shame and +suspicion prevented the King from employing Dacre again. The Earl +of Cumberland succeeded him in his office of Warden of the Western +Marches, but he was hampered in the execution of his office both by +his personal unpopularity and by the embittered feud with the +Dacres and their allies among the Cumberland gentlemen. The +Cliffords were the most powerful family on the western borders after +the disgrace of the Dacres. The Earl’s brother, Sir Thomas Clifford, +was deputy captain of Berwick-upon-Tweed<a id='r133'></a><a href='#f133' class='c016'><sup>[133]</sup></a>; the Earl’s illegitimate +son Thomas Clifford held the same office in Carlisle<a id='r134'></a><a href='#f134' class='c016'><sup>[134]</sup></a>. If the younger +Percys were in league with the mosstroopers of North Tynedale, so were +the Cliffords with the broken men of Esk and Line<a id='r135'></a><a href='#f135' class='c016'><sup>[135]</sup></a>. The thieves of +the Borders were used for or against the King simply as the noblemen +who bought their services pleased. It is necessary to bear this in +mind in order to understand the position not only of the King but +also of his opponents.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Southward from the Borders lay the county of Durham, always +spoken of as “the Bishopric.” For centuries it had enjoyed the +privileges of a county palatine within which the Bishop reigned +supreme. But in 1535 all such extraordinary jurisdictions were +abolished, and Durham was reduced in many respects to the rank of +an ordinary shire<a id='r136'></a><a href='#f136' class='c016'><sup>[136]</sup></a>. Bishop Tunstall was not a man who could in any +circumstances have opposed such a King as Henry VIII. He was +timid, gentle and studious, and wins our affection by the quiet +persistence with which he refused to burn heretics. To their shame +be it said, his moderation irritated alike the Protestants and the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>Romanists. He seems to have taken the change in his estate with +perfect equanimity, but the abolition of the ancient palatinate was +resented by the people of Durham, who had been used to pride +themselves on their position as “haliwerfolk,” the people of the holy +man, St Cuthbert<a id='r137'></a><a href='#f137' class='c016'><sup>[137]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Hiltons and the Lumleys were the principal families in +Durham, and their influence extended to the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, +which, lying on the north bank of the Tyne, was a county +in itself. In the south of Durham the chief gentlemen were +Conyers of Hornby and Bowes of Streatlam near Barnard Castle +on the Tees.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Bowes family had acquired their estates by marriage with an +heiress of the house of Balliol early in the fourteenth century. After +the fall of Warwick the Kingmaker they became the chief family in +the neighbourhood. Old Sir Ralph Bowes, living in 1508, was sheriff +of Durham for twenty years. He married Margaret daughter of +Sir Richard Conyers; we are concerned with two of their large +family, Richard the fourth son who married Elizabeth daughter and +co-heiress of Roger Aske of Aske; and Robert, the third son, who +married Alice daughter of Sir James Metcalfe<a id='r138'></a><a href='#f138' class='c016'><sup>[138]</sup></a>. In 1511 Robert +Bowes was mentioned as a suitable bridegroom for Elizabeth Aske, +aged seven, if his brother Richard should die<a id='r139'></a><a href='#f139' class='c016'><sup>[139]</sup></a>. Failing the income +to be derived from marriage with an heiress, Robert became a +lawyer<a id='r140'></a><a href='#f140' class='c016'><sup>[140]</sup></a>, and no doubt made the acquaintance of Robert Aske, William +Stapleton, Thomas Moigne, and the other young lawyers who played +an important part in the rebellion. They were carrying on the +tradition of those lawyers of an earlier age, concerning whom it is +written:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“We see at Westminster a cluster of men which deserves more attention +than it receives from our unsympathetic, because legally uneducated historians. +No, the clergy were not the only learned men in England, the only cultivated +men, the only men of ideas. Vigorous intellectual effort was to be found outside +the monasteries and universities. These lawyers are worldly men, not men of +the sterile caste,—they marry and found families, some of which become as noble +as any in the land; but they are in their way learned, cultivated men, linguists, +logicians, tenacious disputants, true lovers of the nice case and the moot point. +They are gregarious, clubable men, grouping themselves in hospices, which +<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>become schools of law, multiplying manuscripts, arguing, learning and teaching, +the great mediators between life and logic, a reasoning, reasonable element in +the English nation.”<a id='r141'></a><a href='#f141' class='c016'><sup>[141]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The attitude of these men—intelligent, well-educated, unlikely +subjects for wild hopes and popular enthusiasms—is one of the most +striking features of the rebellion. Robert Bowes, though probably +one of the youngest, was not the least brilliant, while, unlike the +others, he came through safely and even with credit. Norfolk said +of him, “Bowes has no equal in the north both for law and war.”<a id='r142'></a><a href='#f142' class='c016'><sup>[142]</sup></a> +His appointment on the Council of the North after the rising was +the beginning of a long career in the government service, during +which he justified the Duke’s estimate.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the North Riding of Yorkshire the influence of the three +northern Earls was about equal.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Wilton, near the mouth of the Tees, was the seat of the Bulmers, +who were allied to all the neighbouring great families, the Hiltons, +the Evers, the Tempests. Sir William Bulmer of Wilton married +Margery daughter of Sir John Conyers, by whom he had three sons, +John, Ralph and William<a id='r143'></a><a href='#f143' class='c016'><sup>[143]</sup></a>. He was present at the battle of Flodden, +where he distinguished himself by attacking and routing with a +much inferior force the Scots troops under Lord Hume<a id='r144'></a><a href='#f144' class='c016'><sup>[144]</sup></a>. In November +1519 he was summoned before the Court of Star Chamber on a +charge of rioting, together with Sir William Conyers and others<a id='r145'></a><a href='#f145' class='c016'><sup>[145]</sup></a>. +The King presided in person at the trial, and was very much enraged +because it appeared from the evidence that Sir William Bulmer “being +the King’s servant sworn, refused the King’s service and became +servant to the Duke of Buckingham.” Henry exclaimed “that he +would none of his servants should hang on another man’s sleeve, and +that he was as well able to maintain him as the Duke of Buckingham; +and what might be thought by his departing, and what might be +supposed by the Duke’s retaining him, he would not then declare.... +The knight kneeled still on his knees crying the King’s mercy, and +never a nobleman there durst intreat for him, the King was so +highly displeased with him.”<a id='r146'></a><a href='#f146' class='c016'><sup>[146]</sup></a> Buckingham was as angry as the +King. He saw that he himself was in danger of imprisonment, and +he was afterwards accused of having sworn to stab the King to the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>heart if the order was given to commit him to the Tower<a id='r147'></a><a href='#f147' class='c016'><sup>[147]</sup></a>. Sir +William, however, was pardoned<a id='r148'></a><a href='#f148' class='c016'><sup>[148]</sup></a>, and in the following year his +son, Sir John Bulmer, served under the Earl of Surrey, afterwards +Duke of Norfolk, in Ireland<a id='r149'></a><a href='#f149' class='c016'><sup>[149]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On October 6, 1531, Sir William Bulmer made his will, a long, +elaborate document, full of tragic irony considering the later history +of the family. The gold chain weighing 100 pounds which was to +be an heirloom for the children of his eldest son must have disappeared +into the King’s coffers when that son was attainted; the +chantry of St Ellen where four poor bedesmen and one woman were +to pray for ever for the founder’s soul can only have stood a few +years. The supervisors of the will were “my especial good lord, my +lord of Westmorland, my lord Conyers, and my son Sir Thomas +Tempest.”<a id='r150'></a><a href='#f150' class='c016'><sup>[150]</sup></a> Westmorland had married the Duke of Buckingham’s +daughter<a id='r151'></a><a href='#f151' class='c016'><sup>[151]</sup></a>, and the Bulmers may have transferred their allegiance to +the Earl on the Duke’s execution. Sir William made his three sons, +who were all knighted by this time, his executors, but at the end of +the will he added another clause: “Also, as I have named my son, +Sir John Bulmer, to have been one of my executors, I will that he be +none of them, but he to suffer his two brothers lovingly to occupy +and minister all and every my goods favourably without any interruption +of him and he to have for his so doing and suffering £300 +and my chain and household stuff at Wilton, which before I have +bequeathed him; and in like manner he to suffer his brothers to +have melling at my chantry at Wilton, and to see the priests and +bede men there to have that they should have, and all other my +servants, according as I have bequeathed them.”<a id='r152'></a><a href='#f152' class='c016'><sup>[152]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Sir John Bulmer, the heir, married Anne daughter of Sir Ralph +Bigod, and their eldest son Ralph married before 1530 Anne daughter +of Sir Thomas Tempest<a id='r153'></a><a href='#f153' class='c016'><sup>[153]</sup></a>. On 11 June 1532 it was stated that +Sir John was forty years old and upwards<a id='r154'></a><a href='#f154' class='c016'><sup>[154]</sup></a>. Some examples have +already been given of the marriage customs which prevailed at that +time. In the case of heirs and heiresses, the contract was often +drawn up while the parties concerned were still in their cradles, and +the marriage was consummated as early as possible, before the young +<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>people acquired sufficient independence to upset the arrangements of +their guardians. Much of the domestic unhappiness of the time may +be traced to these child marriages, concluded without any regard for +the character and feelings of the parties. It may be inferred that +Sir John Bulmer’s was such a one, as five of his six children were +married before 1530<a id='r155'></a><a href='#f155' class='c016'><sup>[155]</sup></a>, when he was not much above forty years old. +His conduct requires the excuse of this bad custom. His father’s +position in the service of the Duke of Buckingham must have brought +Sir John into contact with a girl named Margaret, who is frequently +described as the illegitimate daughter of Buckingham himself<a id='r156'></a><a href='#f156' class='c016'><sup>[156]</sup></a>. But +her son in 1584 stated that she was the illegitimate daughter of +Henry Stafford<a id='r157'></a><a href='#f157' class='c016'><sup>[157]</sup></a>; if he could have glozed over the stain on her +birth by the rank of her father he would probably have done so, +and it is safer to conclude that Henry Stafford was some relative +of the Duke. Margaret herself was “a very fair creature and a +beautiful,” as even her enemies were forced to confess<a id='r158'></a><a href='#f158' class='c016'><sup>[158]</sup></a>. She was +married to William Cheyne of London, but Sir John Bulmer bought +her from her husband and made her his mistress<a id='r159'></a><a href='#f159' class='c016'><sup>[159]</sup></a>. Two daughters +were the offspring of this connection, but about 1536 Lady Bulmer +and William Cheyne<a id='r160'></a><a href='#f160' class='c016'><sup>[160]</sup></a> seem both to have been dead and Sir John +married Margaret. In January 1536–7 was born their son John<a id='r161'></a><a href='#f161' class='c016'><sup>[161]</sup></a>, +afterwards John Bulmer of Pinchinthorpe, who declared in 1584 that +he was born in lawful matrimony<a id='r162'></a><a href='#f162' class='c016'><sup>[162]</sup></a>. The marriage was recognised by +Sir John’s relatives<a id='r163'></a><a href='#f163' class='c016'><sup>[163]</sup></a>, which may indicate the low state of morality in +the north, or the power of Margaret’s charms, or the existence of +extenuating circumstances.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sir Ralph Bulmer, one of Sir John’s brothers, married Anne, +daughter and co-heir of Roger Aske of Aske<a id='r164'></a><a href='#f164' class='c016'><sup>[164]</sup></a>, and was thus brother-in-law +to Richard Bowes.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The other brother, Sir William Bulmer, was, like Sir John, +unfortunate in his matrimonial experience. His wife Elizabeth, +daughter and heiress of William Elmedon of Elmedon, Durham, was +married to him in 1505, when she was eleven years old and he +<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>probably not much older<a id='r165'></a><a href='#f165' class='c016'><sup>[165]</sup></a>. The marriage turned out unhappily; +Sir William squandered his own estates and involved his wife’s by +his extravagance, and the couple usually lived apart<a id='r166'></a><a href='#f166' class='c016'><sup>[166]</sup></a>. It will be +shown hereafter how the lady revenged herself on her husband.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Bigods of Settrington, though their seat near Malton was +between thirty and forty miles south of Wilton, were none the less +neighbours of the Bulmers, for they had both lands and influence on +the north coast of Yorkshire, especially about Whitby. This family +might well seem to be under a curse. Two Bigods, father and son, +fell at Towton Field in 1461<a id='r167'></a><a href='#f167' class='c016'><sup>[167]</sup></a>; the son, Sir John Bigod, had married +Elizabeth daughter of Henry Lord Scrope of Bolton, and left a son, +Ralph Bigod, who was thrice married. His family seem to have +been the children of his second wife, Margaret, daughter of Sir Robert +Constable of Flamborough<a id='r168'></a><a href='#f168' class='c016'><sup>[168]</sup></a> and aunt of Lord Darcy’s friend Sir Robert +Constable. One of these children, Elizabeth, married Sir John Aske, +of Aughton and was the grandmother of Robert Aske<a id='r169'></a><a href='#f169' class='c016'><sup>[169]</sup></a>—another, +Anne, married Sir John Bulmer<a id='r170'></a><a href='#f170' class='c016'><sup>[170]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sir Ralph Bigod’s eldest son, Sir John Bigod, married Joan, +daughter of Sir James Strangeways<a id='r171'></a><a href='#f171' class='c016'><sup>[171]</sup></a>. He was probably killed at +the battle of Flodden in 1513<a id='r172'></a><a href='#f172' class='c016'><sup>[172]</sup></a>, and his eldest son died with him in +the war against Scotland<a id='r173'></a><a href='#f173' class='c016'><sup>[173]</sup></a>. He left three children; Elizabeth, who +was afterwards the wife of Sir Stephen Hamerton<a id='r174'></a><a href='#f174' class='c016'><sup>[174]</sup></a>, Francis, and +Ralph.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Two years after Flodden old Sir Ralph Bigod died; his will was +proved 7 April 1515. He made several charitable and religious +bequests, and left a yearly rent of £5 to his younger grandson Ralph<a id='r175'></a><a href='#f175' class='c016'><sup>[175]</sup></a>, +who died unmarried in 1551<a id='r176'></a><a href='#f176' class='c016'><sup>[176]</sup></a>; but there is no mention of Francis +who, at the age of seven, was heir to his manor of Seton and all his +lands in various parts of Yorkshire<a id='r177'></a><a href='#f177' class='c016'><sup>[177]</sup></a>. The executors of the will were +Agnes, Sir Ralph’s third wife, Sir Ralph Evers, and Thomas and +William Constable of Settrington. The supervisor was Lord Darcy.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1529 Francis Bigod came of age and had livery of his lands; +shortly afterwards he was knighted<a id='r178'></a><a href='#f178' class='c016'><sup>[178]</sup></a>. Before his coming of age he +had been in the service of Cardinal Wolsey, and when, on coming +<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>into his estates, he found himself in financial difficulties, he applied +to his fellow-servant, Thomas Cromwell, for assistance<a id='r179'></a><a href='#f179' class='c016'><sup>[179]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sir Francis Bigod married Katherine, daughter of William, first +Lord Conyers, and in 1530 they had one daughter, Dorothy<a id='r180'></a><a href='#f180' class='c016'><sup>[180]</sup></a>. Their +home was at Mulgrave Castle in Blackmore, on the coast about three +miles north of Whitby. Sir Francis was made the Steward of Whitby +Strand by the Earl of Northumberland<a id='r181'></a><a href='#f181' class='c016'><sup>[181]</sup></a>, and in the execution of this +office he must soon have come into conflict with the Abbot of Whitby, +John Hexham or Topcliffe, who began his career as a Canon of +Hexham and became Abbot of Whitby in 1527<a id='r182'></a><a href='#f182' class='c016'><sup>[182]</sup></a>. Some account +of the Abbot’s doings may not be out of place; they are not only +interesting in themselves but also give a most spirited picture of the +more turbulent phases of life in a little seaport town, and of the +feuds and intrigues which agitated a great monastery.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The first story is gathered from a fragment of a Star Chamber +case; it is undated, and the Abbot of Whitby may have been one of +John Hexham’s predecessors. This Abbot lodged a complaint against +certain poor mariners and artificers of the town of Whitby for +making a riot. Only the townsfolk’s side of the case remains. It +had been the custom “tyme out of mans remembrance” in Whitby +and all the other haven towns thereabouts, for the fishermen and +mariners to keep the feasts of Midsummer Even, St Peter’s Even, +and St Thomas’ Even with the following rites. “All maryners and +masters of ships accompanied with other yong peple have used to +have carried before them on a staff half a tarbarell brennyng and the +maryners to follow two and two having such weapons in their hands +as they pleased to bring, and to sing through the streets to resort to +every bonefire and there to drink and make merry with songs and +other honest pastimes.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>But one St Peter’s Even (31 July) as they went singing through +the streets “entending no harm nor displeasure to the said Abbot” +and “being in good peace of our sovereign lord the King,” about +twenty of the Abbot’s servants set upon the merrymakers and “did +shamefully and cruelly beat and hurt” divers of them. They thought +this must be by the Abbot’s command, though, as they declared, +he had no cause to use them so. When they complained to him, he +assured them he knew nothing of the matter, which was not of his +will, and asked them all to come up to the Abbey on St Thomas’ +Even (20 December) “and there he would give to them half a +<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>barrel of beer to drink and make good cheer.” But when on the +appointed evening they came singing through the town and began +to go up the “great hill having a very narrow way towards the said +Abbey,” the Abbot’s servants from the top of the hill “riotously cast +down a great number of great stones as much as they could lift” upon +the mariners. They “entreated in good and gentle manner the said +servants of the Abbot to keep the King’s peace and cease their +strokes,” and seeing they were not welcome, they turned back to +a friend’s house, to help him with his bonfire and brood upon the +lost half-barrel of beer. Here their enemies attacked them again. +The cautious mariners admitted that some of the Abbot’s servants +might have been hurt in the second fray. Some of the mariners +themselves certainly were injured. The defence ends with the usual +protestation that the defendants had done nothing wrong, and in any +case had a pardon for it<a id='r183'></a><a href='#f183' class='c016'><sup>[183]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1528 it was the Abbot of Whitby, John Hexham, who had +to defend himself in the Star Chamber. He was accused of being in +league with William and John Loder, two French pirates, who on +10 July 1528 seized a Dantzig vessel, the “Jesus,” Hans Ganth +master, while she lay in the Humber, took her to Whitby, and there +sold her to the Abbot, John Conyers, Gregory Conyers, John Ledam +and John Pecock, who bought her “perfectly knowing the same ship +and goods to be the proper goods of your suppliant,” and who refused +to give her up when claimed by her rightful owners<a id='r184'></a><a href='#f184' class='c016'><sup>[184]</sup></a>. The Abbot’s +defence is lost, and he may have been able to clear himself, but the +circumstances look awkward. Gregory Conyers, of whom more will +be heard, was the servant and close ally of the Abbot. It is uncertain +how he was related to the great family of Conyers to which +Sir Francis Bigod’s wife belonged, but there is no doubt about the +deadly feud which he waged with Sir Francis until he hunted his +enemy to death. In 1536 the Abbot of Whitby accused Sir Francis +of a great riot committed against the convent of Whitby, and in +revenge Bigod and his servants quarrelled with Gregory Conyers +and other servants of the Abbot at Whitby Fair on 25 August, +St Hilda’s Day, and would have killed him had not some of the +other gentlemen interfered<a id='r185'></a><a href='#f185' class='c016'><sup>[185]</sup></a>. The Abbot begged that Conyers and +Bigod might be reconciled, but naturally no formal reconciliation +had any effect. As in the matter of the piracy we do not know the +Abbot’s defence, so in this case we do not know Bigod’s, but it is +<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>certain that Sir Francis was in debt to the Abbot, which would +probably aggravate the young knight still further, whatever the +original rights and wrongs may have been.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1535 Sir Francis Bigod by persuasion or threats induced +Abbot Hexham to resign his office to his young kinsman, William +Newton, a monk of Whitby. This did not at all suit Gregory +Conyers or the other monks, and they insisted that he must withdraw +his resignation. Both sides appealed to Cromwell, to whom Bigod +wrote on 7 January 1535–6 that “the monks watch him (the Abbot) +like crows about a carrion, and will not suffer the monk (Newton) or +me to speak with him alone.”<a id='r186'></a><a href='#f186' class='c016'><sup>[186]</sup></a> Cromwell, as usual, was ready to +settle the matter in favour of the highest bidder, who in this case +seems to have been the Abbot<a id='r187'></a><a href='#f187' class='c016'><sup>[187]</sup></a>. Sir Francis was examined in Hilary +term and warned to trouble the monks no more. Nevertheless on +19 June 1536 the Abbot wrote to Cromwell to ask that Bigod +might not occupy the office of under-steward, or, if he must surrender +it to him, that the condition might be made “that he make no use of +it to revenge himself on us, as we hear he intends.... If Sir Francis +occupy that office, and James Conyers the bailiwick, the two being +so maliciously bent against us, we shall be brought into continual +trouble. The bailly is a very uncharitable and angry man, and so +aged that he is almost past reason.”<a id='r188'></a><a href='#f188' class='c016'><sup>[188]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Bigod was better educated than most men of his age. He had +spent some time at Oxford, and although he did not take a degree +he was something of a scholar. He had leanings towards the +reformers; his first book was an attack on the monasteries, and +he corresponded with Bale, Latimer, and other advanced thinkers<a id='r189'></a><a href='#f189' class='c016'><sup>[189]</sup></a>. +In June 1535 he was employed in taking down to the northern +bishops the King’s letters of admonition for the declaration of his +title as Supreme Head of the Church of England<a id='r190'></a><a href='#f190' class='c016'><sup>[190]</sup></a>, and he reported +the pains that he took to see that the statute was “preached +sincerely” and understood by the people. At the same time he +informed Cromwell of the suspicion he entertained concerning the +loyalty of the monks of Mountgrace Priory, and he procured the +arrest of a “traitorous monk” at Jervaux, who saw visions of St Anne<a id='r191'></a><a href='#f191' class='c016'><sup>[191]</sup></a>. +This man was executed at the next York Assizes, for which it is +hard to forgive Sir Francis, as the evidence against the monk was +very slight<a id='r192'></a><a href='#f192' class='c016'><sup>[192]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>In 1536 Bigod wrote to Cromwell about two priests and a man +named Anthony Heron, whom he had caused to be imprisoned at +York for their Popish opinions. The letter incidentally reveals the +horrible state of York prison; Sir Francis observes that as Anthony +Heron was walking in the yard in the open air, he was able to speak +longer with him than with the priests who were within. He showed +some humanity, however, by giving alms to his prisoners, and he +tried to obtain their release as soon as he was convinced that they +repented of their errors<a id='r193'></a><a href='#f193' class='c016'><sup>[193]</sup></a>. Later in the year he wrote a very curious +letter to Cromwell, which throws much light on his character. He +begged that he might be given a licence to preach, or, if that was +impossible, that he might become a priest, in order to utter the truth +to the ignorant people of the north<a id='r194'></a><a href='#f194' class='c016'><sup>[194]</sup></a>. Yet he was now a married man +with children!</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sir Francis Bigod appeared to have been in every way a convinced +supporter of Cromwell’s policy; by birth, by interest, by +conviction he was not merely inclined to acquiesce passively, but +to promote actively “the innovations.” How did such a man come +to die a traitor’s death? Froude curtly dismisses him as a fool and +a pedant, but such a summary judgment does not dispose of a peculiar +character. It may be more just to look upon Sir Francis as a portent +of a rising power,—in short, as the first of the Puritans. He hated +the Church of Rome, but he hated equally the Erastianism of Henry +and Cromwell; what he sought was the Presbytery, and had he been +gifted with genius, he might have been the forerunner of Calvin and +Knox. Religious liberty was as intolerable to his exact, legal mind, +as it was to most of his contemporaries; he must have church, +priesthood, dogma, all down in black and white, and all distinct from +the state. When it came to choosing between church and state, any +church, even a thoroughly bad one, seemed to him better than a +purely state religion. Born out of his time, with no power to mould +the time to his needs, his baffling figure shows half-seen among the +more strenuous leaders of revolt, perplexing others because he was +himself perplexed.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Passing southward down the coast from Whitby, we find that the +next great family was that of Evers. Young Sir Ralph Evers was +the keeper of the King’s castle of Scarborough. Later the family was +raised to the baronage, but at this time they were not so influential +as their neighbours, the Constables of Flamborough.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>Sir Marmaduke Constable, surnamed the Little, was the head +of this house from 1488 to 1518. He served under two kings +in France, and won fame on the Scots Marches. His wife was Joyse, +daughter of Sir Humphry Stafford of Grafton; by her he had four +sons, Robert, Marmaduke, William, and John, and two daughters, +Agnes and Eleanor<a id='r195'></a><a href='#f195' class='c016'><sup>[195]</sup></a>. Agnes’ second husband was Sir William +Percy, the Earl of Northumberland’s uncle.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Robert, Little Sir Marmaduke’s son and heir, was born about +1478. He seems to have spent a wild youth before he succeeded +to his estates. The minster of Beverley was held in great veneration, +having been founded by the local saint, St John of Beverley. +It enjoyed many privileges, and the neighbouring gentlemen were +quite in the habit of having feuds about their places in the procession +on St John’s Day (25 October)<a id='r196'></a><a href='#f196' class='c016'><sup>[196]</sup></a>. One of these privileges +was “granted ... unto the church of Beverley by Our Holy Father the +Pope of old time and since many times confirmed, that whosoever +doth infringe or break or interrupt any liberties of the church of +Beverley he is on so doing accurst without any further sentence +of any judge.” This was no mere nominal power, but had been +executed on “divers transgressors.” An unknown accuser addressed +Sir Robert Constable thus: “You yourself in times past, violating +and breaking the said liberties by your hunting there, and knowing +yourself to have fallen into the sentence of excommunication for +so doing, did resort to the Archbishop of York then being, to be +absolved thereof, and so as you have reported were also absolved.”<a id='r197'></a><a href='#f197' class='c016'><sup>[197]</sup></a> +But more serious charges can also be brought against him. Froude +says, “he was a bad, violent man. In earlier years he had carried +off a ward in Chancery, Anne Grysanis, while still a child, and +attempted to marry her by force to one of his retainers.”<a id='r198'></a><a href='#f198' class='c016'><sup>[198]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Whatever his early shortcomings, Robert Constable was ready to +fight for the King on the first opportunity. In 1497, when the +Cornishmen rose and marched on London, he was with the royal +army, and so distinguished himself at Blackheath that he was +knighted on the field of battle. He married Jane, daughter of +Sir William Ingleby<a id='r199'></a><a href='#f199' class='c016'><sup>[199]</sup></a>. In 1511 he sailed with Lord Darcy’s expedition +to Spain<a id='r200'></a><a href='#f200' class='c016'><sup>[200]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>At Flodden Field Sir Marmaduke Constable appeared surrounded +by his “seemly sons.”<a id='r201'></a><a href='#f201' class='c016'><sup>[201]</sup></a> Accounts of the battle give no details of +their part of the fighting, but two of Sir Robert’s brothers, Marmaduke +and William, and William Percy, who fought beside them with +the tenants of the Earl of Northumberland, were all knighted by +the Earl of Surrey after the day was won<a id='r202'></a><a href='#f202' class='c016'><sup>[202]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sir Robert Constable was Knight of the Body to Henry VIII<a id='r203'></a><a href='#f203' class='c016'><sup>[203]</sup></a>, +and he was in attendance on the King at a gorgeous banquet at +Greenwich in 1517<a id='r204'></a><a href='#f204' class='c016'><sup>[204]</sup></a>. But the following year Sir Marmaduke the +Little died, and his son Robert succeeded to his lands and position. +Sir Marmaduke’s tombstone is still to be seen in Flamborough +church, the inscription is an irregular ballad on the vanity of +earthly honours, telling of his battles and prowess, with the refrain:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“But now, as ye see, he lieth under this stone.”<a id='r205'></a><a href='#f205' class='c016'><sup>[205]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c020'>A more terrible fate awaited his son.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When Lord Darcy resigned his offices as steward of the lordship +and constable of the castle of Sheriffhutton, in 1520, they were +bestowed on his friend Sir Robert Constable. Darcy bade his +servant in charge deliver the castle and all within it to his “brother,” +the new constable, and to “do this favourable and lovingly.”<a id='r206'></a><a href='#f206' class='c016'><sup>[206]</sup></a> About +the same time the hand of Elizabeth, the only child of Darcy’s +second marriage, was given to Sir Robert’s eldest son Marmaduke. +Darcy told his steward to hasten the payment of her dowry to Sir +Robert, on account of his “dangerous” disposition<a id='r207'></a><a href='#f207' class='c016'><sup>[207]</sup></a>. He must have +meant that his friend was hasty tempered, and there is abundant +evidence that Sir Robert was fierce and quarrelsome.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Earl of Surrey (afterwards Duke of Norfolk), who was +sent to the north in 1523 to inspect the administration of justice, +described to Wolsey how, while sitting with the justices of York, +he “found the greatest dissensions here among the gentlemen, who +would have fought together if they had met.” By the advice of the +judges he sent for all the parties, and insisted on a promise that they +would compose their disputes and keep the peace. Among the rest, +Sir Robert Constable and his adherents were almost at war with +young Sir Ralph Ellerker and Sir John Constable of Holderness<a id='r208'></a><a href='#f208' class='c016'><sup>[208]</sup></a>. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>The latter may have been Sir Robert’s younger brother, but was +more probably a cousin.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1533 Sir Robert Constable’s differences with his brother-in-law, +Sir William Percy, developed into a Star Chamber case. The +feud was a long-standing affair, in spite of the intermarriage, which +may have been a fruitless effort to put an end to the ill-will. It was +well known in the county of York that the families had been in great +displeasure with one another, even before the death of the late Earl +of Northumberland. Sir William Percy presented before the Court +a list of accusations against Sir Robert, beginning with a string of +petty wrongs about pasture and impounding cattle, through which +he worked up to the chief quarrel. This began in a quaint manner. +A traveller picked up a buckler on the King’s highway, and sold +it to one of Percy’s servants, Simon Banister, called Simon Burdythe. +Simon wore the buckler at Driffield Assizes, where Christopher +Constable, one of Sir Robert’s nephews, claimed it as his own. +Banister refused to give it up, though Sir Robert, who had given +it to his nephew, offered to identify it. After this the servants of +the two houses never met without quarrelling. If Italians were as +touchy as Englishmen, the feud of the Montagues and the Capulets +is certainly no exaggeration, as this story proves. The affair came to +a definite issue in March 1534, when the Justices of Assize were +sitting at York and the rival families were both in the city in full +strength. After preliminary abuse and violence in a tavern, Banister, +who had offered considerable provocation, and a party of his fellowservants +were attacked by the Constables in the street. Banister +was slain in the fray, and several were wounded on both sides, +including Sir Robert Constable’s son Thomas. After some scattered +street fighting, the Constables escaped through a friend’s house into +the White Friars and there took sanctuary. They were presently +removed to the town gaol, where all their kinsmen and allies flocked +to visit them. Public sympathy was on their side, but it had been +obtained, said Sir William Percy, by bribes to the mayor and citizens. +The coroner was so corrupted that a murder could not be found +against them, and the high sheriff was no more incorruptible, +for when he appointed a jury to inquire into the case, most of the +men on it were kinsmen of the Constables and the rest had seen +the colour of their money. Unless the King could find a remedy, +the murder and mayhems were like to go unpunished: so Sir William +Percy concluded his case. The details of Sir Robert’s defence, which +has for once been preserved, are too long for repetition here. His +<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>accuser himself admitted that Sir Robert took no part in the fray, +and it was not proved that he had inspired it<a id='r209'></a><a href='#f209' class='c016'><sup>[209]</sup></a>. But the principals +were equally to blame for encouraging the quarrels of their kinsmen +and servants, instead of putting an end to the dispute at the very +beginning.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1535 Sir Robert Constable was more respectably engaged +in befriending the widowed Lady Rokeby against their common +opponent Gervase Cawood<a id='r210'></a><a href='#f210' class='c016'><sup>[210]</sup></a>. This dispute probably brought him +into displeasure with Robert Aske, as Cawood was Aske’s friend +and acted as his secretary during the rebellion<a id='r211'></a><a href='#f211' class='c016'><sup>[211]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Among the ghosts of the records—the names without men—Sir +Robert Constable stands out as a substantial figure; he was a worthy +head of a warlike house, fierce and reckless, versed in the ways of +war and of courts, full of the wild, independent spirit of the north, +but none the less a true son of the Church (in spite of all lapses), +a strong and just ruler, above all a good enemy, and a better friend, +true to his motto, “Soyes Ferme.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Young Sir Ralph Ellerker of Risby, with whom Sir Robert +Constable was at feud, was one of the captains of Hull, his father, +old Sir Ralph Ellerker, being the other. It was no wonder that the +Constables and the Ellerkers quarrelled, for they were the most +influential families in the sea-board districts of the East Riding. +Old Sir Ralph Ellerker also contended with the Archbishop of York +for supremacy in Beverley. In May and June 1535 there was +trouble over the appointment of the Twelve Men of Beverley, who +were the aldermen of the town. The burgesses themselves had very +little to do with the matter, and on this occasion the Archbishop +appointed one body of twelve and old Sir Ralph Ellerker another. +It is not easy to discover which side had the popular sympathy +in the contest which followed, but as the people of Beverley always +opposed the Archbishop on principle, they probably supported Sir +Ralph’s selection. On 30 November 1535 an order was made in +the Court of Star Chamber for the government of Beverley. It was +a triumph for the Archbishop. Old Sir Ralph Ellerker and certain +of his adherents were prohibited from ever again seeking election to +places among the Twelve Men, and an injunction was sent to him never +to meddle again in the matter on pain of a fine of five hundred marks<a id='r212'></a><a href='#f212' class='c016'><sup>[212]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>The Askes of Aughton on the Derwent were friends and allies of +the Ellerkers. They had long been settled in the county, but were +rather esteemed for piety and quiet respectability than noted for any +brilliant qualities. The founder of the family was Richard, a cadet +of the Askes of Aske<a id='r213'></a><a href='#f213' class='c016'><sup>[213]</sup></a>. He married the heiress of Aughton, and +in 1363 built and endowed the chantry at Howden which bore his +name. A love of building and beautifying seems to have run in the +family. Nothing remains now of the manor house at Aughton but +the site surrounded by traces of a moat<a id='r214'></a><a href='#f214' class='c016'><sup>[214]</sup></a>; in 1584 the house had +stained-glass windows, in which were blazoned twenty-six shields of +the arms of the Askes and their relations<a id='r215'></a><a href='#f215' class='c016'><sup>[215]</sup></a>. From Richard Aske +sprang a flourishing branch of the family tree, which begins to +concern us in 1497, when Sir Robert Aske, the eldest son of Sir John +Aske and Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Ralph Bigod, succeeded to +Aughton on the death of his father<a id='r216'></a><a href='#f216' class='c016'><sup>[216]</sup></a>. Sir Robert’s two elder sons, +John and Christopher, were born before that date, for their grandfather +bequeathed a gold spoon to John and a horse to his brother,—though +neither was much more than three years old<a id='r217'></a><a href='#f217' class='c016'><sup>[217]</sup></a>. Sir Robert’s +wife was Elizabeth, daughter of John Lord Clifford<a id='r218'></a><a href='#f218' class='c016'><sup>[218]</sup></a>. Probably they +were married after 1485, when her brother, the “shepherd lord,” was +restored to his lands and titles. Her children were thus the first +cousins of the Earl of Cumberland. Nine of these children survived +their parents—three sons and six daughters.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Early in 1507 Sir Robert Aske’s sister Dame Katherine, widow +of Sir John Hastings of Fenwick, died at her brother’s house at +Aughton and was buried among the Askes in Aughton Church. +She was childless and bequeathed most of her worldly possessions +to her own kin. To her sisters and nieces she left beads of coral and +white jasper, “hooks of silver and gilt,” and other bits of finery; her +best gowns of velvet, black damask and tawny chamlet were to +become altar cloths in certain churches; but for each of her kinsmen +she had made a shirt, and among these fortunate legatees Robert +Aske is mentioned for the first time<a id='r219'></a><a href='#f219' class='c016'><sup>[219]</sup></a>. Dame Katherine’s brother-in-law, +Sir George Hastings, the father of Sir Brian Hastings, who +was to be sheriff of Yorkshire in 1536, refused to give up her money +to Sir Robert Aske, her executor<a id='r220'></a><a href='#f220' class='c016'><sup>[220]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>The children of Sir Robert Aske may be treated in some +detail, less because his third son Robert was the captain of the +Pilgrimage, than because they are good examples of ordinary men +and women of their class. Though their share in the rising was +nothing compared to their brother’s, their history shows how a +great event affected private lives in the days when a change of +ministry could only be forced on the government by an effective +appeal to arms. Julian, the eldest daughter, married Thomas +Portington of Sawcliff, Lincolnshire<a id='r221'></a><a href='#f221' class='c016'><sup>[221]</sup></a>; when those of her Yorkshire +nephews who were studying the law set out for London after their +vacations, they spent the first night of their journey under her roof<a id='r222'></a><a href='#f222' class='c016'><sup>[222]</sup></a>. +Anne, the second daughter, seems to have married slightly below +her station, for her husband, Thomas Monkton, was the constant +companion of her brother Robert, and seems to have acted as a kind of +superior servant<a id='r223'></a><a href='#f223' class='c016'><sup>[223]</sup></a>. At a time when compromising letters might fall +into an enemy’s hands, men naturally entrusted the most important +parts of their communications verbally to a messenger; consequently +it was necessary to have reliable servants, bound by the strongest +ties to keep faith with their master; poor relations were often put +to this use, with varying degrees of success. This reason for the +constant use of credence applied more to noblemen such as Darcy +and Cumberland than to private gentlemen, but another motive for +it was the fact that many of the Yorkshire gentry could write and +read very little<a id='r224'></a><a href='#f224' class='c016'><sup>[224]</sup></a>. Private affairs, which seemed to them very difficult +to express in writing, could easily be explained by an intelligent +servant, and as a servant had to carry every message, he might as +well communicate it by word of mouth. The result of this was the +habit, so irritating to the historian, of sending the very kernel of +the message by credence, with the consequence that it is now lost for +ever.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Agnes Aske formed an important alliance by her marriage with +William Ellerker, one of old Sir Ralph’s younger sons. The Ellerkers +always contrived to maintain an appearance of loyalty, and they rose +when the fortunes of the Askes declined. Margaret Aske married +Sir Robert Bellingham, a Cumberland knight about whom little is +known.</p> + +<p class='c008'>John Aske, Sir Robert Aske’s eldest son, succeeded his father +<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>in 1531<a id='r225'></a><a href='#f225' class='c016'><sup>[225]</sup></a>. His wife was Eleanor, daughter of Sir Ralph Ryther, and +in 1530 he had a family of five sons and three daughters<a id='r226'></a><a href='#f226' class='c016'><sup>[226]</sup></a>. His +eldest son Robert was a law student in 1536, but he was destined +never to be lord of Aughton, and died before his father in 1542<a id='r227'></a><a href='#f227' class='c016'><sup>[227]</sup></a>. +John Aske suffered from ill-health, which was probably the reason why +he was never knighted. Like most country gentlemen he had only +two ideas—his lands and his family. He was indifferent to the Reformation, +as it did not injure either of these objects, but he strongly +disapproved of the rebellion which endangered both. His brother’s +sympathy for the monasteries did not affect him; on the contrary he +took advantage of their fall to consolidate his Yorkshire estates, and +in 1541 exchanged certain manors which he owned in Sussex for the +priories of Ellerton and Thicket and other church lands in Yorkshire<a id='r228'></a><a href='#f228' class='c016'><sup>[228]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Christopher Aske, Sir Robert’s second son, was only a year +or two younger than John<a id='r229'></a><a href='#f229' class='c016'><sup>[229]</sup></a>. He was in the household of his +cousin, the Earl of Cumberland, with whom he was in high favour. +His will, dated 1538, gives a pleasant picture of the easy bachelor +life of a cultured gentleman. His room in Skipton Castle was well +furnished with books on genealogy, the Scriptures, and the noble art +of hunting, as well as French romances; while in his room at the +“new lodge,” the building of which he was superintending for +the Earl, was his “cloth of the great mappa mundi” and a tapestry +embroidered with the history of St Eustace. The chase, like the +right to bear arms, was the special privilege and study of the gentry; +his horses, his falcons, his “best beagle called Oliver” were worthy +of his most honoured friends, his noble cousins the Earl and Countess. +He bequeathed keepsakes to all his family, and mentions his black +velvet gown, richly furred, and his gold chain and crucifix. Most +of the Askes were short-lived, and Christopher died in 1539, willing +a priest to pray for his soul for seven years, and also for the souls of +all his “benefactors and predecessors,” especially certain of his dead +friends<a id='r230'></a><a href='#f230' class='c016'><sup>[230]</sup></a>; among these was one of the Hamertons. Sir Stephen +Hamerton, his friend and fellow in the Earl’s service, had died +a traitor’s death little more than a year before<a id='r231'></a><a href='#f231' class='c016'><sup>[231]</sup></a>. Christopher +Aske’s sister Dorothy had married Richard Green of Newbury, and +Christopher bequeathed “to my brother Greene my falcon in his +keeping, and to my sister his wife a silver spoon of the Apostles.”<a id='r232'></a><a href='#f232' class='c016'><sup>[232]</sup></a> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>Green was also in Cumberland’s service, and it must be frankly +admitted of his followers that if</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“On Sundays they were good,</div> + <div class='line'>On week-days they were minions.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The Earl of Cumberland was at feud with John Norton of Norton. +The quarrel seems to have begun with some dispute about the manor +of Rylston, which Norton held in right of his wife. At some time in +1528 a band of the Earl’s servants broke into the warren at Rylston +and hunted Norton’s deer. They beat and shot arrows at two +keepers who dared to oppose them, and carried off one of them +to Skipton Castle, where he was imprisoned for two months. The +other keeper was afraid to stay in that part of the country and fled +because his life was threatened in the Earl’s name. As to the deer +park, no one dared to go near it but Cumberland’s servants, who +hunted there at will; the chief among them was called by John +Norton “Richard Grame,” but possibly this is a misspelling of +“Richard Green.” Norton took his complaint to the Court of Star +Chamber because “the said Erle is a noble man and of great possessions +gretly alied with the most parte of the noble men of ȝt Cuntry +and your seid subiect (John Norton) a pore man and of small power +and not abell to meynteyn his sute nor the tryall of the trouth in the +premisses by the common law in the same cuntie for the records +of his damage.”<a id='r233'></a><a href='#f233' class='c016'><sup>[233]</sup></a> Two years later he was obliged to resort to the +Star Chamber again. John Norton had farmed in the most legal +manner the lordship of Kirkby Malzeard in Netherdale, where it +was agreed that he should hold the manor court. But on the day of +the first court (17 April 1531) Christopher Aske and Richard Green, +at the head of about sixty armed servants of the Earl’s, appeared +at the place where the court was held and declared that the Earl +would have all rule within the lordship and that any man who +attended a court which the Earl had not appointed would do so +at his peril. After breaking up the court, they carried away the +court rolls<a id='r234'></a><a href='#f234' class='c016'><sup>[234]</sup></a>. Unfortunately it is impossible to discover how this case +ended, but the Earl and his servants certainly did not mend their +ways.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1535 John Proctor, whose offence against the Earl is not +known, was carried off and imprisoned in Skipton Castle, while “his +<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>goods were spoyled destroyed and lost by brute beasts, and also not +so contentyd but they drove away his cattle and beasts.”<a id='r235'></a><a href='#f235' class='c016'><sup>[235]</sup></a> In this +case the Earl seems to have sent inferior servants; only a really +serious piece of lawlessness, such as stealing the court rolls, called +for the presence of gentlemen. Thomas Blackborne, who was the +chief defendant against Proctor, must have been some relation to +William Blackborne, the vicar of Skipton, to whom Christopher Aske +left in his will a horse rejoicing in the name of Grey Hodgeson<a id='r236'></a><a href='#f236' class='c016'><sup>[236]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Christopher Aske’s friendship with Sir Stephen Hamerton involved +him in a very curious affair. Sir Stephen’s mother, Dame +Elizabeth Hamerton, after the death of John Hamerton her +first husband, married again; her second husband, Edward Stanley +brother to Lord Monteagle, had carried his father’s banner at +Flodden. He was lame, perhaps from wounds received there, and +seems to have expected to provide for a comfortable old age by +his marriage, for Dame Elizabeth, as he said, was enfeoffed of +Hellifield Peel. Unfortunately his wife did not agree with him. +Hellifield had always belonged to the Hamerton family, and it is +difficult to see how Dame Elizabeth could have had more than a life +interest in it. In September 1536, when Stanley rode home after +a visit to his brother, he found the door of the Peel barred against +him. His wife, who was watching his approach, ordered stones to +be thrown down from the upper windows, and one struck his servant’s +horse. Having made it plain that he was not welcome, “she dared +him to enter her son Sir Stephen’s house and bade him go to the +Earl of Cumberland.” Not knowing what to do he obeyed her, +though as he believed her son and Christopher Aske to have +counselled his wife to defy him, he had little hope of help there. +The Earl refused to interfere. By this time the rebellion had broken +out, and Stanley, seeing that resistance was useless, entered into +a bond with Hamerton and Aske by which he undertook to leave +his wife in undisturbed possession of Hellifield during her life, while +she allowed him a share in the rents. After Sir Stephen Hamerton’s +execution Stanley petitioned Cromwell that he might have the Peel +granted to him, but his petition had no effect<a id='r237'></a><a href='#f237' class='c016'><sup>[237]</sup></a>. In 1538 Christopher +Aske bequeathed his goods at Hellifield Peel, after the death of +Dame Elizabeth, to Roger Hamerton, one of Sir Stephen’s nephews<a id='r238'></a><a href='#f238' class='c016'><sup>[238]</sup></a>; +Sir Stephen’s only son had died of grief after his father’s execution<a id='r239'></a><a href='#f239' class='c016'><sup>[239]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>In spite of his lawless exploits, Christopher Aske was a gentleman,—the +English gentleman of Henry VIII’s reign. It is he, +rather than the timid and colourless John, rather than Robert, +who was too ardent and too honest for success, who seems to +embody the very spirit of his age. He wrote a dashing account +of his fortunes during the rebellion<a id='r240'></a><a href='#f240' class='c016'><sup>[240]</sup></a>, and in it he is revealed, brave, +clever, well-educated, faithful to his cousin, a lover of gallant and +daring adventures, and, as became a man when Cromwell ruled +England, worldly, unscrupulous, a believer in blowing his own +trumpet. He evidently inherited the family love of bricks and +mortar. Not only did he supervise the Earl of Cumberland’s new +buildings at Skipton, but he added to Aughton Church a tower +in Perpendicular style, adorned with shields bearing the Aske +quarterings and his own rebus<a id='r241'></a><a href='#f241' class='c016'><sup>[241]</sup></a>. One inscription on this tower +rouses a curiosity that can never be satisfied. It is in black letter +and runs as follows: “Christofer le second fitz de Robart Ask ch’r +oblier ne doy Ao Di 1536.”<a id='r242'></a><a href='#f242' class='c016'><sup>[242]</sup></a> No one can tell what may be implied +by the words. Perhaps they quaintly express the gratitude of the +steeple itself to the man who built it, or “oblier ne doy” may be +the motto of the Askes, fitly placed above the church where they +lie; or are the words a memorial of that Aske who does not lie +among his kinsfolk? Whatever they meant so long ago, to those +who know the story of the Pilgrimage of Grace they will always +speak of Robert Aske and the year in which he triumphed and failed.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Robert Aske, the youngest of the three sons<a id='r243'></a><a href='#f243' class='c016'><sup>[243]</sup></a>, was born about +the beginning of the century. From his father’s will it appears +that an estate at Empshot in Hampshire had been settled on him +for the term of his life<a id='r244'></a><a href='#f244' class='c016'><sup>[244]</sup></a>. This property must have been valuable, +as he paid a yearly rent of £8 to his brother John, and was +in good circumstances<a id='r245'></a><a href='#f245' class='c016'><sup>[245]</sup></a>. Part of his early life was spent in the +service of the Earl of Northumberland<a id='r246'></a><a href='#f246' class='c016'><sup>[246]</sup></a>, which he probably entered +through the influence of the Countess of Cumberland, the Earl’s +sister. He was with Northumberland in 1527, the year in which he +was admitted at Gray’s Inn<a id='r247'></a><a href='#f247' class='c016'><sup>[247]</sup></a>. He must have left the Earl some years +before the rebellion, as there is no reference during it to the fact +<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>that he had been one of the Earl’s followers, while it is quite +clear that he was a practising barrister. His enemies called him +“a common pedlar in the law,”<a id='r248'></a><a href='#f248' class='c016'><sup>[248]</sup></a> and though he had studied to other +purposes besides making money, he speaks of his “great businesses” +in London. He had the lawyer’s gift of words—the “filed tongue” +that wins the heart of lord and commoner alike; even in his answers +and manifestos, written in times of stress, on horseback or in prison, +and couched in a language now so changed, there are many passages +that stir the heart. While the conservative lords were in correspondence +with the Emperor’s ambassador, the commons binding +themselves by secret oaths, and the most steadfast of the religious +dying on the gallows, things must have passed among the young +lawyers of the Inns of Court that had much to do with the +Pilgrimage of Grace; but Aske, Moigne, Stapleton, even Bowes, +kept their counsel, and nothing more of their secrets will ever be +known.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The home of Robert Aske was always his brother’s house at +Aughton, where he was born and brought up, but he spent much +of his vacation visiting his sisters and other friends in Yorkshire. +In 1536 he was about five and thirty years of age and unmarried, +although even younger sons generally found wives long before that +time of life. Marriage in those days had very little to do with +favour, otherwise Aske’s confirmed bachelorhood might be attributed +to the plainness of his personal appearance. The Court chronicler, +Hall, declared in an outburst of loyal indignation that “there lived +not a verier wretch as well in person as in conditions and deeds,”<a id='r249'></a><a href='#f249' class='c016'><sup>[249]</sup></a> +and this hostile testimony is to some degree confirmed by the fact +that Aske had only one eye. Sir Francis Brian during the insurrection +protested his loyalty to the King in these words, “I know +him (Aske) not, nor he me, but I am true and he a false wretch, yet +we two have but two yene; a mischief put out his t’other!”<a id='r250'></a><a href='#f250' class='c016'><sup>[250]</sup></a> Whatever +his personal disadvantages, he was certainly a man of great +physical strength, able to spend day after day in the saddle with +little time for food or sleep. It is not necessary to describe his +character in detail. In the following pages his own words and +actions shall speak for themselves.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The attitude of the northern gentlemen to the Church is one +of the greatest interest. It was love of the monasteries which caused +them so far to forget their fear of the lower classes that they made +<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>common cause with their tenants on behalf of the monks. One +result of the immense influence of the Church was that priests were +continually involved in the quarrels of laymen. In the complicated +case of Sir Richard Tempest and the vicar of Halifax, Tempest, +a supporter of the old religion, accused his enemy the vicar of +treasonable practices, and, when the rebellion broke out, forced him +to fly to the King. This is a chapter of digressions, and at the cost +of another we will relate the story, which at least gives a picture +of the manners of the times.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sir Richard Tempest was the King’s steward of Wakefield. His +feud with a neighbour, Sir Henry Saville, led to an almost endless +string of Star Chamber cases, as one or other of them was constantly +oppressing the unfortunate inhabitants of that town<a id='r251'></a><a href='#f251' class='c016'><sup>[251]</sup></a>. Robert +Holdesworth, the wealthy and influential vicar of Halifax, was Sir +Henry Saville’s staunch ally. He was in trouble with the government +in 1535, but he obtained a free pardon, and boasted that he +had “cast such a flower into the Queen’s lap,” that he would be +heard as soon as Sir Richard Tempest<a id='r252'></a><a href='#f252' class='c016'><sup>[252]</sup></a>. He had scarcely returned to +Yorkshire, when the judges of assize were informed that he had found +£300 in the wall of an old house which he was rebuilding at Blackley, +co. Worcester, another of his benefices<a id='r253'></a><a href='#f253' class='c016'><sup>[253]</sup></a>. Meanwhile Sir Richard +Tempest was still busy against him. Sir Richard had assisted in +arresting the vicar when he was sent to London, and on his triumphant +return Holdesworth delivered to Tempest and his supporters injunctions +to keep the peace and not to burn his house under penalty of +500 marks. In revenge for these injunctions, which they regarded +as an insult, certain of his parishioners who belonged to Tempest’s +party drew up a petition accusing the vicar of being a fomenter +of quarrels in the parish, and also charging him with neglect of his +duties, with false returns about his tenths and firstfruits, and with +an attempt to sell his lands, implying that he did this with a view +to flight. This petition was presented to Sir Richard Tempest, who +caused about a hundred persons to sign it, and sent it to Cromwell +with a letter warning him that Holdesworth and others of the +spiritualty had “full hollow hearts” towards him<a id='r254'></a><a href='#f254' class='c016'><sup>[254]</sup></a>. Tempest enclosed +a further accusation, from which it appeared that the vicar had said +he had lost 80 marks in mortuaries taken by the King from that one +benefice, and that if the King reigned much longer he would take all +from the Church. Holdesworth had also repeated a sort of proverb, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>“A pon Herre all Yngland mey werre” (upon Harry all England +may war?)<a id='r255'></a><a href='#f255' class='c016'><sup>[255]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sir Richard Tempest’s letter was written on 28 September +1535. At the York Assizes in March 1536<a id='r256'></a><a href='#f256' class='c016'><sup>[256]</sup></a> Holdesworth was accused +of shameful and treasonable words, “for which, if true, he deserves +imprisonment for life.”<a id='r257'></a><a href='#f257' class='c016'><sup>[257]</sup></a> While the vicar was away defending himself +against this charge, John Lacy, Sir Richard Tempest’s son-in-law, +raided the vicarage and carried off all the cattle and spoil he could +find<a id='r258'></a><a href='#f258' class='c016'><sup>[258]</sup></a>. The vicar must have been acquitted, for in April he returned +to his plundered vicarage, bringing with him over £800 of money. +Part of this may have been treasure trove, but some at least was his +own savings<a id='r259'></a><a href='#f259' class='c016'><sup>[259]</sup></a>. To keep this treasure, all in gold, safe from his +enemies, he determined to bury it. He put the money into “a brass +pot with little short feet,” in which he also placed a little box +containing a strip of parchment with the amount written on it. In +the hall of the vicarage, under the stairs, was a patch of naked earth, +and here the vicar dug a hole just deep enough to hide the brim +of the pot when the earth was put back and stamped down. Then +he heaped firewood over the place, and shortly afterwards left for +London. He had some cause for anxiety as several people were +in the secret, his sister and her son, who had helped him to bury the +treasure, his parish priest, Alexander Emett, and his friend Sir Henry +Saville<a id='r260'></a><a href='#f260' class='c016'><sup>[260]</sup></a>. The fortunes of the brass pot during the rebellion will be +afterwards related. The point to be noticed here is that to some +of the gentlemen private feuds were of more importance than any +question of religion. The vicar of Halifax and Sir Richard Tempest +were both opposed to Cromwell’s policy, but no political sympathy +could bring them to take the same side.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When the influence of the religious was exercised against the +government it produced great results, as in the following case. The +Stapletons of Wighill, near Tadcaster, were a family of position, +followers of the Earl of Northumberland. Christopher Stapleton, +the head of the family, was a chronic invalid, who passed the summer +of 1535 at Beverley, for the sake of his health. He stayed in the +house of the Grey Friars, and there he met Thomas Johnson, otherwise +called Brother Bonaventure, one of the Observant Friars, who +had been sent from York to Beverley when the houses of the Order +were made conventual. The friar easily acquired influence over the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>sick man and his childless wife, and when they went home to +Wighill he visited them there<a id='r261'></a><a href='#f261' class='c016'><sup>[261]</sup></a>. Next summer, 1536, Christopher +came to Beverley again, bringing with him Sir Brian Stapleton, his +eldest son by his first wife<a id='r262'></a><a href='#f262' class='c016'><sup>[262]</sup></a>, and his brother William Stapleton. +William, Christopher’s brother, was a lawyer of Gray’s Inn, and a +friend of Robert Aske; he spent his vacation with his brother, and +at the beginning of October, when he was about to return to London +for the Michaelmas term, Beverley became the headquarters of the +rebellion, and William Stapleton, at Brother Bonaventure’s suggestion, +was chosen captain of the commons<a id='r263'></a><a href='#f263' class='c016'><sup>[263]</sup></a>. It is beyond doubt that the +influence of chaplains and confessors was used to encourage the +gentlemen to join the Pilgrimage, though it is not so certain that +the whole agitation can be attributed to them.</p> + +<p class='c008'>While the conservative priests were using persuasion the reformers +often unwittingly helped them by provoking violence. Religious +differences may lie at the bottom of a mysterious affair which took +place at Marston. Leonard Constable, the parson of Heyton Wansdale, +otherwise called Marston<a id='r264'></a><a href='#f264' class='c016'><sup>[264]</sup></a>, brought a complaint before the Court of +Star Chamber in either 1525, 1531, or 1536. Unfortunately it is +impossible to discover which of these dates is correct, as the case is +undated. Constable stated that on 25 April Sir Oswald Wolsthrope +and Sir Robert Waid, clerk, procured that he should be attacked +as he was performing the service in the parish church by Sir +Thomas Applegarth, clerk, and eight other armed and riotous +persons. They “violently came and took the chalice from the +Altar, where your said subject (Constable) was standing, and said, +‘Thou horson polshorne priest, thou shalt not say mass here, and +therefore get thee out of the church, or we shall make thee +repent it’.” Afterwards the rioters broke into the parsonage and +“put in a certain person into the same to the intent to keep +your said subject out of the same, and said he should dwell there +whether he would or no.” On Sunday 30 April, Sir Oswald came +to the parish church himself with sixteen armed men. “And then +and there the said Wolsthrope, your said subject being at mass, and +had almost celebrated the same, said with a high voice these words +following, that is to say, ‘You horson priest, if I had come betime +I would have nailed thy coat to thy back with my dagger.’ And +<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>after that your said subject had finished his mass, and kneeled down +at the Altar, saying his orations and prayers, the said Sir Oswald +Wolsthrope ... came riotously to your said subject and plucked him +down by the hair backward, and gave him many opprobrious and +unfitting words, and put him in fear and jeopardy of his life.” The +cause of this behaviour on the part of Sir Oswald is not explained. +It cannot have been a dispute over the patronage of the rectory, for +Constable had been instituted in 1518, seven years before the earliest +date to which the dispute can be assigned<a id='r265'></a><a href='#f265' class='c016'><sup>[265]</sup></a>. If Constable had +provoked Sir Oswald by innovations and heretical practices, it is +surprising that he did not mention Sir Oswald’s disloyalty, unless +perhaps his own opinions were not those imposed by the government. +But although this riot cannot with certainty be attributed to religious +differences, it possibly gives the other side of the picture drawn by +an admiring martyrologist of a contemporary Yorkshire gentleman, +Sir William Mallory, who “was so zealous and constant a Catholic, +than when heresy first came into England, and Catholic service commanded +to be put down on such a day, he came to the church, and +stood there at the door with his sword drawn, to defend that +none should come to abolish religion, saying that he would defend +it with his life, and continued for some days keeping out the officers +so long as he possibly could.”<a id='r266'></a><a href='#f266' class='c016'><sup>[266]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>A powerful bond between gentlemen, priests and commons was +their intense hatred of Cromwell. He was above all else detested as +a heretic, but the gentlemen also shared the contemptuous feelings +of the nobles for an upstart of low birth, and the northern gentlemen +had a special grievance against him, for which, doubtless, parallel +cases could be found in other parts of the kingdom. One of the +most onerous duties of the landowners was the administration of +justice. Cromwell was anxious to strengthen the hands of the judges +against local anarchy, in pursuit of his policy that England should +have only one tyrant, but he was by no means scrupulous as to the +quality of the justice administered in the royal courts. In March +1536 a case occurred at York Assizes which roused helpless anger +throughout the county. A certain William Wicliff was charged by +Mrs Carr of Newcastle-upon-Tyne with the murder of her husband, +Ralph Carr. The sheriff assured Christopher Jenney, one of the +judges, that the jury had been chosen by Carr’s friends, all except +one man “who was thought indifferent,” yet even this jury acquitted +<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>Wicliff. The names of the jurors were sent up to Cromwell, and +they were bound under a recognizance of £100 each to appear before +the Court of Star Chamber on 20 May. Wicliff remained in prison, +as Mrs Carr sued an appeal for murder against him<a id='r267'></a><a href='#f267' class='c016'><sup>[267]</sup></a>. The jury were +fined. This excited general indignation in the north; Aske said that +“the Lord Cromwell ... for the extreme punishment of the great jury +of Yorkshire, and for the extreme assessment of their fines, was and +yet is, in such horror and hatred with the people of those parts, that +in manner they would eat him, and esteems their griefs only to arise +by him and his counsel.”<a id='r268'></a><a href='#f268' class='c016'><sup>[268]</sup></a> Another gentleman declared that “the +said traitor (Cromwell) constrains men to be perjured by extreme +fines as Sir George Conyers, Sir Oswald Wolsthrope and their fellows +were if they would have consented and esteemed their goods above +the truth and worship.”<a id='r269'></a><a href='#f269' class='c016'><sup>[269]</sup></a> Although Wicliff is not mentioned in the +latter instance, it is probably a reference to the same case.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The affair of Wicliff is typical of the crimes which were familiar +to the King, but almost incomprehensible in the north. A northern +gentleman did not hesitate to attack and kill his enemy in the street, +but he would not perjure himself and condemn an innocent man to +death “for four of the best dukes’ lands in France.” Abundant +evidence has been given of the lawlessness which prevailed in the +north, but some virtues flourished there also, which were absolutely +necessary in the absence of law. A gentleman spoke the truth and +held his word sacred. It was unthinkable that the King, the +greatest gentleman of all, did not observe the same code.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the uncivilised north the Church still performed her old +functions, and religion was accepted with a childlike faith which, +although tending to superstition, was a decided influence for good. +The simple moral and religious principles of the northern gentlemen +are not altogether unworthy of respect, but they formed a poor +preparation for a conflict with Henry VIII.</p> + +<div> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span> + <h3 class='c017'>NOTES TO CHAPTER III</h3> +</div> + +<p class='c018'>Note A. The authors of “The History of the House of Howard” say of +Lady Bulmer “her character (was) foully, and, as has since been shown, lyingly, +attacked by the King’s lawyers,” but we have failed to discover the defence of +her character. Her own son did not deny that his sisters were born before his +parents’ marriage<a id='r270'></a><a href='#f270' class='c016'><sup>[270]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note B. The document which accused Sir Robert Constable of breaking the +liberties of Beverley is undated. Among the Letters and Papers it is placed +with the evidence given at his trial. The reference to “Our Holy Father the +Pope” shows that it must have been drawn up at least some years earlier.</p> + +<p class='c019'>We have been unable to discover the case of Anne Grysanis, and it is possible +that this Sir Robert Constable may not have been the villain. There were so +many Constables.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note C. Possible translations of the inscription on Aughton church +tower:—</p> + +<p class='c019'>(1) “I (the tower) ought not to forget Christofer, second son of Robert +Aske, knt, <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 1536.”</p> + +<p class='c019'>(2) “Christofer, the second son of Robert Aske, knt. I ought not to forget, +<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 1536.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Note D. Robert Aske is called Sir Robert’s third son in Tonge’s Visitation +of 1530, but in 1507 he had a brother Richard, who seems to have come between +Christopher and Robert, but died in childhood<a id='r271'></a><a href='#f271' class='c016'><sup>[271]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Note E. Star Chamber Proceedings.</p> + +<table class='table1'> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>Bundle</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='fss'>XVIII</span>, 252.</td> + <td class='c022'>Sir H. Saville v. Sir R. Tempest.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c021'>„ 153.</td> + <td class='c013'>„ v. „ <a id='r272'></a><a href='#f272' class='c016'><sup>[272]</sup></a>.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='fss'>XVII</span>, 256.</td> + <td class='c022'>Sir R. Tempest v. Sir H. Saville<a id='r273'></a><a href='#f273' class='c016'><sup>[273]</sup></a>.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='fss'>XXII</span>, 58 and 147.</td> + <td class='c013'>„ v. „</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='fss'>XXI</span>, 174.</td> + <td class='c022'>Robert Holdesworth v. John Lacy, Thomas Saville, Richard Holdesworth, Nic. Brodly.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='fss'>XXII</span>, 201.</td> + <td class='c022'>Sir H. Saville v. Sir R. Tempest.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c022'>Sir Thomas Tempest v. Sir H. Saville.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='fss'>XXIII</span>, 86.</td> + <td class='c022'>Isabel Jepson v. Sir R. Tempest and Sir T. Tempest and others for murder of her husband.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='fss'>XXIV</span>, 238.</td> + <td class='c022'>Sir R. Tempest v. Sir H. Saville.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c021'>„ 380.</td> + <td class='c022'>Rex v. Sir R. Tempest.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c010'><span class='fss'>XXV</span>, 37.</td> + <td class='c022'>Sir H. Saville v. Sir Thomas Tempest.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c021'>„</td> + <td class='c021'>„ 45, 55.</td> + <td class='c022'>Inhabitants of various places v. Sir H. Saville.</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>Note F. Christopher Jenney’s letter<a id='r274'></a><a href='#f274' class='c016'><sup>[274]</sup></a>, dated 27 March but without the year, +is placed in 1535 by the editor of the Letters and Papers, but from the reference +in it to Thwaites the vicar of Londesborough, who was examined in November +1535, it seems that the letter more probably belongs to 1536.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Note G. J. C. Cox in his transcript of William Stapleton’s Confession<a id='r275'></a><a href='#f275' class='c016'><sup>[275]</sup></a> +identifies Thomas Johnson, Brother Bonaventure, with Thomas Johnson one +of the monks of the London Charterhouse, but this identification is very +improbable for the following reasons:—</p> + +<p class='c019'>(<i>a</i>) It rests only on the name, which is too common to be a proof of +identity.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(<i>b</i>) William Stapleton evidently knew Brother Bonaventure well and +would not be likely to mistake his Order.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(<i>c</i>) It was contrary to the rules of the Charterhouse for any monk to +wander about the country alone, but this was the usual practice of the friars.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(<i>d</i>) Dom Thomas Johnson was not one of the four monks who were sent +from London to the Hull Charterhouse in May 1536, but was still in London on +18 May 1537. In June that year he died in Newgate<a id='r276'></a><a href='#f276' class='c016'><sup>[276]</sup></a>. As the monks of the +London Charterhouse had been under close supervision since May 1536, it is +incredible that one of them should have escaped to the north in October, +remained there for some time, and then returned again to prison.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER IV<br> <span class='c004'>FACTS AND RUMOURS</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>The great events of the year 1535 were the executions of the +Charterhouse monks and of More and Fisher in June and July, +followed by the visitation of the monasteries by Cromwell’s commissioners +in the autumn. There is no need to retell these stories, +for the object of this chapter is neither to extol the martyrs nor to +defend Cromwell’s visitors, but rather to try to discover the feeling of +the nation at large, manifested by the words of numberless forgotten +men and women, who often paid for their devotion to the religion of +their fathers with their lives<a id='r277'></a><a href='#f277' class='c016'><sup>[277]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>All up and down the land the friaries were storm-centres of +revolt, and the King’s first attack upon them only increased their +influence. The Friars Observant were the most recently reformed +branch of the Franciscan Order. They had been introduced into +England by Henry VII, and had only six houses in the country, +Greenwich, Richmond in Surrey, Cambridge, Southampton, Newark, +and Newcastle-on-Tyne<a id='r278'></a><a href='#f278' class='c016'><sup>[278]</sup></a>. Their house at Newcastle had formerly +belonged to the conventual brothers of the Order until Henry VII +replaced them by the Observants<a id='r279'></a><a href='#f279' class='c016'><sup>[279]</sup></a>. It was natural that this Order, +newly established in England, should contain the most uncompromising +enemies of Henry VIII’s policy, and they denounced the +divorce so resolutely that their houses were suppressed in 1534<a id='r280'></a><a href='#f280' class='c016'><sup>[280]</sup></a>. +The friars were transferred to the conventual houses of the Order, +but the result of this was that they infected the whole body with +their own discontent. But the other friars, though as yet not +directly attacked, were not ready to accept the new state of affairs +<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>quietly. On the contrary, of all Cromwell’s opponents, they most +hated the Act of Supremacy. This was passed in the autumn of +1534, and throughout the following year popular indignation grew +and grew, as the agitation against the new laws was secretly carried +on. A friar who had embraced the New Learning<a id='r281'></a><a href='#f281' class='c016'><sup>[281]</sup></a>, hot against all +“superstitious and popish remembrances,” described the methods +of his unconverted brethren to Cromwell. In many church windows +was pictured the story of St Thomas of Canterbury, and he had +heard the pardoners relate how the martyr was slain for resisting +the King, in defence not only of the liberties of the Church, but also +of the rights of the poor; for he would not grant the King that +“whosoever set his child to school should pay a tribute, nor that no +poor man should eat certain meats except he paid a tribute.... These +words and divers others remaining in the people’s heads, which they +call the articles of St Thomas.” Then the preacher would point to +the window where the penitent king knelt naked before the martyr’s +shrine, and leave the listeners to draw their own moral. The friars +mendicant “living by the alms of the King’s subjects” were received +everywhere by the poor as friends and teachers, although Cromwell’s +correspondent declared them to be all “unlearned and without discretion.” +They would seek out the “aged and simple” and “drive +them into admiration with such words as—Oh, father or sister, what +a world is this! It was not so in your father’s days. Ye may see it +is a parlous world. They will have no pilgrimage. They will not +we should pray to saints, or fast, or do any good deeds. Our Lord +have mercy on us! I will live as my forefathers have done, and I am +sure your fathers and friends were good.... Therefore I pray you +continue as you have done, and believe as your friends and fathers +did; whatsoever the new fellows do, say and do for yourself while ye +be here.” The reformer considered that these friars “do much hurt +and will do, except they be otherwise provided for, that they may no +more so scatter abroad.” He concluded by asking for a dispensation +from his habit that he might “preach God’s word.”<a id='r282'></a><a href='#f282' class='c016'><sup>[282]</sup></a> It may be +imagined that his sermons would little please his old brethren, and +as a commentary on them or their like may be quoted the words of a +certain White friar, who said “that we should see a new turn of the +Bishop of Rome if we lived; that we were a many wretches of this +realm, without any charity, thus to blaspheme him, seeing that he +does not write against us, but we, malicious wretches, write and rail +<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>against him without any charity; and though some of his predecessors +were evil, he is a good man.”<a id='r283'></a><a href='#f283' class='c016'><sup>[283]</sup></a> The Pope referred to was +Paul III. The friars were above all wandering preachers, and +reports of seditious sermons by Black, White, or Grey brethren were +sent to Cromwell from Norwich, Canterbury, Bristol, Kingswood in +Wiltshire<a id='r284'></a><a href='#f284' class='c016'><sup>[284]</sup></a>, and Newcastle-on-Tyne, where the prior of the Black +friars preached a series of Lenten sermons in 1536 against the +Royal Supremacy and then fled to Scotland<a id='r285'></a><a href='#f285' class='c016'><sup>[285]</sup></a>. Some of the friars +were simple and ignorant enough, but no less powerful among the +people for all that; others were more like one of whom Latimer +complained,—“wilily witted, Dunsly learned, Morely affected, bold +not a little, zealous more than enough,”<a id='r286'></a><a href='#f286' class='c016'><sup>[286]</sup></a> i.e. learned in the lore of +Duns Scotus and holding the opinions of Sir Thomas More.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As an instance of the sort of conversation that went on within +the friaries there is the case of the Grey Friars of Grantham, which +was remarkable as being the northernmost house in which there was +a treacherous brother. Friar John Colsell, in his deposition of +23 August 1535, tried to fasten a charge of treason upon the Warden +and other brethren, though his motive was rather private malice +than any love of the New Learning. The Warden stated in his +defence that he had rebuked two unruly friars, who threatened to +complain to the general visitor, whereupon he said, “Well, this +fashion will not last always. I trust we shall have the correction +of our own religion again, for it hath done a hundred pounds worth +of hurt since it was otherwise; for now, if they be checked for their +misorder they will threat a man to complain of him, and yet in the +end, after he know the truth, I trust the same visitor will take them +as they be.” Another of the accused friars had remarked, concerning +the erasure of the Pope’s name from the service books, “If every Act +were as well executed as this, we should have a merry world.” One +of the refractory friars asked, “Be they not so?” “No, for there +was an Act made concerning the Statute of Array, that no man +should wear satin, velvet nor damask unless he were a man of lands +or a burgess, which be now broken.” The aldermen of Grantham +and other men of influence in the town gave evidence in favour +of the Warden, among them Gervase Tyndale, the master of the free +school. Tyndale was by no means inclined to favour friars in general<a id='r287'></a><a href='#f287' class='c016'><sup>[287]</sup></a>, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>for in November 1535 he wrote to Cromwell asking for money, as +he was employed in the business of certain friars who were about to +practise necromancy. In the same letter he complained of a “doctor” +who had preached in the town on All Souls’ Day about purgatory, +saying that earthly fire was to the fire of purgatory as a picture +is compared to a man, and that one penny given to a priest would +release souls from purgatory. Tyndale remonstrated with him, but +the preacher had the support of the congregation. He called Tyndale +a Saxon heretic behind his back, and drove away all the boys +from the free school, lest their master should infect them with his +opinions<a id='r288'></a><a href='#f288' class='c016'><sup>[288]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The preaching, however, was not all one way, for there were +a few “heretics” wandering up and down the country, friars of a new +creed. These poor men were greatly to be pitied, standing as they +did between two fires. Henry and Cromwell were willing to use +them, but regarded them with the utmost suspicion, and were always +ready to pounce upon them if they transgressed the very narrow +limits allowed. The ordinary clergy and the mass of the people +regarded them with hatred and contempt. Their acts at first seem +simply to have stirred up opposition, though here and there are signs +that their teaching was beginning to produce an effect<a id='r289'></a><a href='#f289' class='c016'><sup>[289]</sup></a>. Any +earnest soul simply and honestly trying to find a satisfying religion +must have been much confused by the laws provided for his guidance. +The parson of Staunton in Gloucester was in trouble for saying that +“if the King our sovereign did not go forth with his laws as he +began, he would call the King Anti-Christ;”<a id='r290'></a><a href='#f290' class='c016'><sup>[290]</sup></a> while Wotton-under-Edge +in the same county was full of discord “by reason of divers +opinions”; and one John Plummer was accused of saying “there +shall be a new world or Midsummer Day,” by which he meant, as he +explained, that he hoped “the King in his Parliament would make +some order of punishment for those who neither fast nor pray.”<a id='r291'></a><a href='#f291' class='c016'><sup>[291]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The questing soul would have found that it was just as dangerous +to speak for as against purgatory<a id='r292'></a><a href='#f292' class='c016'><sup>[292]</sup></a>; and if he dared to call images +idols he was not only likely to be attacked by his indignant neighbours, +but was also within reach of the law<a id='r293'></a><a href='#f293' class='c016'><sup>[293]</sup></a>. The law indeed +permitted the reading of the Scriptures in English, but public +opinion was so much against it that a layman complained of being +<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>set in the stocks for having an English psalter<a id='r294'></a><a href='#f294' class='c016'><sup>[294]</sup></a>, and the Prior of +Haverfordwest appealed to Cromwell against the Bishop of St David’s, +who had forced him to give up his English testament “as if to have +a testament in English were horrible heresy.”<a id='r295'></a><a href='#f295' class='c016'><sup>[295]</sup></a> So strong was this +feeling that even the Bishop of Lincoln, Longland, who was accounted +a heretic, complained to Cromwell of “Sir Swinnerton” and other +preachers who were bad characters and encouraged people to read +English books; the men of Lincolnshire “much grudged” against +them<a id='r296'></a><a href='#f296' class='c016'><sup>[296]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But wandering preachers, whether heretic or papist, were only +the skirmishers of the religious fray; the reformers were weak in +numbers, but they poured their books and tracts, like an unceasing +fire of heavy artillery, from their foreign batteries; also they had +an immensely powerful, though suspicious, ally in the King. The +romanists, on the other hand, always hoped for but never received +reinforcements from the Pope. But they had numbers and tradition +on their side, and their army was very efficiently officered by the +parish priests. The steady, quiet opposition of these men was much +the most effective defence attempted against the King’s ecclesiastical +policy. They had been ordered to blot out the name of the Pope in +all prayer and service books, and to repeat a collect for the welfare +of the King and Anne Boleyn<a id='r297'></a><a href='#f297' class='c016'><sup>[297]</sup></a>, but Cromwell’s informers continually +reported cases of disobedience<a id='r298'></a><a href='#f298' class='c016'><sup>[298]</sup></a>. The vicar of Stanton Lacy, Salop, +was accused of covering the Pope’s name by a piece of paper fastened +down with balm, instead of erasing the words<a id='r299'></a><a href='#f299' class='c016'><sup>[299]</sup></a>. All the religious +were very loath to reform their mass books. They could not believe +that the quarrel with Rome was more than a passing cloud. “When +the King is dead all these fashions will be laid down,” was the +general belief<a id='r300'></a><a href='#f300' class='c016'><sup>[300]</sup></a>. Richard Crowley, curate of Broughton, Oxford, +was accused of calling the Bishop of Rome Pope, and of comparing +him to the sun, the King to the moon and the people to the stars, +with the application that “the moon takes her light from the sun +and as the light of the sun is taken from us, so the world is dark and +the people in blindness.” He offered his parishioners pardon “during +the utas” at the feast of the Name of Jesus (7 August), declared +that the power of the Pope was as great as ever, and professed +<span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>himself ready to die for the true faith, like More, Fisher, and the +fathers of Zion<a id='r301'></a><a href='#f301' class='c016'><sup>[301]</sup></a>. Only a few were as bold as he; others, who +“would rather be torn with wild horses than assent or consent to the +diminishing of any one iote of the bishop of Rome his authority, +of old time and always holden and kept in this realm,”<a id='r302'></a><a href='#f302' class='c016'><sup>[302]</sup></a> were content +to speak their minds and then seek safety overseas<a id='r303'></a><a href='#f303' class='c016'><sup>[303]</sup></a>; but the greatest +number were like the curate of Rye, who, though he had taken the +oath to the King, had “done the contrary,” and spread tracts against +the Royal Supremacy<a id='r304'></a><a href='#f304' class='c016'><sup>[304]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>So few people as yet favoured the New Learning that most of our +knowledge of the discontent is due to local disputes. If a priest +quarrelled with his parishioners, they would bring accusations against +him which, however true in themselves, would never have been laid +against a popular man. An example of this occurred at Harwich, +Essex, at the end of the year 1535, when thirty-two of his flock +brought a variety of charges against the priest, Thomas Corthrop, +such as that he had not erased the Pope’s name from his mass book, +that he had called Dr Barnes “false knave and heretic,”<a id='r305'></a><a href='#f305' class='c016'><sup>[305]</sup></a> that he +had preached Anti-Christ and not shown who Anti-Christ was, and +so forth. He had also said in a sermon at Bethlehem without +Bishopgate, London, that “these new preachers nowadays that doth +preach their three sermons a day have made and brought in such +divisions and seditions among us as never was seen in this realm, for +the devil reigneth over us now.” The root of the complaint, however, +lies in the last two articles:—“That when the young men of the +parish entered the church on December 26 to chose them a Lord +of Misrule with minstrels to solace the parish and bring youths from +cards and dicing, the said priest had taken the pipe out of the +minstrel’s hand, and struck him on the head with it, and did next +day preach a sermon that the Children of Israel came dancing and +piping before idols”; and that he falsely accused his parishioners +of hunting and bowling instead of coming to church<a id='r306'></a><a href='#f306' class='c016'><sup>[306]</sup></a>. If it had not +been for his puritanism in these respects, most likely nothing would +have been heard of his conservatism in others.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>The preachers were chiefly concerned with the relations between +England and the Pope, but the commons looked at the matter from +a more personal point of view. Queen Katherine was universally +beloved, while Queen Anne was detested. It was the divorce and +the slaughter of the monks that roused popular indignation rather +than the abstract question of the supremacy. A woman of “Senklers +Bradfield,”<a id='r307'></a><a href='#f307' class='c016'><sup>[307]</sup></a> Suffolk, was accused of rejoicing because Anne’s child +was still-born (February 1535), and of calling her “a goggle-eyed +whore,” adding, “God save Queen Katherine for she was righteous +queen, and she trusted to see her queen again, and that she should +warrant the same.”<a id='r308'></a><a href='#f308' class='c016'><sup>[308]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Henry himself fully shared the ill-will showered upon his new +wife. A Buckinghamshire man declared “the King is but a knave +and liveth in adultry, and is an heretic and liveth not after the laws +of God,” and also “I set not by the King’s crown, and if I had it here +I would play at football with it.”<a id='r309'></a><a href='#f309' class='c016'><sup>[309]</sup></a> A yeoman named Adam Fermour, +of Waldron in Sussex, had just returned from London. His friends +asked what the news was. “What news, man?” said he. “By +God’s blood! evil news, for the King will make such laws that if a man +die his wife and his children shall go a-begging. He fell but lately +and brake one of his ribs, and if he make such laws it were pity but +he should break his neck.”<a id='r310'></a><a href='#f310' class='c016'><sup>[310]</sup></a> The act that roused his indignation +must have been the Statute of Uses<a id='r311'></a><a href='#f311' class='c016'><sup>[311]</sup></a>. A few laymen, perhaps, took +exception to the Royal Supremacy, but most contented themselves +with abusing the King and Queen<a id='r312'></a><a href='#f312' class='c016'><sup>[312]</sup></a>. Others again reviled the King’s +favourites, and, of course, Cromwell first of all. The vicar of Eastbourne +said to an unreliable friend, while walking in the churchyard, +“They that rule about the King make him great banquets and give +him sweet wines and make him drunk,” and then “they bring him +bills and he putteth his sign to them, whereby they do what they +will and no man may correct them.” He lamented the execution +of the Bishop of Rochester (Fisher) and of Sir Thomas More, saying +that they would be sorely missed, for they were the most profound +men of learning in the realm<a id='r313'></a><a href='#f313' class='c016'><sup>[313]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>As time went on, disloyalty steadily increased. At Coventry +in November 1535 the royal proclamations were torn down from the +market cross<a id='r314'></a><a href='#f314' class='c016'><sup>[314]</sup></a>. At Chichester in April 1536 a seditious bill was +posted up<a id='r315'></a><a href='#f315' class='c016'><sup>[315]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From Crowle in Worcestershire came several reports of treasonable +speeches. In August 1535 Edmund Brocke, an aged husbandman, +walking home from Worcester market in the rain, was heard to say, +“It is ’long of the King that this weather is so troublous and unstable, +and I ween we shall never have better weather whiles the King +reigneth, and therefore it maketh no matter if he were knocked +or patted on the head.”<a id='r316'></a><a href='#f316' class='c016'><sup>[316]</sup></a> A year later accusations were brought +against James Pratt, the vicar of Crowle. Witnesses deposed that +on the Sunday before St Bartholomew’s Day (24 August) he had +said in an ale-house “that the church went down and would be +worse until there be a shrappe made, and said that he reckoned there +were 20,000 nigh of flote, and wished there were 20,000 more, so that +he were one, and rather tomorrow than the next day, for there shall +never be good world until there be a schrappe. And they that may +escape that shall live merry enough.” Statistics were very roughly +calculated in those days, but the 20,000 men whom the vicar believed +to be “nigh of flote” appear again and again in the report of the +rebels’ forces, and perhaps he had some grounds for his prophecy, +though he was probably drunk when he made it. If not strictly +temperate he was at any rate brave and loyal to his friends; when +examined by torture, he would confess nothing but that he had +heard divers persons, whom he would not name, say the Church was +never so sore handled<a id='r317'></a><a href='#f317' class='c016'><sup>[317]</sup></a>. Earlier in the same year (1536) Thomas +Sowle, a priest of Penrith in Cumberland, had wandered south to +Tewkesbury, where he said in an ale-house, “We be kept bare and +smit under, yet we shall rise once again, and 40,000 of us will rise +upon a day.”<a id='r318'></a><a href='#f318' class='c016'><sup>[318]</sup></a> By degrees the mutterings of discontent became +more definite. Thomas Toone, parson of Weeley, Essex, came home +from a visit to the north at the beginning of September 1536 +in harvest time. Two of his parishioners went with him one day +into the fields called “Lambeles Redoon” and “Wardes” to gather +tithe sheaves. “There shall be business shortly in the north,” said +the priest, “and I trust to help strength my countrymen with 10,000 +<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>such as I am myself, and that I shall be one of the worst of them all.” +The labourer answered quietly, “Little said is soon amended.” The +priest added hastily, “Remember ye not what I said unto you right +now, care ye not for that, for an Easter come, the King shall not +reign long.” The priest went on up the furrow gathering the tithe +sheaves, and the two countrymen agreed together to say nothing +of the matter for the present<a id='r319'></a><a href='#f319' class='c016'><sup>[319]</sup></a>. They waited, like hundreds of others, +ready to applaud the priest if he succeeded, or to accuse him if he +failed.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Such was the state of the south on the eve of the rebellion. The +general opinion was that “the new laws might be suffered for a +season, but already they set men together by the ears and in time +they would cause broken heads.”<a id='r320'></a><a href='#f320' class='c016'><sup>[320]</sup></a> In the north the discontent was +all the more dangerous because less is heard of it<a id='r321'></a><a href='#f321' class='c016'><sup>[321]</sup></a>. It was by no +means less active than in the south, but there were fewer informers. +In 1535, Layton, one of Cromwell’s hated visitors, wrote to his +master on the religious state of the northern counties, where he was +about to begin his visitation of the monasteries: “There can be no +better way to beat the King’s authority into the heads of the rude +people of the north than to show them that the King intends reformation +and correction of religion.” He described them as “more +superstitious than virtuous, long accustomed to frantic fantasies and +ceremonies, which they regard more than either God or their prince, +right far alienate from true religion.”<a id='r322'></a><a href='#f322' class='c016'><sup>[322]</sup></a> And there are a few indications +of the trend of popular sympathy.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Edward Lee, the Archbishop of York, though usually entirely +subservient to the King, once or twice protested against the granting +of licences to heretic preachers, who spoke against purgatory, pilgrimages, +and so forth “wherewith the people grudge, which otherwise all +the King’s commandment here obey diligently, as well for the setting +forth of his title of supreme head as also of the abolition of the +primate of Rome.”<a id='r323'></a><a href='#f323' class='c016'><sup>[323]</sup></a> In spite of this assertion, when the parish +priest of Guisborough, Yorkshire, was reading the articles of the +King’s Supremacy in church on 11 July 1535, John Atkinson, alias +Brotton, “came violently and took the book forth of the priest’s +hands, and pulled it in pieces, and privily conveyed himself forth +of the church.” A search was made for him, but perhaps not a very +exhaustive one; at least he was not found<a id='r324'></a><a href='#f324' class='c016'><sup>[324]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>Very touching are the words of the priest of Winestead, who +on Midsummer Day 1535 begged his people to pray for him, “for he +had made his testament and was boune to such a journey that +he trowed never to see them again. And it is said there is no Pope, +but I say there is one Pope.” He was committed to the Archbishop’s +prison at York and his fate is unknown<a id='r325'></a><a href='#f325' class='c016'><sup>[325]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Royal Supremacy was attacked in books as well as by action +and example. On 7 July 1535 Bishop Tunstall wrote to tell +Cromwell that a book called “Hortulus Animae,” but printed in +English, had been brought to him from Newcastle, and that he +found in the calendar at the end of it “a manifest declaration +against the effect of the act of parliament lately made, for the +establishment of the King’s succession ... which declaration is made ... +upon the day of the decollation of St John Baptist, to show the +cause why he was beheaded.”<a id='r326'></a><a href='#f326' class='c016'><sup>[326]</sup></a> It was easy to draw a sufficiently +trenchant parallel between Herod, Herodias, and St John on the +one hand, and Henry, Anne, and the Catholic martyrs on the other. +Later in the same year other books were “taken up,” which treated +of purgatory and magnified the power of the Pope<a id='r327'></a><a href='#f327' class='c016'><sup>[327]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The depositions against William Thwaites, parson of Londesborough, +form the fullest case remaining against a Yorkshire parish +priest, and they are especially interesting because the circumstances +must have come under the notice of Robert Aske. His brother +Christopher had lands in Londesborough, and John Aske was the +magistrate who heard the second set of depositions on 13 November +1535. John Nesfield, the bailiff of Londesborough, was the principal +witness. He charged the vicar with saying “about the Invention of +Holy Cross last” (3 May 1535) that he was glad to hear of the +subsidy “for now shall ye temporal men be pilled and polled as well +as the spiritual men be.” He also said that England had now no +allies but the Lutherans, and that an interdict on the realm lay +at Calais and other foreign ports. If it were brought into the +country, there would be no more Christian burial for men than +for dogs, “howbeit the King will not obey it.” He had refused +to attend when summoned to appear before Archdeacon Magnus +on 29 June 1535 at Warter Priory, when the other curates of the +deanery were given briefs to declare every Sunday; these must have +been the briefs for the Royal Supremacy<a id='r328'></a><a href='#f328' class='c016'><sup>[328]</sup></a>. Thwaites never published +<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>his copy until the Sunday before Holyrood Day (14 September), +when his parishioners began to murmur. There were three other +witnesses who had heard him say that the King would be destroyed +by the most vile people in the world “and that he should be glad to +take a boat for safeguard of his life and flee into the sea, and forsake +his own realm; and, masters, there hangs a cloud over us, what as it +means I know not.” He also spoke much of prophecies about future +battles<a id='r329'></a><a href='#f329' class='c016'><sup>[329]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Thwaites was tried at the York Assizes in March 1536, and was +acquitted on the grounds that the charge was malicious. Nevertheless +he was sent up to London to appear before Cromwell next +term<a id='r330'></a><a href='#f330' class='c016'><sup>[330]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Although all classes were to a certain extent hostile to the +religious changes, a sharp line was drawn between the disaffection +of the gentlemen on account of the new laws, and the unrest of the +lower orders under social conditions. The troubles of the commons +may be summed up in the one word—change. Everything was +changing,—the relations of the landlord to the tenant, of the labourer +to the land, of the buyer to the seller, of the layman to the church,—and +in most cases the change bore heavily on the poor man. It was +all this changing that he resented so profoundly; he disliked to see +the abbeys pulled down and the monks turned out, just as he disliked +raised rents and sheep-farming enclosures, and an English service in +the parish church. About an abstract question like that of the +Supremacy he cared little, and if the King had been content with +his new title and spared the monasteries, there would probably have +been no rebellion, but only a series of isolated disturbances raised by +the commons and easily put down by the gentlemen, such as the +Craven riots of June 1535. The rioters tore down the enclosures +made by the Earl of Cumberland, the most ill-beloved of the northern +nobles. Their grievances were the usual ones: fields which when +tilled had supported families were turned into pasturage for the lord’s +profit, and the common lands were shamelessly stolen. The authorities +had no difficulty in finding and punishing a suitable number of +offenders<a id='r331'></a><a href='#f331' class='c016'><sup>[331]</sup></a>. In December there was rioting in Galtres Forest by +York, but here the sympathy of the gentlemen was with the rioters, +for in spite of the evidence the inquest which the Earl of Northumberland +appointed to deal with the affair refused to “find a riot,” +<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>at the instigation of Thomas Delaryver, one of the jurors<a id='r332'></a><a href='#f332' class='c016'><sup>[332]</sup></a>; and +in April 1536 Sir Arthur Darcy appealed to Cromwell on behalf of +the people of Galtres Forest, who were being troubled by Mr Curwen +and Sir Thomas Wharton about an alleged riot although it was +barley-seed time and they were in great poverty<a id='r333'></a><a href='#f333' class='c016'><sup>[333]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The people about Snape assembled in April 1536 to attack the +commissioners for the subsidy, but when they reached the place they +only found the spiritual officers holding a court, and so they dispersed<a id='r334'></a><a href='#f334' class='c016'><sup>[334]</sup></a>. +This assembly must have been promoted by the yeomen +farmers, who, being the poorest class included in the subsidy, naturally +resented it most.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At the end of 1535, commons, yeomen, and gentlemen were +as yet far from forgetting their contending economic grievances +in their common religious ones. Darcy himself was involved in a +quarrel with his tenants at Rothwell about enclosures<a id='r335'></a><a href='#f335' class='c016'><sup>[335]</sup></a>, and parties +with interests so different might never have united, if the dissolution +of the lesser monasteries had not welded them into one.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Act was passed in March 1536<a id='r336'></a><a href='#f336' class='c016'><sup>[336]</sup></a>, and the suppression began +in May. News travelled so slowly, and the proceedings of the +government were so little understood, that the first intimation of +the coming change must often have been the arrival of the commissioners +who were to suppress the monastery. The effect on +the people may be imagined when they saw the monks turned out, +their alms stopped, their lands given to an absentee landlord, their +buildings pulled down, or unroofed and left to fall to ruin.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When the idea of dissolving the monasteries was throwing the +whole kingdom into a turmoil, it may well be asked how it was +received in the monasteries themselves. There is strangely little +information on this point. As early as February 1536, that is, +a month before the act was passed, Thomas Duke<a id='r337'></a><a href='#f337' class='c016'><sup>[337]</sup></a>, the vicar of +Hornchurch, Essex, had been heard to say that “the King and his +council hath made a way by wiles and crafts to pull down all manner +of religious, and thus they go about to abbots and priors and possessioners +and agree with them to deliver up their rights and promise +them a sufficient living, a hundred marks or more, and when they +have given all over, all other must needs give over, but an they +would hold hard for their part, which be their rights, the King could +not pull down none, nor all his council.”<a id='r338'></a><a href='#f338' class='c016'><sup>[338]</sup></a> From this and other +<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>evidence it is clear that Cromwell had taken steps to ensure the +peaceful surrender of houses<a id='r339'></a><a href='#f339' class='c016'><sup>[339]</sup></a>. In the majority of cases the monks +must have felt very bitterly against those who forced them from +their chosen life, and numbers of abbots and abbesses spared neither +trouble nor gold in vainly trying to save their houses from the +general spoil. Others again simply could not believe that such +an order would really be carried out; such a one was the Abbot of +Woburn, whose ruthful story Froude has told<a id='r340'></a><a href='#f340' class='c016'><sup>[340]</sup></a>. In June 1536 the +Abbot of Tavistock was heard to say at table, “Lo, the King sends +about to suppress many houses of religion, which is a piteous case; +and so did the Cardinal (Wolsey) in his time, but what became +of him and what end he made for his so doing, I report me unto you; +all men knows.”<a id='r341'></a><a href='#f341' class='c016'><sup>[341]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It has often been said that if all the religious had borne themselves +as did the Carthusian martyrs, the Reformation would have +been impossible. This is perfectly true, and perhaps, religiously +speaking, the monks ought to have been prepared to die to a man +rather than give way, especially as their training was supposed to be +the best possible preparation for martyrdom. But they were handicapped. +The King struck so suddenly that they had no time, even +if they had the necessary determination, to agree on any common +action. There were no positive orders from the Pope, and the +immediate superiors whom the monks were bound to obey were +often either bribed by Cromwell or turned out to make way for +government servants. Then there were discontented monks, and +monks who inclined to the New Learning, in many of the houses. +Nevertheless there was nothing that could have stayed real enthusiasm +if it had swept through the monasteries. The monks +of the Charterhouse could die, and the canons of Hexham could take +up arms. Others might have done as they did, instead of going +forth sadly and lamenting their hard lot. It was not that the +religious did not care, but that they did not care quite enough. +And yet it is scarcely fair to blame them for lack of zeal. It is +impossible, humanly speaking, that a large and scattered class of +men and women, united only by the common aim of their lives and +schooled in implicit obedience, should be able to defy in solid +and unbroken ranks the law under which they live. The case +of the romanist priests who suffered during the Elizabethan +<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>persecution is not to the point. They were enthusiasts who were +eager for martyrdom, like the leaders of a forlorn hope. The religious +of Henry VIII’s reign were peaceful votaries, and however well the +monastic life may have fitted them to praise God, feed the poor, and +teach the children, it could not produce men capable of resisting +constitutional authority. People grumbled as much then as now at +acts of parliament, and thought of resisting them as little. The +monks were not as a class capable of refusing to acknowledge +Henry’s supremacy, but they were eminently suited to carry on a long +passive resistance, and this was one of the reasons which moved +the King to rid himself of them. Having once recognised Henry as +Head of the Church of England, they were helpless against the +further attack. Morally they had admitted themselves absolutely +at his mercy; actually they might perhaps have made a better fight +than they did, for the people were almost everywhere on their side; +but as the whole aim of their way of living had been to cut them off +completely from the world, the better they were from the ecclesiastical +point of view, the more helpless they were to take any action +in practical life. They were not even convinced that any action on +their part was necessary.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The fall and execution of Anne Boleyn in May 1536 was received +with universal rejoicing, and conservative people expected the +longed-for reaction in ecclesiastical affairs. But in the very month +that rid them of the cause of their troubles the suppression began. +Before the end of July they realised that their hopes were not to be +fulfilled, and within the next month the country was alive with +“rumours,” as the royal spies said, though it was really a secret +political agitation. The King was at great pains to trace out these +rumours after the rebellion, because he wished to represent that such +of them as he had no present intention of carrying out were the only +cause of the rising. Consequently, when the poor, deluded commons +discovered how false the tales were, they would at once return to +their allegiance, without making any inconvenient demands. Nevertheless +the rumours were usually based on fact, or anticipated +measures which were afterwards taken, and the outstanding facts +of the Treason Act, the Succession Acts, the subsidy, the Royal +Supremacy and the Dissolution of the Monasteries were undeniable +and gave colour to the rest. When the King was actively engaged +in robbing a church, what hope was there that he would spare his +subjects? The commonest rumours were as follows:</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) All the jewels and vessels of the parish churches were to +<span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>be taken away, and such as were necessary were to be replaced +by tin or brass<a id='r342'></a><a href='#f342' class='c016'><sup>[342]</sup></a>. This report was the natural sequel of the pillaging +of the monasteries and the destruction of the shrines. Though +Henry himself did not make such a confiscation, it occurred in his +son’s reign.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) All gold, coined and uncoined, was to be taken to the mint +to be tested, and every man would be obliged to pay for the testing<a id='r343'></a><a href='#f343' class='c016'><sup>[343]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>c</i>) One of the rumours which had least foundation in fact was +that parish churches were to be at least five miles apart. Where +they stood nearer together, the separate parishes were to be united +into one, and the unneeded churches were to be pulled down<a id='r344'></a><a href='#f344' class='c016'><sup>[344]</sup></a>. Even +now there is great local rivalry between parish and parish. At that +time it often rose to a positive feud. The idea that the ancient +landmarks would be removed and that men would be compelled +to worship with their neighbouring enemies was enough to make +some parishes take up arms.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>d</i>) A tax was to be levied on all horned cattle. Those on +which it had been paid would be marked, and any found unmarked +would be confiscated<a id='r345'></a><a href='#f345' class='c016'><sup>[345]</sup></a>. This rumour probably originated in the +legislation concerning graziers<a id='r346'></a><a href='#f346' class='c016'><sup>[346]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>e</i>) In anticipation of Cromwell’s parish registers, it was said +that all christenings, marriages, and burials were to be taxed<a id='r347'></a><a href='#f347' class='c016'><sup>[347]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>f</i>) No poor man was to be permitted to eat white bread, goose +or capon without paying a tribute to the King<a id='r348'></a><a href='#f348' class='c016'><sup>[348]</sup></a>. The probable +source of this rumour has already been mentioned<a id='r349'></a><a href='#f349' class='c016'><sup>[349]</sup></a>. It is a reminder +that though the Tudor sumptuary laws seem very quaint +now, they must have been a real hardship at the time.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>g</i>) Finally, it was said that every man would be sworn to give +an account of his property and income. If he falsified the return +all his goods would be forfeited<a id='r350'></a><a href='#f350' class='c016'><sup>[350]</sup></a>. This was simply a complaint +against the subsidy in rather an exaggerated form.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Such were the more fantastic of the stories which were passing +from mouth to mouth. It is evident that they were no wider of the +truth than many political agitations in our own time, and with them +were united the real grievances which have already been mentioned +<span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>They passed through the country from market to market<a id='r351'></a><a href='#f351' class='c016'><sup>[351]</sup></a>, and can +be traced as far south as Devon, where on 5 September a “somner” +was accused of spreading them<a id='r352'></a><a href='#f352' class='c016'><sup>[352]</sup></a>. They circulated chiefly in the +midland and eastern counties. Aske declared that they were never +heard in Yorkshire until after Guy Kyme brought them with the +Lincolnshire articles<a id='r353'></a><a href='#f353' class='c016'><sup>[353]</sup></a>. Stapleton however heard at Beverley that +several parishes were to be made into one and the church jewels +taken away<a id='r354'></a><a href='#f354' class='c016'><sup>[354]</sup></a>; and Breyar was told of the tax on horned cattle and +on every “child and chymley” at Sturley and Retford<a id='r355'></a><a href='#f355' class='c016'><sup>[355]</sup></a>. It is +natural that rumours should spread from the south to the north +bank of the Humber, and Aske first heard them from the ferryman +as he was crossing at Barton<a id='r356'></a><a href='#f356' class='c016'><sup>[356]</sup></a>. It would be difficult to find a better +way of spreading news than by enlisting ferrymen to repeat it to +their fares. But though the rumours were certainly known in +Yorkshire after the rising began, they do not seem to have spread +very far, or to have had much influence there. The newsbearers who +carried them need not be accused of ill-faith; in all probability they +really believed what they said, and this gave their words all the +more weight. Their work may be compared to that of the Evangelical +Brotherhood in Germany, formed in 1524, whose members each +contributed a small weekly sum “to defray the expenses of the +bearers of the secret despatches which were to be distributed far and +wide throughout Germany, inciting to amalgamation and a general +rising.”<a id='r357'></a><a href='#f357' class='c016'><sup>[357]</sup></a> The effect of their propaganda was soon seen.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Early in August 1536 riots broke out in Cumberland, and the +Bishop of Carlisle was accused of promoting them<a id='r358'></a><a href='#f358' class='c016'><sup>[358]</sup></a>. In Norfolk there +were stirrings at the beginning of September. An organ-maker “intended +to make an insurrection” at Norwich, but he was arrested by +the Duke of Norfolk, who also took up another “right ill person” who +spoke lewd words<a id='r359'></a><a href='#f359' class='c016'><sup>[359]</sup></a>. Men from Lincolnshire were reporting in other +counties that “anyone who would go thither at Michaelmas should +have honest living, for diking and fowling,” and there were several +who took the hint and set out for Lincolnshire as soon as the harvest +<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>was over<a id='r360'></a><a href='#f360' class='c016'><sup>[360]</sup></a>. The commissioners and their servants were by no means +careful to allay the unrest. On St Matthew’s Day (21 September) +a tall serving-man in Louth church declared that the silver almsbowl +was “meeter for the King than for them.” Whereupon one of the +congregation “fashioned to draw his dagger, saying that Louth and +Louthesk should make the King and his master<a id='r361'></a><a href='#f361' class='c016'><sup>[361]</sup></a> such a breakfast as +they never had.”<a id='r362'></a><a href='#f362' class='c016'><sup>[362]</sup></a> It was said at Grimsby that the people of Hull +had sold their church plate and jewels and paved the town with the +proceeds, in order that the King might not get them<a id='r363'></a><a href='#f363' class='c016'><sup>[363]</sup></a>. In the +Yorkshire dales the people had taken an oath and were on the verge +of rebellion, openly speaking treason<a id='r364'></a><a href='#f364' class='c016'><sup>[364]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was impossible that rumours should circulate and oaths be +taken without some human agency, but the men who were conducting +the agitation are difficult to discover. The King’s pardon +to the rebels only covered the period of the actual rebellion; any +treasonable word or action before that time was to be punished. In +consequence very little can be learned about the time of preparation. +The prisoners naturally declared that they had been taken unawares +and knew nothing of the business until they were compelled to join +the insurgents. In such a situation a little prevarication is pardonable, +and it is scarcely wronging Aske, Stapleton, and others to say +that they probably knew more than they would admit about the +origin of the rebellion. Sometimes there is a glimpse of a friar +or a vicar, such as the priest of Penrith and the vicar of Crowle, and +sometimes it is some person indirectly ecclesiastical, a summoner +or an organ-maker, who may be suspected of knowing the secret; +but of the laymen engaged in the agitation only two can be identified, +and very little can be discovered about even these two.</p> + +<p class='c008'>One of them was Guy Kyme of Louth, who was executed at +Lincoln after the rebellion<a id='r365'></a><a href='#f365' class='c016'><sup>[365]</sup></a>. On Saturday 30 September and +Sunday 1 October 1536 he was at Grimsby. He said that his business +was “about the conveyance of certain suspected pirates of a ship of +Feversham to Lincoln,”<a id='r366'></a><a href='#f366' class='c016'><sup>[366]</sup></a> but several people believed he was already +in communication with the disaffected in Yorkshire<a id='r367'></a><a href='#f367' class='c016'><sup>[367]</sup></a>, and during the +rising he was sent as a messenger from the insurgents to Beverley<a id='r368'></a><a href='#f368' class='c016'><sup>[368]</sup></a>. +Anthony Curtis, the other agent, is a still more problematic +<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>character. He lived in Grimsby<a id='r369'></a><a href='#f369' class='c016'><sup>[369]</sup></a>, and was connected with the +Askes<a id='r370'></a><a href='#f370' class='c016'><sup>[370]</sup></a>, though the relationship cannot now be traced. He was +a fellow-lawyer of Robert Aske’s at Gray’s Inn<a id='r371'></a><a href='#f371' class='c016'><sup>[371]</sup></a>. Like Kyme he +was concerned in carrying news from Lincolnshire to Yorkshire<a id='r372'></a><a href='#f372' class='c016'><sup>[372]</sup></a>. +Both these men, it is to be noted, were from the north of Lincolnshire, +and several details seem to point to the fact that this country +was the headquarters of the agitation.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In addition to the definite rumours about new taxes and changes, +there was the vaguer but perhaps no less influential mass of wandering +prophecies. As early as 1535 a certain hermit of Bristol, returning +home after a visit to Lincolnshire, called Katherine of Arragon “the +Queen of Fortune,” and declared that when the time came she would +make ten men against the King’s one<a id='r373'></a><a href='#f373' class='c016'><sup>[373]</sup></a>. During May and June +of the same year it rained continually, and it was murmured that +this was God’s vengeance for the death of monks<a id='r374'></a><a href='#f374' class='c016'><sup>[374]</sup></a>. In London +a prophecy went about that there would be a month “rainy and full +wet, next month death, and the third month war,”<a id='r375'></a><a href='#f375' class='c016'><sup>[375]</sup></a> and another that +“the floods flowing in Britain shall cause a great insurrection.”<a id='r376'></a><a href='#f376' class='c016'><sup>[376]</sup></a> +The connection between floods and rebellion was obvious; when the +rain spoiled the harvest the people starved, and were ready for any +mischief. Before the Peasants’ Revolt in Germany it was prophesied +that there would be a second Flood in the summer of 1524<a id='r377'></a><a href='#f377' class='c016'><sup>[377]</sup></a>. Prophecies +almost as vague and quite as likely to come true can be +found to-day in any newspaper; now, as then, the weather and +politics are the two subjects on which mankind always listens to the +seer, however often misled.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The story of one of the strangest prophecies was told by a +Dorsetshire justice on 20 May 1535. A servant of his was overheard +lamenting first the stormy weather, and then the state of the +kingdom, “saying it was a heavy world and like to be worse shortly, +for he heard say that the priests would rise against the King.” +Inquiries were made, and the servant admitted that one of the +tenants had told him some such words, which he had from an old +man living but three miles from Chideock. The justice set out +to see the prophet, who was too aged to come before him. When +questioned he said it was true he had told several neighbours that +<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>“the priests should make a field”; he knew this from his master, a +very wise man, who had been dead fifty years. The rest of the +prophecy ran, “that the parish priests should rule England three +days and nights, and then the White Falcon should come out of the +North-West and kill almost all the priests, and they that should +escape should be fain to hide their crowns with the filth of beasts, +because they would not be known.”<a id='r378'></a><a href='#f378' class='c016'><sup>[378]</sup></a> The White Falcon was the +badge of Anne Boleyn, and these very adaptable phrases suggest +the brief reign of Mary and the Catholic persecutions under “the +White Falcon’s” daughter.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Anne Boleyn’s reign and fall were said to have been foretold by +Merlin<a id='r379'></a><a href='#f379' class='c016'><sup>[379]</sup></a>. “A.B. and C.” are of frequent occurrence in the prophecies, +even after her death, probably standing for Anne Boleyn and +Cromwell. The monks of Furness had a saying “that A B and C +should sit all in one seat, and should work great marvels,” and that +afterwards “the decorate rose shall be slain in his mother’s belly.” +It does not appear how long this saying had been known in the +house, but during the winter of 1536 they interpreted it to mean +that Henry should be slain by the hands of the priests, for the +Church he oppressed was his mother<a id='r380'></a><a href='#f380' class='c016'><sup>[380]</sup></a>. The prophecies circulated +chiefly in the monasteries and among the priests and friars. The +Prior of Malton in Rydale described a picture drawn on parchment +which he had seen fifteen years before (1512) at Rostendale (Ravenstonedale) +in Westmorland; it showed a moon waxing and waning, +each moon with the date of the year beneath. Over the full moon +was drawn a Cardinal, and under the old moon two headless monks; +in the midst was a child “with axes and butchers’ knives and instruments +about him.”<a id='r381'></a><a href='#f381' class='c016'><sup>[381]</sup></a> This recalls another prophecy of 1512, which +made a deep impression on the mind of Cromwell, “that one with a +Red Cap brought up from low degree to high estate should rule all +the land under the King ... and afterwards procure the King to take +another wife, divorce his lawful wife Queen Katherine, and involve +the land in misery ... that divorce should lead to the utter fall of the +said Red Cap ... and after much misery the land should by another +Red Cap be reconciled or else brought to utter destruction.”<a id='r382'></a><a href='#f382' class='c016'><sup>[382]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>Dr Maydland, a Black friar of London, had discovered by necromancy +in November 1535 that the New Learning should be +suppressed, and the Old restored by the King’s enemies beyond +the seas. He was in hopes that the King would die a violent +death, and that he would see the Queen (Anne) burnt, and the head +of every maintainer of the New Learning on a stake<a id='r383'></a><a href='#f383' class='c016'><sup>[383]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was treason to possess copies of such prophecies. On 2 April +1536 the parson of Wednesborough was accused of possessing one; +other accusations against him were that he was a Scot, and “if well +handled” could “declare a multitude of papists<a id='r384'></a><a href='#f384' class='c016'><sup>[384]</sup></a>.” In June the +canons of Tortington in Sussex were accused of reading prophecies<a id='r385'></a><a href='#f385' class='c016'><sup>[385]</sup></a>, +and, as mentioned above, the vicar of Londesborough repeated them. +In spite of the danger, scrolls of prophecies were often circulated by +the owner among his friends, who took copies or committed the +striking parts to memory; some made regular collections, borrowing +or learning all they could find to add to the rolls, and so, as sayings +or writings, the verses spread through a whole district. One of +these collections is preserved among the Lansdowne MS<a id='r386'></a><a href='#f386' class='c016'><sup>[386]</sup></a>; it seems +to have been compiled about 1531 as a whole, but contains later +entries<a id='r387'></a><a href='#f387' class='c016'><sup>[387]</sup></a>. In it is a version of the prophecies of Thomas the Rymer, +and it concludes with an account of the great deeds to be done +by “a child with a chaplet,”<a id='r388'></a><a href='#f388' class='c016'><sup>[388]</sup></a> who shall reign for fifty-five years, and +after restoring peace in England shall recover the Holy Cross from +Jerusalem and bring it back in triumph to Rome, where his bones +will finally be buried in great honour. As long as the King remained +a faithful son of the Church there was no harm in this ordinary +ballad conclusion, but once Henry had quarrelled with the Pope +it wore a very different aspect, and men began to think that the +King who was such a welcome guest at Rome could not be Henry +himself, or one of Henry’s heirs, but his conqueror<a id='r389'></a><a href='#f389' class='c016'><sup>[389]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The vicar of Mustone was accused before the Council of the +North in 1537 of spreading seditious prophecies. This man, John +Dobsone by name, was like nearly all the northern clergy secretly in +favour of the Pope. Doubtless most of his parishioners agreed with +him, but three of them, disliking either his opinions or himself, +accused him of relating in the ale-house and the church porch that +the King would be driven out of his realm, and then return and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>be content with a third part of it; that the Eagle “which is the +Emperor ... shall rule all the land at his pleasure”; that the Dun +Cow “which is the bishop of Rome ... shall come into England +jingling with her keys and set the church again in the right faith”; +also that “When the Crumme (Cromwell) is brought low Then shall +begin the Christ’s Cross row.” The vicar denied the charge that he +had any such writings in a book, though he admitted he had seen +such a collection. He also denied that he had ever repeated them in +public, and all the witnesses whom his accusers cited bore him out +in this, and declared he was an honest man denounced from private +malice. The Council, though they committed him to gaol and wrote +to the King for instructions, were inclined to take a lenient view of +his case. But they energetically set to work to hunt out the +originators of such dangerous sayings. The result is like an Arabian +story, tale following tale in endless sequence. Dobsone had first +heard of the prophecies at the White Friars at Scarborough in +October 1536. The Warden of the Grey Friars, who was visiting +there, spoke of a prophecy that was going about, whereupon the +Prior of the White Friars produced a roll of paper on which a number +were written. It was in fact a collection that he had been making +for some years. He lent it to Dobsone, who justified his confidence +by returning it in a fortnight. Another friend of the prior’s was not +so particular. He borrowed the roll and it was stolen from his +house during the insurrection, but several accounts of the contents +remain. The prophecies were said to be declared by “Merlion,” +St Bede, and Thomas of Ercildoune, but they were copied from +many sources<a id='r390'></a><a href='#f390' class='c016'><sup>[390]</sup></a>. The earliest told how “when the Black fleet of +Norway was comed and gone, after in England war shall be never,” +and other things equally harmless<a id='r391'></a><a href='#f391' class='c016'><sup>[391]</sup></a>. Others were given the prior in +May 1536 by a priest of Beverley, whom he never saw before or +after. They began “France and Flanders shall arise” and perhaps +included the Eagle and the Cow, as well as some obscure forebodings +of battles where “the clergy should stand in fear and fight as they +seculars were,” with which a “long man in red” would have something +to do. The most interesting relate to the great northern +families, which were indicated by their badges, as is usual in sayings +and ballads. The cock was the crest of the Lumleys, and one prophecy +runs “the cock of the north shall be plucked and pulled, +and curse the time that ever he was lord,” but after his misfortunes +<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>“he shall busk him and brush his feathers, and call his chickens +togethers and after that he shall do great adventures.” “The moon +shall lose her light, and after shall take light of the sun again” +refers to the crescent badge of the Percies, and the Tudor crest +of a rose surrounded by the rays of the sun. The scallop shells of +the Dacres “shall be broken and go to wreck.” At the end of the +roll “Thomas demandeth of Merlion and Bede saying when shall these +things be? About the year of Our Lord God 1537.” The Council +of the North thought the rhyme about Cromwell the most serious, +and made every effort to find the author. There were numberless +versions, the best lines being:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“Much ill cometh of a small note</div> + <div class='line'>As (a) Crumwell set in a man’s throat</div> + <div class='line'>That shall put many other to pain, God wote;</div> + <div class='line'>But when Crumwell is brought a-low,”<a id='r392'></a><a href='#f392' class='c016'><sup>[392]</sup></a> etc.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The gentleman who gave it to the prior had learnt it from a priest, +who heard it from a brother priest about Michaelmas 1536 “in +the buttery at Ayton.” The second priest had it from the clerk +of a remote parish as they walked together in a country loaning. +The investigators might have traced its journey from mouth to +mouth all round the country without finding anyone definitely responsible +for it; but they gave up the hopeless quest at this point<a id='r393'></a><a href='#f393' class='c016'><sup>[393]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There lived at this time at Huntington in Yorkshire one Wilfrid +Holme, a man with poetical leanings and a favourer of the New +Learning. After the rebellion he set to work to write an account of +it, or rather he included an account of it in a poem entitled, “The +Fall and Evil Success of Rebellion from Time to Time.” It is +interesting as being the only contemporary history of the Pilgrimage, +but Holme gives few details, and though many facts are correct he +throws little new light on the subject. His last canto is headed +“Of the Mouldwarp,” and concerns a prophecy of Merlin’s which the +rebels applied to the King. Holme never repeats this prophecy, +but it seems to have been that the Mouldwarp, “the sixth king,” +should be coward and caitiff, and have a skin like a goat. Holme +states (without giving a reason) that the reckoning must be made +from Henry III, and accordingly Henry IV was the sixth king and +Henry VIII the twelfth, as he does not reckon Richard III. Therefore +the Mouldwarp could not be Henry VIII,—</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line in20'>“... Except ye skip at pleasure</div> + <div class='line'>To take here one and there one your purpose to defend.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>Moreover Henry VIII is neither caitiff, coward, nor hairy. Holme +never says what was to happen to the Mouldwarp. That Henry IV +was believed to be that monster by Owen Glendower and his fellow +conspirators is a tradition preserved in “The Mirror for Magistrates”:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“And for to set us hereon more agog,</div> + <div class='line'>A prophet came (a vengeance take them all!)</div> + <div class='line'>Affirming Henry to be Gogmagog,</div> + <div class='line'>Whom Merline doth a mouldwarp ever call,</div> + <div class='line'>Accurst of God, that must be brought in thrall</div> + <div class='line'>By a wolf, a dragon and a lion strong,</div> + <div class='line'>Who should divide his kingdom them among.”<a id='r394'></a><a href='#f394' class='c016'><sup>[394]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>After such a string of doubtful fables the excellent good sense +of Hotspur is a pleasing change,</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line in10'>“... Sometimes he angers me</div> + <div class='line'>With telling me of the moldwarp and the ant,</div> + <div class='line'>Of the dreamer Merlin and his prophecies,</div> + <div class='line'>And of a dragon and a finless fish,</div> + <div class='line'>A clip-wing’d griffin and a moulten raven,</div> + <div class='line'>A couching lion and a ramping cat,</div> + <div class='line'>And such a deal of skimble-skamble stuff</div> + <div class='line'>As puts me from my faith.”<a id='r395'></a><a href='#f395' class='c016'><sup>[395]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Yet one more must be mentioned—the Pilgrims’ own prophecy, +which was commonly repeated in their host throughout the rising,</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“Forth shall come a worm, an aske with one eye,</div> + <div class='line'>He shall be chief of the meiny;</div> + <div class='line'>He shall gather of chivalry a full fair flock,</div> + <div class='line'>Half capon and half cock,</div> + <div class='line'>The chicken shall the capon slay,</div> + <div class='line'>And after that there shall be no May.”<a id='r396'></a><a href='#f396' class='c016'><sup>[396]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The interpretations of this must have varied at the time, and +now they can only be guessed. The lines about the capon and +the cock seem to predict disunion among the insurgents themselves +such as brought about the failure of the Lincolnshire rising. It +has been suggested<a id='r397'></a><a href='#f397' class='c016'><sup>[397]</sup></a> that in the last line, foretelling the end of +the rebellion, the “May” means the badge of Henry VII, the crown +of England hanging on a hawthorn tree, and so anticipates the fall +of his dynasty. Reading it after the event, it has rather the sense +of spring without summer and fair promises unfulfilled.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>From amid the prophecies, rumours and travellers’ tales which +were agitating the country during the summer of 1536 one point +looms up,—that great events might be expected at Michaelmas. +The government was only half aware of what was going on. But +the army of the discontented, the starving labourers, the homeless +monks, the sincere believers in the old religion, knew that when +Michaelmas Day had come and gone they might expect news from +the north. The King was at Windsor in September, and on the +27th he bade Ralph Sadler send word to the Lord Privy Seal to +summon the Privy Council and attend the King at once. Sadler +suggested there might be some delay as the command would not +reach Cromwell until late on the following afternoon, and the day +after was Michaelmas. “What then?” quoth his Grace, “Michaelmas +Day is not so high a day.”<a id='r398'></a><a href='#f398' class='c016'><sup>[398]</sup></a> When so many saints’ days had given +way to his pleasure, why should the King heed Michaelmas Day? +Yet that Michaelmas Day came near to mastering the King.</p> + +<h3 class='c017'>NOTES TO CHAPTER IV</h3> + +<p class='c018'>Note A. Throughout this book the “New Learning” is used in the sense +of protestant or anti-papal opinions, not as another name for the classical +revival.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note B. One of his parishioners, John Bird, tried to lay information against +him, but Duke had sufficient influence to stop him, and the accusation was not +made until after the rebellion, for Bird mentions witnesses to whom he spoke +“a month before the rising.” There is another deposition by Bird against a +priest in L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 301, too much mutilated to be intelligible. Cf. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, +1495.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note C. Other prophecies of about the same period are printed by Furnivall, +op. cit. pp. 316–20, but they are unintelligible.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note D. The Prophecies of Rymour, Beid and Marleyng<a id='r399'></a><a href='#f399' class='c016'><sup>[399]</sup></a>:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“When the black fleet of Norway is comen and gone</div> + <div class='line in2'>And drenched in the flood truly</div> + <div class='line'>Mickle war hath been beforne</div> + <div class='line in2'>But after shall none be.</div> + </div> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>Holy Church shall harnes hent</div> + <div class='line in2'>And III years stand on stere,</div> + <div class='line'>Meet and fight upon a bent,</div> + <div class='line in2'>Even as they seculars were.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>Note E. A curious illustration of the feelings with which the north +regarded the King’s family arrangements is given by the fragmentary story +of Mary Baynton, a girl of eighteen, the daughter of Thomas Baynton of +Birlington, i.e. Bridlington in Yorkshire. The only document relating to her +adventures is undated, but probably belongs to the year 1533. She made her +appearance at Boston in Lincolnshire, and represented herself as the Princess +Mary fleeing from her father’s cruelty. Although she must eventually have +been arrested, she seems to have been received with respect and sympathy. +Her fate is unknown, and it is impossible to say whether she was a deliberate +impostor or a self-deluded lunatic. There is nothing to show that she had +any accomplices, but it is interesting to observe that she was connected with +Bridlington and Boston, which were two centres of the rebellion. Her story +was “that the French queen was her aunt and her godmother, and upon a time +the said French queen, being of her pleasure in a bath, and she with her there, +looked upon a book and said to her, ‘Niece Mary, I am right sorry for you, for +I see here that your fortune is very hard; you must go a-begging once in your +life, either in your youth or in your age.’ And therefore I take it upon me now +in my youth, and I intend to go beyond the sea to mine uncle the emperor, as +soon as I may get shipping.”<a id='r400'></a><a href='#f400' class='c016'><sup>[400]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c019'>Note F. In April 1536 there was a disturbance in Somersetshire about +which little is known. On 21 April 1536 John Py informed Cromwell that +he had arrested Thomas Towghtwodde of Bridgewater. The prisoner had +attempted to fly the country because his apprentice “was one of those who +made the business in Somerset.” The apprentice was three days with “those +who made the business ... till my lord Fewaryn sent him home.”<a id='r401'></a><a href='#f401' class='c016'><sup>[401]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c019'>In May Cromwell noted among his remembrances “the poor men of +Somerset for their pardon,”<a id='r402'></a><a href='#f402' class='c016'><sup>[402]</sup></a> and on 26 May 140 persons were pardoned +for making unlawful assemblies in Somerset<a id='r403'></a><a href='#f403' class='c016'><sup>[403]</sup></a>. Others were executed for the +same offence, and £50 were allowed for expenses to “Serjeant Hinde the +King’s Solicitor and others that went for the executing of the rebels in the +west.”<a id='r404'></a><a href='#f404' class='c016'><sup>[404]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c019'>It is probable that this rising was due to social discontent, and not to +religious grievances, as the Act for the Suppression of the Monasteries was +passed only in March and was not enforced until June, while the rising was +early in April.</p> + +<p class='c019'>It is curious that, according to Wriothesley’s Chronicle, there was also a +rising in Somersetshire in April 1537<a id='r405'></a><a href='#f405' class='c016'><sup>[405]</sup></a>. The only allusion to this second rising +in the Letters and Papers occurs on 13 May 1537, when Sir John St Lo +requested Cromwell to contradict the report that the King was displeased with +John Horner for “his taking the men imprisoned at Nunney” and causing them +to be executed at Taunton<a id='r406'></a><a href='#f406' class='c016'><sup>[406]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>It is probable that there were two risings in Somerset, one in April 1536, +the other in April 1537. But it is possible that there was only one rising, +that in April 1536. After that rising some prisoners were executed and +others pardoned, but some may have remained in prison at Nunney, either +because they were condemned to perpetual imprisonment or because they +were never tried. In April 1537, when there were rumours of a rebellion +in Devonshire and Cornwall, the magistrates may have become alarmed and +executed the unfortunate prisoners out of hand. It is evident that the execution +in April 1537 was hasty and irregular. If this second hypothesis were +correct, Wriothesley must have misdated the entry in his Chronicle, or, hearing +of the executions in Somerset in April 1537, he may have concluded that there +had been a rising. It is simpler and involves less guessing to assume that +there were two risings.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER V<br> <span class='c004'>THE RISING IN LINCOLNSHIRE</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c023'>“How presumptuous then are ye, the rude commons of one shire, and that +one of the most brute and beastly of the whole realm ... to find fault with your +Prince?”<a id='r407'></a><a href='#f407' class='c016'><sup>[407]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c015'>So wrote Henry VIII to the men of Lincolnshire, and it must +be confessed that they were deservedly held in ill repute. The +number of cases relating to this county preserved among the Star +Chamber Papers clearly shows how little order was kept or justice +regarded. There was less excuse for lawlessness there than on the +Borders, but the people seem to have lived, among the great tracts +of undrained fen, almost as wild a life as the marchmen on their fells +and mosses. On the other hand the men of Lincolnshire were not +trained to arms so strictly as the mosstroopers. They were rather +given to riots than to raiding, which demands a certain amount of +discipline. They were very poor and ignorant, and regarded the +gentlemen, their landlords and magistrates, with suspicious dislike. +In 1517 royal commissioners were appointed in Lincolnshire to +enforce the Inclosure Act of 1515<a id='r408'></a><a href='#f408' class='c016'><sup>[408]</sup></a>. It is rather surprising that +the county should have been included in the commission, as the +report showed that the enclosures were insignificant in extent and +had caused but little eviction<a id='r409'></a><a href='#f409' class='c016'><sup>[409]</sup></a>. The commission was probably +appointed in consequence of the shire’s turbulence, and it is to be +observed that such enclosure as there was had taken place in the +district which was the centre of the rising, the parts of Lindsey, +including Scrivelsby, Bolingbroke and Horncastle<a id='r410'></a><a href='#f410' class='c016'><sup>[410]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The gentlemen were quite as lawless as, and only a little better +educated than, the commons. The feuds of such noble families as +the Willoughbys not only caused endless discord among their friends +<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>and enemies, but fomented dozens of petty hatreds among their +dependents. A good thriving feud, fairly rooted in disputed lands, +would in the course of years scatter as many seeds as would afforest +half Lincolnshire. An example of such a minor feud occurs in a +complaint brought before the Star Chamber by Thomas Moigne<a id='r411'></a><a href='#f411' class='c016'><sup>[411]</sup></a>, of +the Inner Temple<a id='r412'></a><a href='#f412' class='c016'><sup>[412]</sup></a>, a gentleman and lawyer of Lincolnshire. He was +seised of the manor of Wyfflingham, but his right to it was disputed +by another gentleman, George Bowgham of Haynton. On 20 Sept. +1534 Bowgham assembled about forty people at his house. They +seem to have been collected haphazard, anyone who wanted a fight +being welcome, and included a pardoner, a weaver, and several +husbandmen. They were armed and set out for Wyfflingham, +summoning others to join them by the way. Moigne was away +from home at the time, and when they reached his house they +found no one but his wife and one of his servants. They cried out +that they would seize all in the place, but as it does not appear +that they carried out their purpose it may be concluded that the +lady of the house successfully defended it against their attack<a id='r413'></a><a href='#f413' class='c016'><sup>[413]</sup></a>. +The characteristic feature of this outwardly pointless affair is that +the rioters assaulted Wyfflingham when the master was away. If +a man could never leave home without the fear that he might +return to find his house in flames and his wife abused, he would +be likely to come to terms about the land. The frequency of this +sort of intimidation does not speak well for the men of Lincolnshire. +The story of the rising is even less pleasing. Lincolnshire +might have been expected to take the lead all through the rebellion. +The movement began there, and such signs of preparation as can be +discovered almost all concern Lincolnshire. The rumours circulated +there most freely, and may even have originated there. But if it rose +first, it was the first shire to lay down arms, and this at discretion, +without making any terms. So divided were the insurgents among +themselves by class-hatred, private feuds and mutual suspicion that +their host was never once in a state to offer battle to the most feebly +organised troops. In Lincolnshire alone were serious outrages committed<a id='r414'></a><a href='#f414' class='c016'><sup>[414]</sup></a>, +but the rebels showed none of the determined enthusiasm in +<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>the field which might have explained their ferocity. The gentlemen +were neither true to the King nor to the cause with which they +really sympathised. The commons showed all the worst qualities +of an armed mob,—they were savage, always swayed by the last +speaker, and incurably suspicious of their leaders, whom they +seldom obeyed even when they had chosen them themselves. The +whole affair of Lincolnshire leaves the impression that the men of +the fens were loud speakers but poor fighters, and almost confirms +the King’s description. No doubt this feeling is partly unjust. As +will soon appear, they had many disadvantages to face, and in particular +had no such excellent boundary to defend as the line of the +Humber and Don, which was held by the Yorkshiremen.</p> + +<p class='c008'>By Michaelmas 1536 three sets of royal commissioners had +swooped down upon Lincolnshire. The first, which had been at +work since June, was the commission for dissolving the smaller +monasteries<a id='r415'></a><a href='#f415' class='c016'><sup>[415]</sup></a>, the second was to assess and collect the subsidy<a id='r416'></a><a href='#f416' class='c016'><sup>[416]</sup></a>, and +the third was a commission of inquiry into the condition of the +clergy and their fitness in morals, education and politics for their +office<a id='r417'></a><a href='#f417' class='c016'><sup>[417]</sup></a>. These provided grievances for all classes of the community; +the commons were outraged by the suppression of the monasteries, +the gentlemen were exasperated by the fresh taxation, and the +clergy were infuriated by the examination which the commissioners +forced them to undergo. They had been warned of the coming +inquiry at the commissary’s court held at Louth about three weeks +before Michaelmas, when the commissary’s scribe, one Peter, told the +priests “that his master bade them look to their books, for they should +have strait examination taken of them shortly after.”<a id='r418'></a><a href='#f418' class='c016'><sup>[418]</sup></a> The visitation +began at Bolingbroke on 20 Sept., and the priests seem to have +been roughly handled, for they came away fuming with indignation. +The parson of Conisholme said, “They will deprive us of our benefices +because they would have the first fruits, but rather than I will pay +the first fruits again I had liever lose benefice and all.”<a id='r419'></a><a href='#f419' class='c016'><sup>[419]</sup></a> Simon +Maltby, parson of Farforth, reported on his return home that the +silver chalices of the church were to be given to the King in +exchange for tin ones, and that therefore he and other priests had +determined to strike down the chancellor<a id='r420'></a><a href='#f420' class='c016'><sup>[420]</sup></a>, and trusted in the +support of their neighbours<a id='r421'></a><a href='#f421' class='c016'><sup>[421]</sup></a>. The next visitation was to be held +<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>on Monday, 2 Oct., at Louth<a id='r422'></a><a href='#f422' class='c016'><sup>[422]</sup></a>, and several of the priests from +that district went to Bolingbroke to see what the dreaded examination +was like; they came away declaring that they would not be +so ordered or examined in their learning<a id='r423'></a><a href='#f423' class='c016'><sup>[423]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It does not appear that Thomas Kendale, the vicar of Louth, +was one of those who went to Bolingbroke, but he was as bitterly +opposed to the commissioners as the rest. On Sunday, 1 Oct., he +preached a sermon in the parish church of Louth, in which he told +his parishioners “that next day they should have a visitation, and +advised them to go together and look well upon such things as +should be required of them in the said visitation.” The congregation +understood very well what he meant, and as they prepared +to walk in procession after three silver crosses which belonged to +the village, Thomas Foster, a singing-man, cried out, “Masters, +step forth and let us follow the crosses this day: God knoweth +whether ever we shall follow them again.” The rumour of the +vicar’s sermon and Foster’s words spread quickly through the place. +Robert Norman, a roper, gave a penny to Jockey Unsained, otherwise +John Wilson, a carpenter, to carry the report, and after +evensong an armed company appeared at the choir door, and took +the keys of the treasure house from the churchwardens, saying that +they knew the chief constable meant to deliver the jewels to the +Bishop’s chancellor next day. The keys were given into the charge +of Nicholas Melton, shoemaker, or Captain Cobbler, as they called +him, and a watch was kept in the church that night for the first +time, which was taken up again night after night until the end +of the rebellion<a id='r424'></a><a href='#f424' class='c016'><sup>[424]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The news of what had happened in Louth was heard the same +night in the little village of Kedington by Louth Park, the new +home of William Morland alias Burobe, late a monk in the dissolved +monastery of Louth Park. He had been employed since his eviction +in carrying “capacities”<a id='r425'></a><a href='#f425' class='c016'><sup>[425]</sup></a> to other expelled monks in various parts +of the country, and in the course of his travels he had heard many +discontented mutterings. On Monday, 2 Oct., after matins, he +hastened to Louth to find out the meaning of the “rufflings.” He +went first to the church but was not allowed to enter, for the +commons who had been guarding the jewels were discussing what +course they should follow, and whether they should ring the +church bells and raise the alarm. Morland went to the house of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>William Hert, butcher, whose brother Robert had been a fellowmonk +of his at Louth Park. The three sat down to breakfast “with +puddings,” in which they were joined by one Nicholas, a servant of +Lord Borough’s.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Meanwhile “the heads of the town” had gathered in the town-hall +to choose an officer for the coming year, as the custom was, and +the commons in the church were left to their own devices. The +deliberations in the town-hall and the breakfast at the butcher’s +were both interrupted by the sound of the church bells ringing +out alarm. The Bishop of Lincoln’s official, John Henneage, had +arrived to conduct the choosing of the new town officers. Hearing +the tumult, Nicholas remarked that some of those who ordered +themselves after this fashion would be hanged; to which the +butcher replied, “Hold thy peace, Nicholas, for I think as much +as thou dost, but if they heard us say so, then would they hang +us.” Meanwhile the noise and “skrye” became so great that +Morland went out to see what was happening. He found that +Henneage had alighted at Robert Proctor’s door and had been +seized there by an armed mob, who were taking him to the church. +Morland and other honest men helped him to take refuge in the +choir and locked the choir door. The commons were shouting that +he and all who had opposed them the night before must take an +oath that they would be true to the commons and do as they did, +upon pain of death. This oath was administered to Henneage, +Morland, and the honest men by Captain Cobbler, to whom +Henneage had tried to speak privately before being taken to the +church. After the oath was taken the people began to disperse, +when again the common bell rang out and they reassembled to +seize John Frankishe, the Bishop of Lincoln’s registrar, who had +come to hold the dreaded visitation<a id='r426'></a><a href='#f426' class='c016'><sup>[426]</sup></a>. He was taken at the +Saracen’s Head, William Goldsmith’s house; his books were seized +and carried to the market-place, and John Taylor, a webster, +brought a great brand and lighted a fire in the Corn Hill. Other +books were brought out—copies of the New Testament in English +and “Frythe, his book,”<a id='r427'></a><a href='#f427' class='c016'><sup>[427]</sup></a> a fact which shows that the new creed +was penetrating even to this stronghold of conservatism—and the +insurgents prepared to burn these heretical works, together with +the registrar’s papers<a id='r428'></a><a href='#f428' class='c016'><sup>[428]</sup></a>. Morland was alarmed at their violence, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>and exhorted them from Guy Kyme’s doorway, saying: “Masters, +for the Passion of Christ, take heed what ye do, for by this mischievous +act which ye be about to do we shall be all casten away ... +will ye burn those books that ye know not what is in them?” He +prevailed so far that they took him and six other persons who could +read and set them up upon the High Cross, ordering them to read +the registrar’s papers. Morland got hold of the King’s commission, +but before he could make it out, the other people on the Cross, +terrified by the hideous clamour of the crowd below, threw down +the papers that they held, “and every man below got a piece of +them, and hurled them into the fire.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Meanwhile Frankishe and Henneage had been brought to the +market-place, and the people forced the former to climb up to the +highest part of the Cross by a ladder. The poor man no doubt +believed they would hang him, and when he was on a level with +Morland, he whispered, “For the Passion of Christ, priest, save my +life; and as for the books that be already brent I pass not of them, so +as a little book of reckonings ... might be saved, and also the King’s +Commission.” Morland promised to do his best, took the book of +reckonings, and, escaping from the Cross, succeeded in handing the +commission to Henneage. The commons cried out that Frankishe +must burn the papers himself, which he did. Then they demanded +what book it was that Morland carried; with great difficulty he +persuaded them to let him keep it. Then, worn out by the fatigues +of the morning, he went and had a drink. But when he attempted +to restore the book to the registrar, he was set upon by three or +four hundred commons, who called him “false, perjured harlot to the +commons for saving that book, for therein was contained that thing +which should do them most tene (harm).” The book was torn from +him, and eventually came to the hands of Captain Cobbler. Morland +went to the registrar, explained what had happened, had dinner with +him, the registrar paying, and helped to smuggle him out of the +town. After this his friends warned him that his life was not safe +for the present, so for the rest of the day he kept away from the +commons<a id='r429'></a><a href='#f429' class='c016'><sup>[429]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sixty parish priests who had assembled at Louth for the +visitation were now compelled to take the oath to the commons, +and also to swear to ring the common bells of their parishes and +raise the people<a id='r430'></a><a href='#f430' class='c016'><sup>[430]</sup></a>. The heads of the town, who were still in the +town-hall, were summoned “by the name of churls” to come and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>take the oath to God, the King, and the commons for the wealth +of Holy Church. Some forty of the rebels set out for Legbourne, +a small nunnery about two miles away, where the royal commissioners +were then at work. By the way they met one of Cromwell’s +servants, John Bellowe, who was especially detested by all the +country. Some of the commons, returning with him to Louth, +met Sir William Skipwith of Ormsby, whom they took back with +them and compelled to take their oath<a id='r431'></a><a href='#f431' class='c016'><sup>[431]</sup></a>. Captain Cobbler asserted +that Sir William came in of his own free will<a id='r432'></a><a href='#f432' class='c016'><sup>[432]</sup></a>, but this is very +improbable, as he had obtained a grant of Markby Priory<a id='r433'></a><a href='#f433' class='c016'><sup>[433]</sup></a>, and +whatever the attitude of other gentlemen may have been, he was +probably entirely opposed to the rising. After taking the oath he +was allowed to go home<a id='r434'></a><a href='#f434' class='c016'><sup>[434]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The rest of the band went on to Legbourne, and there took the +commissioners and their servants, William Eleyn, John Browne, +Thomas Manby, and John Milsent<a id='r435'></a><a href='#f435' class='c016'><sup>[435]</sup></a>. They returned to Louth, +taking on their way one George Parker at the town’s end. The +prisoners were very roughly handled, “all the country crying to kill +Bellowe.”<a id='r436'></a><a href='#f436' class='c016'><sup>[436]</sup></a> He and Milsent were put in the stocks, and afterwards +cast into prison in the custody of Robert Browne, from which they +were released a fortnight later by Suffolk’s orders<a id='r437'></a><a href='#f437' class='c016'><sup>[437]</sup></a>. So intense was +the hatred which they inspired that a report flew about the country +that one or other of them had been blinded, wrapped in a raw cowhide, +and baited to death with dogs. This story was reported to the +King on 6 October<a id='r438'></a><a href='#f438' class='c016'><sup>[438]</sup></a>, and was frequently repeated, but it is evidently +untrue, for none of the rebels were examined about the alleged +murder, and the two men were afterwards released.</p> + +<p class='c008'>While the prisoners were being brought in, Henneage had found +an opportunity of slipping away; in his flight he met Guy Kyme +at the town’s end, returning from Grimsby<a id='r439'></a><a href='#f439' class='c016'><sup>[439]</sup></a>, but would scarcely stop +to speak to him for fear of the commons<a id='r440'></a><a href='#f440' class='c016'><sup>[440]</sup></a>. If Kyme was already +in communication with the disaffected in Yorkshire, he probably +brought news that they were not yet ready to rise, and that the +outbreak must be put off a week or so; but if this was his message +he came too late. He went into the town and tried to stay the +commons, and his representations were supported by others, but +<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>it was impossible to draw back. Captain Cobbler, when urged to +make no more business, replied that “he had otherwise appointed,”<a id='r441'></a><a href='#f441' class='c016'><sup>[441]</sup></a> +while Thomas Noble bade Kyme speak of no stay or they would kill +him<a id='r442'></a><a href='#f442' class='c016'><sup>[442]</sup></a>. The last event of this tumultuous day was a proclamation +from the High Cross that all the men of the neighbourhood between +the ages of sixteen and sixty must assemble there on the morrow<a id='r443'></a><a href='#f443' class='c016'><sup>[443]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The news of the rising at Louth was received the same day +by Sir Edward Madeson and Lord Clinton, who sent it on to Lord +Hussey<a id='r444'></a><a href='#f444' class='c016'><sup>[444]</sup></a>. The commissioners for the subsidy, of whom Madeson +was one, had intended to sit at Caistor next day, but they arranged +by messenger to meet outside the town to see how events were +shaping before they began to sit<a id='r445'></a><a href='#f445' class='c016'><sup>[445]</sup></a>. The priests who had been sworn +at Louth carried the news all over the countryside.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday 3 October Caistor was filled with the constables +and head men of the wapentakes, who had come to meet the commissioners +of the subsidy, and with priests who had come to attend +the commissary’s court, to be held there that day. The commissioners +held their preliminary meeting on Caistor Hill, while in the town +itself Anthony Williamson, Harry Pennell and others “proclaimed +aloud that the justices had a commission from the King to take all +men’s harness from them and bring it to the castle of Bolingbroke.” +The commons declared that they would not give up their weapons. +They went to the church and demanded of the priests, who were +assembled there “to the number of eight score,” whether they would +take the commons’ part. The priests received them enthusiastically, +went with them to the market-place, and with their own hands +burnt their books. The commons had already chosen George +Hudswell to be their leader, and the whole body of commons +and priests marched out to Caistor Hill to speak with the justices<a id='r446'></a><a href='#f446' class='c016'><sup>[446]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When they first assembled the commissioners believed Caistor to +be quite peaceful<a id='r447'></a><a href='#f447' class='c016'><sup>[447]</sup></a>, but presently news was brought of a new factor +in the situation. The town of Louth had been astir since dawn; the +common bell rang and the people assembled, prepared to set out for +Caistor, as had been agreed the night before<a id='r448'></a><a href='#f448' class='c016'><sup>[448]</sup></a>. Four spiritual men, +of whom William Morland was one, and four laymen were chosen as +their leaders, and they marched off<a id='r449'></a><a href='#f449' class='c016'><sup>[449]</sup></a>. The justices on Caistor Hill heard +<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>that 10,000 men were advancing upon them<a id='r450'></a><a href='#f450' class='c016'><sup>[450]</sup></a>, a grossly exaggerated +rumour, as there were really not more than 3000<a id='r451'></a><a href='#f451' class='c016'><sup>[451]</sup></a>. Their first idea +was flight, but, at the suggestion of Mr Dalison, before setting out, +they sent to summon the commons of Caistor to meet them, so that +they might explain why the commission would not sit and urge them +to go home before the arrival of the men from Louth. The insurgents +in Caistor would not come, but a number of people had collected +round the commissioners, a hundred or more. To these they explained +that the subsidy was to be assessed by the people themselves, +and that the rumours about robbing and pulling down churches were +false. Their eloquence did not make much impression, for by this +time the church bells of Caistor were ringing against them; and +when the people of Louth came in sight the commissioners turned +their horses and fled<a id='r452'></a><a href='#f452' class='c016'><sup>[452]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Louth company would have come up sooner if they had not +paused to decide whether or no they should send on a hundred +of their number to confer with the justices. When it came to the +point none of the commonalty would consent to stay behind, but +about a dozen of the best mounted, with Morland among them, rode +forward. On Caistor Hill they met about 1000 men from Caistor +“without weapons, but as they were wont to do riding to markets +and fairs.” While the two parties were discussing the situation, +they saw a company of about twenty horsemen, making for the house +of Sir William Askew, one of the commissioners. The well-horsed +men of Louth rode after them, and asked them to return and speak +to the commons for certain matters which they had in hand. Sir +William Askew was doubtful: “Trowest thou that if I should come +amongst them I should do any good, and be in surety of my life?” +he asked. Morland replied, “Let two of your servants lead me +between them, and if they do any hurt to your person then let +me be the first that shall die.” This, however, was not a very good +security, as Sir William’s servants were clearly on the side of the +commons, and one of them indignantly pointed out to Morland that as +they talked Sir Thomas Missenden had slipped away and escaped among +the furze. Sir William Askew, Sir Edward Madeson and Mr Booth went +back with them to the main body and were all sworn at once. Others +of the commons had captured Sir Robert Tyrwhit<a id='r453'></a><a href='#f453' class='c016'><sup>[453]</sup></a> and Thomas +Portington<a id='r454'></a><a href='#f454' class='c016'><sup>[454]</sup></a>, but Lord Borough, whom they were particularly anxious +<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>to take, escaped, having a swift horse, and so did Thomas Moigne. In +their disappointment the commons turned on Borough’s unfortunate +servant Nicholas, crying that he had warned his master. Morland +says: “there were so many striking at him as he never saw man +escape such danger. At last when he had fled evermore backward from +them almost a quarter of a mile, saving himself always among the +horsemen, he was stricken down by the footmen of Louth and +Loutheske.” Morland went to him, confessed him, and had him +conveyed to a safe place and attended by surgeons, but he seems +to have died of his injuries<a id='r455'></a><a href='#f455' class='c016'><sup>[455]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The captured gentlemen asked why the commons were making +this insurrection. John Porman, a gentleman, replied “with a loud +voice,” that the commons were willing to take the King as Supreme +Head of the Church and that he should have the first fruits and +tenths of every benefice and also the subsidy granted to him; but +he must take no more money of the commons during his life and +suppress no more abbeys; also Cromwell, and the heretic Bishops of +Canterbury, Lincoln, Rochester, Ely, Worcester and Dublin (Cranmer, +Longland, Hilsey, Goodrich, Latimer and Browne) must be given +up to the commons<a id='r456'></a><a href='#f456' class='c016'><sup>[456]</sup></a>. This answer seems to embody the demands of +the commons themselves, untouched by the influence of the clergy +or the gentlemen. They cared little for theological questions, but +opposed Cromwell’s reckless spoliations.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The insurgents carried their prisoners back to Caistor in triumph<a id='r457'></a><a href='#f457' class='c016'><sup>[457]</sup></a>. +By this time their ranks had been swelled by companies from the +neighbouring villages. The men of Rasen, Fulstow, Kermounde, +Rothwell, and Thoresway were there. In the evening the main +body, taking the gentlemen with them, returned to Louth<a id='r458'></a><a href='#f458' class='c016'><sup>[458]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Tyrwhit, Askew, Portington and Madeson supped at Guy Kyme’s +house, and after supper were desired to write a letter to the King, +begging for a general pardon. It ran as follows:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“Pleasith your highnes these be to advertise youre grace that this thirde +day of october we by the vertue of your graciouse commission directe unto us +and other for the levacion of your secund payment of the subsidie to your +grace graunted by acte of parliament assembled us togeders at the towne of +Caster within your countie of Lincoln for the execucion of the same. Wthere +were assembled at oure cummyng within a myle of the seid towne xxiim of +your trewe and faithefull (<i>lege peple crossed out</i>) subgietts and moo by oure +estimmacion and the causion of ther said assemble was as they affirmed unto +us that the comon voce and fame was that all the Jewells and goods of the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>Churches of the countrey shuld be taken from them and brought to your +gracez councell and also that your seid lovyng and faithful subgets shulde be +put of newe to enhaunsements and other importunate charges. Whiche they +were not able to bere by reason of extreme pouertie and upon the same they +did swere us first to be true to your grace and to take ther parts in +off the comon welthe and so conveid us with them from the seid +Caster unto the towne of Louth <span class='fss'>XII</span> myles distante from the same (<i>mark of +omission but no insertion</i>) where as we yet remayne unto they knowe forther of +your graciouse plesure humbly besechyng youre grace to be good and graciouse +boith to them and us to send us your graciouse letters of generall pardon orells +we be in suche daunger that we be never like to se your grace nor owre owen +houses as this berer can shewe to whom we beseche your highnes to gyff ferther +credence. And ferther your seid subgietts haith desired us to writte to your +grace that they be yours bodies lands and goods at all tymes where your grace +shall commande (<i>torn</i>) for the defense of your person or your realme<a id='r459'></a><a href='#f459' class='c016'><sup>[459]</sup></a>.</p> + +<div class='lg-container-r c024'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>Robt tyrwhyte      Willim Ayscugh</div> + <div class='line'>Edward Madeson</div> + <div class='line'>Thomas Portyngton.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>When this letter had been read to the commons, Sir Edward +Madeson and John Henneage were despatched after midnight to +take it up to London<a id='r460'></a><a href='#f460' class='c016'><sup>[460]</sup></a>. Many other messengers were hurrying +through Lincolnshire that night. Lord Borough, who had taken +refuge at a friend’s house, sent off news of the rising to the King<a id='r461'></a><a href='#f461' class='c016'><sup>[461]</sup></a>, +to the Earl of Shrewsbury at Sheffield Park<a id='r462'></a><a href='#f462' class='c016'><sup>[462]</sup></a>, who was the nearest +representative of the royal authority, and to Lord Darcy in Yorkshire<a id='r463'></a><a href='#f463' class='c016'><sup>[463]</sup></a>. +Thomas Moigne sent a message to Lord Hussey from his bailiff’s +house at Usselby, where he had taken refuge<a id='r464'></a><a href='#f464' class='c016'><sup>[464]</sup></a>. Lord Hussey wrote +back asking for further news<a id='r465'></a><a href='#f465' class='c016'><sup>[465]</sup></a>, and despatched a messenger to warn +the mayor of Lincoln<a id='r466'></a><a href='#f466' class='c016'><sup>[466]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>After sending to Hussey, Moigne ventured to go home to +Wyfflingham, where his wife was lying dangerously ill. He found +that all the commons of the neighbourhood had joined those of +Louth. He therefore ordered his bows and arrows to be brought +out. Word of this reached the commons, and for his wife’s sake +he was obliged to write to Sir William Askew for protection. The +house was watched and it was impossible for him to escape<a id='r467'></a><a href='#f467' class='c016'><sup>[467]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Wednesday, 4 October, the gentlemen who were held in +captivity at Louth persuaded the commons that they could do +nothing more till an answer was received to the letter they had +<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>sent to the King; and they were so successful that Sir William +Askew sent a message to Thomas Moigne, which he received at +7 a.m., that he might keep the great court next day at the Isle +of Axholme. The lull, however, did not last long. The bailiff of +Wyfflingham presently came to tell Moigne that warning bells were +being rung at Rasen, and that the towns around were ringing in +answer. Moigne directed him to do nothing, and the reason of the +alarm was soon explained. A body of men arrived from Rasen +bringing with them Sir William Askew’s two sons and George Eton, +a servant of Lord Hussey<a id='r468'></a><a href='#f468' class='c016'><sup>[468]</sup></a>. Eton had been captured at Rasen, +and two letters were found in his possession, one from Lord Hussey +to Tyrwhit and Askew, offering to help to stay the country<a id='r469'></a><a href='#f469' class='c016'><sup>[469]</sup></a>, the +other from the mayor of Lincoln in answer to Hussey’s offer of help<a id='r470'></a><a href='#f470' class='c016'><sup>[470]</sup></a>. +These letters infuriated the commons so much that they very nearly +killed their three captives,—in fact a report went about the country +that Eton had been killed<a id='r471'></a><a href='#f471' class='c016'><sup>[471]</sup></a>. They were now being taken to Louth, +and the men of Rasen insisted that Moigne must take the oath and +go with them.</p> + +<p class='c008'>They arrived at Louth after mass; Moigne had tried to persuade +them on the way to keep the letters secret, but they +refused to do so, though he prevailed upon them to conceal the +name of the messenger. As soon as their contents were known, +the people rushed to the church and rang the common bell, in spite +of the efforts made to stop them by Morland and the gentlemen. +A rumour spread that Lord Borough was coming over Rasen Moor +with 15,000 men to destroy them. This increased the tumult, but +at length the gentlemen prevailed on the mob to muster at Julian +Bower, where they were to be divided into wapentakes and to choose +captains<a id='r472'></a><a href='#f472' class='c016'><sup>[472]</sup></a>. Morland was despatched to find out if there was any +truth in the report about Lord Borough<a id='r473'></a><a href='#f473' class='c016'><sup>[473]</sup></a>. After Morland had gone, +Sir Andrew Bilsby and Mr Edward Forsett were brought in by the +men of Alford<a id='r474'></a><a href='#f474' class='c016'><sup>[474]</sup></a>. The newcomers believed the report about Lord +Borough, and assured the gentlemen of it, but the commons’ alarm +was now appeased and they were induced to go to their dinners. +The gentlemen hoped that Lord Borough might arrive without +bloodshed. In the afternoon the host assembled again, and was +divided into wapentakes, each having for captain the commissioner +who dwelt in it<a id='r475'></a><a href='#f475' class='c016'><sup>[475]</sup></a>. It was agreed that they should muster next day +<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>and march on Lincoln, though the gentlemen opposed the advance +as far as they dared<a id='r476'></a><a href='#f476' class='c016'><sup>[476]</sup></a>. Letters were written to Lord Hussey and to +the mayor of Lincoln, calling upon them to take part with the +commons<a id='r477'></a><a href='#f477' class='c016'><sup>[477]</sup></a>. At supper-time Morland returned from Horncastle with +grave news. It was true that the report about Lord Borough was +unfounded, but Horncastle had risen, with evil results<a id='r478'></a><a href='#f478' class='c016'><sup>[478]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As early as Saturday 30 September unrest had manifested itself +at Horncastle<a id='r479'></a><a href='#f479' class='c016'><sup>[479]</sup></a>. The outbreak came on Tuesday 3 October in +response to the summons of Nicholas Leache, parson of Belchford, +and his brother William. The men of Horncastle marched to +Scrivelsby Hall, and took Sir Robert Dymmoke, his sons, one of +whom was the sheriff, Mr Dighton of Sturton, and Mr Sanderson. +Sir William Sandon was also at the Hall, but refused at first to obey +the commons’ summons, until by threats he was forced to come “with +his cap in his hand.” In revenge for his delay the commons carried +him to Horncastle and imprisoned him in the Moot Hall. This +so far intimidated him that he went with the company to bring in +Thomas Littlebury and Sir John Copledike. Another party from +Horncastle went to Bolingbroke, where they found Dr Raynes, the +obnoxious chancellor of the Bishop, ill at a chantry priest’s house<a id='r480'></a><a href='#f480' class='c016'><sup>[480]</sup></a>. +They made him take the oath “lying sick in bed,” and spent the +night there. Apparently their first intention was to carry him to +Horncastle, but he was saved for the moment, partly by his servant, +partly by bribing his assailants<a id='r481'></a><a href='#f481' class='c016'><sup>[481]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The commons assembled at Horncastle early in the morning on +Wednesday 4 October under the command of Edward Dymmoke, the +sheriff, and despatched two messengers, one to Bolingbroke to order +the commons there to bring in Dr Raynes and another priest called +the surveyor, and the other to Louth to ask for news of Lord +Borough<a id='r482'></a><a href='#f482' class='c016'><sup>[482]</sup></a>. They mustered in a field near the town, whither the +chancellor was brought by one Gibson and John Lincoln of Hagnaby, +“a very rich man.”<a id='r483'></a><a href='#f483' class='c016'><sup>[483]</sup></a> His appearance was greeted with a yell of +hatred,—he was torn from his horse, set upon, and slain with staves. +His clothes and the money in his purse were divided among the +crowd by the sheriff<a id='r484'></a><a href='#f484' class='c016'><sup>[484]</sup></a>. The murder was the work of a frenzied mob, +and probably many took part in it. The names of three are preserved,—William +Hutchinson, William Balderstone and Brian Stonys. +The last named, in his deposition, laid the blame of the murder on +<span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>the priests and parsons in the crowd, declaring that they cried +continually “Kill him!” and that after he was slain “every parson +and vicar in the field counselled their parishioners to proceed in +their journey, saying they should lack neither gold nor silver.”<a id='r485'></a><a href='#f485' class='c016'><sup>[485]</sup></a> As +Stonys, by his own confession, was one of the murderers, his statement +about the parsons and vicars cannot be considered very reliable, +as he may have been trying to win a pardon by accusing those who +were obnoxious to the government. But it must be acknowledged +that the character of the Lincolnshire clergy does not appear to have +been very high. William Morland said that when he heard they +were to be examined in their learning he was glad, “thinking he +might happen to succeed to the room of some of the unlettered +parsons.” He also said that “certain lewd priests of those parts, +fearing they should lose their benefices, spread such rumours to +persuade the common people that they also should be as ill handled.”<a id='r486'></a><a href='#f486' class='c016'><sup>[486]</sup></a> +This contemptuous way of speaking may have been partly due to +the slight esteem in which the regulars often held the secular clergy; +but besides this there is evidence that at least one of the vicars had +used threatening language against the chancellor before the rising +began<a id='r487'></a><a href='#f487' class='c016'><sup>[487]</sup></a>. In short it seems fairly clear that the clergy who were +present at his death did nothing to help him, and were on the whole +pleased by it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The sheriff and Sir John Copledike were present when Raynes +was killed, and Morland, the messenger from Louth, arrived just in +time to see William Leache go to them and the other gentlemen +and ask them to deliver up to the commons Thomas Wolsey, who +had been a servant of Cardinal Wolsey, in exchange for Stephen +Haggar. Wolsey was accused of being a spy and was promptly +hanged, in spite of Morland’s intercession on his behalf<a id='r488'></a><a href='#f488' class='c016'><sup>[488]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The gentlemen were not present while this was taking place; +they had withdrawn about a mile, but after a time they returned +and read out a list of articles which they had drawn up, expressing +the grievances of the insurgents. The first two needed no explanation,—they +required that the King should remit the subsidy and +let the abbeys stand. The next was not so intelligible, as it expressed +a grievance which affected only the upper classes. The +sheriff therefore addressed the crowd as follows:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“Masters, there is a statute made whereby all persons be restrained to make +their wills upon their lands, for now the eldest son must have all his father’s +<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>lands, and no person to the payment of his debt, neither to the advancement of +his daughters’ marriages, can do nothing with their lands, nor cannot give his +youngest son any lands.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The commons had not before heard of the Statute of Uses, but +when it was explained to them in this way they were quite willing +to include an article requesting its repeal. The gentlemen next +demanded of the people whether they would ask for the heads of the +lord Cromwell, four or five bishops, the Master of the Rolls<a id='r489'></a><a href='#f489' class='c016'><sup>[489]</sup></a>, and +the Chancellor of the Augmentations<a id='r490'></a><a href='#f490' class='c016'><sup>[490]</sup></a>, “saying to them the lord +Cromwell was a false traitor and that he and the same bishops, the +Master of the Rolls, and the Chancellor of the Augmentations, whom +they called two false pen clerks, were the devisers of all the false +laws. And the commons asked the gentlemen, ‘Masters, if ye have +them, would that mend the matter?’ And the gentlemen said, +‘Yea, for these be the doers of all mischief.’” When these articles +had been read, George Staines addressed the commons, saying, +“Masters, ye see that in all the time we have been absent from +you we have not been idle. How like ye these articles? If they +please you, say yea. If not, ye shall have them amended.” “The +commons held up their hands and said with a loud voice, ‘We like +them very well’;” whereupon Staines wrote them out “upon his +saddle-bow.” He was believed to be the deviser of the articles, +which superseded other lists drawn up before. A copy was given to +Morland to carry back to Louth<a id='r491'></a><a href='#f491' class='c016'><sup>[491]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A message was brought by two of Lord Hussey’s servants, +offering redress if any of the commissioners had exceeded their +commission, and requesting the insurgents to send a deputation +to speak with him<a id='r492'></a><a href='#f492' class='c016'><sup>[492]</sup></a>. The servants were asked whether Hussey was +not raising the country against them; they replied it was a false +tale<a id='r493'></a><a href='#f493' class='c016'><sup>[493]</sup></a>. No doubt they dared not tell the truth, which was that +Hussey had sent messages to stay Holland, and was in communication +with Lord Borough, whom he had promised to meet at +Lincoln with 300 men<a id='r494'></a><a href='#f494' class='c016'><sup>[494]</sup></a>. The men of Horncastle, however, were +satisfied. They made the messengers take the oath and kept them +all night; but they sent three or four men to speak with Hussey<a id='r495'></a><a href='#f495' class='c016'><sup>[495]</sup></a>. +By the time they arrived he had discovered that he could not trust +his tenants, for when he sent bidding them to come and advise with +<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>him, they replied they had more need of his advice and stayed at +home<a id='r496'></a><a href='#f496' class='c016'><sup>[496]</sup></a>. The only answer he could return to the Horncastle men +was that he would not be false to his prince, but he could do nothing +against them, as none of his people would take his part<a id='r497'></a><a href='#f497' class='c016'><sup>[497]</sup></a>. The +messengers spent the night at Sleaford, and returned next day to +Horncastle. On their arrival Hussey’s servants were sent home<a id='r498'></a><a href='#f498' class='c016'><sup>[498]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Wednesday evening the man who had been sent to Louth +came back to Horncastle in time to see the bodies of Raynes and +Wolsey “burying in the churchyard.”<a id='r499'></a><a href='#f499' class='c016'><sup>[499]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>William Morland had therefore plenty of news when he returned +to Louth at supper-time. The gentlemen appointed twelve men to +be sent to Lord Hussey and then went to bed meditating upon the +murder of Raynes and Wolsey, the Articles of the commons, and +the answer of Lord Hussey. Nor was the excitement even then at +an end, for about midnight there was a fresh alarm. The commons +cried that the gentlemen had betrayed them, and that they would +kill them in their beds. However in the end they resolved to prove +them further, and the disturbance passed over<a id='r500'></a><a href='#f500' class='c016'><sup>[500]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The rising was now no mere local affair. The news of the +chancellor’s murder flew far and wide, and was the signal for a +general arming. Beacons were burnt along the south side of the +Humber, which were seen and understood in Yorkshire<a id='r501'></a><a href='#f501' class='c016'><sup>[501]</sup></a>, and at +3 a.m. on Thursday morning it was reported at Beverley that all +Lincolnshire was up from Barton to Lincoln<a id='r502'></a><a href='#f502' class='c016'><sup>[502]</sup></a>. Any gentleman who +stayed at home was liable to be seized by his tenants to be their +captain. The people were particularly anxious that the monks, for +whom they were taking up arms, should share their risks and expenses, +and messages were sent to the greater monasteries, which +had not yet been touched by the King. The turn affairs were +taking was known by Wednesday at Barlings<a id='r503'></a><a href='#f503' class='c016'><sup>[503]</sup></a>; at Bardney<a id='r504'></a><a href='#f504' class='c016'><sup>[504]</sup></a>, where +the abbot and his company were required to go with the commons; +at Kirkstead<a id='r505'></a><a href='#f505' class='c016'><sup>[505]</sup></a>, where the abbot was told that if he and his monks +came not forth the house should be burnt over their heads, “upon +which word, about 4 of the clock in the evening the abbot, cellarer, +bursar, and all the monks of the abbey able to go, 17 in all, went to +the outer gate where they met a servant of the abbey, who said the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>host had pardoned them for that night, but they must be at Horncastle +next day at 11 o’clock”;<a id='r506'></a><a href='#f506' class='c016'><sup>[506]</sup></a> and at Grimsby, where “at night, +when the commons came home, Leonard Curtis came past the +(Austin) Friars’ gate in a coat of fence covered with leather, and +with a long spear in his hand, and said to two friars there, ‘It were +alms to set your house of fire; therefore command your prior that +you come tomorrow.’ They desired him to go in himself, and so +he did, and commanded the prior to have his friars ready when +called, and afterwards the ‘sargyn’ brought the same command.”<a id='r507'></a><a href='#f507' class='c016'><sup>[507]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The need for captains was much felt by the commons in some +parts, and led to the first appearance of Robert Aske among the +rebels. Before Michaelmas the three Aske brothers had been staying +at Ellerker in Yorkswold with their sister Agnes and her husband +William Ellerker. Young Sir Ralph Ellerker was expected at the +beginning of October for some fox-hunting, but he was prevented +from coming by his duties as commissioner of the subsidy, so Robert +Aske set out for London, in order to be there about the beginning of +the law term, accompanied by Robert Aske, his brother John’s eldest +son, and another nephew. They crossed the Humber at Barton, five +miles from Ellerker, and heard from the ferryman of the commons’ +rising and the capture of the commissioners. On landing they set +out for Sawcliff, eight miles away, to spend the night at the house of +Thomas Portington. They had only gone two miles when they were +stopped at Ferriby by George Hudswell and a band of horsemen, +who made them take the usual oath—to be true to God, the King +and the Commonwealth. They were allowed to go to Sawcliff, where +they found that Thomas Portington had been taken by the commons +and was still with them. On this Aske became anxious to go back +to Yorkshire, but on his way to the nearest ferry some of the +commons met with him “and so intreat him that he was glad to +repair again to Sawcliff.” There he passed the night—that is the +night of Wednesday 4 October<a id='r508'></a><a href='#f508' class='c016'><sup>[508]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Thursday 5 October the rebels were early astir. Before +daybreak a party of them appeared at Sawcliff, came to Robert +Aske’s bedside and insisted that he and his three nephews<a id='r509'></a><a href='#f509' class='c016'><sup>[509]</sup></a> should +instantly go with them. Aske induced them to let the three young +men go into Yorkshire because two of them was heir apparents. +But it seems possible there were more pressing reasons than mere +<span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>humanity; did Aske send no messages by them? The commons +carried him off to join a company of some two hundred men who +were mustering within three miles of Sawcliff and had no gentlemen +or captains. They spent the morning in raising Kirton Soke, which +had been warned against them ineffectively by Lord Borough. +Aske went along Humber side with the horsemen while the footmen +went inland, and they met again at Kirton at three in the afternoon<a id='r510'></a><a href='#f510' class='c016'><sup>[510]</sup></a>. +The meeting-place appointed for all the different bands that +day was Hambleton Hill, where in the afternoon assembled the host +of Yarborough Hundred under command of Sir Robert Tyrwhit<a id='r511'></a><a href='#f511' class='c016'><sup>[511]</sup></a>; +Thomas Moigne with 200 men<a id='r512'></a><a href='#f512' class='c016'><sup>[512]</sup></a>; the men of Louth, who had +mustered at Towse Athyenges (Towse of the Lynge) Heath<a id='r513'></a><a href='#f513' class='c016'><sup>[513]</sup></a>, and +those of Horncastle, who had met between Horncastle and Scrivelsby<a id='r514'></a><a href='#f514' class='c016'><sup>[514]</sup></a>. +The last named brought with them a silk banner with Lyon Dymmoke’s +arms, which they had taken out of Horncastle church the +day before<a id='r515'></a><a href='#f515' class='c016'><sup>[515]</sup></a>. All the monks of Kirkstead, except the abbot, joined +the host, the cellarer and the bursar mounted and with battle-axes, +the rest on foot. Their serving-men were also carried off by the +rebels. The bursar brought money and provisions, and they were +all welcomed by the sheriff. The entire muster was estimated to +be 10,000 strong. On their way one company had come upon +Francis Stonar, priest and surveyor to Lady Willoughby, perhaps +the surveyor whom the people of Horncastle wanted to take the +day before. He was roughly used, but the gentlemen saved his life, +and he ransomed himself by paying £100 to their funds<a id='r516'></a><a href='#f516' class='c016'><sup>[516]</sup></a>. When +all had met at Hambleton Hill the general voice was to march on +Lincoln, but Moigne made a speech reminding the people that now +was the time to sow wheat and till the fields for the next year, and +he therefore advised them to send only a small number forward to +represent them. Just then he was told that Nicholas Girlington, +Robert Askew, and one Aske wished to speak with him. He knew +the two former, and also knew that Aske was a lawyer. Believing +they would be on the side of peace, he wished to speak to them +alone, but the commons would not allow it<a id='r517'></a><a href='#f517' class='c016'><sup>[517]</sup></a>. He told Aske that +they would lie that night at Rasen Wood, and next day at Dunholm +<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>Heath, and directed the commons of Kirton to meet them at +Dunholm. Aske took this message to his company at Kirton. He +spent the night at Sawcliff and did not rejoin the Kirton men again<a id='r518'></a><a href='#f518' class='c016'><sup>[518]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The host marched from Hambleton Hill to Market Rasen, and +there it became necessary to make arrangements for the night. +Some slept in the fields about the town, others made themselves +more comfortable. A party led by Edmund, “old Lady Tailbois’ +chaplain,” was advancing to the meeting-place when they met +Matthew Mackerell, Abbot of Barlings<a id='r519'></a><a href='#f519' class='c016'><sup>[519]</sup></a>, between Barlings monastery +and Barlings Grange. They made him lodge them for the night and +he gave them beef and bread and “the meat that was on the spit +for his brethren’s supper.” Numbers of men entered forcibly and +slept in the chambers of the monastery and “on the hay mowes” +in the barns. The two leaders, whose names Mackerell did not +know, commanded him to join them with all his brethren. The +abbot offered to go with them and sing a litany; he pointed out +that it was contrary to his vow to wear harness, yet the leaders still +swore he should go. They terrified him so much that when he +turned to the altar to hear mass, he trembled till “he could unnethe +say his service.” In answer to their threats he gave them each +a crown to buy horses. Thomas Kirton of Scotherne then came in, +and said that he had met a band of horsemen coming to burn the +monastery, but that he had saved it by showing them the men +sleeping in the hay. He brought a message from Mr Thomas +Littlebury, who advised the abbot to please “this ungracious company”; +and he alarmed the poor abbot still more by telling him +how “Mr Sampoull, a man of four score,” had been taken from +his bed to be sworn and forced to send his son with them<a id='r520'></a><a href='#f520' class='c016'><sup>[520]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>If things were moving fast in Lincolnshire, they were not standing +still in London. Madeson and Henneage, who had left Louth at +midnight on Tuesday 3 October, arrived at court about 9 a.m. on +Wednesday 4 October<a id='r521'></a><a href='#f521' class='c016'><sup>[521]</sup></a>. They brought the first definite news of the +outbreak. The King at once perceived that the matter was grave. +So great was his anxiety that it even overcame his pride, and he +sent, very reluctantly, for the Duke of Norfolk, who was living at +Kenninghall in Norfolk, in a state of semi-disgrace for his opposition +to Cromwell. The gentlemen in attendance at court were ordered to +make ready to march against the insurgents under the command +<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>of Richard Cromwell, the Lord Privy Seal’s nephew. Horses were +pressed for them by the Lord Mayor of London, who went from +stable to stable, taking the horses of both foreign merchants and +citizens. This vigorous measure aroused indignation, and as the +King did not permit much to be said about the rising in Lincolnshire, +the sufferers were told that the Count of Nassau was coming +on a visit to England with a great company of men but no horses<a id='r522'></a><a href='#f522' class='c016'><sup>[522]</sup></a>. +The King’s uneasiness could only be increased by the letters which +must have arrived on Wednesday evening from Hussey to Cromwell<a id='r523'></a><a href='#f523' class='c016'><sup>[523]</sup></a>, +enclosing the commons’ summons to him, and from the Earl of +Shrewsbury<a id='r524'></a><a href='#f524' class='c016'><sup>[524]</sup></a>, who sent word of Lord Borough’s flight and the +commons’ threats to destroy his house at Gainsborough if he would +not return and lead them<a id='r525'></a><a href='#f525' class='c016'><sup>[525]</sup></a>. The Earl had sent out notices to the +neighbouring gentlemen, summoning them to assemble on Thursday +at Mansfield with as many men as they could collect to march against +the rebels<a id='r526'></a><a href='#f526' class='c016'><sup>[526]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The King pressed on the preparations in London as fast as +possible. He was said to distrust the city, and took from it men and +horses to strengthen not only his army but also the Tower “which +is his last refuge.” This action shows the uncertainty under which +he laboured: he did not know how much he might have to fear. His +daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, were summoned to court, as if he felt +it was not safe to let them be out of his sight, and Mary was treated +with more kindness and respect than she had known for a long time. +“Madame Marie is now the first after the Queen, and sits at table +opposite her, a little lower down, after first having given the napkin +for washing to the King and Queen.” It was said that when the +first news of the rebellion came Queen Jane threw herself on her +knees before the King and implored him to restore the abbeys, +saying that this was a judgment for their putting down. “But he +told her, prudently enough, to get up, and he had often told her +not to meddle with his affairs, referring to the late queen, which +was enough to frighten a woman who is not very secure.”<a id='r527'></a><a href='#f527' class='c016'><sup>[527]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Letters missive were sent out to summon musters<a id='r528'></a><a href='#f528' class='c016'><sup>[528]</sup></a>, and a +proclamation was issued to delay for a year the enforcement of the +statute regulating the size of woollen cloths, in order to appease the +discontent among the clothmakers<a id='r529'></a><a href='#f529' class='c016'><sup>[529]</sup></a>. The only person really pleased +<span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>by the news was the Duke of Norfolk. He did not believe the +disturbance was anything of importance and doubted that the rebels +could raise 5000 men, but he hoped that he could use the opportunity +to overthrow Cromwell and bring himself back into favour. Consequently +he hurried up to court on the 5th in very good spirits<a id='r530'></a><a href='#f530' class='c016'><sup>[530]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Cromwell, on the first coming of the news, despatched two +emissaries of his own to Lincolnshire to gather information<a id='r531'></a><a href='#f531' class='c016'><sup>[531]</sup></a>. They +were Sir Marmaduke Constable and Robert Tyrwhit<a id='r532'></a><a href='#f532' class='c016'><sup>[532]</sup></a>. With them +went John Henneage, who had carried the commons’ first petition to +the King<a id='r533'></a><a href='#f533' class='c016'><sup>[533]</sup></a>. At 9 o’clock on Thursday morning they reached Stilton +and sent in their first report. The commons were said to have been +10,000 strong on Tuesday. Their oath was repeated to the writers +by “an honest priest” who had been forced to take it. It ran: “Ye +shall swear to be true to Almighty God, to Christ’s Catholic Church, +to our Sovereign Lord the King, and unto the Commons of this +realm; so help you God and Holydam and by this book.” Constable +and Tyrwhit had delivered the letters of summons to several of the +gentlemen. They intended to push on to Lincoln, sending a letter +to the Lord Steward (Shrewsbury) from Stamford<a id='r534'></a><a href='#f534' class='c016'><sup>[534]</sup></a>. At eight o’clock +that night they wrote again from Ancaster. They had learnt that +the rebels were now over 20,000 and expected to be in Lincoln on +Saturday. Their petition was that they might receive pardon for +rising, that holydays might be kept as before, that the religious +houses might stand, and that they might be taxed no more; “they +would also fain have you,” i.e. Cromwell. The messengers were on +their way to Lord Hussey<a id='r535'></a><a href='#f535' class='c016'><sup>[535]</sup></a>. They arrived at Sleaford late at night, +and delivered their letter<a id='r536'></a><a href='#f536' class='c016'><sup>[536]</sup></a>, but they found Lord Hussey quite unable +to carry out the orders it contained. He had sent forward some +armed servants to Colwick, close to Nottingham, intending to follow +them, but when the people heard that he was about to leave them +they rang the common bell and about a hundred assembled outside +his gate and refused to disperse until they had seen him, crying, +“Alas, we shall be brent and spoiled, and all for lack of aid.” Lord +Hussey came out and asked what they wanted. They answered, +“Aid,” saying he was their only aid and that they heard he would +leave them. He replied he would come and go as he pleased, and +“‘bade them walk home, knaves,’ trusting to see them hanged +shortly.” He noticed one Bug “with a bill in his hand” and asked +<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>what he wanted. Bug answered, “In faith, my lord, to take your +part, to live and die with you.” Hussey called him “a naughty busy +knave,” and sent them all away “amazed,” but they declared they +would not let him go, and watched his house<a id='r537'></a><a href='#f537' class='c016'><sup>[537]</sup></a>. Cromwell’s messengers +dared not stay in this dangerous neighbourhood, and left +Sleaford at midnight<a id='r538'></a><a href='#f538' class='c016'><sup>[538]</sup></a>. Then they separated, Henneage and Tyrwhit +going back to the King, while Constable went on towards Yorkshire. +They left with Hussey several letters for the knights and gentlemen, +who had been “taken” by the commons<a id='r539'></a><a href='#f539' class='c016'><sup>[539]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Next morning, Friday 6 October, Hussey wrote to Shrewsbury, +saying that he was so beset that he could not leave his house, though +he was anxious to join the King’s forces, asking for orders, and +promising to escape whenever he could<a id='r540'></a><a href='#f540' class='c016'><sup>[540]</sup></a>. He sent this off by a +trusty servant and at the same time despatched another servant, +George Cutler, to the Louth rebels, with a reply to the deputation +which had waited on him the day before. Cutler was also to deliver +the letters to the gentlemen with the host, and Hussey bid him +“say anything to get himself away.”<a id='r541'></a><a href='#f541' class='c016'><sup>[541]</sup></a> The host was marching from +Market Rasen to Lincoln, but they had not gone two miles when +disputes broke out. The gentlemen complained that the commons +were unruly and said “they should be ordered whether they would +or no”; in the end the commons submitted and the host went on. +A rumour spread that Lord Borough would join them that day, and +though there was no truth in it the commons were much encouraged<a id='r542'></a><a href='#f542' class='c016'><sup>[542]</sup></a>. +The next halt was at Dunholm Lings, where the men of Kirton Soke +were waiting, as Aske and Moigne had appointed<a id='r543'></a><a href='#f543' class='c016'><sup>[543]</sup></a>. Here Cutler +came to them<a id='r544'></a><a href='#f544' class='c016'><sup>[544]</sup></a>. Perhaps the gentlemen were not too well pleased +to receive the King’s letters at such a time. At any rate Sir +William Askew questioned Cutler as to whether Lord Hussey were +at home and would take their part; he replied that “he and all +his house were at the commons’ command.”<a id='r545'></a><a href='#f545' class='c016'><sup>[545]</sup></a> In spite of this prudent +answer he was carried to Lincoln with the host<a id='r546'></a><a href='#f546' class='c016'><sup>[546]</sup></a>. The rebels had +sent on a party before them to prepare lodgings in the town, and +when they arrived they were well received. The officers of the city +gave orders that provisions should be sold to them at reasonable +rates<a id='r547'></a><a href='#f547' class='c016'><sup>[547]</sup></a>. They had so far been without artillery, but in Lincoln they +found some guns which, it was believed, had come from Grimsby<a id='r548'></a><a href='#f548' class='c016'><sup>[548]</sup></a>; +<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>had these anything to do with Guy Kyme’s business at Grimsby the +week before?</p> + +<p class='c008'>The gentlemen lodged in the Close and the commons in the +town<a id='r549'></a><a href='#f549' class='c016'><sup>[549]</sup></a>. The first to arrive was the company from Louth, and they +were joined by the commons of the city with whom they spent a +pleasant time in spoiling the palace of the hated Bishop<a id='r550'></a><a href='#f550' class='c016'><sup>[550]</sup></a>. The host +of Horncastle came to Lincoln either this day or early on the morrow. +On the march the Abbot of Barlings had met them at Langwith +Lane End. In reply to repeated orders he brought them “beer, +bread, cheese and six bullocks,” and was accompanied by his brethren. +When he had given the provisions to the sheriff, he begged that he +and his monks might be allowed to go home, but the leaders resolved +that six of them must go with the host next day, “seeing they were +tall men.” The abbot was given a passport permitting him to +gather victuals for the commons; his secret intention, as he said, +was to use this to slip out of the country<a id='r551'></a><a href='#f551' class='c016'><sup>[551]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The sheriff summoned the people of Boston to meet “the great +host” at Ancaster on Sunday 8 October<a id='r552'></a><a href='#f552' class='c016'><sup>[552]</sup></a>. On receiving this letter +the whole of Holland rose, and the gentlemen were compelled to +take the oath, under pain of having their goods seized. Two thousand +men rose in Boston, and it was believed that the whole number +of the rebels was 40,000 “harnessed men and naked men clad in +bends of leather.” Those who were latest to rise said “they would +do as their neighbours did, for they could not die in a better quarrel +than God’s and the King’s.” The list of grievances which they presented +to the gentlemen was not quite the same as the one drawn +up at Horncastle. The reforms which they desired were (1) that +the Church of England should have its old accustomed privileges +without any exaction; (2) that suppressed houses of religion should +be restored, “except such houses as the King hath suppressed for +his pleasure only”; (3) that the bishops of Canterbury, Rochester, +Lincoln, Ely, Bishop Latimer and others and the Lord Privy Seal, +the Master of the Rolls, and the Chancellor of the Augmentations, +should be delivered up to the commons, or else banished the realm; +(4) that the King should demand no more money of his subjects +except for the defence of the realm<a id='r553'></a><a href='#f553' class='c016'><sup>[553]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Cromwell had sent Christopher Askew<a id='r554'></a><a href='#f554' class='c016'><sup>[554]</sup></a>, one of the King’s gentlemen +ushers, to gather news. On Friday he reported that he had +advanced into the country as far as he dared, apparently to Spalding. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>His report is a mixture of hearsay and fact; like the gentlemen of +Holland he estimated the number of the rebels at 40,000 or more,—10,000 +or 12,000 well harnessed, and 30,000 more, “some harnessed +and some not.” The journeymen were deserting their masters, and +the towns were left defenceless. “About Stamford, Spalding and +Peterborough they are very faint in rising against the rebels.” In +fact they were readier to take the other side, but Mr Harrington +showed them the King’s commission and they were pacified and glad +that the King was coming. Askew advised that more commissions +of this kind should be sent. The people murmured among themselves +that if they held not together they would be undone, “for it +is reported that they shall pay a third part of their goods to the +King and be sworn what they are worth, and if they swear untruly +other men will have their goods.” He had heard the rumours that +some had gone to burn Lord Borough’s house, and that Bellowe had +been baited to death. He also said “they have made a nun in your +abbey Legbourn and an abbot at Louth Park.” But this seems +to be a mistake, for, unlike the Yorkshire rebels, the commons of +Lincolnshire made no attempt to restore the suppressed houses. +Mr Harrington had commanded the Prior of Spalding to raise as +many men as he could for the King, “and he answered he was +a spiritual man and would make none.” Askew had heard that +Hussey’s tenants would not rise for him, and it was said he would be +taken that night<a id='r555'></a><a href='#f555' class='c016'><sup>[555]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The last report was well founded. Hussey’s servant Cutler met +a spy of Shrewsbury’s when the rebels took him to Lincoln. Perhaps +he did not know this man as a friend; at any rate he told him that +Hussey was about to join the rebels<a id='r556'></a><a href='#f556' class='c016'><sup>[556]</sup></a>. He managed to leave the +town that night and warned his master that the gentlemen were +going to send to bring him in<a id='r557'></a><a href='#f557' class='c016'><sup>[557]</sup></a>. Thanks to this news Hussey escaped +in the night disguised as a priest<a id='r558'></a><a href='#f558' class='c016'><sup>[558]</sup></a>. He was just in time, for on +Saturday 7 October the host at Lincoln sent out several bands to +find and bring in gentlemen<a id='r559'></a><a href='#f559' class='c016'><sup>[559]</sup></a>. Five hundred men under Sir +Christopher Askew were despatched for Lord Hussey<a id='r560'></a><a href='#f560' class='c016'><sup>[560]</sup></a>. Before they +arrived, Anthony Irebye, one of the commissioners of Holland, +brought to Sleaford a troop of about eight score men which he had +raised to serve the King. He found that Hussey had fled, but in +obedience to a letter from him the little troop afterwards joined the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>King’s forces<a id='r561'></a><a href='#f561' class='c016'><sup>[561]</sup></a>. When Sir Christopher Askew reached Sleaford he +was met by the principal people of the town, including Robert Carre, +who begged him not to spoil their houses. Sir Christopher promised +to protect them, and made them join his company. Hearing that +Lord Hussey had fled, the rebels began to cry, “Fire the house!” +but their captain spoke with Lady Hussey and satisfied his followers +by making her promise to follow her husband and bring him back<a id='r562'></a><a href='#f562' class='c016'><sup>[562]</sup></a>. +George Hudswell of Caistor was appointed to accompany her, but +they did not start that day<a id='r563'></a><a href='#f563' class='c016'><sup>[563]</sup></a>. After the company had set out for +Lincoln, a tempest of rain drove them back, and they took refuge +from the weather in the Bishop of Lincoln’s castle at Sleaford, where +they spent the night, doing much damage. Lady Hussey gave them +provisions,—beer, salt fish, and bread<a id='r564'></a><a href='#f564' class='c016'><sup>[564]</sup></a>. Next morning (Sunday +8 October) she sent more food to them, and offered Sir Christopher +twenty angel nobles, which he refused to take<a id='r565'></a><a href='#f565' class='c016'><sup>[565]</sup></a>. While the rebels +made their way back to Lincoln, she and Hudswell set out in search +of Lord Hussey, whom they found at Colwick<a id='r566'></a><a href='#f566' class='c016'><sup>[566]</sup></a>. He refused to go +with them to join the rebels at Lincoln, and ordered them to follow +him to Shrewsbury, who was to hold a muster at Nottingham next +day<a id='r567'></a><a href='#f567' class='c016'><sup>[567]</sup></a>. Hussey had received an answer to his letter of the 6th which +might well make him anxious. Misled by the report of the spy who +had been told by Cutler that Hussey was wavering if not actually +pledged to the rebels<a id='r568'></a><a href='#f568' class='c016'><sup>[568]</sup></a>, Shrewsbury had become suspicious of his +loyalty. He wrote: “My lord, for the old acquaintance and familiarity +between us I will be plain with you. You have always shown yourself +an honourable and true gentleman, and no man may do the King +higher service in those parts by staying these misruled persons and +finding means to withdraw the gentlemen and men of substance from +among them, when the commons could do small hurt. For I assure +you, on my troth, all the King’s subjects of the counties of Derby, +Salop, Stafford, Worcester, Leicester and Northampton will be with +me tomorrow to the number of 40,000 and I trust you will keep us +company.”<a id='r569'></a><a href='#f569' class='c016'><sup>[569]</sup></a> In the face of these suspicions it is no wonder that +Hussey was angry with his wife when she implored him to return +to the rebels. He rode to the Lord Steward with what speed he +might.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The rebels stayed at Lincoln all Saturday. Early in the +morning they mustered at New Port, and it was agreed to send +<span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>another letter to the King, as no answer had been received to the +first<a id='r570'></a><a href='#f570' class='c016'><sup>[570]</sup></a>. The men of worship held a council at Mile Cross towards +Nettleham apart from the host, and drew up a new set of articles, +because they considered those made at Horncastle “wondrous unreasonable +and foolish.”<a id='r571'></a><a href='#f571' class='c016'><sup>[571]</sup></a> As a matter of fact the new articles seem +to have differed very little from the old, unless others had been +inserted among the Horncastle articles besides the four given above. +The wandering bands brought in gentlemen from the surrounding +country,—Sir John Sutton, Robert Sutton and the Disneys<a id='r572'></a><a href='#f572' class='c016'><sup>[572]</sup></a>. The +Abbot of Barlings came with six of his canons, all in harness; but he +only delivered his men and went straight home again<a id='r573'></a><a href='#f573' class='c016'><sup>[573]</sup></a>. Several +monks came from Bardney<a id='r574'></a><a href='#f574' class='c016'><sup>[574]</sup></a>, and those pressed at Kirkstead were still +with the host.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Sunday 8 October the host mustered at Lincoln; they had +changed Lyon Dymmoke’s banner for a white cloth to which was +pinned a picture of the Trinity painted on parchment<a id='r575'></a><a href='#f575' class='c016'><sup>[575]</sup></a>. The commons +were growing impatient at the delay, but the gentlemen were +undecided as to what course of action they should follow, and wished +to hear more of the King’s preparations before committing themselves +to an advance. The great muster on Ancaster Heath had +been appointed for this day, but the gentlemen postponed it, saying +they must await the King’s answer<a id='r576'></a><a href='#f576' class='c016'><sup>[576]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The articles which had been prepared the day before were read +aloud to the whole host by George Staines, who offered himself as a +messenger to take them to the King<a id='r577'></a><a href='#f577' class='c016'><sup>[577]</sup></a>. No complete copy of these +articles has been preserved, but they seem to have been seven in +number, as follows:</p> + +<p class='c019'>(1) that the King should demand no more taxes of the nation, except in time +of war.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(2) that the Statute of Uses should be repealed.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(3) that the Church should enjoy its ancient liberties and that tenths and +first fruits should not be taken from the clergy by the government.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(4) that no more abbeys should be suppressed.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(5) that the realm should be purged of heresy, and the heretic bishops, such +as Cranmer, Latimer, and Longland should be deprived and punished.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(6) that the King should take noblemen for his councillors, and give up +Cromwell, Riche, Legh and Layton to the vengeance of the commons, or else +banish them.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(7) that all who had taken part in the insurrection should be pardoned<a id='r578'></a><a href='#f578' class='c016'><sup>[578]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>The host accepted the articles, but they were not yet despatched +to the King.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The gentlemen had established themselves apart from the commons; +their lodgings were in the Close and their meeting-place was +the Chapter House of the Cathedral, where on Sunday evening they +received two letters of the greatest moment. The first was brought +by William Woodmansey; it was under the common seal of the +town of Beverley and addressed to the people of Lincolnshire. It +informed them that, hearing of their rising, the townsmen of Beverley +had also taken up arms; they wished to know the Lincolnshire +articles and were ready to send help. The gentlemen were obliged +to reply, and wrote a letter enclosing the new articles. The papers +were entrusted to Guy Kyme and Thomas Donne, who probably set +out for Yorkshire with Woodmansey next morning. Meanwhile the +news from Beverley had spread, and the whole city of Lincoln was +humming with excitement. The commons’ one thought was to set +forward without delay. Their rear was safe,—why should they +loiter? The leaders still insisted that they must wait for the +King’s reply. In the midst of these discussions two more messengers +arrived and came before the meeting in the Chapter House. +They were from Halifax, and brought word that their country was +up and ready to do as the men of Lincolnshire did. It was a wonder +that the gentlemen themselves were not carried away by the surging +enthusiasm of the commons. When they had already risked so much +they might in that moment of triumph have brought themselves to +stake all. But they still counselled prudence. They assured their +followers that it would be high treason to march against the King’s +troops before the King’s answer came. It speaks poorly for the +intelligence of the host that this ridiculous reason was enough to +turn them from their purpose. George Staines was at length +despatched to London with the new set of articles. The commons +were heartily tired of Lincoln and inaction, but they consented +to stay there another day on the understanding that they should +be allowed to spoil the goods of any man who did not join the host +when summoned<a id='r579'></a><a href='#f579' class='c016'><sup>[579]</sup></a>.</p> + +<h3 class='c017'>NOTES TO CHAPTER V</h3> + +<p class='c018'>Note A. The conduct of the Percys in Northumberland was outrageous +enough, but, as good luck would have it, no one was murdered. Moreover the +Percys and the thieves of Tynedale were responsible for this, not the gentlemen +and commons of the county as a body.</p> + +<p class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>Note B. When one of the lesser monasteries was suppressed, the monks +were given a choice of two courses; they might either be transferred to one of +the large houses of the same Order, which was not yet suppressed, or they might +receive a paper from the King by which they were released from their vows and +received licence to begin life over again as ordinary laymen. These were called +“capacities.”</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note C. Holinshed identified the Abbot of Barlings with Captain Cobbler. +There is no hint of this in any contemporary chronicle, and the most cursory +reference to the State Papers shows that it was a mistake. Nevertheless the +error has been very generally copied<a id='r580'></a><a href='#f580' class='c016'><sup>[580]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note D. There is a curious story that Shrewsbury was very uneasy lest he +should be accused of treason for levying men to resist the rebels. It is first told +by Holinshed (1577), but no foundation for it can be discovered in contemporary +chronicles and documents. Holinshed asserted that he had been told it by +“men of good credit that were then present.” According to this story, the Earl +consulted his friends and legal advisers as to whether he might lawfully muster +men. They replied that he might do so. He retorted, “Ye are fools. I know +it in substance to be treason, and I would think myself in a hard case, if I +thought I had not my pardon coming.” Thereupon he sent out orders for the +muster, and wrote to the King begging for a pardon. The King sent him both +a pardon and thanks. The men assembled expecting the Earl to lead them to +join the rebels, but he took a solemn oath before them all that he was true to the +King alone<a id='r581'></a><a href='#f581' class='c016'><sup>[581]</sup></a>. The baselessness of this story appears when it is compared with +Shrewsbury’s letters. On 4 Oct. he sent news of the rising and asked for +orders<a id='r582'></a><a href='#f582' class='c016'><sup>[582]</sup></a>; at the same time he sent out a summons to the neighbouring gentlemen +to muster at Mansfield next day<a id='r583'></a><a href='#f583' class='c016'><sup>[583]</sup></a>. On the 6th he acknowledged the receipt of +the King’s letters missive, containing orders to assemble his men, and described +the musters which he had appointed<a id='r584'></a><a href='#f584' class='c016'><sup>[584]</sup></a>. Cromwell wrote a flowery letter of +compliments and thanks to him on the 9th, but without a suggestion that any +pardon was needed<a id='r585'></a><a href='#f585' class='c016'><sup>[585]</sup></a>. The King sent him further orders and a new commission +on the 15th, but without hinting that he had been over zealous<a id='r586'></a><a href='#f586' class='c016'><sup>[586]</sup></a>. Noblemen +were expected to suppress riots without waiting for orders, and it was made a +charge against Hussey that he did not muster his men at the first alarm. The +only foundation which there can be for Holinshed’s story is some vague memory +that the Earl’s attitude at the beginning of the rising awakened doubt. He was +a devout man, and very much opposed to innovations in any form<a id='r587'></a><a href='#f587' class='c016'><sup>[587]</sup></a>. Personal +loyalty kept him true to the King, but there is every reason to believe that he +had much stronger sympathy for the rebels than for Cromwell.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note E. The reduplication of names is very confusing. Sir Marmaduke +Constable was the cousin of Sir Robert Constable of Flamborough, not his +brother or his son, although they both bore the same name. Robert Tyrwhit +was a different person from Sir Robert Tyrwhit, the commissioner who was +taken at Caistor. Christopher Askew, again, was a different person from +Sir Christopher Askew, one of the Lincolnshire gentlemen who was most +enthusiastic in the rebels’ cause.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER VI<br> <span class='c004'>THE FAILURE OF LINCOLNSHIRE</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>By Saturday 7 October the preparations in London were fully +under weigh. Letters under the Privy Seal were sent out. They +announced that the King purposed to advance against the rebels +in person, and summoned the noblemen to whom they were directed +to meet him at Ampthill each with a specified force. Orders were +sent out to the ports to keep watch; arrangements were made for +posts; lists were drawn up of those who were to march against the +rebels, those who were to attend the King and those who were to +guard the Queen<a id='r588'></a><a href='#f588' class='c016'><sup>[588]</sup></a>. Sir William Fitzwilliam, the Lord Admiral, was +despatched to Ampthill. He reported that the country was loyal +as far as Godalming and Guildford, and that he had no difficulty +in raising men, but that he would only take horsemen as recruits, +there being such need of haste<a id='r589'></a><a href='#f589' class='c016'><sup>[589]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The news of the insurrection was first sent abroad by Chapuys, +who wrote to the Emperor on 7 October. The ambassador believed +that the insurgents were numerous and the disaffection widespread, +but he did not think that they could hold out long, as they lacked +both money and a leader. Nevertheless the King seemed dejected, +great preparations were going forward, and Cromwell was said to be +afraid. His nephew Richard Cromwell had taken quantities of arms +from the Tower, and was pressing men, even the masons at work on +Cromwell’s house; the sanctuary men were being imprisoned for fear +they should join the rebels. The Duke of Norfolk dined that day +with the Bishop of Carlisle—a special occasion for which wine was +procured from Chapuys—and requested his host to help to make +some large purchases of cloth which the government was organising +to allay the discontent among the clothmakers. The Bishop promised +to contribute, and many wealthy merchants and bishops were +<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>compelled to do the same. Immediately after dinner Norfolk set +out for his own country to raise men for the muster at Ampthill and +to prevent disturbances<a id='r590'></a><a href='#f590' class='c016'><sup>[590]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Reports of the rebels’ strength and the unsettled state of the +country south of Lincolnshire poured in upon Cromwell<a id='r591'></a><a href='#f591' class='c016'><sup>[591]</sup></a>. Lord +Clinton had been despatched to the Midlands with letters missive +summoning the gentlemen to keep order in their own neighbourhoods +and to raise men for the King, who were to meet the Earl of +Shrewsbury at Nottingham on Monday. The Earls of Rutland and +Huntingdon were ordered to join him. Clinton was unable to +deliver the letters to the Lincolnshire gentlemen, and wrote on the +7th that Hussey would probably be taken that day<a id='r592'></a><a href='#f592' class='c016'><sup>[592]</sup></a>. There was +a rumour that Clinton had raised 500 men who immediately went +over to the enemy<a id='r593'></a><a href='#f593' class='c016'><sup>[593]</sup></a>. Two friars of Grimsby sent Cromwell information +against the prior of the Austin Friars, who had supplied the +rebels with money<a id='r594'></a><a href='#f594' class='c016'><sup>[594]</sup></a>. The gentlemen of Holland reported the rising +of their country on Saturday<a id='r595'></a><a href='#f595' class='c016'><sup>[595]</sup></a>. Sir William Hussey, who seems to +have escaped from Sleaford at the same time as his father, rode +straight to London with only one servant. By the wayside they +heard the people “both old and young, praying God speed the +rebellious people of Lincolnshire, and saying that if they came +that way they should lack nothing that they could help them to.”<a id='r596'></a><a href='#f596' class='c016'><sup>[596]</sup></a> +In Windsor itself a priest and a butcher were hanged for expressing +sympathy with the rebels<a id='r597'></a><a href='#f597' class='c016'><sup>[597]</sup></a>. On Friday Sir Edward Madeson, who +brought the commons’ letter to the King, was examined before the +Council, and told them what he knew of the rebels<a id='r598'></a><a href='#f598' class='c016'><sup>[598]</sup></a>, which, as he +had left Lincolnshire on Tuesday night, was not very much.</p> + +<p class='c008'>George Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lord Steward, was at +Hardwick in Sherwood on Saturday 7 October<a id='r599'></a><a href='#f599' class='c016'><sup>[599]</sup></a>. On this day Sir +Arthur Darcy arrived at his camp. He had been sent by his father +from Templehurst with letters which reported the unsettled state of +the country, the risings in Lincolnshire and Northumberland, and +asked for orders, money and ordnance<a id='r600'></a><a href='#f600' class='c016'><sup>[600]</sup></a>. He found the Lord Steward +“sore crassyd” with sickness, but labouring to muster all his powers +at Nottingham on Monday next. Sir Arthur saw a chance of distinguishing +himself in the coming conflict, and his father’s messages, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>essential as they were to the safety of the north, were at once thrown +to the winds. He wrote to Lord Darcy, telling him that when +the Lord Steward gave him a message for the King, “I said I would +be no messenger when the King should need; and further that I +knew well that he being at so near a point to try his friends that +I would be with him, thoff I had but my page and my man.” He +therefore asked that his men might be sent up to him “and I shall +there be found near the Talbot.” In a postscript he drops from his +heroics to domestic details, “Remember a truss bed and my harness +for me and my men.”<a id='r601'></a><a href='#f601' class='c016'><sup>[601]</sup></a> The spy who had been at Lincoln told +Shrewsbury that the rebels were about 40,000 strong, but only +16,000 in harness. He reported the muster to be held at Ancaster, +where it was said that Hussey would join the rebels. He had +promised to return to Lincoln and was about to do so. His watchword +was “Remember your promise.”<a id='r602'></a><a href='#f602' class='c016'><sup>[602]</sup></a> Shrewsbury at Hardwick +and Rutland, who had already arrived at Nottingham with his men, +were both writing to the King for money and ordnance, “for money +is the thing that every poor man will call for.”<a id='r603'></a><a href='#f603' class='c016'><sup>[603]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Fitzwilliam reached Ampthill on Sunday 8 October and “planted +his standard and guydon.” Richard Cromwell was again at the +Tower and took out “34 little falconets of those made by the King +last year”; he set out with them, but the roads were so heavy with +the recent rain that when they had gone no more than a mile into +the country the horses broke down<a id='r604'></a><a href='#f604' class='c016'><sup>[604]</sup></a>. Thirteen of the guns were sent +back at once, and in the end only sixteen could go forward, together +with the necessary stores and supply of weapons<a id='r605'></a><a href='#f605' class='c016'><sup>[605]</sup></a>. Richard Cromwell +pushed on without waiting for the guns. He reached Ware that +night, meeting by the way some recruits and two fugitives from +Lincolnshire, who told him the rebels were 40,000 strong, that their +numbers were ever growing, and that they were encamped in strong +positions<a id='r606'></a><a href='#f606' class='c016'><sup>[606]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As the reports of the insurrection became more and more +alarming, the King altered his plans. His first idea was that +Shrewsbury could easily dispose of the rebels, and that he himself +would then make a military promenade through the district. The +Duke of Norfolk had been sent to Ampthill “to exercise the office of +High Marshal, and to set the army which shall be then arrived +in order, that the King on his repair thither on Monday<a id='r607'></a><a href='#f607' class='c016'><sup>[607]</sup></a> may view +<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>them and dismiss them from time to time with thanks and good entertainment.”<a id='r608'></a><a href='#f608' class='c016'><sup>[608]</sup></a> +But it was now evident that the campaign would be no +mere picnic, and the King was unwilling to expose his royal person +to its possible dangers, while the need for haste was so great that it +would be unwise to hamper the army by the delays which were +inevitable if the King accompanied it. At the same time he did not +consider it safe to trust the command to the Duke of Norfolk if he +himself were not there, as Norfolk was suspected of leanings towards +the old religion<a id='r609'></a><a href='#f609' class='c016'><sup>[609]</sup></a>. It was impossible to send Cromwell, for while on +the one hand he was no general, on the other he was so unpopular +that it would have been difficult to find a dozen men who would +follow him. The King therefore had recourse to his old comrade +Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, who was one of the few persons +Henry regarded with something like friendship and confidence. +Suffolk had gone to his own country to prevent disturbances, when +a message overtook him that he was to set out at once for Huntingdon, +where he would find Richard Cromwell with the stores from the +Tower. On receiving these orders he lost no time. Leaving the +force he had mustered to follow him, he turned northwards, riding +all night<a id='r610'></a><a href='#f610' class='c016'><sup>[610]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Meanwhile letters reached Norfolk countermanding his orders, +directing him to send his son, the Earl of Surrey, and his horses to the +Duke of Suffolk, and to remain himself in Norfolk to stay the country<a id='r611'></a><a href='#f611' class='c016'><sup>[611]</sup></a>. +He must have suspected that such a slight was due to Cromwell’s +jealousy, and he wrote at once a vigorous remonstrance pointing out +that if he were to send away his son and his horses he could do little +towards staying the people. He declared that rather than “sit still +like a man of law” he would set out on Tuesday unless he received +positive orders to the contrary. This letter was despatched at 1 a.m. +on Sunday 8 October from Easterford<a id='r612'></a><a href='#f612' class='c016'><sup>[612]</sup></a>. By 6 p.m. on the same day +Norfolk had reached Stoke and found so many seditious rumours +by the way that he had become reconciled to the idea of remaining +in that part of the country, but he found it more than ever necessary +to keep his son and horses with him. The clothmakers were “very +light,” and had only been prevented from rising by the proclamation +suspending the new statute. Nevertheless the Earl of Oxford would +be able to do as much as he towards keeping all quiet, and he concluded +with a final protest: “I think I had much wrong offered me +to send my son and servants from me, considering that he cannot +<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>overtake my lord of Suffolk who will be tomorrow night at Huntingdon, +and they shall be fought withal or tomorrow noon by my Lord +Steward.”<a id='r613'></a><a href='#f613' class='c016'><sup>[613]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>On Monday 9 October Norfolk was at Woolpit. He reported +that he could raise 2500 men, and that he had “set such order that +it shall be hard for anyone to speak an unfitting word without being +incontinently taken and sent to me.” He had heard of the rising in +Boston and Holland and was prepared to meet the rebels if they +attempted to join hands with the discontented clothiers of Suffolk. +If only Oxford were sent down the country would be safe enough, +and he himself was ready to serve under the Duke of Suffolk, whom +he could join in two or three days<a id='r614'></a><a href='#f614' class='c016'><sup>[614]</sup></a>. Three hours later, when he +was within three miles of his home at Kenninghall, he received +a summons to the general muster, dated the 7th<a id='r615'></a><a href='#f615' class='c016'><sup>[615]</sup></a>. Probably the +messenger had been despatched on the 7th, had missed Norfolk, +who had been travelling about so much, and had only come up to +him now. But the Duke at once accepted the summons as countermanding +the orders that had reached him on the 8th, and wrote to +the Council that he would set out for London that night as soon +as the moon rose<a id='r616'></a><a href='#f616' class='c016'><sup>[616]</sup></a>. Here we must take leave of my Lord of Norfolk +for a considerable time.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Sunday 8 October Lord Darcy wrote to his son from Pontefract +Castle, urging him to make haste to the King; the Lord +Steward, he said, would understand that Sir Arthur was necessary +to his father, on account of his (Lord Darcy’s) debility, and he could +do most service by going to the King at once. In spite of every +effort, Yorkshire was on the point of rising<a id='r617'></a><a href='#f617' class='c016'><sup>[617]</sup></a>. The King’s letters +summoning the northern counties to send help to Shrewsbury were +received at Pontefract that day. The danger of mustering men in +a shire humming with sedition was obvious. However Sir Brian +Hastings, the sheriff, who was with Darcy, set out to gather what +men he could and march to Nottingham<a id='r618'></a><a href='#f618' class='c016'><sup>[618]</sup></a>. The King wrote to +Darcy on the same day, in ignorance of Yorkshire affairs, simply to +tell him to deny the rumours about parish churches, etc., and thereby +expose the “wretched and devilish intents” of the rebels<a id='r619'></a><a href='#f619' class='c016'><sup>[619]</sup></a>. Next +day, Monday 9 October, the King did at last receive Darcy’s letters. +He thanked him for his warning and politic proceedings, but was +confident that the danger was at an end, and that all Darcy had +<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>to do now was to arrest fugitives and any who spread rumours<a id='r620'></a><a href='#f620' class='c016'><sup>[620]</sup></a>. +This tone of exaggerated confidence perhaps shows that the King +distrusted Darcy, for the position of affairs seemed very unpromising +from the royal point of view. It was reported in London that Sir +Thomas Percy had joined the rebels with 30,000 men to avenge +himself on the King for the loss of his inheritance<a id='r621'></a><a href='#f621' class='c016'><sup>[621]</sup></a>. No doubt this +was the first distorted hint of the rising in the northern counties.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The disposition of the royal forces was as follows: at Nottingham +were the Earls of Shrewsbury, Rutland, and Huntingdon, with such +forces and weapons as they could muster. At Stamford were Sir +John Russell and Sir William Parr with a small force in an absolutely +defenceless town<a id='r622'></a><a href='#f622' class='c016'><sup>[622]</sup></a>. At Huntingdon was the Duke of Suffolk, +who arrived there at 6 a.m. on Monday morning, almost alone, to +find “neither ordnance nor artillery nor men enough to do anything; +such men as are gathered there have neither harness nor weapons.”<a id='r623'></a><a href='#f623' class='c016'><sup>[623]</sup></a> +He had received from the King letters for the rebels, which reproached +them for their disloyalty, denied the rumours, and +threatened them with terrible vengeance if they did not instantly +submit<a id='r624'></a><a href='#f624' class='c016'><sup>[624]</sup></a>. These he sent to Lincoln with a covering letter of his +own<a id='r625'></a><a href='#f625' class='c016'><sup>[625]</sup></a>. Even if the rebels refused to surrender he hoped he might be +able to prevent their advance until the royal army was in a little +better order. But he also wrote to ask for instructions in case they +should submit, and to urge that money, of which he was greatly +in need, and ordnance, should be sent at once. Many of the troops +which he had levied in Suffolk were detained there by the King’s +orders, and he begged that they might be sent after him under +command of Sir Anthony Wingfield, Sir Arthur Hopton, and Sir +Francis Lovell. He was expecting to be joined by Sir Francis +Brian, who was at Kimbolton with 300 horse. He had written +to Parr and Russell to ask whether it would be possible to defend +Stamford; if not they were to fall back upon him at Huntingdon<a id='r626'></a><a href='#f626' class='c016'><sup>[626]</sup></a>. +At the same time he wrote to Cromwell for “a herald, two pursuivants, +two trumpets and the King’s banner.”<a id='r627'></a><a href='#f627' class='c016'><sup>[627]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday 10 October Suffolk determined to advance to Stamford +instead of halting at Huntingdon. He was joined early in +the morning, before he set out, by Richard Cromwell, without the +ordnance<a id='r628'></a><a href='#f628' class='c016'><sup>[628]</sup></a>, which was finally despatched from London that very day +under charge of William Gonson<a id='r629'></a><a href='#f629' class='c016'><sup>[629]</sup></a>. Richard had heard a rumour +<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>that Suffolk had lost a battle and 20,000 men, and wrote to his +uncle to assure him that everything was going well<a id='r630'></a><a href='#f630' class='c016'><sup>[630]</sup></a>. George +Staines was taken by the royal troops on his way up to London with +the rebels’ second petition to the King, and was sent on under guard +by Suffolk<a id='r631'></a><a href='#f631' class='c016'><sup>[631]</sup></a>. By 8 o’clock on Tuesday night there were assembled +at Stamford the forces of Suffolk and Richard Cromwell, Sir John +Russell and Sir William Parr, Sir Francis Brian, and the troops from +Ampthill under the Admiral, Sir William Fitzwilliam<a id='r632'></a><a href='#f632' class='c016'><sup>[632]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The letters from the King and the Duke of Suffolk were delivered +this day to the gentlemen in the Chapter House of Lincoln Cathedral. +They brought the affairs of the rebels to a crisis. It became necessary +for the gentlemen to make a definite choice. The royal troops were +disorganised and without money or ordnance. In discipline, equipment, +and fighting quality they were exactly the same as the +insurgents, neither better nor worse; both alike were drawn from +the ordinary farm hands of the country and tradesmen of the town. +The rebels, being on volunteer service, might be something above +the royal troops in spirit; on the other hand the King’s men had no +voice in the council of war and were more amenable to authority. +The commons of Lincolnshire were clamouring to be led to battle, +and one small success, which seemed well within their reach, might +raise the whole kingdom and leave the King at their mercy. But +the gentlemen were afraid. In order to gain that victory they must +definitely throw in their lot with the commons, give up the plea that +they were with them only on compulsion, and abandon all hope of making +peace with the King. If they fought and were defeated those who +did not fall in the field would end on the gallows, or at best in exile; +their lands would pass to strangers, their children would be left +destitute, and the old names would die out. Lincolnshire would be +given over to fire and pillage. If they fought and won, it would +mean the renewal of civil war in England, after fifty years of peace. +The new war would be a religious war, with some prospect of a foreign +invasion; England at the hour of her first prosperity, just taking her +place among the nations, might be crippled beyond recovery. It +was a terrible decision to lie in the hands of a few country gentlemen, +who were not, perhaps, very well fitted to deal with such +momentous affairs. Cromwell’s servant, John Williams, declared +a few weeks later that he had never seen anywhere “such a sight +of asses, so unlike gentlemen as the most part of them be. Knights +<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>and esquires are meeter to be baileys; men void of good fashion, +and, in truth, of wit, except in matters concerning their trade which +is to get goods only.”<a id='r633'></a><a href='#f633' class='c016'><sup>[633]</sup></a> This is very prejudiced evidence, but the +attitude of the Lincolnshire gentlemen towards the rebellion is a +difficult problem. It is impossible to speak of them all collectively +as doing or believing this or that. The chief distinction that must +be noticed is the division of the host into two principal bands, +the men of Louth and the men of Horncastle.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The gentlemen who belonged to the Louth district seem on the +whole to have been acting from the first against their will; they +were for the most part the commissioners taken at Caistor, and they +had generally every reason to support the government and fear the +commons. There were exceptions, such as Sir Christopher Askew, +but on the whole the commons were right in the suspicions which +they entertained of their enforced leaders. William Morland stated +in his evidence that “as far as he could see both all the gentlemen +and honest yeomen of the country were weary of this matter, and +sorry for it, but durst not disclose their opinion to the commons for +fear of their lives.”<a id='r634'></a><a href='#f634' class='c016'><sup>[634]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the Horncastle host the leaders were not nearly so reluctant. +When the people first rose there and went to Scrivelsby Hall they +were met, about a quarter of a mile from the house, by the sheriff, +Thomas Dymmoke of Carlton, Mr Dighton of Sturton, Mr Sanderson, +and Arthur Dymmoke. They greeted the commons with the words, +“Masters, ye be welcome,” and when they were told they must take +the commons’ oath they replied, “With a good will.” When the +sheriff was asked whether the bells should be rung, he said, “Yea, +and ye will, for it is necessary that the people have knowledge.”<a id='r635'></a><a href='#f635' class='c016'><sup>[635]</sup></a> +That night the Sandersons went through the village of Snelland in +harness and told the people that they must be at the Horncastle +muster next day<a id='r636'></a><a href='#f636' class='c016'><sup>[636]</sup></a>; they were the bringers of the white banner with +the parchment picture<a id='r637'></a><a href='#f637' class='c016'><sup>[637]</sup></a>. It was the gentlemen of Horncastle who +drew up the articles and explained the Statute of Uses to the +commons<a id='r638'></a><a href='#f638' class='c016'><sup>[638]</sup></a>. Nicholas Leache, the parson of Belchford, who was with +the Horncastle company, thought “all the exterior acts of the gentlemen +amongst the commons were done willingly, for he saw them as +diligent to set forward every matter as the commons were. And +further during the whole time of the insurrection not one of them +<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>persuaded the people to desist or showed them it was high treason. +Otherwise he believes in his conscience they would not have gone +forward, for all the people with whom he had intelligence thought +they had not offended the King, as the gentlemen caused proclamations +to be made in his name. He thinks the gentlemen might +have stayed the people of Horncastle, for at the beginning his +parishioners went forward among the rebels only by command of +the gentlemen. The gentlemen were first harnessed of all others, +and commanded the commons to prepare themselves harness, and he +believes the commons expected to have redress of grievances by way +of supplication to the King.”<a id='r639'></a><a href='#f639' class='c016'><sup>[639]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>At first the policy of the gentlemen, whether favourable or unfavourable +to the rising, was probably much the same. There would +have been no difficulty in making a sudden dash up to London, for +there was no force to oppose them on the way; but even if they +reached London, as Wat Tyler and Jack Cade did from nearer +points, it was difficult to do anything effective there. The well-wishers +of the insurgents might reasonably think that their best +chance lay in drilling the commons into some sort of discipline +before they advanced, and this was the opinion of all the gentlemen. +According to George Hudswell, “Sir William Skipwith said they +(the commons) should be ordered whether they would or no, and +every gentleman said it shall be well done that they be ruled”;<a id='r640'></a><a href='#f640' class='c016'><sup>[640]</sup></a> +Philip Trotter deposed that “from the beginning to the end of the +insurrection the gentlemen might have stayed it if they would, +for the commons did nothing but by the gentlemen’s commandment, +and they durst never stir in the field from the place they were +appointed to till the gentlemen directed them what to do; and were +cautioned not to stir from their appointed places upon pain of death.”<a id='r641'></a><a href='#f641' class='c016'><sup>[641]</sup></a> +Moreover, if the leaders knew that Yorkshire would rise in a few +days, they may have wished to put off their advance on London +until they were joined by reinforcements from the north.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The fact that the gentlemen counselled delay does not therefore +prove that they were really opposed to the rising. But by Tuesday +10 October the spirits of the most daring seem to have failed. No +doubt rumours of the King’s musters had reached them as much +exaggerated as the accounts of their own numbers which were +repeated in London. The first effect of the news from Yorkshire +had worn off. The commissioners were men of influence, and when +<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>the more impetuous of the gentlemen found them opposed to the +movement, they probably felt its chance of success was very much +diminished. They may have been half irritated and half frightened +by the attitude of the commons, who were in a grumbling, dispirited, +and yet vicious mood. They feared their allies quite as much as the +troops which opposed them; and recollections of the German Peasant +Revolt in 1525 would increase their alarm<a id='r642'></a><a href='#f642' class='c016'><sup>[642]</sup></a>. When it came to the +parting of the ways, even those who had at first seemed heart and +soul with the rebels wavered; they dared not proclaim themselves +traitors and give up the path of retreat which they believed was +still open to them. Accordingly they prepared to desert the +commons. If they had had a chief captain, a man who thought +of neither gentlemen nor commons but only of the cause, this +dangerous time might have been tided over. A popular leader +might have coaxed the host out of its ill-humour, and inspired +the gentlemen to forget the promptings of cowardice and treachery +in the greatness of the adventure which they had taken upon them. +But there was no leader, and mistrust and disorder took his place in +Lincoln.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There was a muster upon Lincoln Heath on Tuesday morning, +but it seems to have been ill-attended. The monks of Kirkstead +and the men of Sleaford both were given leave to go home<a id='r643'></a><a href='#f643' class='c016'><sup>[643]</sup></a>. William +Morland returned to his home at Kedington, and in passing through +Louth saved the lives of Cromwell’s servants, Bellowe, Milsent, and +Parker, who had been imprisoned in the Tollbooth since Monday +2 October. Their captors, having taken their money and given it +into the charge of Robert Brown the jailor, had resolved to put them +to death, but Morland and some honest men of the town persuaded +the crowd to spare the prisoners and disperse. In recognition of +this service Parker and his fellows requested the jailor to give +Morland, out of the £6 of their money which he was keeping, “two +crowns, the one of 5<i>s.</i> and the other of 14 groats, and to make +up just 10<i>s.</i> they gave him 4<i>d.</i> in silver.”<a id='r644'></a><a href='#f644' class='c016'><sup>[644]</sup></a> It is a pity that Morland, +who was so good an observer and narrator, was away from Lincoln +on this critical day, as only one account of the events now remains, +that of Thomas Moigne<a id='r645'></a><a href='#f645' class='c016'><sup>[645]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday afternoon some three hundred of the commons brought +in the letters from the King and the Duke of Suffolk addressed to +Sir Robert Tyrwhit, Sir William Askew, Sir William Skipwith and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>Sir Edward Dymmoke. They carried them to the gentlemen who +were assembled in the Chapter House, and insisted on hearing their +contents. Moigne began to read the letters aloud, but coming to +a part which he knew would anger the commons, he omitted it. +The parson of Snelland, standing at his elbow, detected this, and +cried out to the commons that the letter was falsely read<a id='r646'></a><a href='#f646' class='c016'><sup>[646]</sup></a>. The +meeting was plunged into confusion; someone cried that it was +time to kill some of the justices: if they were hanged for it they +would not leave a gentleman alive in the shire<a id='r647'></a><a href='#f647' class='c016'><sup>[647]</sup></a>; many would have +slain Moigne. In the end the wilder spirits were driven out into +the cloisters, where, after much debate, they determined to kill the +gentlemen. Their plans miscarried, for the gentlemen’s servants +overheard, and warned their masters that a party was lying in +wait to kill them as they came out of the west door of the minster. +With the aid of the faithful servants they were smuggled out of the +south door to the house of the murdered chancellor, and there they +resolved to make a stand, to refuse to go forward, and to defend +themselves, if necessary, until the royal army relieved them<a id='r648'></a><a href='#f648' class='c016'><sup>[648]</sup></a>. +According to Moigne this resolution was taken by his advice, +but some preparations had been made the day before to render +the Close defensible against the commons<a id='r649'></a><a href='#f649' class='c016'><sup>[649]</sup></a>. The servants carried +messages to “the most honest men of their companies” by which +they were induced to give up the idea of going forward. Meanwhile +the commons outside the minster discovered that they had been +tricked, and decided not to attack the gentlemen until morning<a id='r650'></a><a href='#f650' class='c016'><sup>[650]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Wednesday 11 October the gentlemen and honest men, in +harness, marched down from Lincoln minster and met the commons +in the fields, where they stated clearly that they would not go +forward, but would wait for the King’s answer to their suit for +pardon. They had written to Suffolk to ask him to intercede +for them, and they would do no more<a id='r651'></a><a href='#f651' class='c016'><sup>[651]</sup></a>. The commons seem to +have been completely bewildered by this turn of affairs. They +did not attack the gentlemen, but neither did they choose leaders +of their own and go on, nor as an alternative return to their homes in +a body. A good many slipped away quietly; Robert Carre of Sleaford, +for instance, went to see his wife, who had taken refuge with +her father, put his “evidences” into two chests, gave orders that +they were to be hidden in a hole under the thatch if the host came +<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>by, and rode off to join Lord Clinton at Nottingham<a id='r652'></a><a href='#f652' class='c016'><sup>[652]</sup></a>. The canons +of Barlings went home the same day<a id='r653'></a><a href='#f653' class='c016'><sup>[653]</sup></a>. William Morland on the +other hand returned to Lincoln by way of Louth, where he +“made him a cloak of black cloth.” It was said in the host that +he had gone to Louth to fire the beacons, which shook his credit +both with the gentlemen and the commons, until two indifferent men +were sent to Louth, who reported that he had done no such thing<a id='r654'></a><a href='#f654' class='c016'><sup>[654]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Rumours of the rebels’ flight soon reached Suffolk’s camp, and +Richard Cromwell reported them to his uncle. His letter gives +an amusing glimpse of Suffolk’s headquarters. Richard says that +“my Lord Admiral” (Fitzwilliam) and also “my Lord’s Grace” +(Suffolk) show him great attention, and “my Lord Admiral is so +earnest in the matter that I dare well say he would eat them (the +rebels) with salt. I never saw one triumph like unto him.”<a id='r655'></a><a href='#f655' class='c016'><sup>[655]</sup></a> It is +easy to imagine the nobles, with hearts full of contempt and hatred, +showing every courtesy to the young upstart, and taking care that +their abuse of traitors grew warmer when he appeared. It was first +said that 10,000 or 12,000 of the rebels had fled home, but later +in the day one of Sir John Thimbleby’s sons arrived at Stamford +who halved these figures, but declared that not 10,000 remained in +Lincoln. Young Thimbleby’s reception was not encouraging; Suffolk +at once put him in ward and threatened, if his father did not come +in by eight next morning, to spoil all he had and cut his son in +pieces. The feeling against Sir John was particularly strong, because +Russell and Parr accused him of assembling all his tenants as if to +join them, threatening to burn the houses of those who refused +to go with him, and then taking his whole company over to the +rebels. Suffolk intended to march on Lincoln on Saturday, and +afterwards to destroy Louth and Horncastle. Richard Cromwell +professed to be very sorry that the rebels were flying, as he had hoped +they would be used as they deserved and the whole shire sacked<a id='r656'></a><a href='#f656' class='c016'><sup>[656]</sup></a>. +The ordnance had arrived at Huntingdon<a id='r657'></a><a href='#f657' class='c016'><sup>[657]</sup></a>, so that Suffolk was able +to think of advancing. His only wish was to meet the rebels in a +pitched battle, but Shrewsbury, at Nottingham, was more politic. +He had with him Thomas Miller, Lancaster Herald, whom he +despatched to Lincoln with a proclamation which bade the rebels +depart to their homes<a id='r658'></a><a href='#f658' class='c016'><sup>[658]</sup></a>. Lancaster Herald reached Lincoln on +Wednesday evening and found everything in confusion,—the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>gentlemen anxious to make their peace with the King,—the +commons without leaders, without plans, without hopes<a id='r659'></a><a href='#f659' class='c016'><sup>[659]</sup></a>. It was +too late to discharge his errand that night.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Thursday 12 October the host was summoned to the Castle +Garth to hear his proclamation<a id='r660'></a><a href='#f660' class='c016'><sup>[660]</sup></a>. It was in the names of George +Earl of Shrewsbury, Thomas Earl of Rutland, and George Earl of +Huntingdon, and briefly ordered the rebels to depart to their +houses<a id='r661'></a><a href='#f661' class='c016'><sup>[661]</sup></a>. The herald told the rebels that Shrewsbury was prepared +to fight them on Ancaster Heath if they disobeyed<a id='r662'></a><a href='#f662' class='c016'><sup>[662]</sup></a>. It is not +known what further arguments he used, but after much persuasion +the commons agreed to go home, while the gentlemen made a formal +submission<a id='r663'></a><a href='#f663' class='c016'><sup>[663]</sup></a> and repaired to Suffolk to sue for pardon<a id='r664'></a><a href='#f664' class='c016'><sup>[664]</sup></a>. There was +still a party which was eager to fight. Its leader, Robert Leache, +seized the gentlemen’s written submission, and opened and read it +before it was delivered to the herald, “saying he would see what +their answer was ere it should depart.”<a id='r665'></a><a href='#f665' class='c016'><sup>[665]</sup></a> With the usual irony +of slow-fingered indifference the painters had ready that day +the banner which the insurgents had designed for themselves. +It was a linen cloth on which were painted “the Five Wounds of +Christ, a chalice with the Host, a plough and a horn with a scripture.” +The Five Wounds were to show the people they fought in Christ’s +cause; the chalice and the Host were in remembrance that chalices, +crosses, and church jewels should be taken away; the plough was to +encourage the husbandmen; the horn, according to the Horncastle +men, was in token of Horncastle, but others regarded it as a symbol +of the tax on horned cattle<a id='r666'></a><a href='#f666' class='c016'><sup>[666]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The news of the herald’s success was sent to Suffolk, and he +wrote to the King asking for instructions. He was expecting to +effect a junction with Shrewsbury on the following Monday<a id='r667'></a><a href='#f667' class='c016'><sup>[667]</sup></a>. Most +of the money had arrived<a id='r668'></a><a href='#f668' class='c016'><sup>[668]</sup></a>, and the ordnance was looked for next day +(Friday). He wished to know whether he and the Lord Steward +should pardon the Lincolnshire men and advance at once into +Yorkshire, or stay and reduce Lincolnshire to complete submission +by severity. He pointed out that the Yorkshire rebellion was +spreading fast and had better be confronted immediately, and that +by an advance the royal troops could prevent a meeting between +<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>the Yorkshiremen and any new rebels in Lincolnshire. He wrote at +midnight, and in the midst of his letter the Dymmokes arrived at +the camp accompanied by a messenger from the other gentlemen, +who was commissioned to ask Suffolk whether they should come to +him in harness and to beg for his intercession with the King. He +replied that they must use their own discretion; he could only keep +them in surety until the King’s pleasure was known<a id='r669'></a><a href='#f669' class='c016'><sup>[669]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Friday 13 October the last of the insurgents dispersed<a id='r670'></a><a href='#f670' class='c016'><sup>[670]</sup></a>. +They despatched the bailly of Barton to Beverley—the last messenger +from the Lincolnshire host—to countermand Kyme’s message<a id='r671'></a><a href='#f671' class='c016'><sup>[671]</sup></a>. +The men of Horncastle marched sadly home and placed their new +unneeded banner in the parish church<a id='r672'></a><a href='#f672' class='c016'><sup>[672]</sup></a>. All Suffolk’s ordnance had +now arrived, and though he had only 5000 men he discharged +2000, as he had not enough arms to supply both his own men and +Shrewsbury’s; he thought such a sign of confidence would make +an impression on the rebels. He sent word to Shrewsbury to advance +next day to meet him, but the Earl replied that he could not leave +Nottingham without money, and that he wished to know what the +King had to say to Lancaster Herald’s report before anything more +was attempted<a id='r673'></a><a href='#f673' class='c016'><sup>[673]</sup></a>. Shrewsbury wrote at the same time to Darcy, and +sent him a copy of the proclamation which had had such effect in +Lincoln. He said that the rebels now “mind themselves to be the +King’s true and faithful subjects at all times and from time to time +accordingly.” As they would give no further help to the Yorkshiremen, +but on the contrary had promised to stop the boats on the +Humber, Ouse, and Trent, “so that none shall come over but be +glad to return homewards like fools,” he trusted that the disturbances +in Yorkshire would cease<a id='r674'></a><a href='#f674' class='c016'><sup>[674]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At this point we must return to Lord Hussey, who had gone +straight to Shrewsbury’s camp after his escape from Sleaford. He +reached Nottingham on the morning of Monday 9 October, bringing +with him his wife and George Hudswell. Instead of finding himself +in safety among friends he had only left one atmosphere of danger +and suspicion to enter another. Shrewsbury’s doubts of his loyalty +sprang from the constant reports that he had joined the rebels. +Depositions against him had been taken as early as the 7th<a id='r675'></a><a href='#f675' class='c016'><sup>[675]</sup></a>; when +Norfolk heard the false report that he was with the rebels he wrote +to the King, “if it be true there is folly upon folly. I pray God +<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>there be truth though there be much folly.”<a id='r676'></a><a href='#f676' class='c016'><sup>[676]</sup></a> Hussey’s own family +unintentionally strengthened the feeling against him. Fitzwilliam +advised Cromwell to examine Sir William Hussey as to why he had +not reported to the Council the seditious words which, according to +his servant’s report, he had heard between Lincolnshire and London<a id='r677'></a><a href='#f677' class='c016'><sup>[677]</sup></a>. +On their arrival at Nottingham Lady Hussey created a very unfavourable +impression when she implored the Earls of Shrewsbury +and Huntingdon to allow her husband to return to Lincolnshire for +the sake of the children she had left at Sleaford; “like a fool saying +that if she brought me not again the rebels would burn my house +and them,” said her naturally aggrieved husband<a id='r678'></a><a href='#f678' class='c016'><sup>[678]</sup></a>. No doubt the +poor lady was in great anxiety, and he had brought her with him +much against her will. George Cutler, who had carried Hussey’s +messages to the rebels, was examined that day<a id='r679'></a><a href='#f679' class='c016'><sup>[679]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The principal evidence as to Lord Hussey’s conduct lies in two +undated papers, which were probably drawn up about the end of the +week. One is his own statement to the Council, whom he begged +to intercede for him with the King. After giving an account of the +week’s events at Sleaford, he concluded with the assertion that he +had 300 men now in the King’s service, 200 under the command +of his son, and eight score under Anthony Ireby; that he remained +at Sleaford to stay the country, and that while he was there neither +Holland nor Kesteven rose<a id='r680'></a><a href='#f680' class='c016'><sup>[680]</sup></a>. The other document is the deposition +of Robert Carre of Sleaford, the head of the principal local family<a id='r681'></a><a href='#f681' class='c016'><sup>[681]</sup></a>. +The two accounts agree very closely as to the facts, but differ +completely in the interpretation put upon them. Lord Hussey +represented himself as pacifying those who urged him to join the +rebels; Carre accused him of sending away men who offered to fight +for the King; for example, “Before the rebels came to Sleaford, the +bailiff of Ruskington offered to be, with as many as he could get, +under Hussey’s command; and my Lord pinched him by the little +finger, bidding him come when he sent unto him by that token and +not else.” At the end of his deposition, which is mutilated, there +seem to have been other instances of persons who offered their +services to Lord Hussey and “had slender answers.”<a id='r682'></a><a href='#f682' class='c016'><sup>[682]</sup></a> This account +is to some extent confirmed by the saying of Richard Burwell, +constable of Potter Hanworth, that he asked counsel of Mr Robert +<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>Sutton, who answered that he had been with Lord Hussey and could +see no remedy but to do as the commons did<a id='r683'></a><a href='#f683' class='c016'><sup>[683]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Against this must be set Hussey’s account of the position; Lord +Clinton had fled, the gentlemen returned slack answers to his summons, +and he did not believe that he could raise enough men to resist +the rebels, but by his influence he was able to keep his own people +from rising, while if like Lord Borough and Lord Clinton he had +fled at the first alarm, they would have joined the rebels at once<a id='r684'></a><a href='#f684' class='c016'><sup>[684]</sup></a>. +There seems to be little doubt that this was really Hussey’s belief, +and in itself it was quite reasonable. There are two points which tell +against Carre’s evidence. In the first place he had been for some +days with the rebels,—against his will as he said,—but still the fact +was enough to hang him. In the circumstances he would probably +be ready to say anything that his examiners wished him to say, and +particularly ready to incriminate somebody else. In the second place +the whole deposition is conceived in a spirit of the bitterest hatred of +Hussey, perhaps on account of some forgotten local quarrel, perhaps +from a feeling that Hussey had deserted Sleaford and brought its +inhabitants into danger. In one place Carre says “If my lord had +gathered men for the King as he had done for his own pomp to +ride to sessions or assize, he might have driven the rebels back,” an +obviously foolish and spiteful remark<a id='r685'></a><a href='#f685' class='c016'><sup>[685]</sup></a>. The offer of help which +he mentions came too late, when the rebels were approaching the +town and Hussey had prepared for flight. Carre’s deposition seems +to have been the chief evidence against Hussey, and at the end of it +are written the ominous words, “My lord Hussey, this is perused +deliberately.” All things considered, the only charge which could +be substantiated against Hussey was that he had made himself +singular by remaining at his post longer than the neighbouring +noblemen.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Wednesday 11 October the King did not yet know of the +Yorkshire insurrection, and though the issue in Lincolnshire was +still doubtful, he put a bold face on the matter and wrote to the +ambassadors in France, Gardiner and Wallop, such an account of +the rebellion as he wished to circulate in foreign courts. The rebels +were chiefly boys and beggars, who had been deceived by the false +rumours of traitors. He had sent an army under the Duke of +Suffolk, which would by this time have disposed of them, and +“according to ancient custom” had levied another of “pure tried +men” which could not number less than 40,000 and had been +<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>conveyed to Ampthill in six days, “and yet the greater part of our +realm is not touched.”<a id='r686'></a><a href='#f686' class='c016'><sup>[686]</sup></a> This was a rather loose statement on the +King’s part, though no doubt good enough for foreign consumption; +the first levies at Ampthill had been summoned on the 5th and 6th +and had marched to Huntingdon with Fitzwilliam on the 9th, while +the second levies, which were just being assembled by Norfolk and +others, were summoned on the 10th to be at Ampthill on the 16th<a id='r687'></a><a href='#f687' class='c016'><sup>[687]</sup></a>. +Suffolk’s letters of the 12th were not despatched until after midnight; +consequently the news of the “sparpling” of the rebels +cannot have been generally known in London on the 13th. It was +probably on this day that Chapuys’ nephew sent an account of the +rising to the Regent of the Netherlands. He refers to the events +of the 12th, but not to the rebels’ capitulation. He gives an amusing +account of the progress of affairs,—as they were unofficially reported +in London. The King’s commissioners, he said, were demolishing +400 (really 40) abbeys in Lincolnshire, when the peasants rose +against them on Monday 2 October “under the leading of a shoemaker +named William Keing Hardy, a man of persuasive manner.” +This must be our old friend Nicholas Melton, Captain Cobbler, but +it is impossible to say where Chapuys’ nephew picked up the extraordinary +name. The rebels tried to seize Dr Legh, “a man much +hated by the whole country for his arrogance ever since he dared +to cite before the Archbishop of Canterbury your late aunt the +Queen of England.” But Legh escaped, and in their disappointed +rage the commons seized and hanged his cook. There is nothing in +the depositions about the rebellion to confirm this story. Chapuys +also repeats the tale about a man being baited to death, and mentions +the rumour of a rising further north, and the execution of two men +at Windsor for seditious words. He describes the murder of the +Bishop of Lincoln’s chancellor, and attributes the commons’ hatred +of the bishop, to the fact that they regarded him “as one of the +principal councillors who raised scruples in the King to repudiate +your said aunt.” The numbers of the host increased rapidly, and +they began to take and swear the gentlemen; “and from that time +the said shoemaker began to wear a cloak of crimson satin, embroidered +with the words “<span lang="fr">Je ayme Dieu le roy et le prouffit du +commung</span>.”<a id='r688'></a><a href='#f688' class='c016'><sup>[688]</sup></a> The arrival of the news in London and the King’s +preparations are next described. “On Saturday (7 October) they +(the rebels) were more than 50,000, and among them over 10,000 +<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>priests, monks and religious persons of whom the most learned +continually admonish their men to continue the work begun, +pointing out the advantages which will come to them of it.” The +writer himself saw the ordnance taken out of the Tower and the +break-down which occurred. The King is levying musters in Kent +and the southern counties, but there is great danger that his own +men will turn against him, as they sympathise with the demands +of the rebels, saying “that they wish to live like their ancestors, +defend the abbeys and churches, be quit of taxes and subsidies, and +recover those they have paid already more by fear than love, +especially that which they lent in the time of the Cardinal, which +amounts to a very horrible sum. Finally they demand a shearer +of cloths to be given up to them, meaning Cromwell, and a tavernkeeper, +meaning the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Chancellor of +the country, the Chancellor of the Augmentations, and certain other +bishops and lords of the King’s Council.” The King is taking men +from Dover and Sandwich, which will weaken the coast defences and +make an invasion easy. The French tailors and Flemish shoemakers +in London are being compelled to serve in the army for two groats +a day, and one groat as drink money for every five miles they march, +while the English receive only 6<i>d.</i> and the same drink money. He +concludes by pointing out that such a chance may not come again +for avenging all the wrongs that Henry has inflicted on the faith +and family of the Emperor; he therefore implores the Regent to +send from the army now in Zealand 2000 arquebusiers and a supply +of ammunition, which should be landed “in the river which goes +up to York.”<a id='r689'></a><a href='#f689' class='c016'><sup>[689]</sup></a> Needless to say, this advice was not acted upon.</p> + +<p class='c008'>By the next day, Saturday 14 October, Lancaster Herald was +with the King, and the news from Lincolnshire must have been +generally known. For the first time since the beginning of the +rebellion all parties halted, and nothing was done until the 15th, +Sunday, when the King, believing all danger at an end, sent out +orders countermanding the musters at Ampthill<a id='r690'></a><a href='#f690' class='c016'><sup>[690]</sup></a>. Suffolk would +delay his advance no longer, but set out for Lincoln, and sent a +message to Shrewsbury to do the same. He was obliged to advance +slowly, as he took the ordnance with him<a id='r691'></a><a href='#f691' class='c016'><sup>[691]</sup></a>. He received from the +King instructions to occupy Lincoln and to collect there the arms of +the rebels<a id='r692'></a><a href='#f692' class='c016'><sup>[692]</sup></a>; with these orders came a proclamation by which the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>King accepted the surrender and promised to show mercy<a id='r693'></a><a href='#f693' class='c016'><sup>[693]</sup></a>. The +gentlemen were to be examined, and their examinations returned in +writing to the King; they might then be dismissed with good words, +except the most culpable, who were to be sent up to London. +Suffolk was to establish order in the shire, and to survey the +Cathedral and the Close secretly, as the King thought of placing +a garrison there, “to keep them in mind that their forefathers were +traitors and for the keeping under of their posterity.” If the country +submitted there was to be no pillaging, but four captains of Louth, +three of Horncastle, and two of Caistor must be kept for execution. +Suffolk might expect reinforcements, and was to remain at Lincoln +until he received further orders. If all was quiet when he received +this letter, he need not publish the proclamation, but the King +“took the sending of the herald in good part,” for the people respected +his coat and he could see more than an ordinary spy. +Shrewsbury was to join Suffolk in examining the traitors, and +then to disperse his troops and go quietly home, if all went well, +but if there were further disturbances in Yorkshire, he was to +advance at once to suppress them, taking with him the ordnance, +as Suffolk could be supplied with more from Ampthill<a id='r694'></a><a href='#f694' class='c016'><sup>[694]</sup></a>. The order +to Shrewsbury shows that the King was still over-confident. It was +Shrewsbury’s rash advance, in obedience to it, which afterwards +seriously embarrassed the position of the royal troops.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Suffolk sent forward the Admiral with an advance guard, and on +Tuesday 17 October was himself at Lincoln. His sudden appearance +put an end to the last plans of resistance which the rebels +still cherished. Richard Cromwell said that the people of Lincoln +were “as obstinate persons as ever I saw, who would scarce move +their bonnets to my said lord, and probably would have withstood +us if we had not stolen upon them.”<a id='r695'></a><a href='#f695' class='c016'><sup>[695]</sup></a> In his next despatches +Suffolk explained to the King that the situation was not so secure +as Henry had assumed in his first relief,—the country was still very +much unsettled, and beacons were lighted and men assembled in +harness on the least provocation. He had ordered the release +of Milsent and Bellowe from Louth Tollbooth, but their jailor +was obliged to promise that they should be restored on demand +before the commons would let them go<a id='r696'></a><a href='#f696' class='c016'><sup>[696]</sup></a>. On Wednesday 18 October +he sent Sir Francis Brian to make a full report to the King. Sir +Francis reached Windsor next day, just as a reply was being drawn +<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>up to Suffolk’s previous letters, in which he was thanked for his +diligence and promised money, ordnance and men, under the command +of Sir Anthony Browne. If any further rising was attempted +he must immediately attack Louth and “with all extremity destroy, +burn and kill man, woman and child, the terrible example of all +others.” Sir Francis, however, must have explained that if it came +to fighting it was by no means certain that the terrible example +would not be, so to speak, on the other foot, as Suffolk had only +3000 men of certain loyalty in the heart of a hostile country; the +King’s postscript, therefore, took a milder tone. Sir John Thimbleby +and the other gentlemen were to be told that he “minded nothing +less (i.e. nothing was further from his thoughts) than their destruction.” +All the gentlemen who would come in and serve the King +might be promised safety from bodily hurt and the Duke’s intercession +with the King; proclamation must be made that the multitude could +obtain the same terms, if they would denounce their captains and +give them up. The King also, at last, sent an answer to the commons’ +petition which had been sent to him on the 9th. It was to be +read openly, and he complacently added that he thought it was +“so conceived as of itself to make them repent their follies and +ask mercy without further tarrying.”<a id='r697'></a><a href='#f697' class='c016'><sup>[697]</sup></a> The answer was as follows:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“Answer to the Petitions of the Traitors and Rebels in Lincolnshire.</p> + +<p class='c019'>“First, We begin and make answer to the 4th and 6th articles, because +upon them dependeth much of the rest. Concerning choosing of Councillors, +I never have read, heard, nor known that princes’ councillors and prelates +should be appointed by rude and ignorant common people; nor that they +were persons meet, or of ability, to discern and choose meet and sufficient +councillors for a prince. How presumptuous then are ye, the rude commons +of one shire, and that one of the most brute and beastly of the whole realm, +and of least experience, to find fault with your prince, for the electing of his +councillors and prelates; and to take upon you, contrary to God’s law, and +man’s law, to rule your prince, whom ye are bound by all laws to obey, and +serve, with both your lives, lands, and goods, and for no worldly cause to withstand: + the contrary whereof you, like traitors and rebels, have attempted, and +not like true subjects, as ye name yourselves.</p> + +<p class='c019'>“As to the suppression of religious houses and monasteries, We will that +ye, and all our subjects should well know, that this is granted us by all the +nobles, spiritual and temporal, of this our realm, and by all the commons +of the same by Act of Parliament; and not set forth by any councillor or +councillors, upon their mere will and fantasy, as ye full falsely would persuade +our realm to believe. And where ye allege, that the service of God is much +thereby diminished, the truth thereof is contrary; for there be none houses +<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>suppressed, where God was well served, but where most vice, mischief, and +abomination of living was used: and that doth well appear by their own +confession, subscribed with their own hands, in the time of our visitations. +And yet were suffered a great many of them, more than we by the act +needed, to stand; wherein, if they amend not their living, we fear we have +more to answer for, than for the suppression of all the rest. And as for +their hospitality, for the relief of poor people, we wonder ye be not ashamed +to affirm, that they have been a great relief to our people, when a great +many, or the most part, hath not past four or five religious persons in them, +and divers but one, which spent the substance of the goods of their house, +in nourishing of vice, and abominable living. Now, what unkindness and +unnaturality may we impute to you, and all our subjects, that be of that +mind, that had lever such an unthrifty sort of vicious persons should enjoy +such possessions, profits, and emoluments, as grow of the said houses, to the +maintenance of their unthrifty life; than we, your natural prince, sovereign +lord, and king, which doth and hath spent more in your defence, of his own, +the six times they be worth!</p> + +<p class='c019'>“As touching the Act of Uses, we marvel what madness is in your brain, +or upon what ground ye would take authority upon you, to cause us to break +those laws and statutes, which, by all the nobles, knights, and gentlemen of +this realm, whom the same chiefly toucheth, hath been granted and assented +to; seeing in no manner of thing it toucheth you, the base commons of our +realm! Also the grounds of those uses were false, and never admitted by +any law, but usurped upon the prince, contrary to all equity and justice, as it +hath been openly both disputed and declared, by all the well learned men of +England in Westminster Hall; whereby ye may well perceive, how mad and +unreasonable your demands be, both in that, and the rest, and how unmeet it +is for us, and dishonourable, to grant or assent unto, and less meet and decent +for you, in such rebellious sort, to demand the same of your prince.</p> + +<p class='c019'>“As touching the Fifteenth, which ye demand of us to be released, think ye +that we be so faint hearted, that, perforce, ye of one shire (were ye a great +many more) could compel us with your insurrections, and such rebellious +demeanour, to remit the same? or think ye that any man will or may take +you to be true subjects, that first make a show of a loving grant, and then, +perforce, would compel your sovereign lord and king to release the same; the +time of payment whereof is not yet come? yea, and seeing the same will not +countervail the tenth penny of the charges, which we do, and daily must, +sustain, for your tuition and safeguard? Make ye sure, by your occasions of +this your ingratitudes, unnaturalness, and unkindness to us, now administered, +ye give us cause, which hath always been as much dedicate to your wealths, +as ever was king, not so much to set our study for the setting forward of the +same, seeing how unkindly and untruly ye deal now with us, without any cause +or occasion. And doubt ye not, though ye have no grace nor naturalment in +you, to consider your duties of allegiance to your king and sovereign; the rest +of our realm, we doubt not, hath: and we, and they, shall so look on this cause, +that we trust shall be to your confusion, if, according to our former letters, ye +submit not yourselves.</p> + +<p class='c019'>“As touching the First Fruits, we let you weet, it is a thing granted us +by Act of Parliament also, for the supportation of part of the great and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>excessive charges, which we support and bear, for the maintenance of your +wealths, and others our subjects. And we have known, also, that ye, our +commons, have much complained, in times passed, that the most of the goods, +lands, and possessions of the realm were in the spiritual men’s hands; and yet +now, bearing us in hand that ye be as loving subjects to us as may be, ye +can not find in your hearts that your prince and sovereign lord should have +any part thereof, (and yet it is nothing prejudicial unto you, our commons;) +but do rebel and unlawfully rise against your prince, contrary to your duty +of allegiance, and God’s commandment. Wherefore, sirs, remember your follies +and traitorous demeanours, and shame not your native country of England, +nor offend no more, so grievously, your undoubted king and natural prince, +which always hath showed himself most loving unto you; and remember your +duty of allegiance, and that ye are bound to obey us, your king, both by God’s +commandment and law of nature. Wherefore we charge you eftsoons, upon +the forsaid bonds and pains, that ye withdraw yourselves to your own houses +every man, and no more assemble contrary to our laws and your allegiances; +and to cause the provokers of you to this mischief to be delivered to our +lieutenants’ hands, or ours, and you yourselves to submit you to such condign +punishment as we, and our nobles, shall think you worthy. For doubt ye not +else that we and our nobles can nor will suffer this injury at your hand +unrevenged, if ye give not place to us your sovereign, and show yourselves as +bounden and obedient subjects, and no more to intermeddle yourselves from +henceforth with the weighty affairs of the realm; the direction whereof only +appertaineth to us your king, and such noblemen and councillors as he list to +elect and choose to have the ordering of the same. And thus we pray unto +Almighty God to give you grace to do your duties, and to use yourselves +towards us like true and faithful subjects, so as we may have cause to order +you thereafter; and rather obediently to consent amongst you to deliver into +the hands of our lieutenant 100 persons, to be ordered according to their +demerits at our will and pleasure, than by your obstinacy and wilfulness to +put yourselves, lives, wives, children, lands, goods, and chattels, besides the +indignation of God, in the utter adventure of total destruction and utter +ruin by force and violence of the sword.”<a id='r698'></a><a href='#f698' class='c016'><sup>[698]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>So ended the insurrection in Lincolnshire, for there is nothing +more to tell of it but the King’s revenge. It was a most curious +movement, both in its sudden outbreak and its still more sudden +collapse. It is not surprising that it should have been attempted, +but it is that it should have failed so completely. The secret of this +failure seems to be twofold. The most obvious weakness was that it +had no leader. Perhaps it would have been better if the commons +had trusted solely to their own leaders, Captain Cobbler, William +Morland, and the others. Knowing that they were committed to +the cause, they gave themselves up to it heart and soul, while the +gentlemen upon whom the commons attempted to force the responsibility +were at best only half-hearted. But the lack of a leader +<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>was only a symptom of their real weakness, namely, that they had +no definite object in view. The rising was not simply religious, +or agrarian, or political, but a little of each. It was as much against +an unpopular tax and an unpopular bishop as against the King’s +religious policy and his chief minister. The rebels protested against +the dissolution of the monasteries, but the vital question of the +Royal Supremacy was only mentioned once, and then the rebels +expressed their willingness to acknowledge the title<a id='r699'></a><a href='#f699' class='c016'><sup>[699]</sup></a>. The gentlemen +hated Cromwell and the Statute of Uses, but they wavered +on the question of the abbeys, and were very much afraid of the +commons and of civil war. These jarring forces could only be +united into an effective opposition by the inspiration of a great +leader or a great cause; this was the lesson which the Lincolnshire +failure taught, and one man at least learnt from it. In many respects +the earlier rising was a hindrance to the Pilgrimage of Grace,—it +gave confidence to the government, and confirmed the waverers +in the conviction that the King would win in the end,—but his +connection with it showed Robert Aske what to avoid. He saw +that half-hearted leaders were worse than useless, and he saw also +that the only common ground on which all parties could meet was +that of religion. Himself sincerely attached to the old faith, he +insisted on it as the cause and the sole cause of the insurrection +which he led; hence the curious form of his oath—“we rise not +for the common weal, but in defence of the Church.” His banner did +not bear the motley crowd of symbols which the men of Horncastle +devised, but simply the Five Wounds of Christ. If he could inspire +in others the enthusiasm which he himself felt for that badge, +they would lose sight of their conflicting interests, and gentlemen +and commons would fight side by side, without thought of high +or low. This was what Robert Aske learnt from the Lincolnshire +rebellion. It remained to be seen whether he could put it into +practice.</p> + +<h3 class='c017'>NOTES TO CHAPTER VI</h3> + +<p class='c018'>Note A. The attitude of the Lincolnshire gentlemen bears a strong +resemblance to that of the German nobles who were compelled to join the +peasants in 1525. “Princes, lords and ecclesiastical dignitaries were being +compelled far and wide to save their lives, after their property was probably +already confiscated, by swearing allegiance to the Christian League or Brotherhood +of the peasants and by countersigning the Twelve Articles and other +demands of their refractory villeins and serfs.”<a id='r700'></a><a href='#f700' class='c016'><sup>[700]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>The peasants captured Gotz von Berlichingen of the Iron Hand and compelled +him to become their leader<a id='r701'></a><a href='#f701' class='c016'><sup>[701]</sup></a>. “Had Gotz been sincere in taking up +the cause of the rebellion, there is no doubt that, experienced warrior as he +was, he would have been a valuable acquisition. Even as it was some of +his suggestions respecting the maintenance of discipline were in the right +direction, but the fact remained that he was acting under compulsion in a +cause with which he had no sympathy and his one concern was to get rid +of his responsibility at the first possible moment, if not actually to betray +his trust.”<a id='r702'></a><a href='#f702' class='c016'><sup>[702]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c019'>Note B. Moigne’s statement refutes Williams’ scoffing remarks about the +Lincolnshire gentlemen, for it shows that Moigne at least was a very able +man. Spirited as it is, there is an air of special pleading about it,—the facts +are given, but a particular construction is put upon them. It would be very +interesting to compare this with some other narrative of the same events, +but no other remains. Examinations of the other Lincolnshire gentlemen +seem to have been taken, but are not preserved, and perhaps very little +inquiry was made into the affair of the Chapter House, as it reflected too +much credit on the loyalty of the gentlemen to be acceptable to the King. +The only other reference to it is in an accusation brought against James +Atkinson, a tailor, the man who cried out that they ought to kill some of +the justices.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note C. Although Henry exaggerated the number of his forces and the +speed with which they had been collected, it is too much to say, with Tierney +and Gasquet, that “no such army ever existed.” The main facts that the King +had levied and sent north one body of troops and was busy levying another +were perfectly correct.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note D. Another allusion to Captain Cobbler’s robe occurs in a letter of +Wriothesley’s to Cromwell, written on Monday (23 Oct.), in which, speaking +of the Lincolnshire prisoners, he says, “I perceive, also, his highness would +have that traitor in the motley coat well examined, for he (the King) took +that part also very well; yet we have no further news.”<a id='r703'></a><a href='#f703' class='c016'><sup>[703]</sup></a> The leaders of the +German peasants wore gorgeous clothes—“a red hat and mantle,” “purple +mantles and scarlet birettas with ostrich plumes,”<a id='r704'></a><a href='#f704' class='c016'><sup>[704]</sup></a>—but the English commons, +except in this case, did not affect such finery.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER VII<br> <span class='c004'>THE INSURRECTION IN THE EAST RIDING</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>If the agitators of the Yorkshire and Lincolnshire risings had +been working together for a general rising at Michaelmas, their +plans were upset; for in the first place Yorkshire did not take +up arms till a week after the appointed day; and secondly the +Lincolnshire movement collapsed with such incredible swiftness. +It began on Sunday 1 October, and by Wednesday the 18th it +was over. But when Yorkshire did rise, events moved so fast that +before the insurgents south of Trent had laid down their arms, the +commons of the East Riding had entered York in triumph, and so +widespread was the sympathy felt for their cause that they might +almost be described as masters of the six northern counties. We +will now return to the beginning of the month and trace the course +of the rising of Yorkshire.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When the hunting-party at William Ellerker’s house in Yorkswold +broke up on 3 October, 1536<a id='r705'></a><a href='#f705' class='c016'><sup>[705]</sup></a>, John and Christopher Aske +rode to join Sir Ralph Ellerker the younger, who was with the +King’s commissioners of the subsidy at Hemingborough<a id='r706'></a><a href='#f706' class='c016'><sup>[706]</sup></a>. Robert +Aske and several of his nephews, law students, turned south and +crossed the Humber into Lincolnshire, ostensibly with no other +purpose than returning straight to London for the term<a id='r707'></a><a href='#f707' class='c016'><sup>[707]</sup></a>. How +they were “taken” and sworn by the commons has already been +related. On Friday, 6 October, the day after his meeting with Moigne +at Hambleton Hill, Robert Aske left his Lincolnshire company +and crossed the Trent into Marshland. Here, and in Howdenshire, +north of the Ouse, where Aughton lay, Aske was in his own country, +among men ready and anxious to rise at his word. He was eagerly +welcomed as a bearer of news from Lincolnshire, and at the mere +<span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>sight of him the bells would have been rung, had he not prevented +it. All through the insurrection the ringing of bells was the special +sign of the rebels—the call to arms against the Government. To +sound the alarm, generally by ringing the peal backwards, was +to proclaim to all the surrounding country that the parish had +risen. Aske advised the men of Marshland not to be the first to +stir, but to wait till they heard the bells of Howdenshire. He then +crossed the Ouse into Howden and bade the people there listen +for the bells of Marshland before ringing their own; and so assured +himself, in the simplest way, that the alarm would not be given +without his own orders. His motive for this expedition was highly +characteristic. He was determined to delay the Yorkshire rising +till the answer to the Lincolnshire petitions was known<a id='r708'></a><a href='#f708' class='c016'><sup>[708]</sup></a>. The King +might be inclined to make concessions after all, and Aske regarded +rebellion as the last expedient, to be resorted to when everything +else failed. But this delay, though doubtless it seemed best at +the time, when the commons once let loose might have plunged into +any excess, was certainly a mistake. As the two counties had failed +to rise together, the sooner Yorkshire gave its full support to +Lincolnshire the better. On the other hand, as confusion reigned +in the Lincolnshire host, perhaps that brief pause on the brink of +rebellion made little difference in the long run.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Aske rode on to Aughton, but finding his brothers were away +with the King’s commissioners, he turned back to Howden for the +night. While he slept certain honest men of the town came to +his bedside to tell him that Sir George Darcy “would take him if +he tarried.” Next day, 7 October, he set out for Lincoln, as rumour +said that the King’s answer had arrived there. Reaching the town +on Saturday evening he found everything in confusion, owing to the +mutual distrust of gentlemen and commons. Both parties, he was +told, regarded his journey into Yorkshire as a desertion, and “if he +tarried he should be slain either by the gentlemen or by the +commons.” On this warning he left the sign of the Angel, where +he had put up, and spent the night in hiding with the host’s +brother, a priest. Early in the morning he finally turned his face +northwards and rode to Burton-upon-Stather ferry. Trent was +flooded by the heavy rain on Saturday<a id='r709'></a><a href='#f709' class='c016'><sup>[709]</sup></a>, and he was unable to cross +for two days. At length he crossed the Trent about midnight on +Monday, 9 October. He had left Yorkshire on the verge of open +<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>revolt; before he returned the plunge was taken. Exactly how far +he was responsible for it is one of the mysteries of the Pilgrimage.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At the first word of rising in Lincolnshire the anxiety of everyone +responsible for the peace of Yorkshire became painful. Those who +were honestly loyal to the King feared for their property and lives; +a far larger number secretly sympathised with the rebels, but were +too cautious to break with the Government until they were certain +of being on the winning side; even those who entirely approved and +who had (we suspect) been working for an outbreak, generally made +an effort to preserve some appearance of loyalty at the last. The +Archbishop of York, who in spite of all his protestations seems to +have belonged to the waverers, heard the news at Cawood, his +favourite residence<a id='r710'></a><a href='#f710' class='c016'><sup>[710]</sup></a>. Fearing that some of the “light heads in +Yorkshire might be encouraged to do likewise,” he wrote to Darcy +at Templehurst, to Dr Magnus (a member of the King’s +Council), Sir George Lawson and the lord mayor of York; +to Robert Crake and Sir Ralph Ellerker the younger, to “keep an +eye on Beverley where there were some light heads”; he sent +besides to Ripon, that in all these places the news might be +published that the Earl of Shrewsbury had set forth against the +insurgents<a id='r711'></a><a href='#f711' class='c016'><sup>[711]</sup></a>. Needless to point out, he was also spreading the news +of revolt. Sir Ralph Ellerker already knew of the rising<a id='r712'></a><a href='#f712' class='c016'><sup>[712]</sup></a>; all the +north bank of the Humber had been stirred by beacons lighted +on the Lincolnshire side on Wednesday 4 October, the very night +that Aske had been raising the river side<a id='r713'></a><a href='#f713' class='c016'><sup>[713]</sup></a>, and Sir Ralph had +reported the fact to Darcy next day.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy despatched his son, Sir Arthur, to the King with news +of the risings in Northumberland, Dent, Sedbergh and Wensleydale +and the warning that “greater rebellions were to be feared.”<a id='r714'></a><a href='#f714' class='c016'><sup>[714]</sup></a> He +then left Templehurst, his family seat, for Pontefract Castle, as +it was customary for the King’s steward to repair to his post in time +of unrest. The rumour, afterwards reported to the King, that he +had fled there from the commons with only twelve horsemen was +quite unfounded; as a matter of fact he was obliged to travel very +slowly on account of his infirmity, for he was nearly eighty years +old; he had as many men as he wished with him and every day +more of the loyal gentlemen came in with their followers<a id='r715'></a><a href='#f715' class='c016'><sup>[715]</sup></a>. Nevertheless +his position was anything but secure. Out of a garrison +<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>of 300 men hardly a hundred could be trusted if it came to a +general rising<a id='r716'></a><a href='#f716' class='c016'><sup>[716]</sup></a>. The town of Pontefract, indeed all the county, +favoured the rebels and hindered his efforts to buy provisions. +York itself would certainly welcome any rebel force, if the King +could not send troops to overawe the citizens<a id='r717'></a><a href='#f717' class='c016'><sup>[717]</sup></a>. Darcy had written +to the King as early as 6 October for guns and powder<a id='r718'></a><a href='#f718' class='c016'><sup>[718]</sup></a>, as even if +victualled the castle was not in a state of defence. But the King +had neither money nor arms to spare, and, preoccupied with the +affairs of Lincolnshire, did not see fit to despatch either to Yorkshire. +Moreover, Darcy’s loyalty had long been under suspicion, and Henry +probably thought that if things came to the worst it would be better +to lose a doubtful supporter than to send arms to a possible rebel. +The most single-hearted commander might have been daunted by +the prospect, and Darcy had secretly avowed to the Imperial +ambassador that his object in coming north was to organize a +rebellion. But whatever his motives were he now strove to keep +the country quiet. He believed (or at least professed to believe) +that the gentlemen were ready to serve the King<a id='r719'></a><a href='#f719' class='c016'><sup>[719]</sup></a>. He postponed +all “commissions, leets and other assemblies ... till the King’s pleasure +is further known”; he issued soothing messages and proclamations, +but in spite of the momentary success of these endeavours, on Sunday +8 October the whole of the East Riding flamed up like a pile of +dried bracken, at the first spark of open sedition.</p> + +<p class='c008'>That spark was struck in Beverley. As John and Christopher +Aske were returning home from Hemingborough on Saturday +7 October, they found “the people drawn out in the fields, awaiting +the ringing of Howden great bell to advance.” The brothers set +out the same night and travelled along the Derwent staying the +people<a id='r720'></a><a href='#f720' class='c016'><sup>[720]</sup></a>; they probably spent the night at Aughton and next day +rode to Beverley and dined with Mr Babthorpe<a id='r721'></a><a href='#f721' class='c016'><sup>[721]</sup></a>; long before they +left, the town was in commotion and the alarm bells ringing<a id='r722'></a><a href='#f722' class='c016'><sup>[722]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The special jurisdiction of Beverley had been abolished by the +same act that swept away the privileges of Durham<a id='r723'></a><a href='#f723' class='c016'><sup>[723]</sup></a>. This the +people bitterly resented; and they saw clearly that the days of their +beloved St John were numbered. When news first came to Beverley +<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>of the Lincolnshire rising, the people in the market began to talk of +going to London “to have four docepyers (deceivers?) in the realm,” +and of bringing home the goods of Cheapside and the south. +A gentleman was heard to say that the rebels might be sure of +Holderness, where he dwelt; and on Saturday two canons arrived +from Lincolnshire and put up at the Tabard Inn, where they spoke +treasonable words<a id='r724'></a><a href='#f724' class='c016'><sup>[724]</sup></a>. No one could cross the Humber without a pass +from the Lincolnshire rebels<a id='r725'></a><a href='#f725' class='c016'><sup>[725]</sup></a>. Either on Saturday or Sunday a letter +had come to Robert Raffells “one of the twelve men (i.e. aldermen) +of Beverley,” purporting to come from Robert Aske, bidding every +man of the town to swear to be true to God, the King and the +Commonwealth, and to maintain Holy Church<a id='r726'></a><a href='#f726' class='c016'><sup>[726]</sup></a>. Raffells had kept +this secret as long as he could<a id='r727'></a><a href='#f727' class='c016'><sup>[727]</sup></a>, but on Sunday 8 October one Roger +Kitchen heard of it and said “he would that day ring the common +bell or die for it.” An attempt was made to stop him, but too late; +the bell was already calling the townsfolk to the market-place. +Richard Wilson and Richard Newdyke commanded the burgesses +to assemble at the Town-Hall, where surrounded by an armed +company they read the letter in the name of Robert Aske, and +further proclaimed that every man was to take the oath on pain +of death<a id='r728'></a><a href='#f728' class='c016'><sup>[728]</sup></a>. No one demurred, and the whole town was sworn. It +was appointed that they should meet, fully armed, in the West Wood +field at four o’clock<a id='r729'></a><a href='#f729' class='c016'><sup>[729]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Among the throng was one William Breyar, a sanctuary man, +who was wandering about England in the Queen’s livery, to which +he seems to have had no special right; after being sworn with the +rest he heard a man in the crowd say that Robert Aske and another +gentleman had been to dinner at Mr Babthorpe’s house; the bailly +Stuard replied, “I marvel what Robert Aske doth with Mr Babthorpe, +for he is a worshipful gentleman”; rather an ambiguous remark<a id='r730'></a><a href='#f730' class='c016'><sup>[730]</sup></a>. +It was really the two elder Askes who were in Beverley; Robert +was waiting with what patience he might at Burton-upon-Stather +till the evening fell and the beacons on the north bank of Humber +showed him that Yorkshire had not stayed for his coming. Whether +or no he wrote the proclamation that raised the country it is hard to +say, for he himself “utterly denied making or consenting to” it<a id='r731'></a><a href='#f731' class='c016'><sup>[731]</sup></a>. On +<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>the whole, we incline to accept his word, but fortunately the question, +though interesting, is of little importance. Whoever wrote this +particular letter to Beverley, there is not the slightest doubt that +Aske was from the first the chief leader in the East Riding. If we +suppose this letter to have been “forged in his name” it proves him +to have been admittedly the man with most influence.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The commons of Beverley duly assembled at four o’clock on +West Wood Green, every man that was able with horse and harness; +and a council was held for sending letters to allies and making +plans for future movements<a id='r732'></a><a href='#f732' class='c016'><sup>[732]</sup></a>. William Woodmancy was despatched +to Lincolnshire with the letter to the commons there under the town +seal<a id='r733'></a><a href='#f733' class='c016'><sup>[733]</sup></a>. A summons was sent to York, probably at the same time, +though the document is undated: “my lord mayor and all the +commons” were asked to send word “against tomorrow night” to +the White Lion at Newborough, whether they would allow the +commons of Beverley “to pass through this the King’s city with +your favour or not, in case we so require.”<a id='r734'></a><a href='#f734' class='c016'><sup>[734]</sup></a> The lord mayor, +anxious not to quarrel with anyone, seems to have prudently refrained +from sending any reply.</p> + +<p class='c008'>West Wood Green, where the commons met, was near the house +of the Grey friars<a id='r735'></a><a href='#f735' class='c016'><sup>[735]</sup></a>, where some visitors were staying,—Christopher +Stapleton of Wighill, with his wife, his brother William, and his son +Brian<a id='r736'></a><a href='#f736' class='c016'><sup>[736]</sup></a>. It is William Stapleton’s long statement that gives many +details of the rising of Beverley and the only full account of the +siege of Hull. William had been about to go to London for the law +term when the news of the Lincolnshire rising prevented him. When +disturbances broke out in Beverley he felt that he could not leave +Christopher “ever thinking that it should be slanderous to him to +leave his said brother in that extremity, who for extreme fear, being +so feeble and weak, neither able to flee nor make resistance, was like +without great help to fall in sound (swoon), wherein the said William +moved with natural pity, did comfort him, promising not to flee from +him, and therein he took great comfort.” Orders were given that +all the household were to stay indoors, but as the crowds trooped past +to West Wood Green, Mistress Stapleton “went forth and stood +in a close where great numbers came of the other side of the hedge,” +and cried to them, “God’s blessing have ye, and speed you well +<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>in your good purpose.” They asked her why her husband and +his servants did not come out to them, to which she replied, +“They be in the Friars. Go pull them out by the heads.” Her +behaviour increased the “perplexity” of the unfortunate Christopher, +who mildly remonstrated, “What do ye mean except ye would have +me, my son and heir, and my brother cast away and mine heirs +for ever disinherited?” The lady merely retorted that it was God’s +quarrel.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The commons now devoted themselves to revenging old grudges. +An earnest supporter of the Archbishop of York in his recent dispute +with the town was nearly killed; and “great quarrels were picked +to Robert Raffells of the same part.” After dark William Stapleton +sent a servant to Christopher Sanderson, advising him to stay the +commons if possible, and begging him in any case to show them that +his brother was too impotent to help them, and to persuade them to +spare him and his household on that account.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Next day, Monday the 9th, the commons assembled again at +West Wood Green, and sent to young Sir Ralph Ellerker to ask him +to join them. He offered to come and give them his advice if they +would not require him to take the oath, for he was, he said, sworn to +the King already; but they refused to exempt him. It then occurred +to them that everyone in the town had taken the oath except the +Stapletons at the Friary. Brother Bonaventure, the Observant +friar<a id='r737'></a><a href='#f737' class='c016'><sup>[737]</sup></a>, was among the people, and acted as a messenger between the +house and the Green. He told William that the commons were +threatening to burn the Friary and those in it if they would not +join them, and “was very busy going between the wife of the said +Christopher and the said wild people, oft laying scripture to maintain +their purpose, noting the same to be goodly and specially to the said +William.” In the end they sent one or two honest men to take +Christopher’s oath in the house, and to bring out William and Brian. +As soon as the commons saw them they rushed towards them crying, +“with terrible shouts”—“Captains! Captains!” And when they +had taken the oath the people cried, “Master William Stapleton +shall be our captain,” “which [he] thinketh came by reason of the +said Observant in setting him forth with some praises to the said +people or else they would never have been so earnest of him +whom they did not know.” Seeing how wild and dangerous the +mob was, Stapleton thought the wisest thing he could do was to +accept the leadership, and they made a bargain that if he would +<span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>be their captain they would obey his orders in everything not contrary +to their oath. He then stayed old grudges and moved them +to proceed in this quarrel as brothers and not make spoil of any +man’s goods; and sent them home for the night. Mistress Stapleton +and Brother Bonaventure were very much pleased with the way +things were going, and the friar went himself in harness with the +commons. As the host was breaking up, Roger Kitchen “came +riding forth of town like a man distraught,” crying, “As many as be +true unto the commons follow me,” and led out a party to raise +the neighbouring country<a id='r738'></a><a href='#f738' class='c016'><sup>[738]</sup></a>. They went to fire Hunsley Beacon, but +it was lying on the ground; however, they made fires of hedges +and haystacks to spread the alarm<a id='r739'></a><a href='#f739' class='c016'><sup>[739]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The beacons set all the country in a “floughter” as far as they +could be seen. Aske saw them as he crossed the Trent at midnight, +after all his weary hours of waiting. He was in Marshland on the +morning of Tuesday, 10 October, and there he found that the +gentlemen had received orders from Sir Brian Hastings, the sheriff, +to raise men for the King and join him at Nottingham. Thereupon +they called a meeting of the commons in the parish church, but +suddenly the bells were rung backward there and in every +church in Marshland. Following Aske’s former advice, the bells +of Howdenshire answered from their steeples across the Ouse; by +nightfall the whole countryside had taken up arms<a id='r740'></a><a href='#f740' class='c016'><sup>[740]</sup></a>. Aske now +wrote and published his first proclamation—the first, that is, which +he acknowledged as his own, and the earliest extant. It is undated, +but there is little doubt that it was published during the rising of +Marshland on 10 October<a id='r741'></a><a href='#f741' class='c016'><sup>[741]</sup></a>:—</p> + +<p class='c019'>“Masters, all men to be redie to morow and this nighte and in the mornyng +to ryng yo<sup>r</sup> bellis in every towne and to assemble your selfs upon Skypwithe +moure and thare apoynte your captayns Master Hussye, Master Babthorp +and Master Gascoygne and other gentilmen, and to yeff (<i>give</i>) warnyng to all +be yonde the watter to be redy upon payn of dethe for the comen Walthe; +and make your proclymacion every man to be trewe to the kyngs issue, and +the noble blode, and preserve the churche of god frome spolyng; and to be +trewe to the comens and ther welthis; and ye shall have to morowe the +statutes and causis of your assemble and peticion to the kyng, and place of +oure meting and all other of pour (? <i>word illegible</i>) and comen welthe in haste; +By me Robt. ask cheiff captayn of Marches lande, th’ ile and howden shyre +Thomas Methm Robt aske yonger. Thomas Saltmerche Wyllm Monketon +Master ffranke Master cawood captayns of the same.”</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>This was Robert Aske’s first assumption of authority; it is +interesting to note his title. The Isle is the Isle of Axholme, +between the Trent and the Don (as it then was). Marshland, +Yorks., was the triangle of country between the Don and the Ouse +which formed part of the West Riding. The county boundary still +more or less follows the course of the river now removed. So Aske +was first made captain of three wapentakes, one in Lincolnshire, +one in the West Riding, one in the East, each separated from its +neighbour by a great river. As to the other captains, Robert Aske +the younger was doubtless Robert’s nephew, John’s son and heir, +a wild young law student. William Monketon, his brother-in-law, +was his constant companion all through the stirring months that +followed. Saltmarsh and Franke will both reappear hereafter.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At nightfall Aske went to a poor man’s house to hide from his +followers and get a little sleep, but his place of retreat was discovered +and a bodyguard of enthusiastic volunteers burst in and +escorted him over the water into Howdenshire, where the commons +were clamouring for his presence. No one was thinking of sleep +here; a large company of commons were at the house of Sir Thomas +Metham, knight, whom they had taken out of his bed the night +before to be their captain. Not being in sympathy with the rebels +he had fled at the first opportunity, and they were now threatening +to burn down his house. Aske exerted his influence to save it, and +soon persuaded them to return quietly to their beds for what remained +of the night. There was to be a general muster of the +Howdenshire men at Ringstanhirst next morning, corresponding +to that of the commons of Marshland on Skipwith Moor. Sir +Thomas Metham’s son and heir became one of Aske’s petty captains, +perhaps out of gratitude for the saving of his inheritance<a id='r742'></a><a href='#f742' class='c016'><sup>[742]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Others of high rank were also threatened. The commons of +Wressell had risen with the rest of the countryside and cried +at the gates of the Earl of Northumberland’s Castle, “Thousands +for a Percy!”<a id='r743'></a><a href='#f743' class='c016'><sup>[743]</sup></a> The Earl’s health had been failing ever since the +execution of Anne Boleyn, and his last illness was already upon him. +He had good reason to believe in the King’s power, and he was little +inclined to take the part of his tenants, who hated him heartily +enough, but cared little what he did, once they were convinced +he was powerless to act against them. Judging from their cry, they +hoped one of his brothers was with him; but Sir Thomas was at +<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>Seamer in the North Riding, the home of the Dowager Countess, +and Sir Ingram was in Northumberland. After the first general +excitement the invalid Earl was left in comparative peace for a while, +though a watch was kept on his movements and correspondence.</p> + +<p class='c008'>John and Christopher Aske had stolen away from Beverley on +Sunday 8 Oct. without taking the oath, for Christopher afterwards +declared that they were prepared to be “hewn into gobbets” rather +than “distain” their allegiance. On Monday they were at Aughton +in “great heaviness,” for Christopher was in charge of over £100 of +the Earl of Cumberland’s revenues. The danger of having so large +a sum while the country was in such commotion was obvious. After +being twice roused from their beds by false alarms on Monday night, +the brothers resolved to risk their trust on the road rather than +in the heart of the disturbance. They set out at once for Skipton +Castle in Craven, forty miles away, where their cousin the Earl was +then lying. They rode separately, and Christopher, going first, +arrived safely at Skipton in due course<a id='r744'></a><a href='#f744' class='c016'><sup>[744]</sup></a>. He fell in with Breyar, +the sanctuary man, at Tadcaster. This shady individual had also +“stolen away” from Beverley, and was now on his way to Cawood. +Once there, he hastened to the Archbishop’s palace, and, passing +himself off as a servant of the King as was his wont, he informed +Lee of the events at Beverley<a id='r745'></a><a href='#f745' class='c016'><sup>[745]</sup></a>. The Archbishop had already been +disturbed by rumours of stirrings in the East Riding<a id='r746'></a><a href='#f746' class='c016'><sup>[746]</sup></a>; Breyar told +him that the men of Beverley, particularly the leaders, Wilson and +Kitchen, were threatening to march on Cawood and kill him; Lee +answered resignedly that he knew it and intended to flee to Lord +Darcy at Pontefract, for he was afraid of his own neighbours and +tenants. He gave the “pretended King’s servant” a horse and +twenty shillings to carry a letter to the King<a id='r747'></a><a href='#f747' class='c016'><sup>[747]</sup></a>. But no sooner +was one messenger despatched than another hastened in with the +news that the commons of Marshland said they were coming to take +the Archbishop for their captain. This seems to have alarmed him +even more than the first report. Robert Crake, Mr Babthorpe +and other loyalists also arrived from Beverley; and, fearing to be +surprised at any moment, the Archbishop determined to set out +at once for some place of safety. Pontefract Castle was hardly +ten miles off; Lord Darcy was there, and Dr Magnus from York had +taken refuge with him. Scarborough, the only alternative, was three +times as far off and the country between was rising if not already up. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>It was natural that Lee and his companions should choose the former +place. Darcy allowed the Archbishop thirty servants and with these +he took up his abode at Pontefract on Tuesday the 10th, charging +those he left behind to “keep out of the commons hands.”<a id='r748'></a><a href='#f748' class='c016'><sup>[748]</sup></a> His +tenants rose the same day and captured John Aske, together with +Sir Thomas Metham and Portington of Lincolnshire, at Cawood +ferry; but John Aske “escaped strangely and took him unto the +woods,”<a id='r749'></a><a href='#f749' class='c016'><sup>[749]</sup></a> being delivered with the other two by Lee’s steward and +helped by him to pass “over the water out of danger.” Next day +this man was himself taken by the commons of Selby, Wistow, +and Cawood, but he had little difficulty in redeeming himself with +money<a id='r750'></a><a href='#f750' class='c016'><sup>[750]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In Beverley the chief business on Tuesday the 10th was bringing +in the neighbouring districts. During the usual muster on West +Wood Green messengers came from Newbald and Cottingham, which +had been roused by the beacons, saying these villages were willing +to follow Beverley’s lead and advance with it. The commons were +anxious to go forward at once, but Stapleton and the other captains +thought it better to wait for the answer to their message to Lincolnshire, +which was eagerly expected. William Stapleton chose for his +petty captains his nephew Brian, Richard Wharton and the bailiff; +the commons agreed to “proceed to no act” without consent of one +of these; he made every effort to prevent “spoilings,” “for he would +never have the name of a captain of thieves.” Christopher Sanderson +was sent to ask old Sir Ralph Ellerker to come next day and use his +influence in the town to prevent outrage<a id='r751'></a><a href='#f751' class='c016'><sup>[751]</sup></a>. On this day a certain +friar and limitor of St Robert’s of Knaresborough first makes his +appearance. His name was Robert Esch or Ashton, and he had lived +at Beverley for some time<a id='r752'></a><a href='#f752' class='c016'><sup>[752]</sup></a>. Zealous in the cause of the monasteries +and popular among the people from whom he begged, he appointed +himself, as did other brethren of the same house, a kind of general +secretary to the insurgents, attaching himself to no particular chief, +but spreading the rumours and the rebels’ proclamations up and +down the country<a id='r753'></a><a href='#f753' class='c016'><sup>[753]</sup></a>. At his request Stapleton gave him a “passport” +to travel North, where he promised to “raise all Rydale and +Pickering Lythe.”<a id='r754'></a><a href='#f754' class='c016'><sup>[754]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>On Wednesday, the 11th, after the usual muster, the gentlemen +breakfasted at Sanderson’s house and held a private council with +<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>old Sir Ralph Ellerker, Sir John Milner, and others, who had not +taken the oath. While they were at table a letter came from North +Cave wishing to know when they should go forward. The gentlemen +would not consent to move until news came from Lincolnshire. +If we are to believe Stapleton this was a mere excuse to keep the +host quiet. After “long persuasions” they carried their point, and +orders were sent to the surrounding villages that no advance was to +be made until special orders were issued under the Beverley town +seal. But at length William Woodmancy was seen riding hard for +the town, with the welcome news that messengers from the Lincolnshire +host were close at hand, “by whom they had sent their whole +mind.” Guy Kyme, Antony Curtis and Thomas Donne were these +long-expected messengers and were brought before the company +assembled on the Green. Sir Ralph advised the gentlemen to hear +the letters and credence apart, but the commons insisted that all +should be done openly. They hardly wronged their leaders by their +suspicion, for “some honest men” had been secretly sent to Hessle +to intercept the message “so as to amend it if necessary in opening +it to the commons,” though they started too late to carry out their +intention. Kyme delivered a letter to Sir Ralph<a id='r755'></a><a href='#f755' class='c016'><sup>[755]</sup></a>; its brief contents +and his lengthy credence have already been described<a id='r756'></a><a href='#f756' class='c016'><sup>[756]</sup></a>. Such cheerful +tidings naturally raised the enthusiasm of the people to the highest +point. They “counted themselves half ashamed to be so far behind +them” of Lincolnshire. The gentlemen were obliged to resign all +hopes of further stay. Stapleton allowed old Sir Ralph to depart +unsworn to his home, though the commons wanted to keep him by +force.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This day John Hallam rode in from Yorkswold seeking news<a id='r757'></a><a href='#f757' class='c016'><sup>[757]</sup></a>. +He was only a yeoman, the owner of the Calkhill farm not far from +Watton Priory, but his influence among his neighbours was as great +as that of any gentleman. The respect in which he was held seems +rather to have been owing to his own fearless and determined +character than to any superiority in riches. The general disaffection +had already shown itself in his countryside. On Sunday the parish +priest of Watton did not announce St Wilfrid’s Day, 12 October, +and Hallam demanded, before all the congregation, why it was left +out, “for it was wont always to be a holyday here.” The priest +replied that the king had forbidden the keeping of that and other +feasts. When mass was over the whole parish was talking of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>nothing else; they declared they would never give up their holydays, +and the passing over of St Wilfrid, a north-country saint and +an archbishop, was probably regarded as a special slight on Yorkshire. +Later in the day the country was further disturbed by the news +of the rising in Beverley. Hallam came to the town on Wednesday, +and went to the house of John Crow. Here he found a great +number of people drinking and discussing the rebellion, with Guy +Kyme, Thomas Donne and Woodmancy in the midst of them. The +Lincolnshire men described the two hosts of Horncastle and Louth +“with six knights in each,” and repeated all the rumours concerning +the taking away of church jewels and the throwing of five parishes +into one. Nobody disbelieved them, for these things seemed hardly +more monstrous than the suppression of the abbeys. The Lincolnshire +articles were passing from hand to hand, everyone being +anxious to see them and secure a copy<a id='r758'></a><a href='#f758' class='c016'><sup>[758]</sup></a>. Kyme was asked what they +did with suppressed monasteries; he answered “nothing”; and how +their men were provided for, to which he answered that those +who could afford it went at their own cost and poor men were +helped<a id='r759'></a><a href='#f759' class='c016'><sup>[759]</sup></a>. Kyme suggested that the men of Beverley should go and +aid the Lincolnshire hosts against the King’s troops. Hallam was +sworn by one of the leaders; and he was given a bill summoning +the men of Watton to appear at Hunsley on St Wilfrid’s Day and +take the same part as the men of Lincolnshire. Hallam carried +it home, but found his neighbours already warned and willing to +attend the muster. Copies of this bill were sent to Cottingham, +Hessle and all the townships round; every man was to be at Hunsley +Beacon at nine next morning with horse and harness; and that +night the beacons were fired at Hunsley and Tranby on Humber +side, so that all the country might understand. The summonses +were written out by a friar of St Robert’s of Knaresborough; as +Robert Ashton had left for Rydale this must have been another +of this zealous community. They had all the effect that was intended. +“From that time forward no man could keep his servant +at plough, but every man that could bear a staff went forward +towards Hunsley.”<a id='r760'></a><a href='#f760' class='c016'><sup>[760]</sup></a> Antony Curtis dined with Stapleton, and after +the meal said he must go on into Holderness (the region, roughly +speaking, between Hull and the sea) which was not yet up<a id='r761'></a><a href='#f761' class='c016'><sup>[761]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The whole country met at Hunsley Beacon on the morning of +Thursday, 12 October, St Wilfrid’s Day. The Lincolnshire articles +<span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>were read again for the sake of the outlying villages which had now +come in for the first time. Guy Kyme estimated the men gathered +there at about three thousand. Certain persons were sent to take +Smythely, “a man of law dwelling at Brantingham,” and among them +was his great enemy, Hugh Clitheroe by name. They found +Smythely sick in bed, and contented themselves with taking his +oath; he sent back with them his clerk, “horsed and harnessed, with +many fair words.” Some thought that his illness and goodwill were +equally feigned, and when Guy Kyme related how Master Skipwith, +serjeant-at-arms, was carried in a cart with the Lincolnshire host, +they proposed to bring the unfortunate Smythely in the same way. +Stapleton dissuaded them from this barbarity. A curious incident +now occurred. Stapleton was informed that a great treasure of +the King’s, the spoils of the monasteries of Ferriby and Haltemprice +lay in Beckwith’s house at South Cave. “To please the people and +save the goods” Stapleton selected certain honest persons, keeping +light persons away as much as possible, and rode to the house. He +found it in charge of a woman, apparently alone. But after some +parleying she admitted that the priest who had the chests in his +keeping was hidden in the house. Some swashbucklers had just +been there, threatening to spoil the goods and slay the priest, and +he wanted no more visitors of the same kidney. But finding +Stapleton’s party did no active damage he came forth “quivering +and shaking for fear.” The captain asked him “what treasure was +in the two great iron chests”; he replied, “Nothing but evidences.” +Stapleton remarked to his companions “that it was like to be so, yet +it was like to have been plate,” and turning again to the priest +“bade him be merry, for he should have no harm, and set forth meat +if he had any.” The priest made them what cheer he could, and +begged that they would protect him. Stapleton gave orders that +proclamation should be made “at the church style, that no man +should meddle with any goods there on pain of death”; anyone who +did so was to be brought before him. The grateful priest thereupon +produced a letter showing that the chests contained only papers. +We cannot help wishing that Stapleton’s curiosity had led him to +investigate a little further<a id='r762'></a><a href='#f762' class='c016'><sup>[762]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>While he was away on this mission important news had arrived +from Aske. He was now at the head of the full forces of Howdenshire, +and marching that night to Wighton on the direct road to +York. He suggested that the men of Beverley and the surrounding +<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>country should muster “in the morning at Wighton Hill that he +might see us and he would muster on another hill of the other hand +of Wighton that we might see him and his company.” Guy Kyme +and Thomas Donne “much rejoicing thereat, saying they would not +unto Lincolnshire with their finger in their mouths, but they would +tarry and see our musters and the raising of the countries so that +they might be able to declare the same to their host by their own +sight and not by hearsay; for they supposed that Antony Curtis had +gone over to show their host how far they had gone.” They were +probably mistaken in this last opinion, and the news which arrived +immediately afterwards that “all Holderness was up to the sea side” +was a better guide to his real whereabouts<a id='r763'></a><a href='#f763' class='c016'><sup>[763]</sup></a>. The bells were rung +and the countryfolk assembled at Nuttles on this day; the vicar +of Preston helped to administer the oath. Holderness was a very +large wapentake, and each of the three divisions chose its own head +captain—the Middle bailiwick chose Ric. Tenant, the North bailiwick +Wm. Barker, and the South bailiwick Wm. Ombler<a id='r764'></a><a href='#f764' class='c016'><sup>[764]</sup></a>. But +though they had their own captains they were not slack in bringing +in the gentlemen. They took Sir Christopher Hilliard, one Grinston, +one Clifton, a lawyer of Gray’s Inn “whom they hurt in the taking,” +Ralph Constable, John Wright and others. Many gentlemen of +Holderness and the surrounding country had fled to Hull, the +principal being Sir John Constable and his son, Sir William +Constable, young Sir Ralph Ellerker, Edward Roos, Walter Clifton, +son of the wounded man, Philip Miffin and John Hedge, the King’s +servant. They were preparing to defend the town for the King, but, +as many thought, against the will of the mayor and citizens.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Evening was falling when these tidings reached Beverley, but +four messengers, including Richard Wharton and Wilson, were +despatched at once “to know of the mayor and aldermen of Hull +if they would do as we did or be against us”; their answer was to +be sent next day to Wighton Hill. After holding a council the +mayor sent word that he would appoint as the men of Beverley did, +but would send a fuller answer next day<a id='r765'></a><a href='#f765' class='c016'><sup>[765]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Before relating the circumstances of the great muster on Friday, +it will be as well to go back and examine the incidents of the rising +in Marshland. After the busy night of Tuesday, Robert Aske found +an equally busy day before him on Wednesday, 11 Oct. He first +attended the muster of Howdenshire at Ringstanhirst as he was on +<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>the north bank of the Ouse, and while he was there messengers arrived +from Marshland requesting his presence at their muster on Hooke +Moor, near Whitgift<a id='r766'></a><a href='#f766' class='c016'><sup>[766]</sup></a>. He crossed to that town, and there encountered +two serving-men who had just brought the Lincolnshire +articles to the house of one Walkington, and were reading them to +the people. One of these men was in a popinjay green coat, and +as this was Lord Darcy’s colour Aske assumed that he “belonged” +to that nobleman; there is no further evidence that he did. The +other was dressed in orange-tawny colour; and they were both +describing the musters in Lincolnshire and the numbers of the host<a id='r767'></a><a href='#f767' class='c016'><sup>[767]</sup></a>. +The articles were taken up to the Moor and read to the assembly. +Four of them were:</p> + + <dl class='dl_2'> + <dt>(1)</dt> + <dd>For redress of Abbeys suppressed. + </dd> + <dt>(2)</dt> + <dd>Repeal of the Statute of Uses. + </dd> + <dt>(3)</dt> + <dd>Punishment of divers bishops, especially the bishop of Lincoln. + </dd> + <dt>(4)</dt> + <dd>Release of quindene or tax. + </dd> + </dl> + +<p class='c008'>There was another, probably for the putting down of base blood +in the King’s Council. Aske had not before seen the articles +actually written; they were sent “under the hands of divers +worshipful men of Lincolnshire into Yorkshire.”<a id='r768'></a><a href='#f768' class='c016'><sup>[768]</sup></a> The messengers +could not have been those who appeared at Beverley the same day, +for even if Aske did not know Kyme or Donne, and his “cousin” +Antony Curtis had not yet joined them, they would have been sure +to tell him their mission and he could not have mistaken one of +them for a servant of Darcy.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Thursday 12 Oct. the whole countryside mustered at Howden, +and, with the church cross borne before them like a banner, began +their march to York. Before starting they sent the messengers to +Beverley to arrange the meeting of the two hosts. Wighton was +their halting place for the night<a id='r769'></a><a href='#f769' class='c016'><sup>[769]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Accordingly, on Friday 13 Oct., Beverley marched to meet their +neighbours at Wighton Hill. The mayor of Hull had sent the +promised messengers, Brown and Harrison who had been sheriffs, +Kensey and one Sawl. According to their promise they “made +offer of their town by commandment of the mayor and aldermen +of the same, with as gentle words as they could speak.” But +there were some doubts as to the good faith of this friendliness, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>and Guy Kyme significantly described “the extremities they of +Lincolnshire showed towards those who fled from them in spoiling +their goods.” All the East Riding was moving towards Wighton; +among others came Robt. Hotham (who brought in a company from +his master the Earl of Westmorland’s lands in Yorkswold), James +Constable of the Cliffe, Philip Waldeby, “Lygerd of Hullshire,”<a id='r770'></a><a href='#f770' class='c016'><sup>[770]</sup></a> +and John Hallam, who had not been idle but had “stirred up all +Watton, Hutton Cranswick and the country between that and +Driffield and was ringleader of them all.”<a id='r771'></a><a href='#f771' class='c016'><sup>[771]</sup></a> George Bawne, who +seems to have been a leader from the North Riding, brought word +that Sir George Conyers, Ralph Evers, Tristram Teshe, Copindale +and others had fled to Scarborough; Sir Ralph Evers, the younger, +was the keeper of the castle and was expected to hold out for the +King; Bawne declared his determination to win it “or hasard his +life.”<a id='r772'></a><a href='#f772' class='c016'><sup>[772]</sup></a> When the muster was complete and the whole host stood in +array on the hill above Wighton, Aske gives their numbers as nine +thousand horse and foot, but then he calls them “Holderness and +Yorkswold”; the main body of Holderness had not yet come up, +so this was probably a good deal above the mark<a id='r773'></a><a href='#f773' class='c016'><sup>[773]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Stapleton with a party of gentlemen, his petty captains and +the messengers from Lincolnshire and Hull, set forward down the +hill towards Wighton to carry their tidings to the host of Howdenshire. +Before they reached the town they met Aske with the two +Rudstons and young Metham coming to speak with them<a id='r774'></a><a href='#f774' class='c016'><sup>[774]</sup></a>. The +two captains had last seen each other in London the term before<a id='r775'></a><a href='#f775' class='c016'><sup>[775]</sup></a>. +Aske told Stapleton how he had been taken by the commons in +Lincolnshire, and listened eagerly to the news from Beverley and +Hull<a id='r776'></a><a href='#f776' class='c016'><sup>[776]</sup></a>. He asked Kyme and Donne if they had brought any letter +for him, but their only message was to Beverley, and he was +disappointed to find that they knew no more of the progress of +events in Lincolnshire than he did himself. They then asked +leave to depart, intending to cross the Humber that night at the +tide. Aske “bade them God be with them, saying they were +pilgrims and had a pilgrimage gate to go.” This is the first reference +to the beautiful name, “the Pilgrimage of Grace,” given by the +insurgents to their protest in favour of the old religion<a id='r777'></a><a href='#f777' class='c016'><sup>[777]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>At Aske’s request the two Stapletons, Philip Waldeby and Robt. +Hotham were elected by the Beverley leaders to represent their +company and form with Aske’s little party a head council. The +friendly messages from Hull were regarded with the greatest +suspicion, and in case they proved a mere blind it was determined +that Aske’s host should advance alone on York, while Stapleton +himself, with Robert Hotham to represent the men of Yorkswold, +and young Metham and Nicholas Rudston for Howden, should +ride down to Hull at once, and make arrangements with the mayor +for its formal occupation. The Beverley host was to muster again +next morning at Wighton Hill, and be ready either to advance on +York or turn back and lay siege to Hull; in either case word was to +be sent on immediately to Aske. Once the plan of campaign was +settled there was no delay. The men of Howden turned their faces +towards York, and lay that night at Shipton. Three of the messengers +from Hull were kept as pledges for the safe return of Stapleton’s +party, who took the fourth, Sawl, with them. This precaution shows +they had little hope of a favourable reception.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On arriving in Hull they sent Sawl to the mayor to demand +an interview. He returned with the answer that the mayor could +not speak with them that night, though he had consulted with the +aldermen before sending this reply; “which we liked not,” adds +Stapleton. Early next morning they were asked to go to speak +with “the gentlemen that were fled” in the church. Here the +situation was discussed with no little heat<a id='r778'></a><a href='#f778' class='c016'><sup>[778]</sup></a>. Rudston, Aske’s petty +captain, who is distinguished from his numerous relations by the +epithet “with a perle in his eye,”<a id='r779'></a><a href='#f779' class='c016'><sup>[779]</sup></a> was chief spokesman for the +Pilgrims. He tried to persuade the loyalists to come over to +the popular cause. But his efforts were vain, and after a long +argument old Sir John Constable declared he would rather die than +join them, saying “he had rather die with honesty than live with +shame.” Apparently no one could cap this beautiful sentiment, and +“after long communication,” all withdrew to breakfast<a id='r780'></a><a href='#f780' class='c016'><sup>[780]</sup></a>. After this +the messengers were requested to return to the church, where they +were formally received by the mayor and aldermen, though the +loyal gentlemen were also there. They demanded that the men +of the town should be sworn and join the host “with harness, money +or ordnance,” as the messengers sent from Hull to Wighton had +<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>promised in the mayor’s name<a id='r781'></a><a href='#f781' class='c016'><sup>[781]</sup></a>. The mayor and aldermen denied +any responsibility for the message; “they would keep their town as +the King’s town,” they said. They would allow all who wished +to join the rebels full liberty to depart, but such a person should +have neither horse, harness, meat nor money provided for him. +Young Sir Ralph Ellerker further offered to carry any articles they +wished to send to the King, “and either he would do our message +truly or else (we might) strike off the heads of Ralph, his son and +heir, and Thomas his brother whom we had amongst us, but in no +wise he would agree to come in to us.” The rest of his party were of +the same mind<a id='r782'></a><a href='#f782' class='c016'><sup>[782]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Stapleton and his companions were in haste to go back to +Wighton, but considerable delay was caused by the mayor’s anxiety +for his “untrue messengers.” He refused to let the Beverley +captains go without ample security for the safe return of these men, +who were indeed in some danger. At length Stapleton and his +companions were obliged to swear that they would return to the +town and give themselves up if the messengers did not reach home +safely before nightfall. When at last they arrived at Wighton “all +the country was looking for” them. So great was the excitement +that they hastily despatched the false messengers back to Hull “and +made them good countenance” before daring to announce that their +protestations of friendship had been merely lies to gain time, and +that Hull was prepared to hold out. Young Metham was sent +forward to carry the news to Aske. We can imagine with what +a mixture of indignation and fierce pleasure the men of Beverley +heard that their neighbouring enemies were determined to resist +them.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The next news that reached Wighton was that the men of +Holderness had come to Beverley, and their captains, chief of whom +was Sir Christopher Hilliard, had advanced as far as Bishop Burton, +where they waited to take council with the Beverley captains. +Stapleton with his friends left the company drawn up in array +to wait his return, while he arranged with the Holderness leaders +how to dispose their men about Hull. They decided to hold a +general muster at Wynd Oak near Cottingham at nine o’clock next +morning. Rudston returned to the Beverley men at Wighton Hill +to give out these orders; he was greeted with general indignation. +The commons, weary and irritated with standing to arms all day on +the same spot, wanted to know why Stapleton sent and did not come +<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>himself? Rudston was a Howden man; where were their own +captains? The old suspicions broke out. “The gentlemen,” they +muttered, “counselled too much and would betray them.” So they +dispersed grumbling.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Stapleton and his companions had meanwhile ridden straight +to Beverley, where they found three hundred Holderness men +mustering on West Wood Green under their three captains, Barker, +Tenant and Ombler. They were probably obliged to camp there for +the night.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As the Beverley men were on the way to Wynd Oak next +morning, Stapleton called them together and reproached them with +their “unkindness” and suspicions of the night before. They had +been pleased to choose him to command them, he said, though he +was only a stranger; he thanked them for that, and he had worked +harder than any man among them; but now, as they were dissatisfied +let them make another captain, and whoever it was he +would obey him willingly. The commons had slept off their ill-humour, +and this appeal had the natural effect. “We will have none +other captain,” they cried, “and whosoever after speak against the +captain, the rest to strike him down.” Nor would they hear of +anyone else for all Stapleton could say. Seeing his authority much +strengthened for the moment, he gave orders “for every man to pay +honestly” for what he took. They then advanced to the trysting-place +near Cottingham, a village about two miles north-west of Hull. +It was agreed that part of the host should follow Aske to York, +while the rest besieged Hull. The Stapletons wanted to go with +the former, because, as they explained, neither they nor their servants +had any defensive armour with them; all their harness was at +Wighill beyond York. But the Beverley men would by no means +consent to this; if their captains went they would go too. So it +was finally agreed that Rudston should follow Aske with the men of +Yorkswold, reported to be two thousand strong, and Stapleton should +stay and direct the siege, unharnessed as he was. When Rudston +had marched, two wapentakes, one being Holderness and the other +Hullshire with Beverley and Cottingham, which were all in the same +wapentake, though mustered separately under different commanders, +remained to surround Hull.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Barker and Tenant with their two hundred horse and all the +Holderness footmen were stationed on the east, from the Humber +along Hull water; Stapleton with the men of Beverley was on the +other side of the water, at Sculcotes on the north of the town; +<span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>next him on the west was Thomas Ellerker with the company from +Cottingham, and “at Hull Armitage by Humber side” lay Sir +Christopher Hilliard and all Hullshire, and with him Ombler and +one hundred Holderness horse. The city was thus completely +beleaguered on three sides, the fourth being defended by the wide +expanse of the Humber, over which the usual traffic had ceased +to ply for some days past. Feeling ran high in the Pilgrims’ camp; +for Hull, comparatively an upstart town, had monopolised Beverley’s +ancient trade and claimed the sole right to navigate Hull river. +Now it seemed a day of vengeance had come. The shipping, the +pride and wealth of the town, offered a particularly tempting mark. +It was said that a single barrel of burning tar floated down the +river on the ebb tide would destroy every ship lying there. Even +surer ways might be found. “Certain men of the ... water towns” +came to Stapleton and offered “to burn all the ships in Hull haven +and thereby to burn all that part of the town.” He “warned them +in any wise seeing it was a high policy not to disclose the same, +for if they did, the same should be prevented by policy, but the +truth was if it had been opened it had not lain with him to have +saved the town.” Some windmills stood without the walls near the +Beverley gate and Stapleton was at no little pains to save them. +He protested that “notwithstanding this great business he trusted +both we should have our reasonable requests and the King’s highness +retake us to his mercy”; and if all went well there was bound to +come a day of reckoning for property destroyed.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Stapleton’s list of the spoils that did occur is quaint reading. +His headquarters at Sculcotes were a house belonging to the mayor +of Hull, and here his men made free with some hay and grass for +their horses. They also discovered and devoted to their own use +a crane, a peacock, a “cade lame” (whatever that may be) and +several young swine. The mayor evidently kept a good larder, +unless the crane and the peacock were family pets. The commons +captured, besides, seventy-five head of oxen, belonging to the Archbishop’s +brother, which seem to have been considered fair game for +some forgotten reason; and Stapleton took ten or eleven wethers +which were being driven in to the besieged, but returned them to +the owner on the capitulation. It was for everyone’s good that +stealing should be put down. Some “honest men” told Stapleton +that his orders were being disobeyed and begged that the offenders +might be punished, “else they should be robbed themselves.” +Watch was set and two men were taken red-handed, one of whom +<span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>“had been put in trust to keep their victuals,” while the other was +“a naughty fellow, a sanctuary man of Beverley and a common +picker. Whereupon the whole company made exclamation” and +Stapleton caused the two to be taken, and made them believe +they should die. A friar was sent to confess them, and they were +brought out before all men to the waterside. “The sanctuary man +was tied by the middle with a rope to the end of the boat and so +hauled over the water, and several times put down with an oar over +the head.” The other man was a householder of more respectable +character, and at the intercession of his friends was reprieved from +his ducking; but both were banished from the host. This example +put an end to “privy pickings.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Several people offered Stapleton money, but he always refused it; +and lacking further evidence we must suppose that here, as in other +places, the Pilgrims were provided with ready money by a voluntary +tax levied in each township. Wealthy people sometimes gave money +and food, and unpopular people ransomed themselves. The Prior +of Ferriby distributed twenty nobles among the commons, who +wanted him to go with them, as the price of being left in peace. +The Priory of Ferriby seems to have been the only suppressed house +with which Stapleton interfered, and it was an especially hard case. +It was farmed from the King by Sir William Fairfax, though he had +not yet removed the goods from it. He was “a man of fair possessions,” +but of miserly nature, and incurred the anger and disgust of +all his neighbours, rich and poor; for he neither took up his residence +in the priory nor made any attempt to carry on its ancient hospitality. +The men of Swanland, in Ferriby parish, asked Stapleton to protect +the valuables of the deserted house from their present owner, and he +“bade them put two brothers of the same house to lie within it +and to see nothing wasted ... till ... some way was taken with all the +houses.”<a id='r783'></a><a href='#f783' class='c016'><sup>[783]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday, 17 October, Horncliff of Grimsby came from +Lincolnshire with a letter and the news that the insurgents were +dispersing. The commons cried that the letter was a forgery and +the man a liar. He was seized and imprisoned. There is reason to +believe that Antony Curtis, who had been so active in the first +days of the rising, was with Horncliff. At any rate he suffered with +him from the unjust if natural anger against bearers of ill-tidings<a id='r784'></a><a href='#f784' class='c016'><sup>[784]</sup></a>. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>The host despatched a letter to Lincolnshire by William Woodmancy, +their first messenger, “wherein ... was contained the unkindness of +Lincolnshire to them who rose by their motions” in sending them no +news. On their side they had plenty to tell, for posts had come in +from other parts of Yorkshire. Aske sent word that he had taken +York without fighting, and from the north came the news that Sir +Thomas Percy had been taken. Shortly afterwards a servant of +Percy’s came with a message from his master to Sir Ralph Ellerker, +“who would be much advised by him” and perhaps induced to join +the Pilgrimage. Stapleton reluctantly let him through to Hull, for +he came “without letter or passport”; and eventually sent him back +to Sir Thomas with a remonstrance against his carelessness “in +such extreme business.” It does not appear if this man, who gave +his name as James Aslaby, was a royal spy or not. Robert Ashton, +the friar, returned from the north-west, saying that he had been +at the rising of all Malton; that Richmondshire was in arms and +Lord Latimer taken; and that he intended to go to the Forest +of Knaresborough, but his money was all gone, and the horse he +rode was borrowed from the Prior of Malton, for his own had been +tired out<a id='r785'></a><a href='#f785' class='c016'><sup>[785]</sup></a>. He was provided with twenty shillings, and indefatigably +set out again.</p> + +<p class='c008'>John Wright, a petty captain of Holderness under Ombler, had +been to Hull to negotiate with Sir Ralph Ellerker, and brought +word from him to Stapleton that he and Sir William Constable were +willing to make terms for themselves. A meeting was arranged at +nine o’clock on Wednesday morning at the Charterhouse without +the town walls. Only a few of the Pilgrimage captains knew of the +appointment and these chose Stapleton, one of the Holderness +captains, and at Stapleton’s desire, Marmaduke, one of Sir William +Constable’s own sons, to receive the two knights from Hull. On the +morning of Wednesday, 18 October, the meeting in the Charterhouse +took place. Sir Ralph Ellerker and Sir William Constable +professed themselves willing to come in to the Pilgrims and “do as +they did” provided they were neither obliged to take the oath nor +to become captains. They intimated that many would come in from +Hull on these terms. Stapleton and his fellows readily agreed to +this proposal; but they were very doubtful as to how the commons +would take it; the men of Holderness were particularly unruly and +might refuse consent to anything but an unconditional surrender. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span>The captains were summoned and sent to announce to their companies +that anyone coming from the town was to be received +peaceably and allowed to join their ranks unsworn. To Stapleton’s +relief the commons were “well pleased” with the arrangement.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Next day, Thursday, 19 October, Sir Ralph again met Stapleton +and told him that if Sir John Constable left the town, the mayor +and aldermen would certainly yield; let the captain allow Constable +to pass secretly through the rebel lines and make his escape, and the +town would soon be his. Stapleton was too much a man of honour +to listen to this insidious proposal. He replied that he was stationed +there to force the gentlemen in the town to join the Pilgrimage and +no one should escape with his aid; though if Sir John could get +through by himself “God be with him.” At this point of their +deliberations something chanced which hastened the fall of the +town.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On receiving news of Aske’s unopposed entry into York, Stapleton +had written to him for reinforcements, and in answer to this Rudston +now made his appearance on the west of Beverley, near the +Hermitage, with four or five hundred men in battle array about +to make an attack. His appearance surprised everyone. Sir Ralph +Ellerker asked Stapleton “if he knew and could stay them?” +Stapleton thought he could and rode off to speak to the leaders. +But the threatened assault had ended the burghers’ indecision. +Eland and Knolles, two of the aldermen, were sent to yield the +town to the Pilgrims. Rudston, meeting no resistance, and no +doubt seeing the royal colours flutter down, “lodged his men about +and came himself to the Charterhouse to hear the offer of the men +of Hull.” When he and Stapleton reached the hall they found +Sir John Constable and the other loyal gentlemen there before them. +The single condition of the surrender was that no one in the town +was to be forced to take the Pilgrims’ oath. It was mutually agreed +that no troops should enter the town till next day because at such +a late hour it would be difficult to prevent spoiling. “And that +night Sir Ralph Ellerker and Rudston lay together at the Charterhouse.”<a id='r786'></a><a href='#f786' class='c016'><sup>[786]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It chanced on that very day Richard Cromwell in Lincoln was +writing to his uncle about the defence of Hull. The letter is so +full of details about the state of Lincolnshire, and the sympathy +shown there for the insurgents beyond the Humber, that we give it +in full:—</p> + +<p class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>“Master Richard Cromwell to My Lord (Privy Seal)</p> + +<p class='c025'>“Please it your Lordship to be advertised that this daye we have +newes that ther is up aboute hull in nomber aboute VI thousand persons +intending to wynne the same which if they cannot do woll set fire of it. In +which town Sir Rauf Ellerker doth lye to defend the same. And he and his +company be nere hand famyshed how be it my lorde’s grace hath sent oon of +Mr Tyrwitte’s sonnes with vitayle gunne powder and such other necessarys (?) +as they nede to defende them selfe unto such tyme as they shall have better +socore. And these traytors have sent hither into dyvers places within this +shyre for ayde desyring them to come and they woll so provyde(?) that they +shall have thar own desyres of any gentlemen or other what so ever he be +within this shyre. But as yet we here of none in these partes that do +assemble but all still. And the moost part of the gentlemen here be come +in and do come in hourely and many of them sworne promysing [to] take +those that have begon this busyness and treason. And where as the kinge’s +highness perchaunse thinketh some slakness in my lorde’s grace and other +how for that they procede not with no greater force against thyse Rebells +here, In my poore opynyon if his grace with other of his moost honourable +counsail were present here [he] wold do non other then is done considering +how busy they are in other parts and also fynding the people here so holow +which had rather in manner dye then one to utter another. And how glad +they wold be if they might to go to thother Rebells in yorkshire. So that as +yet no cruelty may be showed but all wrought with wysdom and delibrate +policye. And though it hath pleased his hyhness to say that they were +afrayde of their shadows. In faith to advertise your lordship of the treuth +I never sawe gentlemen forwarder then they have been and is in this mater +nor take greter paynes day and night than they do to devise and Imagyn +which way they may best wynne and come by these malefactors and the +originalls thereof for surely if they shuld take but ii of them cruelly all the +rest (ad id affisand) be so hollowe that they wold to them in yorkshire +straight. Ther is but a water betwen and they may in on night go a +thousand or more. So that they may niether take their harness away from +them nor yet hinder them any thing roughly. But furst wynne them and +after knowe the originalles and fynally use them according to their deserts. +And doubt ye not but your lordship shall hereafter right well perceyve +and knowe that the surmyse that hath been put in his grace’s hed is not +true. And for that I perceyve my lord’s grace and thother of his highness +counsoul here be somwhat amased for bicause his highness shuld upon any +synyster and untrue report judge that they have not done their duety in +this case as I take god to record they have to my poore Judgement, as +much as possible is for men. I most humbly besech your good lordship to +obtayne the king’s moost honorable letters unto them with some comfortable +and loving words to encourage them agayn and to avoyde their dolour. Not +doubting but herafter his highness shall right well perceyve and prove that +they have done thair duetyes and have not been negligent in no case or else +let me dye for it. Please it you to be advertised that this day your servants +mylysent and bellowe be comen hither unto me who saith that your servant +mamby’s father was one of the procurers of this treason, wherefor it shall be +<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>well don that ye detayne your said servant ther with you not suffering hym +to depart as yet in to these parts and thus I besech almighty god long to +preserve your lordship in honour. At Lincolne this thursday at VI of the +clock in the after noon.</p> + +<div class='lg-container-r c024'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“Yo<sup>r</sup> humble nephew most bounden</div> + <div class='line in2'>“(signed)      Rch. Crumwell.”<a id='r787'></a><a href='#f787' class='c016'><sup>[787]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The King’s displeasure with Suffolk and his council was merely +his usual method of getting the greatest possible service out of his +servants by mingling suspicion and threats with favour and fair +promises. The guns and provisions which Suffolk sent to Hull +must have fallen into the Pilgrims’ hands. As to the hollowness +of the people and their sympathy with the Yorkshire rebels, that +was only to be expected. Among the Pilgrims, on the contrary, +prevailed a feeling of anger and contempt against Lincolnshire. +After so much talk it seemed ridiculous that the earlier rising +should be ignominiously ended and that without other agency +than the threats of a blazon-coated herald and the blare of his +trumpet; surely there had never been such a fall since the days +of Jericho. And it made a very material difference in the chances +of the rising. Lincolnshire in arms might easily have encouraged +the other midland counties to rise. The royal forces might have +been cut off from their base, surrounded and crushed. But with the +example of Lincolnshire before them and a royal army in their midst +the midlands would hardly venture to show their feelings unless +a decisive victory was won. In fact the northern counties were +obliged to depend on themselves alone; there was no longer the +slightest hope of the movement spreading from shire to shire through +all the land. Tremendous as this idea seems to be, it was certainly +what the Pilgrims expected at first, and, what is more to the point, +it was what the King feared. Strong and cunning as Henry was, +even he might have failed if the men of Lincolnshire had stood by +the men of the north.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Friday, 20 October, Eland, Knolles and John Thorneton +opened the gates of Hull to the captains of the Pilgrimage, the +terms of the treaty being duly observed on both sides. A council +was held at Hunsley Beacon, the two aldermen representing Hull. +There was no longer any doubt about the dispersal of the Lincolnshire +rebels and the advance of Suffolk to Lincoln. The council at +Hunsley decided to draw up their articles and send them to the +Duke by the hands of four captains, one from each company. But +<span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>before they were fairly written out, a post rode in from Pontefract +with word from Aske that the “Lord Steward was about to give +him battle.” This message must have been despatched on the +receipt of some false intelligence, for Shrewsbury was, as a matter +of fact, in no position to encounter the Pilgrims; but it checked +Stapleton’s more peaceful plans. He considered it impossible for +any men from Hull to reach Pontefract in time to help Aske. But +he ordered all his host to muster at Hunsley at seven o’clock next +day to follow up Aske’s advance, and he quartered a garrison of two +hundred Holderness men in Hull. Sir Ralph Ellerker kept the +beacon for that night, though he was only to fire it in case of urgent +need<a id='r788'></a><a href='#f788' class='c016'><sup>[788]</sup></a>. The irony of events, so triumphant when news travelled +slowly, decreed that the King should write thanking Sir Ralph +Ellerker for his gallant defence of Hull on the day after it was +occupied by the Pilgrims<a id='r789'></a><a href='#f789' class='c016'><sup>[789]</sup></a>.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER VIII<br> <span class='c004'>THE PILGRIMS’ ADVANCE</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>Hull did not fall until 20 October 1536, but its siege was +merely an incident in the Yorkshire rising. We must go back +to 13 October to follow the main course of the insurrection, the +advance of the Pilgrims under Aske to York. Before describing +this, it will be convenient to take a general survey of the disturbed +counties and to note the attitude of those in authority. All through +the week the King’s commanders were too much occupied with +Lincolnshire to realise how much more serious was the trouble in +Yorkshire. The news of the rising there does not seem to have +reached Shrewsbury’s camp at Nottingham until Thursday, 12 +October<a id='r790'></a><a href='#f790' class='c016'><sup>[790]</sup></a>. Lord Darcy and Sir Brian Hastings, the sheriff, were +left for a week without instructions or aid to cope with the flowing +tide of insurrection as best they might.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday, 10 October, Lord Darcy, at Pontefract, heard of the +summons sent from Beverley to York, and wrote to the lord mayor +of York “as a man of substance, having the rule of the second city +of the realm.” He informed the mayor that the commons of the +East Riding were likely to “invade” York and try to seize the +King’s treasure. The mayor must put the citizens in readiness +to resist the rebels and must summon the gentlemen of the Ainstey +to his aid. He need have no fear in opposing the rebels, as, though +“men of high experience in war,” they had no artillery nor +ordnance<a id='r791'></a><a href='#f791' class='c016'><sup>[791]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At the same time Darcy sent his son Sir George into Marshland +to capture Aske; that night Sir George “laid in wait and would +have taken him if he had kept the appointments he made with +gentlemen to lie in their houses.”<a id='r792'></a><a href='#f792' class='c016'><sup>[792]</sup></a> Nevertheless Aske escaped.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>Sir Brian Hastings wrote to Darcy on 10 October from Hatfield, +where he was lying with 300 men. The rebels of Howdenshire +and Marshland intended to march on York and he advised Darcy +to send a force at once “to overawe their faction in that city.” +Meanwhile he would join Darcy and they might together intercept +the rebels on the march and cut them off from York<a id='r793'></a><a href='#f793' class='c016'><sup>[793]</sup></a>. In a letter +to Fitzwilliam dated the next day (Wednesday 11 October) Hastings +said that “though the common people murmur” he was keeping +“Hatfield, Doncaster and all other places under your rule in good +order”; but the people of “all the north are so confederated that +they will not be stayed without great policy.” He thought that the +men who were serving the King should have wages<a id='r794'></a><a href='#f794' class='c016'><sup>[794]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy answered Sir Brian’s letter of the 10th on Wednesday +11 October. He wrote that he knew the extent of the rising and +was “putting all the gentlemen within my room in readiness at +an hour’s warning, when I shall know the King’s pleasure.” But +neither the King nor the Lord Steward (Shrewsbury) had answered +his letters. “If you have any certainty from above let me share it.”<a id='r795'></a><a href='#f795' class='c016'><sup>[795]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy was kept well informed about the spread of the movement +not only in Yorkshire but in the neighbouring counties. He had +many friends who favoured the rebels and acted as spies for him. +Darcy used their information just as it suited him at the moment, +sometimes sending it on to the King, sometimes keeping it for +private ends. About the time that he received Sir Brian Hastings’ +letter, full of sturdy loyalty, two other letters arrived, one from +Lancashire, the other from Wakefield, which, though they contained +nothing positively treasonable, were in tone a marked contrast to +Sir Brian’s. The first was from Thomas Stanley, a priest, who was +a kinsman and follower of the Earl of Derby. He reported that the +people of Lancashire “say those that are up are for the maintenance +of church and faith and they will not strike against them.” There +had been some local disturbances, but the Earl of Derby “attends +the King’s command.” The writer concluded “your lordship may +trust the bearer; he is a tall man if need be.”<a id='r796'></a><a href='#f796' class='c016'><sup>[796]</sup></a> The second letter +was from Thomas Gryce, Darcy’s steward at Wakefield. He described +the general discontent in the country and the sympathy felt +for the rebels. The commissioners were afraid to sit lest their +meeting should prove a signal for a general rising, and weapons +were being sent from York, some of them to the Earl of Derby<a id='r797'></a><a href='#f797' class='c016'><sup>[797]</sup></a>. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>The Earl was believed to favour the rebels’ cause, but, after some +wavering, he declared for the King.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Another of Darcy’s informants was Thomas Maunsell, the vicar +of Brayton. Maunsell had been in Howdenshire on Tuesday +10 October, where he was captured by the commons and accused +of being a spy of Sir George Darcy; this was probably in connection +with the attempt to seize Aske. It is curious that Darcy +should have known from the very beginning of the rising that Aske +was the leading spirit; perhaps he owed both this and his minute +knowledge of the captain’s movements to Maunsell. The vicar was +released on Wednesday morning after taking an oath to attend the +muster on Skipwith Moor<a id='r798'></a><a href='#f798' class='c016'><sup>[798]</sup></a>. He went first to Sir George Darcy and +then to Lord Darcy at Pontefract, who bade him attend the muster +and bring a report of it next day. He returned on Thursday +12 October with the news that the “commons intended to come +over the water to Darcy’s house (Templehurst) and the (Arch)-bishop’s” +(Cawood). Darcy told him to go home to Brayton, and +if the Howdenshire men “did press to come over the water” (the +Ouse) he was to raise all the people on Darcy’s lands, for, if the +commons on the south-west bank of the Ouse were up, the Howdenshire +men would have no motive for crossing, and there would be +less likelihood of damage to property. “Darcy said he would thus +do the King service.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Friday 13 October twenty-four men came over the Ouse +from Howden to persuade the West Riding to take part with the +rest of the county. The parts about Brayton, that is the whole +west bank of the Ouse from Cawood to Templehurst, were very +willing. The Howden men first “raised the town” (Brayton or Selby) +and the vicar promised to do the rest. On Sunday 15 October he +was at the head of all the force in “Darcy’s room.”<a id='r799'></a><a href='#f799' class='c016'><sup>[799]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Meanwhile not only the Archbishop and Archdeacon Magnus<a id='r800'></a><a href='#f800' class='c016'><sup>[800]</sup></a> +but many gentlemen who found their tenants out of hand fled to +Pontefract Castle to escape the rebels. Sir Robert Constable had +captured “Philypis a captain of the commons in Lincolnshire,” and +had taken him to the lords at Nottingham. He was ordered to +return home and pacify the east coast if possible, but if the insurrection +had gone too far for conciliation, he must turn back to Pontefract +and put himself under Darcy’s orders. Finding that all the East +<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>Riding was up, Constable went to Pontefract, where he found his +friend in a desperate state<a id='r801'></a><a href='#f801' class='c016'><sup>[801]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Friday 13 October Darcy answered Henry’s gushing letter of +thanks<a id='r802'></a><a href='#f802' class='c016'><sup>[802]</sup></a> with a long expostulation. He said that the King thanked +him more than he deserved, but only partially answered his previous +letters. The King made no reference to Darcy’s repeated appeals +for ordnance and money. All the East Riding, part of the West, and +nearly all the North, were now up, “in effect all the commons of +Yorkshire; and the city of York favours them.” The host of the +East Riding was advancing on York to seize the King’s treasure, +and though Darcy had written to the lord mayor to “look to the +safety of the city” the people were said to be “lightly disposed.” +The loyal gentlemen “cannot trust any but their household servants.” +The Lancashire commons were “of the same mind as the others,” +and were buying arms. Darcy expected the rebels to visit him +shortly, and there was “not one gun in Pontefract Castle ready +to shoot. There is no powder, arrows and bows are few and bad, +money and gunners none, the well, the bridge, houses of office etc. +for defence, much out of frame.” This is the refrain of the letter—send +money and “in any wise haste to the laying of posts,” or the +messengers will be cut off<a id='r803'></a><a href='#f803' class='c016'><sup>[803]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the very same day Henry was writing severely to Darcy. +He marvelled that the unlawful assemblies were not yet put down. +He had written to the gentlemen of Yorkshire to muster their forces, +and Sir Arthur Darcy, if Darcy himself was too feeble to take the +field, was “to repress the traitors as he hopes to be reported a loyal +servant.”<a id='r804'></a><a href='#f804' class='c016'><sup>[804]</sup></a> It is easy to imagine the irritation this letter must have +caused at Pontefract. It was all very well for the King to marvel, +but raising men was not only useless but dangerous, for, though +they often only refused to attend the musters, or stole away to the +rebels, if a considerable force was collected they would probably +desert in a body, and carry their leaders captive to the host of the +Pilgrims. General orders were easy to send, but when they were +accompanied by neither money nor particular instructions, it was +impossible to carry them out. Perhaps if Darcy had taken entire +command of the situation without orders, and had spent unstintingly +all the money he had left after keeping his garrison of thirteen score +men entirely at his own expense<a id='r805'></a><a href='#f805' class='c016'><sup>[805]</sup></a>, something more might have been +<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>achieved or at least attempted. For instance, about 14 October the +men of Wakefield declared themselves ready to follow Sir Richard +Tempest on the King’s part, but Thomas Tempest, who informed his +father, Sir Richard, of the fact, added that if the rebels arrived first +Wakefield would join them, and they were within ten miles of the +town<a id='r806'></a><a href='#f806' class='c016'><sup>[806]</sup></a>. Sir Richard wrote to Darcy, offering to come to him at +Pontefract, but Darcy replied that he had no orders, and that +Tempest would be of more use at Wakefield<a id='r807'></a><a href='#f807' class='c016'><sup>[807]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Friday, 13 October, Shrewsbury and the other lords at +Nottingham sent Darcy the following letter:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“My very god lorde in our right hartie maner we comende us unto +you signyfying unto the same that we sent oon Lancaster the kingis harraude +of armys unto the rebellious in Lincoln shire with a proclamacion, the copie +whereof we sende unto you hereinclosed. And upon the hering thereof they +were contented to departe home to their houses, albeit they stayed and taried +upon annswere frome my lorde of suffolke; and as sone as they here frome hym +we think they woll right gladly repayre home unto their houses according +unto the tenore purport and true meanyng of the said proclamacion without +any let or stay to the contrary. Also whereas the said rebellious had comfort +oute of yorkshire, for ayde and assistance of those there, Insomyche as they +have knowledged divers to have come over the watirs of Humber owis and +Trent they have nowe promysed to staye the botis there, so that none shall +come over, but be glad to retorn again homewards like foolis. And if they +dooo come the said rebellious here will (as they affirme) be redy to fyght +against them as they mynd themselves (<i>illegible</i>) the Kingis true and faithful +subiectis.” (<i>About eight lines at the end are mutilated and illegible.</i>)<a id='r808'></a><a href='#f808' class='c016'><sup>[808]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>There is no sign in this letter that Shrewsbury distrusted Darcy, +but according to Sir Henry Saville, when Sir Arthur Darcy was +in Shrewsbury’s camp<a id='r809'></a><a href='#f809' class='c016'><sup>[809]</sup></a>, the Earl asked how many men Darcy could +raise. Sir Arthur replied, five thousand “if the abbeys might stand.” +This aroused suspicions of Darcy’s loyalty, though the words applied +more to the disposition of the country than to Darcy’s private views. +Shrewsbury bade Sir Arthur, “Go and bid your father stay his +country, or I will turn my back upon yonder traitors and my face +upon them.”<a id='r810'></a><a href='#f810' class='c016'><sup>[810]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Rumour whispered that when Darcy first heard of the rising +in Lincolnshire, he said “Ah, they are up in Lincolnshire. God +speed them well. I would they had done this three years ago, +for the world should have been the better for it.”<a id='r811'></a><a href='#f811' class='c016'><sup>[811]</sup></a> If this was really +his opinion, he would not be very well pleased with the news of the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>rebels’ collapse, but his feelings are not recorded. One of his spies +informed him on 14 October that the Lincolnshire host had dispersed, +but the writer gave no hint as to whether the news would +be thought good or bad<a id='r812'></a><a href='#f812' class='c016'><sup>[812]</sup></a>. If, as seems probable, Darcy had not yet +determined which side to take, the failure of the Lincolnshire rebels +would incline him to loyalty.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy’s letter of 13 October arrived in London on the 15th, +and as anxiety about Lincolnshire was almost over, some notice +was at last taken of the Yorkshire trouble. The King wrote to +Shrewsbury ordering him to turn his face towards Yorkshire. If he +considered his force sufficient to strike “without danger to our +honour,” he was to “give them (the rebels) a buffet with all diligence +and extremity.” If he could not venture on this alone, he must +wait for the Duke of Norfolk, who was at Ampthill, and a joint +commission of lieutenancy would be sent to Norfolk and Shrewsbury +to go north together<a id='r813'></a><a href='#f813' class='c016'><sup>[813]</sup></a>. “This matter hangeth like a fever, one day +good, another bad,” wrote Wriothesley from Windsor to Cromwell in +London<a id='r814'></a><a href='#f814' class='c016'><sup>[814]</sup></a>. The news must have been doubly unwelcome because +when the Lincolnshire revolt collapsed the government had believed +the trouble was over.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the same day (15 October) the gentlemen in Pontefract +Castle wrote to the lords at Nottingham that, following their advice, +they were lying still; indeed they doubted if they could move with +safety, as the commons were before York with 20,000 men, and the +country round was rapidly taking up arms. However, they relied on +certain gentlemen, their fellows and friends, who were ready to come +to the aid of Pontefract with their servants at an hour’s warning. +The rebels, “notwithstanding your proclamation,” were expected at +Pontefract on Tuesday 17 October, and, as the King had taken +no notice of Darcy’s letters about the weakness of the castle, its +defenders were in extreme danger unless speedy succour were sent. +They had heard that terms had been made with the men of Lincolnshire, +and they begged that the same might be offered to the +Yorkshire rebels, as there was even more need of such comfort here. +In a postscript they sent news of the rising of Durham<a id='r815'></a><a href='#f815' class='c016'><sup>[815]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was immediately after the despatch of this appeal that the +King’s letter of the 13th arrived. Next morning (16 October) +Darcy wrote to Shrewsbury with a bitterness easy to understand. +The King had sent him letters missive to the neighbouring +<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>gentlemen which he had forwarded, but he doubted if they could be delivered +without falling into the rebels’ hands. The King commanded +him to “stay or distress the commons who are up in the north and +commit the heads to sure ward,” but it was totally out of his power +to enter upon any such extensive operations. He had succeeded in +checking the rising in his own neighbourhood for fourteen days, and +had prevented the rebels from joining the Lincolnshire men, but +now their forces in the north and west had increased so much that +it passed his power to meddle with them, for he was without weapons +or money. He dated his letter from “the King’s strong castle of +Pontefract, even the most simply furnished that ever I think was +any to defend.”<a id='r816'></a><a href='#f816' class='c016'><sup>[816]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>While Shrewsbury was waiting for orders at Nottingham and +Darcy was appealing for help at Pontefract, there was nothing to +oppose the advance of the Pilgrims.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Saturday 14 October Aske’s host reached the Derwent, and +seized the bridges of Kexby and Sutton. A rumour had reached +them that Sir Oswald Wolsthrope and the lord mayor of York had +raised the gentlemen of the Ainstey and the burgesses of the city, +and that they were about to pull down the bridges and hold the +river bank against the rebels; but no such drastic steps had been +taken, and the host crossed unmolested at their leisure. Aske wrote +to Stapleton after the crossing to inform him of their progress, and +to ask for a written copy of the Lincolnshire articles, as he wished +to explain by an open proclamation why he “raised the country +between the rivers of Ouse and Derwent.” Stapleton, however, was +unable to satisfy his desire, as the articles brought by Kyme had +disappeared, and no other written copy could be found among the +host at Hull<a id='r817'></a><a href='#f817' class='c016'><sup>[817]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Pilgrims were rapidly approaching York, where the authorities +had neither the will nor the power to stand a siege for the King. +The mayor and Sir George Lawson, the treasurer of Berwick who +lived at York, wrote to Henry describing the force “assembled to +enter the city contrary to their allegiance.”<a id='r818'></a><a href='#f818' class='c016'><sup>[818]</sup></a> Richard Bowyer, +a burgess of York and “the King’s sworn servant,” had acted as a +messenger between Darcy and the lords at Nottingham. He brought +the King’s letters missive of 13 October from Pontefract to William +Harrington, the lord mayor of York, and Sir George Lawson, killing +a horse on the way. On receiving these orders to put the town into +<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>a state of defence, they “determined to send for the gentlemen of +the Ainstey to come and help keep the city after the old custom. +Captains were appointed to every ward and bar.” Bowyer was +captain of Botham Bar, and put on his white coat with the red cross +of St George back and front<a id='r819'></a><a href='#f819' class='c016'><sup>[819]</sup></a>. But the burgesses took no great +interest in the matter, and the common people, inflamed partly +by literature from the busy pens of the friars of Knaresborough, +partly by the flight of the Archbishop, had declared for the Pilgrims +as early as Wednesday 11 October<a id='r820'></a><a href='#f820' class='c016'><sup>[820]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Sunday 15 October the rebel host held a great muster at the +very gates of the city. They were believed to be 20,000 strong, +and were arrayed in good order, the men of every wapentake forming +a separate company which carried as its ensign a cross from one of +its parish churches<a id='r821'></a><a href='#f821' class='c016'><sup>[821]</sup></a>. The horsemen were four or five thousand +strong<a id='r822'></a><a href='#f822' class='c016'><sup>[822]</sup></a>, and consisted chiefly of gentlemen with their servants, and +of well-to-do yeomen and burgesses. They were therefore better +armed and better disciplined than the foot soldiers. All the neighbouring +districts had been summoned to join the army at York +as soon as possible, and men poured in hourly<a id='r823'></a><a href='#f823' class='c016'><sup>[823]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From his position before the gates Aske despatched three petty +captains and a messenger with a summons to the lord mayor and +aldermen to give the Pilgrims a “free passage through the city +at their peril.”<a id='r824'></a><a href='#f824' class='c016'><sup>[824]</sup></a> Aske’s second proclamation was probably sent with +the summons. It was certainly written about this time and circulated +all through the country. It ran as follows:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“Lordes, knyghtes, maisters, kynnesmen, and frendes. We perceyve that +you be infurmyd that thys assemble or pylgrymage that we, by the favour and +mercy of allmyghty god, do entend to procede in is by cause the kynge oure +soveragne lord hathe had many imposicyons of us; we dowte not but ye do +rizte well knowe that to oure power we have ben all weys redy in paymentes +and pryces to hys hyghnes as eny of hys subgettes; and therfor to asserteyne +you of the cause of thys oure assemble and pylgrymage is thys. For as muche +that shuche symple and evyll dysposyd persones, beynge of the kynges +cownsell, hathe nott onely ensensyd hys grace with many and sundry new +invencyons, whyche be contrary (<i>to</i>) the faythe of God and honour to the +kynges mayeste and the comyn welthe of thys realme, and thereby entendythe +to destroy the churche of England and the mynysters of the same as +ye do well knowe as well as we: but also the seyd counsell hathe spoylyd and +robbid, and farthyr entendynge utterly to spoyle and robbe, the hole body +<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>of thys realme and that as well you as us, yffe God of hys infynyte mercye had +not causyd shuche as hathe taken, or hereafter shall tacke thys pylgrymage +uppon theym, to procede in the same, and whethyr all thys aforeseyde be trewe +or not we put it to youre concynes; and yff none thyncke it be trewe, and do +fyght agaynst us that entendythe the comyn welthe of this realme and no +thynge elles, we truste, with the grace of God, ye shall have smale spede; for +thys pylgrymage we have taken hyt for the preservacyon of crystes churche, +of thys realme of england, the kynge our soverayne lord, the nobylytie and +comyns of the same, and to the entent to macke petycion to the kynges +highnes for the reformacyon of that whyche is amysse within thys hys +realme and for the punnyshement of the herytykes and subverters of the +lawes; and we nother for money malys dysplesure to noo persons but +shuche as be not worthy to remayne nyghe abowte the kynge oure soverayne +lordes persone. And furthur you knowe, yff you shall obtayne, as we truste +in God you shall nott, ye put bothe us and you and youre heyres and oures in +bondage for ever; and further, ye are sure of entensyon of Crystes churche curse, +and we clere oute of the same; and yff we overcum you, then you shalbe in +oure wylles. Wherfore, for a conclusyon, yff ye wyll not cum on with us for +reformacyon of the premyssis, we certyfy you by thys oure wrytynge that we +wyll fyght and dye agaynst both you and all those that shalbe abowte towardes +to stope us in the seyd pylgremage; and God shalbe juge whych shall have +hys grace and mercy theryn; and then you shalbe jugyd hereafter to be +shedders of crystyn blode, and destroers of your evyne crystens (<i>i.e.</i> <i>equal +Christians</i>). from Robert Aske chefe capytayne off the conventyall assembly +on pylgrymage for the same, barony and comynality of the same.”<a id='r825'></a><a href='#f825' class='c016'><sup>[825]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>With the summons Aske sent a promise that if the burgesses +would admit his army “in so doing they should not find themselves +grieved, but that they should truly be paid for all such things as +they (the rebels) took there.”<a id='r826'></a><a href='#f826' class='c016'><sup>[826]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The details of the city’s surrender have not been preserved. +Aske, who was as careful to put the most loyal complexion on the +actions of other people as on his own, said that being “neither +fortified with artillery nor gunpowder the same city was contented +to receive them.”<a id='r827'></a><a href='#f827' class='c016'><sup>[827]</sup></a> The lord mayor yielded at once to Aske’s +summons, but the entry of the Pilgrims was postponed until the +next day. Aske now sent to the mayor a copy of the Pilgrims’ +Articles. According to Bowyer his messenger was “a Lincolnshire +fellow,”<a id='r828'></a><a href='#f828' class='c016'><sup>[828]</sup></a> but as Stapleton had been unable to send the Lincolnshire +articles, it is probable that Aske drew up a version of his own for +the occasion. The document has been preserved and bears the +endorsement of the lord mayor, Harrington. The handwriting is +<span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>very bad, probably because the writer was on horseback, and the +document is so much faded and defaced that it is in parts illegible, +but the general drift of it is clear. It is a mixture of a list of +grievances and a petition to the King, some of the articles being +cast in one form and others in the other:</p> + +<p class='c019'>(1) By the suppression of so many religious houses the service of God +is not well performed and the poor are unrelieved.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(2) We humbly beseech your grace that the act of uses may be suppressed, +because it restrains the liberty of the people in the declaration of their wills +concerning their lands, as well in payment of their debts, doing the King service, +and helping their children.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(3) The tax or “quindezine” payable next year is leviable of sheep and cattle; +but the sheep and cattle of your subjects near “the said shire” (Yorkshire) are +now at this instant time in manner utterly decayed. The people will be obliged +to pay 4<i>d.</i> for a beast and 12<i>d.</i> for twenty sheep, which will be an importunate +charge, considering their poverty and losses these two years past.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(4) The King takes of his Council, and has about him, persons of low +birth and small reputation, who have procured these things for their advantage, +whom we suspect to be lord Cromwell and Sir Richard Riche, +Chancellor of the Augmentations.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(5) There are bishops of the King’s late promotion who have subverted +the faith of Christ, viz. the bishops of Canterbury, Rochester, Worcester, +Salisbury, St David’s and Dublin. We think that the beginning of all this +trouble was the bishop of Lincoln<a id='r829'></a><a href='#f829' class='c016'><sup>[829]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The demands of the rebels will be discussed at length hereafter, +but as these are the first Yorkshire articles, a few comments may +be made on them. The first article was really the root of the whole +matter; Aske invariably declared that the religious troubles alone +would have caused the insurrection. As to the second it was of +much less importance, and he thought that if it had not been in +the petitions of Lincolnshire, it would not have been remembered. +The third article is rather difficult to understand, but it seems to be +a protest against the basis on which the subsidy was assessed. The +fourth and fifth are closely allied to the first. The people blamed +Cromwell and the heretic bishops for the suppression of the abbeys +and all the other unpopular measures. The protest against “base +blood” was made chiefly on account of the mere chance that several +of the unpopular ministers happened to be men of low birth. It is +not necessarily a sign of aristocratic influence. No one resents the +success of an upstart more than members of the class from which he +sprang, and besides this, the people connected the rise in rents with +<span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>the acquisition of lands by the new families, though the old families +had for the most part become fully as grasping as their neighbours. +As to the bishops, they had consented to the divorce of Queen +Katharine, the separation from Rome, and the dissolution of the +monasteries, while in the opinion of the conservatives they should +have protested against all these measures. Several of them were +also personally unpopular and were suspected of favouring the New +Learning. These were the articles which the commons of Yorkshire +were determined to lay at the King’s feet with a humble prayer for +redress, and if they “could not so obtain, to get them reformed +by sword and battle.”<a id='r830'></a><a href='#f830' class='c016'><sup>[830]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>On Sunday night Aske’s host encamped before York. On +Monday 16 October the Pilgrims entered the city. The morning +was spent in making arrangements for their peaceful entry. A proclamation +was issued that there must be no spoiling, and that +everything must be paid for honestly. It was determined that the +soldiers should pay 2<i>d.</i> a meal, and the prices of food and horsemeat +were declared both to the host and to the citizens<a id='r831'></a><a href='#f831' class='c016'><sup>[831]</sup></a>. As a precaution +against disorder, no footmen were allowed to enter the city, because +they were poorer and less easy to control than the horsemen<a id='r832'></a><a href='#f832' class='c016'><sup>[832]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At five o’clock in the afternoon Aske at the head of four or five +thousand horsemen entered the city in state<a id='r833'></a><a href='#f833' class='c016'><sup>[833]</sup></a>. The rebel cavalry +rode through the streets to the Cathedral square. It was “about +evensong”; the Minster doors were thrown open and a long procession +came forth—all the ecclesiastics attached to the Cathedral +in full vestments and due order, from the Treasurer of the See of +York to the smallest chorister. The Treasurer, at the head, +welcomed the captain of the faithful commons who came to defend +Christ’s Holy Church, and solemnly led him up the aisle of the +great Cathedral to the High Altar “where he made his oblation.”<a id='r834'></a><a href='#f834' class='c016'><sup>[834]</sup></a> +The early darkness of mid-autumn must have been falling when +Aske came out after the service. He stopped to post on the +Minster door an order for religious houses suppressed:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“The religious persons to enter into their houses again and view all the +goods there or elsewhere, and thereupon a bill made and indented, the one party +to be kept by the cedant; And there to do divine service as the King’s bedemen +to such times our petition be granted; And to have both victuals, corn and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span>all other things necessary of the farmers by bill indented, or else record what +they take during the time of our Pilgrimage and the time they do divine service +of God. And we trust in God, that we shall have the right intent of our +prayer granted of our most dread sovereign lord, plenteously and mercifully. +And that no person nor persons do move no farmer nor alienate nor take away +any manner of goods of the aforesaid houses, upon pain of death.</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>By all the whole consent of all the herdmen</div> + <div class='line'>of this our Pilgrimage of Grace.”<a id='r835'></a><a href='#f835' class='c016'><sup>[835]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Aske’s account of the order is—“First, that the prior and convent +should enter into their monasteries suppressed and by bill indented +view how much goods were there remaining which before were +theirs, and to keep the one part and deliver the other part to the +King’s farmer, and to have necessary “victum and vestitum” of +the delivery of the said farmer during the time of our petition +to the King’s highness, and to do divine service of God there, as the +King’s bedemen and women. And in case the farmer refused this +to do, then the said convent to take of the same goods, by the +delivery of two indifferent neighbours, by bill indent, their necessaries +for their living during the said time.”<a id='r836'></a><a href='#f836' class='c016'><sup>[836]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Besides the great monastery of St Mary’s there were many +smaller religious communities in York, and while the great house +escaped for the present, the others had fallen under the Act of +Suppression. There was general rejoicing among the citizens at the +restoration of the religious to their homes, where they had been +wont to serve God and succour the poor for so many long centuries. +“The commons would needs put them in,” and followed them with +cheering and torchlight to the doors from which they had been cast +out not many months before. Wilfred Holme describes the scene +in his peculiar manner:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“To the Abbeys suppressed the people they restaurate,</div> + <div class='line'>Rudent incessantly, with clamour excessive,</div> + <div class='line'>Faith and commonwealth, and in the way obviate</div> + <div class='line'>They were with procession and ringing insaciate,</div> + <div class='line'>And the Sacrament Christes body called Eucharistia,</div> + <div class='line'>Was born by Prelates with the crucifix associate,</div> + <div class='line'>With pipes, Drums, Tabrels and Fidlers alway.”<a id='r837'></a><a href='#f837' class='c016'><sup>[837]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Wherever the religious were restored, “though it were never so late +they sang matins the same night.”<a id='r838'></a><a href='#f838' class='c016'><sup>[838]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>After leaving the Cathedral Aske went to the house of Sir +George Lawson, who was his host, having no choice, as he was +sick in bed<a id='r839'></a><a href='#f839' class='c016'><sup>[839]</sup></a>. Lawson was supposed to be loyal to the King, but +it seems unlikely that his house should have been the headquarters +of a rebel army<a id='r840'></a><a href='#f840' class='c016'><sup>[840]</sup></a>, even for a few days, unless his sympathies were +with the rebels. Aske need not have gone there if he knew himself +unwelcome, for he had many friends in York.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Robert Aske was now in command of an army of about 20,000 +men<a id='r841'></a><a href='#f841' class='c016'><sup>[841]</sup></a>, horse and foot, without arquebusses or guns, but efficiently +equipped and armed with the ordinary weapons of the period. He +was in possession of the second city of the kingdom and in the heart +of a friendly country. Whatever may be the advantages of such +a situation, leisure and sleep are not among them. He had hardly +reached his lodging before Maunsell, the vicar of Brayton and +captain of the commons of Selby, came to speak with him; and +he had not lain down to sleep when about midnight a messenger +arrived from the lords at Pontefract in the person of Thomas +Strangways, Lord Darcy’s steward.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The vicar of Brayton, after raising most of the country between +Selby and Pontefract, on Sunday received a summons to attend the +muster before York next day. He replied that his company was too +small, and sent to Darcy for orders. Strangways came to him from +Pontefract and told him to lie at Bilborough with his company. He +was at this village on Monday afternoon, when he heard that his +brother was in danger at York for refusing to take the Pilgrims’ +oath. The vicar set out for the city with all speed, and managed +to see Aske soon after he arrived. He obtained leave to administer +the oath to his brother himself, but that violent loyalist “on seeing +him smote him and drove him from the house.” Nevertheless the +vicar gave out that his brother had taken the oath and returned +to his men at Bilborough. There he found Strangways and another +of Darcy’s gentlemen in harness and on their way to York. They +ordered him to raise Pontefract, Wakefield, and the “towns towards +Doncaster”; he rode forth on this mission and they pursued their +way to York<a id='r842'></a><a href='#f842' class='c016'><sup>[842]</sup></a>. Darcy had given Strangways minute instructions +as to his proceedings at York. He was to obtain from Aske the +Pilgrims’ oath and the “articles of their griefs” for the members +of the King’s Council at Pontefract. He was also to discover the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>strength of the rebels and the names of their leaders; finally “if he +met any sure friend” he was “to get him to move the captain +and commons to pass by Pontefract Castle, or else delay their +coming. This to give time for succour to arrive.”<a id='r843'></a><a href='#f843' class='c016'><sup>[843]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It must have been after midnight when Strangways reached +York, but he went straight to Sir George Lawson’s house and found +the captain with his three followers Rudston, Monketon and Gervase +Cawood. Strangways asked for a copy of the oath and articles in +the name of his master. The captain answered that a nobleman +of the King’s Council was more likely to send a spy to discover their +numbers than a true messenger to know their purposes. Darcy’s +carefully calculated policy of running with the hare and hunting +with the hounds resulted, as usual, in suspicion on both sides. But +whatever doubt there might be about Darcy, Strangways himself +was at heart with the Pilgrims. He inquired “whether they would +agree to a head captain if the articles pleased him?”<a id='r844'></a><a href='#f844' class='c016'><sup>[844]</sup></a> and he must +have described the unprepared state of the castle and the disaffection +of the garrison, for Aske was well informed on these points<a id='r845'></a><a href='#f845' class='c016'><sup>[845]</sup></a>. It is +probable that Strangways offered, in the name of the garrison, to +yield the castle to the rebels, whatever attitude the gentlemen +adopted. It was well known that the latter would be ready to enter +upon the Pilgrimage if a sufficient show of force were made. Darcy +would probably be the ‘head captain’ proposed by his steward. +When this was the attitude of the confidential servant, the inference +was that his lord’s sympathies pointed in the same direction. Aske +hastily wrote out “the oath of Lincolnshire,” and sent it early next +morning to Strangways<a id='r846'></a><a href='#f846' class='c016'><sup>[846]</sup></a>, with orders that he was to leave the city at +once, for a great muster was about to be held, and Aske was determined +that no accurate account of his army should filter through to +the King’s headquarters<a id='r847'></a><a href='#f847' class='c016'><sup>[847]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday 17 October, as soon as the city was awake, all the +gentlemen in York who had joined the Pilgrimage assembled to take +counsel with Aske’s officers in obedience to the captain’s summons. +Sir Oswald Wolsthrope, a man of great influence in York, Plumpton, +young Metham, and Saltmarsh were among the members of the +council. They decided that each gentleman should go to his own +friends in the Ainstey and offer them the oath. Those who accepted +it were to come to York at the head of the men of their own district. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span>Those who refused were to be given twenty-four hours’ warning, and +if at the end of that time they had not taken the oath, their goods +would be seized. There was no need to call out the commons, as +they had armed and mustered not only round York but “in all parts +of Yorkshire and the Bishopric” (Durham)<a id='r848'></a><a href='#f848' class='c016'><sup>[848]</sup></a>. From Richmond came +the news that the Earl of Westmorland, Lord Latimer, and Lord +Lumley were at the head of the insurgents there<a id='r849'></a><a href='#f849' class='c016'><sup>[849]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Aske “made and devised the Oath ... without any other man’s +advice,” before this council, at which it was first issued<a id='r850'></a><a href='#f850' class='c016'><sup>[850]</sup></a>. It was +administered to the gentlemen and was written down for the convenience +of those who carried it about the country.</p> + +<p class='c019'>“The Oath of the Honourable Men</p> + +<p class='c026'>Ye shall not enter into this our Pilgrimage of Grace for the Commonwealth, +but only for the love that ye do bear unto Almighty God his faith, and to +Holy Church militant and the maintenance thereof, to the preservation of the +King’s person and his issue, to the purifying of the nobility, and to expulse +all villein blood and evil councillors against the commonwealth from his Grace +and his Privy Council of the same. And that ye shall not enter into our said +Pilgrimage for no particular profit to your self, nor to do any displeasure to +any private person, but by counsel of the commonwealth, nor slay nor murder +for no envy, but in your hearts put away all fear and dread, and take afore you +the Cross of Christ, and in your hearts His faith, the Restitution of the Church, +the suppression of these Heretics and their opinions, by all the holy contents +of this book.”<a id='r851'></a><a href='#f851' class='c016'><sup>[851]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>There is a loftiness in the call—a ring in the words that, even +to-day, sets a calm Protestant heart beating to the tune of the +Pilgrims’ March. It is very different from the impressive vagueness +of the Lincolnshire oath. The captain was anxious that the chief +reason and aim of the rising should be made plain to all; though +perhaps the first phrase, disclaiming any desire to shirk the citizen’s +duty of paying the taxes, expressed rather what the gentlemen ought +to have felt than what they did feel. This oath and Aske’s second +proclamation were sent out to all parts of the northern counties. +They were posted up in Wensleydale and Swaledale next day. +Wherever they appeared, the people were prepared and expected +them<a id='r852'></a><a href='#f852' class='c016'><sup>[852]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>Round York the gentlemen accepted the oath “very willingly +when they were once taken and brought in.”<a id='r853'></a><a href='#f853' class='c016'><sup>[853]</sup></a> Only a few refused +it, and Aske gave strict orders against any violence being offered to +these loyalists. Their houses and goods were not to be seized until +the twenty-four hours of grace had fully elapsed, and then only by +written authority under the hands of two of the council<a id='r854'></a><a href='#f854' class='c016'><sup>[854]</sup></a>. Generally +the person to whom warning was given fled at once to friends, or to +Skipton, Scarborough, or Newcastle, where the loyalists were holding +out for the King<a id='r855'></a><a href='#f855' class='c016'><sup>[855]</sup></a>. Part of the goods of these obdurate ones seems +to have gone to the general fund of the Pilgrimage, but most were +simply distributed among those who were lucky enough to be on the +spot. Aske did what he could to enforce his orders, sending all +offenders against them to the siege of Hull, where Stapleton had +discovered an effective method of dealing with “pickers.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday Aske dined with Lancelot Colins, the Treasurer +of York, who had received him in the Cathedral the night before. +This dignitary’s house was always open to the captains of the +Pilgrimage, and they were welcome to break their fast, dine or sup +with him during the whole time of the rising. He afterwards +explained to the King that “for fear he made them what cheer +he could,” but he may be given credit for more whole-hearted +hospitality than he could be expected to acknowledge afterwards. +He admitted that he had given a good deal of money to Aske and +other captains, but added the saving clause that it was only “that +he might tarry at home.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Lancelot Colins gives several glimpses of life in York while the +host was there. On Wednesday morning, 18 October, he heard that +“certain gentlemen” were threatening to burn down his house +simply because, among the arms on an ornamental tablet over his +door, were those of Thomas Cromwell. Cromwell, of course, was +not entitled by birth to bear arms, and the gentlemen bitterly +resented his assumption of their privilege. Colins had the obnoxious +tablet removed, but as the royal arms were also upon it, +this simple action might be construed by his enemies into high +treason<a id='r856'></a><a href='#f856' class='c016'><sup>[856]</sup></a>. Within the next few days, Colins was involved in the +plundering of a house belonging to William Blytheman<a id='r857'></a><a href='#f857' class='c016'><sup>[857]</sup></a>, who had +been clerk to Legh and Layton during the visitation of the +monasteries. He fled to Newcastle early in October<a id='r858'></a><a href='#f858' class='c016'><sup>[858]</sup></a>. Colins +<span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>heard that Blytheman’s country house had been gutted and hastened +to his house in the city to see if he could save anything for the +absent owner<a id='r859'></a><a href='#f859' class='c016'><sup>[859]</sup></a>. Rudston was in command of the spoiling party, +and Colins secured some papers, the “best bed, a coat of plate, and +what more God knows.”<a id='r860'></a><a href='#f860' class='c016'><sup>[860]</sup></a> He restored most of these things on +Blytheman’s return home after the rising, and was thanked for his +good offices<a id='r861'></a><a href='#f861' class='c016'><sup>[861]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>While the main body of the Pilgrims lay at York, the vicar +of Brayton was busy about Pontefract. He spent Monday night +at Ferrybridge, and on Tuesday 17 October he made his way to +Pontefract and ordered the mayor to raise the town. He then went +to the Priory and received a message from Darcy, bidding him go on +to “Wakefield and the towns towards Doncaster”; and another +message from the Earl of Northumberland at Wressell, begging him +“to come himself to take him, because he would be taken with no +villeins.” The vicar rode on towards Doncaster, passing through +St Oswald’s and Wakefield, which mustered at his summons. A +mile out of Doncaster he was welcomed by six men (aldermen) who +took the oath on the spot, and escorted him into the town, where +the mayor and commons took the oath amidst much enthusiasm. +“Never sheep ran faster in a morning out of their fold than they +did to receive the said oath.”<a id='r862'></a><a href='#f862' class='c016'><sup>[862]</sup></a> Another of Northumberland’s servants +met Maunsell here, and asked him to give the Earl a passport +to go to Topcliff, as the Earl was “crazed” and could do no harm. +In his deposition the vicar said that he granted the passport, but it +is more probable that he refused it, for the Earl, though very anxious +to go to Topcliff, remained at Wressell<a id='r863'></a><a href='#f863' class='c016'><sup>[863]</sup></a>. Maunsell returned to +Ferrybridge on Tuesday night<a id='r864'></a><a href='#f864' class='c016'><sup>[864]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The garrison of Pontefract Castle had been cut off by the rising +of the town on 17 October. The last messenger who contrived to +go southwards was Sir Arthur Darcy, who carried his father’s final +remonstrance to the King. The “good old lord” bluntly declared +that “we in the castle must in a few days either yield or lose our +lives,” and that there was “no likelihood of vanquishing the commons +with any power here.”<a id='r865'></a><a href='#f865' class='c016'><sup>[865]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The town of Pontefract had from the first refused to supply the +castle with provisions, “after the vicar of Brayton came amongst +<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>them they durst not<a id='r866'></a><a href='#f866' class='c016'><sup>[866]</sup></a>;” but now the townsfolk captured all the +supplies which were being sent in from other places<a id='r867'></a><a href='#f867' class='c016'><sup>[867]</sup></a>, and kept such +a close watch about the castle that Shrewsbury’s messengers found +it impossible to deliver the King’s despatches<a id='r868'></a><a href='#f868' class='c016'><sup>[868]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>All accounts of Darcy’s conduct give evidence of a divided mind. +He could not decide between the claims of loyalty to the Faith and +to the King. “He practised much with the Commons to know their +intention, and often said if he had ordnance they should not have +the castle while there was victual in it. Sometimes he would say +he trusted to get the commons to pass by and that their grudge +against the castle was due to Dr Magnus and the Archbishop.” +Before he was so closely beleaguered, he had received a message +from Shrewsbury, which said that the royal troops were about +to advance to Pontefract, and “Darcy seemed glad to hear it, and +afterwards sorry when the Lord Steward (Shrewsbury) came not.”<a id='r869'></a><a href='#f869' class='c016'><sup>[869]</sup></a> +Perhaps, like the men of Wakefield, he was leaving the decision +to chance, and was prepared to join the party which first came to +his gates. Sir Brian Hastings, who still lay at Hatfield, trusting +no one, not even his own forces, wrote to Shrewsbury at Nottingham +on 17 October that Darcy would probably surrender, as the rebels +had taken Pontefract Priory, and there were above 40,000 of them +at York, their captains being “the worship of the whole shires from +Doncaster to Newcastle,” including Lords Latimer and Scrope, and +only excepting the Earls of Cumberland and Westmorland<a id='r870'></a><a href='#f870' class='c016'><sup>[870]</sup></a>. The +vicar of Brayton was of the same opinion as Sir Brian, and had good +grounds for his belief, as on Wednesday 18 October, when he was at +Pontefract, Strangways came to him and “showed him how to assault +the castle if it were not given up.” The vicar promptly set out for +York, and was the first to bring news of the rising in Pontefract and +Doncaster to the host there. On receiving his assurances that the +castle could not possibly stand a siege<a id='r871'></a><a href='#f871' class='c016'><sup>[871]</sup></a>, Aske proposed to march +to Pontefract immediately, but there was some dissension in his +council. Metham and Saltmarsh, “disdaining that he should be +above them,” opposed the intended advance. Aske, however, would +not give way, but set out with only 300 men for Pontefract<a id='r872'></a><a href='#f872' class='c016'><sup>[872]</sup></a>, where +he found the company raised by Maunsell, of unknown numbers. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>It is not certain when the rest of his forces followed him to Pontefract, +perhaps not until after the castle was taken. This was the +only occasion on which anyone disputed his dangerous pre-eminence +with the grand captain.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As soon as Aske arrived at Pontefract, knowing that the soldiers +in the castle favoured him, he sent a letter to the lords with a +threat that, if they did not surrender, he would make an assault +the same night. He rehearsed how the commons were “gnawn in +their conscience” with the spreading of heresy, the suppression of +monasteries and other troubles, and desired that the lords would be +mediators to set forth their grievances to the King. This letter +was carried to Darcy by the vicar of Brayton and William Acclom. +Both sides desired a personal interview, and it was soon arranged +that Sir George Darcy’s eldest son should be handed over to the +Pilgrims in pledge for Aske’s safety, while Aske went to speak with +the lords in the castle.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the morning of Thursday 19 October, 1536, Lord Darcy, +constable of the royal castle of Pontefract, Edward Lee, Archbishop +of York, Dr Magnus, a learned member of the King’s Council, Sir +Robert Constable of Flamborough, and all the knights and gentlemen +in the castle, including Sir George Darcy, Sir Robert Neville, +Sir John Dawnye, Sir Henry Everingham, Sir John Wentworth, Sir +Robert Oughtred, Henry Ryder, William Babthorpe, John Acclom +and above forty more<a id='r873'></a><a href='#f873' class='c016'><sup>[873]</sup></a>, assembled in the state chamber to meet +Robert Aske, captain of the commons, and to hear him plead the +cause of the Pilgrimage of Grace<a id='r874'></a><a href='#f874' class='c016'><sup>[874]</sup></a>. There is something extremely +dramatic in this picture of the single man, who spoke for thousands, +opposed to the crowd of lords and knights, apparently so much +stronger, actually at his mercy. He came, he said, to declare the +griefs of the commons, for the redress of which they had entered on +that holy pilgrimage,—</p> + +<p class='c019'>“And how, first, that the lords spiritual had not done their duty, in that +they had not been plain with the King’s highness for the speedy remedy and +quenching of the said heresies, and the preachers thereof, and for the suffering +of the same, and for the ornaments of the churches and abbeys suppressed, and +the violating of relics by the suppressors, with the unreverent demeanour of the +doers thereof, with abuse of the visitors, and their impositions taken extraordinary, +and other their negligences in not doing their duty, as well to their +sovereign as to the commons. And to the lords temporal, the said Aske declared +they had misused themselves, in that they, semblable, had not so providently +ordered and declared to his said highness the poverty of his realm, and that +<span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>part specially, and wherein their griefs might ensue, whereby all dangers might +have been avoided; for insomuch as in the north parts much of the relief of the +commons was by succour of abbeys, and that before this last statute thereof +made, the King’s highness had no money out of that shire in a manner yearly, +for his grace’s revenues there yearly went to the finding of Berwick. And that +now the profits of abbeys suppressed, tenths and first fruits, went out of those +parts. By occasion whereof, within short space or (<i>of</i>) years, there should be no +money nor treasure in those parts, neither the tenant to have to pay his rents +to the lord, nor the lord to have money to do the King service withal, for so +much as in those parts was neither the presence of his grace, execution of +his laws, nor yet but little recourse of merchandise, so that of necessity the +said country should either ‘patyssh’ (<i>make terms</i>) with the Scots, or of very +poverty enforced to make commotions or rebellions; and that the lords knew +the same to be true and had not done their duty, for that they had not declared +the said poverty of the said country to the King’s highness, and the danger that +otherwise his grace would ensue, alleging the whole blame to them the nobility +therein, with other like reasons.”<a id='r875'></a><a href='#f875' class='c016'><sup>[875]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Finally he “required those present to join them and deliver +the castle,” adding, says Archbishop Lee, “that if we refused he +had ways to constrain us, and we should find them people without +mercy.”<a id='r876'></a><a href='#f876' class='c016'><sup>[876]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>After a brief discussion, in which the Archbishop firmly refused +Darcy’s polite desire that he would answer first, Darcy replied “that +he neither could nor would deliver the King’s castle”; as to the +commons’ grievances, he would consult with his friends and then +answer them, but if the castle had only been well furnished with +provisions and weapons, Aske should have had neither “the tone ne +the toodre” (the one nor the other—that is, neither castle nor +answer) “but to his pain.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Lee asked the captain what the Pilgrims wanted him to do. +Aske replied that he and Darcy must use their influence with the +King to persuade him to grant their petition, and in the meanwhile +must give them help and advice. Lee suggested that if he was +to be a mediator he had better not join the host but remain neutral. +As for advising them “they must first consider whether the enterprise +were lawful,” but if he might have a safe conduct, he said that +he would go and tell the Pilgrims his opinion on that point. He +probably hoped to get through to Shrewsbury’s camp, for he was +well aware that among the host his life would hardly be safe. Aske +refused him the safe conduct, indignantly “upbraiding him and the +other bishops for not dealing plainly.” Lee afterwards declared that +<span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>he replied “they might have his body by constraint, but never +his heart in that cause,” but perhaps he did not say the words very +loudly.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy gave no opinion on the justice of the Pilgrims’ demands. +He merely begged for time to take counsel before making his reply. +But Aske knew as well as he did that Shrewsbury had promised +to relieve Pontefract and might possibly do so. Aske felt sure that +he could take the castle by force, but he was anxious to avoid +bloodshed and to secure at the same time influential allies; for these +reasons he consented to a truce till Friday night, though Darcy +pressed for a day longer.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When Aske had returned to his own quarters, the garrison held +a council. They had already determined that if no rescue came +their only course was to yield. “Out of 300 men not 140 remained +and these were not all sound; there was only victual for eight or ten +days.”<a id='r877'></a><a href='#f877' class='c016'><sup>[877]</sup></a> “Every day,” said Darcy later, “the captain wrote to me +charging me on my life to yield the castle or they would burn +my house (Templehurst) and kill my son’s children.”<a id='r878'></a><a href='#f878' class='c016'><sup>[878]</sup></a> The insurgents +were always full of terrifying threats, but were marvellously slow in +executing them. On Friday night Darcy again begged for more +time. At first he was refused, but when he “bade them £20 for +respite till 9 o’clock next morning,” Aske, who needed every penny he +could collect, gave them till 8 a.m., “against which hour he prepared +for his assault.” From Aske’s own statement it appears that, in +spite of exaggerated reports, the rebels at the siege of Pontefract +were not a very numerous force<a id='r879'></a><a href='#f879' class='c016'><sup>[879]</sup></a>. It is interesting, though useless, +to consider the question whether Darcy might have held the +castle longer. No doubt the government was right in believing that +he yielded willingly. Aske himself admitted, under examination, +that the Pilgrims’ attack might have been beaten off for a few +days, if the soldiers of the garrison had remained loyal, but he had +been assured that they would turn their coats as soon as the assault +was made. He swore “to try to the death,” that he had entered +into no secret agreement with Darcy, whom he had never seen +before he came to Pontefract on Thursday 19 October. Aske’s +explanation is simple and straightforward, and fits in with the +statement of Maunsell, the vicar of Brayton. Thomas Strangways +probably first told Aske that Darcy’s soldiers favoured the Pilgrims. +Later Strangways revealed to Maunsell how to take the castle. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>Maunsell admitted that he had received Strangways’ information, +but he omitted the fact, which Aske mentions, that he (Maunsell) +went to York and told Aske that if the Pilgrims attacked Pontefract +the castle would surrender. In short, Aske was in secret communication +with the serving-men, and was sure of their support. He +was not in secret communication with Darcy or any of the other +gentlemen in the castle, and did not believe that Darcy was responsible +for Strangways’ offers.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The King’s conviction that there had been a definite arrangement +made in Darcy’s own name to yield the castle to Aske was +mistaken, though not impossible. All Darcy’s conduct bears out the +theory that he did not decide which side to take until the day on +which he surrendered the castle. At the beginning of the rebellion +he sent his son to capture Aske; his steward was received with +suspicion by the Pilgrims; he offered them £20, a large sum of +money at that time, for only a few hours’ delay. If the garrison +had really resolved to join the Pilgrims, further resistance on Darcy’s +part was impossible, but perhaps the soldiers would have been ready +to obey Darcy, even though they were unwilling to fight for the +King. If Darcy could have forgotten the fall of the abbeys, the +death of the faithful monks, his own unheeded protests and galling +detention in London,—if he had rallied his failing strength sufficiently +to put on harness and appear himself on the walls of +Pontefract—he might have inspired his wavering followers and +Pontefract Castle might have been held for the King while provisions +lasted. But Darcy had not been persuaded, either by fear +of anarchy or by Henry’s strong personal fascination, to accept +despotism as a necessary form of government, to which he was +bound to render implicit obedience. On the contrary he “set +more by the King of Heaven than twenty kings.”<a id='r880'></a><a href='#f880' class='c016'><sup>[880]</sup></a> Henry’s despotic +government was, in Darcy’s opinion, dragging the country to ruin +and he believed himself called upon as a Christian, as a patriot and +as a statesman, to oppose the King’s progress on the road which he +had chosen. He was deterred from joining the Pilgrims only by +fear of the ugly name of traitor and by a soldier’s reluctance to yield +his post. But he was able to avoid the first by the theory of +ministerial responsibility, which was accepted by the Pilgrims, +though not by the King. Darcy argued that for twenty years +Henry had ruled in an orthodox manner, before he fell under the +baleful influence of Cromwell. Let that archtraitor be removed,—let +<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>suitable councillors be placed about the King by parliament, and +Henry would rule beneficently again. The Pilgrimage was directed +not against the King but against his ministers. As for Darcy’s +willingness to yield, his position was now desperate enough to +afford him a good excuse. The rumoured help was no nearer now +than a week before; the King’s distrust had withheld the money +and ammunition which would have enabled him to hold his post. +He saw the “fuel and victuals coming in to him being eaten and +drunken in the street before his face.”<a id='r881'></a><a href='#f881' class='c016'><sup>[881]</sup></a> Lee describes the final +council; “considering the danger of resistance they determined with +sorrow to yield, and repented that they ever came there where they +had expected to be as safe as if in London.”<a id='r882'></a><a href='#f882' class='c016'><sup>[882]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>At 7 o’clock on the morning of Saturday, 21 October, Darcy +made his last request for more time, which was refused. The castle +was then formally surrendered to Aske, whereupon “the lords +spiritual and temporal, knights and esquires,” solemnly took the +Pilgrims’ oath<a id='r883'></a><a href='#f883' class='c016'><sup>[883]</sup></a>.</p> + +<h3 class='c017'>NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII</h3> + +<p class='c018'>Note A. The vicar of Brayton is not a very reliable witness. There is +no proof that the earlier part of his evidence is false, but he was one of +the most zealous leaders of the Pilgrimage and in his confession, of course, tried +to insinuate that he was really devoted to the King, laying all his misdemeanour +at Darcy’s door. In his account of the week from 15 October to 22 October +he never mentioned his second visit to Aske at York, when he told the captain +that Pontefract Castle could not hold out.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note B. As Darcy was the keeper of Pontefract Castle, the blame +for its defenceless condition may be laid on his own shoulders. But it +must be remembered that he had been detained in London for several years, +and had returned home only a few months before the rebellion. All the royal +castles in the north were out of repair at this time; the walls of Berwick were +falling, Carlisle was scarcely defensible, Barnard Castle was not in good governance<a id='r884'></a><a href='#f884' class='c016'><sup>[884]</sup></a>. +When fortresses so near the Border were neglected, it was not likely +that any money would be spent over Pontefract, which lay beyond the area +of Scots’ raids. After the Pilgrimage of Grace, Henry devoted a good deal of +attention to the repair of the northern defences, on which some of the monastic +spoils were spent<a id='r885'></a><a href='#f885' class='c016'><sup>[885]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note C. Sir Henry Saville reported these words to Cromwell, but it does not +appear whether he heard them himself. He was on bad terms with Darcy, +who was Sir Richard Tempest’s friend.</p> + +<p class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>Note D. A note is appended to these articles in “The Letters and +Papers of Henry VIII,” Vol. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, stating that they are some of the articles +printed by Speed in his “History of Great Britain.” This is a mistake, as the +articles printed by Speed are those which the Pilgrims’ Council drew up at +Pontefract at the beginning of December. They are printed in the same volume +of “The Letters and Papers,” No. 1246. Speed says nothing about the York +articles, which are the germ from which the others grew, but have no further +connection with them<a id='r886'></a><a href='#f886' class='c016'><sup>[886]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note E. It is impossible to estimate the strength of the Pilgrims’ host +with any accuracy, though it seems certain that rumour exaggerated their +numbers very much. For instance, it was said that the rebels at York +numbered 40,000; Wilfred Holme puts their number at 25,000 and Darcy at +20,000.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note F. Two accounts of the first meeting between Aske and Darcy are +preserved, Aske’s and Archbishop Lee’s. Aske’s account has been followed in +preference to Lee’s when they differ for the following reasons:</p> + +<p class='c019'>(1) Archbishop Lee wrote his account when he knew himself to be in +danger and desired above everything to vindicate his loyalty; naturally his +testimony is more an explanation and excuse for his own conduct than a simple +statement of fact.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(2) Aske prepared his narrative for the King when he believed himself +to be pardoned and taken into favour. As he wrote it in London, far away +from his authorities, he was obliged to omit many details, but this does not lay +him open to the charge that he failed to state the whole truth.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(3) Aske’s answers when he was examined in the Tower are fuller and bear +out his earlier statement. He knew that he was in fact a condemned criminal, +and to lie was alike useless, dishonourable, and certain to be discovered.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(4) When his accounts are checked by a score of miscellaneous depositions +drawn up by all sorts of men, he is seldom, if ever, found to have misstated +a fact. The other evidence either corresponds to his, or dovetails with his +statements. There is only one exception to this, which will be discussed +later<a id='r887'></a><a href='#f887' class='c016'><sup>[887]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(5) Archbishop Lee has clearly perverted the truth in one or two cases +in order to put a more loyal complexion on his actions. This is not a very +serious charge to bring against a weak old gentleman in peril of his life. It is +difficult to believe that Lee made the frequent loyal speeches and defiances +which he puts into his own mouth, to the confusion of the rebel leaders, +for the Pilgrims, on his own showing, continued to think that he sympathised +with them.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(6) With one notable exception, hereafter to be mentioned, Lee did absolutely +nothing either for King or commons. In contrast to this indecision, +Aske was entirely devoted to his cause. The captain never admitted himself +to be in the wrong; to the end he justified the Pilgrimage as a desperate remedy +for a desperate disease. Obviously the man who is not ashamed of the truth is +less likely to lie than the man who deplores it.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER IX<br> <span class='c004'>THE EXTENT OF THE INSURRECTION</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>The main body of the Pilgrims’ army was at Pontefract on +21 October, 1536; leaving them there for the present, we will now +follow the history of the rising in the northern counties from the +outbreak of the insurrection. It will be convenient to carry this +account on beyond the date which has been reached, up to the truce +of 27 October, in order that the narrative may not be broken a +second time.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In tracing the course of the rebellion in the far north, it must be +remembered that Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, Westmorland +and the towns of Berwick and Newcastle-upon-Tyne were +exempted from the subsidy,—in fact, taking into consideration the +remissions which were granted to them on account of their sufferings +at the hands of the Scots, it may be said that these places were +scarcely taxed at all<a id='r888'></a><a href='#f888' class='c016'><sup>[888]</sup></a>. Consequently the insurgents lacked one +of the bonds which united the subsidy men in Lincolnshire and +Yorkshire.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In Cumberland and Westmorland the rising was almost entirely +directed against enclosures and unpopular landlords, and received +little support from the gentlemen or, with a few exceptions, from +the clergy. In Durham and Northumberland, on the other hand, +the gentry seem to have been more deeply involved than the +commons, owing to the influence of the disinherited Percys. In +the Yorkshire dales, as in Cumberland and Westmorland, the movement +was chiefly social, and was directed against the Earl of +Cumberland, while the gentlemen, who imitated the Earl on a small +scale, naturally supported him against the rabble.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It would be incorrect to say that after the rising of Howdenshire +and Beverley the rebellion spread northwards, as Hexham and the +northern dales had been astir since the end of September, but these +<span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>minor disturbances gained significance from the widespread movement +further south.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The only monastery which offered any determined resistance +to the Act for the Dissolution of the Smaller Monasteries was the +priory of Augustinian canons at Hexham. Their house did not +really come within the scope of the Act, as its yearly value was over +£200, but for some reason or other it was included among those +to be suppressed<a id='r889'></a><a href='#f889' class='c016'><sup>[889]</sup></a>. The house had suffered in the Scots’ wars, and +there is reason to believe that its condition was not very good, +either financially or morally, but it was of great importance as +a centre of hospitality in the barren region between England and +Scotland. On 23 April, 1536, Archbishop Lee wrote to Cromwell +begging that it might be spared because “wise men that know the +Borders think that the lands thereof, although they were ten times +as much, can not countervail the damage that is like to ensue if it +be suppressed; and some way there is never a house between +Scotland and the lordship of Hexham; and men fear if the monastery +go down, that in process all shall be waste much within the +land.”<a id='r890'></a><a href='#f890' class='c016'><sup>[890]</sup></a> It seems probable that the canons received a royal exemption +from the Act, or that the monastery was immediately refounded, but +later in the year they must have heard that they were again in +danger, whereupon the prior, Edward Jay, went up to London to +try to make terms with Cromwell. He was unsuccessful, however, +and returned sadly home by way of York. There he waited on the +Archbishop, who received him in his barge, and in the presence +of his chaplains and servants warned Jay to submit to the King’s +will without attempting any resistance<a id='r891'></a><a href='#f891' class='c016'><sup>[891]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The date of this interview is uncertain, but it seems to have +been at the end of September, and when the prior returned home +he found that the Archbishop’s advice had come too late. In his +absence the sub-prior and the master of the dependent cell of +Ovingham (two separate persons, not the same man) had laid in +weapons for the defence of the monastery and had roused the people, +who were the more easily moved as the hated Sir Reynold Carnaby +had received the grant of its lands<a id='r892'></a><a href='#f892' class='c016'><sup>[892]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On 28 September, before the prior’s return, the four commissioners +for the dissolution were warned at Dilston that they +<span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span>would be resisted. Two of them who were local men, Robert +Collingwood and Lionel Gray, rode on with a few servants to +reconnoitre. They found the streets of Hexham full of armed men, +the alarm bells ringing, and the gates of the Priory shut. The +commissioners took up their stand outside, and parleyed with the +master of Ovingham, who appeared on the leads of the monastery +in harness, accompanied by servants in arms. His first words were, +“We be twenty brethren in this house, and we shall die all, or that +ye shall have this house.” The commissioners advised him to consult +with his brethren before rejecting the royal commission, and the +master withdrew to do so, commanding the hostile crowd which had +gathered about the commissioners to do them no harm. After a +space he returned with the sub-prior in canon’s robes. They brought +the royal confirmation, delivered to the house under the great seal, +showed it to the commissioners, and gave them their answer; “We +think it not the king’s honour to give forth one seal contrary to +another, and afore any either of our lands, goods or houses be taken +from us we shall all die, and that is our full answer.” Gray and +Collingwood returned with this reply to the other commissioners +who were waiting for them at a little distance. They left behind in +Hexham three of their servants, who rejoined them next day, and +reported that as soon as their masters had withdrawn the monastery +gates were thrown open, and the canons, all in harness, accompanied +by some sixty armed men, marched out two by two to a place +called the Green, from which they watched the meeting of the +commissioners and their departure. When they were out of sight +the canons returned to the Priory again. Such was the news +that greeted Prior Jay on his return, and he despatched a canon +to report it to Archbishop Lee<a id='r893'></a><a href='#f893' class='c016'><sup>[893]</sup></a>. Other messengers were hastening +from Hexham with the same news, one from the commissioners +to the King<a id='r894'></a><a href='#f894' class='c016'><sup>[894]</sup></a>, and two from “old Carnaby” of Halton, who sent to +his son Sir Reynold, and to the Archbishop, asking the latter to +order the canons to submit<a id='r895'></a><a href='#f895' class='c016'><sup>[895]</sup></a>. To each of the messengers the Archbishop +replied by bidding the canons surrender, and Sir Reynold +appealed to the Earl of Northumberland who wrote to Cromwell on +4 October<a id='r896'></a><a href='#f896' class='c016'><sup>[896]</sup></a>. After receiving the report of the commissioners on +5 October the King sent orders that Hexham was to be taken and +dissolved by force if necessary. The letter seems to have been +<span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span>meant for the Earl of Cumberland<a id='r897'></a><a href='#f897' class='c016'><sup>[897]</sup></a>, but the outbreak of the rebellion +in Yorkshire prevented him from executing the order<a id='r898'></a><a href='#f898' class='c016'><sup>[898]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The King also wrote to Archbishop Lee, whom he suspected +of encouraging the canons, and Lee replied with one of his long, +rambling letters of excuse<a id='r899'></a><a href='#f899' class='c016'><sup>[899]</sup></a>; his writing is much faded, and difficult +to decipher, but the letter shows that the Prior of Hexham was with +him at York at the time of the commissioners’ visit, and therefore +could not have taken part in the resistance which was offered to +them at Hexham. Meanwhile in Hexhamshire matters were at +a deadlock. No one in the neighbourhood would help the Carnabys +against the canons, and no troops could advance from the south +on account of the insurrection in Yorkshire. One of the local freebooters, +little John Heron of Chipchase<a id='r900'></a><a href='#f900' class='c016'><sup>[900]</sup></a>, who was a follower of Sir +Thomas Percy, determined to make use of this state of affairs for +his own advantage. Accordingly on the morning of Sunday 15 +October he appeared at Halton, and suggested to old William +Carnaby that he should act as mediator between the two parties. +Carnaby, at his wits’ end, accepted the offer, and Heron then rode +over to Hexham, where he said nothing of his negotiations with the +opposite party, but warned the canons that their only chance of +saving their lives was to purchase the help of himself and his friends +by granting them certain fees and then “he doubted not but by +the help of his son-in-law Cuthbert Charleton—and of one Edward +Charleton his uncle—with other such friends as they would make, +but all the whole country of Tynedale would die and live in the +quarrel.” The documents granting the fees were drawn up, but not +signed, for the canons were honourably reluctant to join themselves +with thieves, and begged Heron to carry a message to William +Carnaby that they would deliver up the monastery to the commissioners +if Sir Reynold would intercede for their lives and if “they +might there serve God and remain.” Heron returned to Halton, +where he passed the night, but merely said that he was to receive +the canons’ final answer on the morrow. During the night he +secretly summoned the men of Tynedale to assemble next day. In +the morning, 16 October, he went again to Hexham, and told the +canons that Sir Reynold would make no terms,—he was resolved to +have the heads of four canons and of four townsmen to send to the +King. Whereupon the canons declared that it was better to defend +their lives while they could than wilfully to kill themselves, and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_196'>196</span>they definitely threw in their lot with the Tynedale men<a id='r901'></a><a href='#f901' class='c016'><sup>[901]</sup></a>. It was +a fatal though natural mistake on their part. The rebels’ cause in +Northumberland was as much injured by the alliance with the +thieves of Tynedale and Reedsdale as the King’s was in Cumberland +by the loyalty of the thieves of the “Black Lands,” the valleys of the +Esk and Line. When Tynedale and Reedsdale “broke” no man +of substance in Northumberland cared for either church or King +until order was restored. If any power could prevent the mosstroopers +from spoiling and killing up to the very walls of Newcastle, +that power would be welcome though it came directly from Satan, +and since the government was at present opposed to the canons and +their allies, it followed that all honest men in Northumberland +supported the government.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As soon as he had made sure of the canons, on Monday, 16 October, +John Heron rode back to Halton, and sat down cheerfully to +dinner, with the remark that “It is a good sight to see a man +eat when he is hungry.” He knew that he had done a good +morning’s work and that in a few hours his friends of Tynedale +would be there, with whose help he proposed to plunder Halton and +carry off Carnaby to Sir Ingram Percy. So far his plans had been +successful, but now his good luck began to leave him, for dinner was +only half done when Archie Robson of Tynedale arrived and began +to talk to John Robson his cousin. Heron guessed what that meant, +and at once drew Carnaby aside and told him that “he could not +find them of Hexham to will to make any stay, but they would +do their worst,” and he therefore advised Carnaby to “defend +himself as well as he would for he knew well they would be at +his house straightway, and that Tynedale was part taken with +them.” Carnaby reproached him for giving such short notice, saying +that it was “not like a friend of him done to know such a purpose, +and not to declare it till he had half dined,” but he still trusted +Heron and agreed to ride with him to Chipchase, to avoid the +attack of the Tynedale men, as Heron declared they were in irresistible +force and were resolved to take Carnaby’s life. It was now +that Heron’s luck failed altogether, for it happened that a servant of +Sir Reynold Carnaby’s was riding by St John Ley near Hexham +when he saw the men of Hexhamshire and Tynedale mustering +there. By fair words he managed both to learn their purpose +and to escape from their hands, and set off to carry the news to +<span class='pageno' id='Page_197'>197</span>Halton, taking a short cut in order to arrive before the host. By +chance he saw Heron and Carnaby as they rode towards Chipchase, +and managed to tell Carnaby secretly, “That traitor thief that rideth +with you hath betrayed you, and it will cost you your life yet; if ye +follow counsel I shall warrant you.” Apparently their pursuers were +now in sight, and by his servant’s advice Carnaby begged Heron to +stop and parley with them “because he was of their acquaintance +and allied amongst them,” while he himself rode on to Chipchase. +Heron consented, but sent his son George to watch his victim’s +movements. Carnaby however managed to get rid of George, and +as soon as he was out of sight of the Tynedale men, changed his +direction and rode to Langley Castle. There he was safe, as it was +one of Northumberland’s castles, and apparently held by the Earl’s +own men. Meanwhile Heron, seeing that his prey had escaped, rode +back to Halton, which was being plundered by the Tynedale men. +He told Carnaby’s son Thomas that his father commanded him to +leave the house, and persuaded Carnaby’s wife to give him a casket +containing her husband’s money and plate, but at the last moment, +when the casket was actually in Heron’s hands, Arthur Errington, +a kinsman of the Carnabys, seized it from him and galloped off, +accompanied by seven Tynedale men whom he had won to his part. +John Heron pursued them “and put a kerchief as a pensell upon his +spear point” to lead his followers in the chase, but Errington made +his escape. The next day, Tuesday 17 October, Heron returned +to Halton, but found it occupied by Lewis Ogle, brother of Lord +Ogle, who was an ally of the Carnabys. Heron vainly endeavoured +to make him desert Halton “saying he would not tarry there till +night, if he knew and perceived as much as he knew, for ten thousand +pounds,” but Ogle was resolute, and at last Heron “rode home, and +never came thither after.”<a id='r902'></a><a href='#f902' class='c016'><sup>[902]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It is now time to look a little into the matter of dates. The +canons had defied the commissioners on Thursday 28 September, +but John Heron did not make his first move until Sunday 15 +October, more than a fortnight later. On the very day that he +rode to Halton the commons of Durham rose, and at some time +during the week Heron’s brother-in-law, John Lumley, brought him +a letter from them containing their articles and oath<a id='r903'></a><a href='#f903' class='c016'><sup>[903]</sup></a>. It seems +more than likely that he had been in touch with them from an +earlier date, and knew what their movements were to be. The +<span class='pageno' id='Page_198'>198</span>situation in Northumberland was favourable, as the Earl, who was +the warden of the East Marches, was lying ill at Wressell Castle in +Yorkshire. It is true that Sir Thomas Percy was also in Yorkshire, +but Sir Ingram was at Alnwick<a id='r904'></a><a href='#f904' class='c016'><sup>[904]</sup></a>. He had been deprived of his office +of vice-warden by the Earl’s command about midsummer, but no +new vice-warden had been appointed<a id='r905'></a><a href='#f905' class='c016'><sup>[905]</sup></a>, and Northumberland had +made him constable of Alnwick Castle in July<a id='r906'></a><a href='#f906' class='c016'><sup>[906]</sup></a>. In the circumstances +it was natural that he should assume authority and no one +seems to have known what his attitude would be. On hearing of +the rising in Tynedale and Reedsdale he sent out a summons which +bore a suspicious resemblance to the Lincolnshire oath: “It is +ordained and appointed that all the gentlemen of Northumberland +shall meet at Alnwick upon Sunday 22 October at eleven of the +clock, for to take an order by all their advices and consents, what +is best for them to do that may be pleasure to Almighty God and +most acceptable service to the King’s highness and for the common +weal of this country and the safeguard of the Marches.”<a id='r907'></a><a href='#f907' class='c016'><sup>[907]</sup></a> The +gentlemen of Northumberland, knowing nothing of the oath to God, +the King and the Common Weal obeyed the summons readily. +Robert Collingwood, the commissioner who was baffled at Hexham, +drew up a list of agenda for the assembly in amusing contrast to the +actual proceedings. It would be necessary, he wrote, to see that all +the gentlemen of Northumberland and their dependants took one +way in the King’s service, and to take measures against a Scots +invasion. As the warden was absent and no vice-warden had been +appointed, two gentlemen must be chosen to act as lieutenants of +the East and Middle Marches, they must be provided with counsel +and support, and all the gentlemen must wait on them as diligently +as if they were each receiving a £20 fee. The two lieutenants must +at once join with the keepers of Tynedale and Reedsdale to take +“a substantial order” to restore peace there, “as ill disposed men +rob the King’s true subjects every night.” Finally everything that +was determined must be written out and signed by all the gentlemen +present<a id='r908'></a><a href='#f908' class='c016'><sup>[908]</sup></a>. As it turned out Collingwood would have been very +much alarmed if his last suggestion had been enforced.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sir Ingram Percy in the meanwhile was as politic as the King +himself could have been. He did nothing to alarm the gentlemen +before the meeting, and sent the Abbot of Alnwick and “other +<span class='pageno' id='Page_199'>199</span>friends that he made” to his brother the Earl of Northumberland +at Wressell with a message that he was true to the King and would +repress any disturbances in Northumberland if he was restored to +his office. The Earl believed his professions and made him sheriff +of Northumberland, vice-warden, and lieutenant of the East Marches +“with the fees accustomed.”<a id='r909'></a><a href='#f909' class='c016'><sup>[909]</sup></a> After Sir Ingram had sent out the +summons to the gentlemen, John Lumley, the messenger from +Durham, arrived at Alnwick, whither he had been sent by John +Heron. He brought the letter of the commons of Durham, signed +by “Captain Poverty,” commanding Sir Ingram to take the oath and +to remain in Northumberland as a protection against the Scots<a id='r910'></a><a href='#f910' class='c016'><sup>[910]</sup></a>. +Sir Ingram could not put forward the common excuse that he had +been forced to take the oath when it was brought by a single +messenger from rebels more than fifty miles away; in fact, as soon +as the gentlemen had assembled on Sunday 22 October, he attempted +no further concealment. Instead of entering into the business of +curbing the mosstroopers, as Collingwood and the rest expected, +he caused the commons’ letter and articles to be read aloud and +then ordered all present to take the oath. A few ventured to +protest, but as they were “enclosed in the said Castle of Alnwick” +with “no remedy but all must swear or else do worse,” they all +submitted and “will they or not, sworn they were.” Having now +declared himself, Sir Ingram did not let the grass grow under +his feet. He used all possible means to induce the gentlemen of +Northumberland to join him, and devoted himself to revenging +his own and his brother’s wrongs on the Carnabys. Accompanied +by Sir Humphry Lisle, Robert Swinhoe and John Roddam with all +the forces of Alnwick, he rode to Adderstone by Bamborough, where +he believed that Sir Reynold Carnaby was hiding under the protection +of his wife’s brother Thomas Forster. As a matter of fact +Sir Reynold was at Chillingham Castle with Sir Robert Ellerker +and others of the King’s party, and when Sir Ingram had searched +Adderstone unsuccessfully, he departed swearing “By God’s heart, +he would be revenged of” Sir Reynold Carnaby. Thomas Forster +asked what offence Sir Reynold had done him, and Sir Ingram +turned upon him,—“Sir Reynold Carnaby hath been the destruction +of all our blood, for by his means the king shall be my lord’s heir; +and now he thinketh a sport, and to ride up and down in the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_200'>200</span>country, all we being sworn and he unsworn, and this I pray you +show him, for surely I will be revenged of him.” On the way back +to Alnwick he wished to attack Sir Thomas Grey’s house at Newstead, +but his men dissuaded him. During the same expedition he +took possession of Sir Reynold’s lands at North Charlton, for the +use of his brother Sir Thomas Percy. He afterwards seized all +Sir Reynold’s possessions in Northumberland. Edward Bradford, +Sir Reynold’s steward, refused to give up his master’s rents. Sir +Ingram sent out eighteen of his servants who took him by force +“betwixt his parish church and his house,” and carried him to +Alnwick, where he was “laid in the stocks two nights and a day +and kept in hold three days longer,” because Sir Ingram would have +him forswear his master. Bradford probably submitted or his imprisonment +would have been longer.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sir Ingram now sent to Lionel Gray, porter of Berwick, the other +Hexham commissioner, to Sir Roger Gray and to Sir Robert Ellerker +bidding them come in and take the oath. They all refused, and +Lionel Gray was so closely harried that “the most part of his cattle, +by driving and removing from one place to another for fear of the +said Sir Ingram, was in point of utter loss and destruction.” Hearing +that Carnaby, Sir Robert Ellerker and others had taken refuge in +Chillingham Castle, Sir Ingram was reported to have sent to +Berwick for ordnance in order that he might besiege them, but +no actual siege seems ever to have been attempted<a id='r911'></a><a href='#f911' class='c016'><sup>[911]</sup></a>. Sir Thomas +Clifford, the captain of Berwick<a id='r912'></a><a href='#f912' class='c016'><sup>[912]</sup></a>, was a friend of Sir Thomas Percy, +and although he was the Earl of Cumberland’s brother, he does not +seem to have been so much opposed to the rebels as the rest of his +family. He received messages from the Percys, and when Lionel +Gray begged that his over-driven cattle might be protected in the +fields of Berwick, the captain refused his permission. On St +Katharine’s Day (25 November) Sir Robert Ellerker was told +that the Percys were about to attack Chillingham and sent to +Berwick for help. Clifford turned out the garrison on the alarm, +but said that he did not believe the Percys would attack him, as he +was harbouring no fugitives. He asked Sir Robert Ellerker, “Have +ye any of the Carnabys in your house?” Sir Robert replied, +“I believe as well yea as nay, but they or any of the King’s true +subjects shall be welcome to me or to my house.” He then rode +away, hoping that Clifford and his men would follow him, but +<span class='pageno' id='Page_201'>201</span>instead of this, Clifford ordered the gates to be shut, and only +ten men went with Ellerker<a id='r913'></a><a href='#f913' class='c016'><sup>[913]</sup></a>. This was in the time of the truce, +and the alarm of an attack on Chillingham came to nothing. Sir +Thomas Clifford was perhaps only anxious to avoid local feuds, +because he feared an attack from Scotland which Berwick was +hardly able to resist, as the walls were out of repair and parts of +them had fallen<a id='r914'></a><a href='#f914' class='c016'><sup>[914]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>For the rest of October, until the truce of Doncaster, Sir Ingram +in the exercise of his office as sheriff was busy holding sheriff’s +tourns at Alnwick, where he appointed Sir Humphry Lisle and +others as his officers; as vice-warden he made musters and assemblies +“all for the annoyance of the King’s true subjects that would not be +sworn.”<a id='r915'></a><a href='#f915' class='c016'><sup>[915]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Such was the state of affairs in Northumberland during the first +month of the insurrection; practically the whole country, except +a few castles such as Halton, Chillingham and Langley, were in the +Percys’ hands, and Berwick seems to have been in no position to +resist them.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It has already been pointed out that there was probably communication +between the freebooters of Northumberland and the +insurgents in Durham and North Yorkshire. The movement in +Mashamshire and Richmond which spread to Durham began as soon +as news reached Ripon of the Lincolnshire rising; the message came +from Archbishop Lee, with orders to his steward, Lord Latimer, +to stay his tenants, but the news had more effect than the orders<a id='r916'></a><a href='#f916' class='c016'><sup>[916]</sup></a>. +On Thursday 12 October Lord Scrope wrote to the Earl of Cumberland +that the commons of Mashamshire and Nidderdale had +risen the day before (Wednesday 11 October), had occupied Coverham +Abbey and Middleham, and were advancing on Bolton to +capture himself; he had fled into hiding and begged Cumberland +to send help to his wife<a id='r917'></a><a href='#f917' class='c016'><sup>[917]</sup></a>. Lord Latimer and Sir Christopher +Danby were taken and sworn by the commons on the 14th or +15th<a id='r918'></a><a href='#f918' class='c016'><sup>[918]</sup></a>. John Dakyn, vicar-general of the diocese of York, had +hastened from the city of York to his parish of Kirkby Ravensworth +in Richmond on hearing of the rising at Beverley, but no +sooner had he reached Kirkby Ravensworth than he heard that +Richmondshire had also risen on Friday 13 October. This news +<span class='pageno' id='Page_202'>202</span>made him fly to a great moor, but he returned to his house and took +the oath when he was told that the commons were about to destroy +his goods<a id='r919'></a><a href='#f919' class='c016'><sup>[919]</sup></a>. His parishioners then set out to seize Bowes and other +gentlemen at Barnard Castle, and they ordered Dakyn to go to +“Galowbaughen” in Richmond to meet the host of Mashamshire, +which was advancing under Lord Latimer and Sir Christopher +Danby. He obeyed their orders for fear of his life, “for ever the +chancellor of Lincoln’s death moved his mind.” All that day he +spent with the Mashamshire men, not daring to say anything +displeasing to them. He believed that Latimer and Danby were +equally afraid of their men<a id='r920'></a><a href='#f920' class='c016'><sup>[920]</sup></a>. The brothers Robert, George and +Richard Bowes and Thomas Rokeby were the captains in Barnard +Castle. They were afterwards accused of not having the town and +castle “in good governance”; at any rate they surrendered without +a stroke on Sunday 15 October, and took over the command of +the rebels<a id='r921'></a><a href='#f921' class='c016'><sup>[921]</sup></a>. All gentlemen were forced to join, even Sir Henry +Gascoigne, whose mother-in-law had just died and lay unburied, +but the people willingly submitted to Robert Bowes’ authority. He +ordered them to divide into parishes, and to choose four men out +of each parish to command the rest. A letter was despatched to +Cleveland, requiring the people there “with sore comminations” +to meet the Richmondshire host at Oxneyfield by Darlington. +Dakyn rejoined the Richmond host on Sunday the 15th, and there +in the field one Thomlynson of Bedall, against whom he had given +judgment in a matrimonial case, threatened him with a great bow, +and accused him of being “a maker of the new laws and putter +down of holidays” until with the help of his friends Dakyn quieted +him by a gift of over forty marks<a id='r922'></a><a href='#f922' class='c016'><sup>[922]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The summons, spread through the countryside, quickly took effect. +On the previous Wednesday, 11 October<a id='r923'></a><a href='#f923' class='c016'><sup>[923]</sup></a>, between two and three +hundred men of Mashamshire and Kirkbyshire assembled in the +evening round Jervaux Abbey and clamoured for the abbot, Adam +Sedbarr, to come out to them. The abbot slipped out by a back +door, and took refuge on Witton Fell, with no companions but his +own father and a young boy. He remained in hiding for four days, +only venturing back to the abbey at night, when the commons had +dispersed to their homes. But when Robert Bowes’ summons was +<span class='pageno' id='Page_203'>203</span>received on Sunday 15 October, the rebels returned to Jervaux +and declared that they would burn it down if the abbot were not +delivered up to them for forbidding his tenants to join them. The +terrified monks sent a messenger to the fell, who found the abbot +“in a great crag” and told him of the commons’ threats, saying that +all the brethren cried “Wo” by him. This message caused him to +return, though the risk was great, and his friends had difficulty +in saving him from the commons, who nearly tore him in pieces, +crying “Down with the traitor”! and “Whoreson traitor, where +hast thou been?” “Get a block to strike off his head upon.” +No gentlemen were with them; they had leaders chosen from among +themselves, of whom the abbot names Stavely, Middleton, Leonard +Burgh and Aslaby. They forced the abbot to take the oath, and +carried him off with them, mounted on a barebacked horse, to the +meeting at Oxneyfield on Monday 16 October<a id='r924'></a><a href='#f924' class='c016'><sup>[924]</sup></a>. Assembled there +were Bowes with the Richmondshire men, Lord Latimer and Sir +Christopher Danby with Mashamshire, and the men of Jervaux with +the abbot. Bowes was, as usual, obliged to “stay old grudges” +among his followers, in order to induce them to act together. +They intended to compel all priests who were “young and able” +to join them, and the priests themselves were quite willing in many +cases<a id='r925'></a><a href='#f925' class='c016'><sup>[925]</sup></a>. The chantry priest of Lartington and the parish priest of +Romaldkirk were particularly active<a id='r926'></a><a href='#f926' class='c016'><sup>[926]</sup></a>. Dakyn, however, persuaded +Bowes to excuse them all in consideration of their vows, and afterwards +ventured to rebuke the cantarist, when he came to his house +to demand money, saying that his was not the office of a priest<a id='r927'></a><a href='#f927' class='c016'><sup>[927]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From Oxneyfield the host advanced to Bishop Auckland on +Tuesday 17 October with the object of capturing the Bishop of +Durham there. But the bishop had been warned and had fled at +midnight<a id='r928'></a><a href='#f928' class='c016'><sup>[928]</sup></a>. He made his way to his own castle of Norham<a id='r929'></a><a href='#f929' class='c016'><sup>[929]</sup></a>, but even +there he seems to have found some difficulty in gaining admittance, +for William Franklin, Archdeacon of Durham, was afterwards praised +for his “service in taking Norham Castle.” Perhaps this means +that at the outbreak of the insurrection he had occupied the castle +and prepared to defend it. Franklin afterwards endeavoured to +go south, but was stopped by Darcy<a id='r930'></a><a href='#f930' class='c016'><sup>[930]</sup></a>. Thomas Parry, one of the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_204'>204</span>commissioners<a id='r931'></a><a href='#f931' class='c016'><sup>[931]</sup></a> for suppressing monasteries was more fortunate. He +fled to Norfolk and kept up communications with Franklin, urging +him to try to capture Aske<a id='r932'></a><a href='#f932' class='c016'><sup>[932]</sup></a>. In the end Franklin escaped and went +to the King<a id='r933'></a><a href='#f933' class='c016'><sup>[933]</sup></a>. The Bishop of Durham remained at Norham for +several months<a id='r934'></a><a href='#f934' class='c016'><sup>[934]</sup></a>. For his desertion the commons spoiled his palace +at Bishop Auckland “contrary to their own proclamation.”<a id='r935'></a><a href='#f935' class='c016'><sup>[935]</sup></a> The +plundering perhaps took place when Bowes had gone to Brancepeth +to take the Earl of Westmorland<a id='r936'></a><a href='#f936' class='c016'><sup>[936]</sup></a>. Westmorland did not join the +rebels himself, but he took the oath and sent them a friendly +answer<a id='r937'></a><a href='#f937' class='c016'><sup>[937]</sup></a>. What seems nowadays more extraordinary is that he +allowed his son, a boy not much over 13 years, to ride with the +rebels<a id='r938'></a><a href='#f938' class='c016'><sup>[938]</sup></a>. There is nothing to indicate that young Lord Neville +was captured or that his presence in the Pilgrim host caused any +alarm to his parents.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sir Thomas Hilton, the sheriff of Durham, was probably at +Bishop Auckland with the bishop. On Monday, after the bishop’s +flight, he sent news of the rising to his cousin John Lord Lumley, +who was hunting the hare at his manor of the Isle<a id='r939'></a><a href='#f939' class='c016'><sup>[939]</sup></a>. On receiving +the warning that “as he regarded his honour and safeguard of his +substance that he should remove and get him to some sure place +for fear of the commons lest he should be taken of them,” he +packed up his plate and jewels and set out to deposit them in +the Maison Dieu at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, which was the strongest +house he knew. Arriving at Lumley Castle that night, he stopped +to rest there, but sent on his son George with the valuables +to place them in safety at Newcastle without delay. On Tuesday +17 October Lord Lumley joined his son at Newcastle, and on +Wednesday the 18th Sir Thomas Hilton arrived there and persuaded +him to leave the town by telling him that the townsfolk +would rise if the commons came that way. Hilton and Lumley +went to Hilton Castle, and George Lumley returned to the Isle<a id='r940'></a><a href='#f940' class='c016'><sup>[940]</sup></a>, +which shows that he was not at heart opposed to the rebels, as they +were in possession of all that district, and mustered that day at +Spennymoor<a id='r941'></a><a href='#f941' class='c016'><sup>[941]</sup></a>, some five or six miles away. No sooner had George +Lumley arrived than “certain soldiers out of Richmondshire” came +<span class='pageno' id='Page_205'>205</span>to summon him to Lord Latimer’s muster, under pain of burning +the house. He accompanied them back to Auckland, when he +found, in addition to Lord Latimer and his men, Sir James +Strangways with a thousand men, young Bowes with a thousand +more, Sir Ralph Bulmer and another knight (Sir Christopher +Danby?) each with a company. Lord Latimer administered the +oath to him and asked him where his father was. Lumley replied +“feignedly” that he was in Northumberland, whereupon Latimer bade +him send word that if Lord Lumley did not “come in” the rebels +would spoil his house. They allowed him to return to the Isle, +where he received a message from his wife that his own house +at Thweng was in danger. Next day, Thursday 19 October, he +set out for Yorkshire, remained two days at Thweng, and then +led his tenants to York<a id='r942'></a><a href='#f942' class='c016'><sup>[942]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>George Lumley did not see his father again until they met +“on the heath before Doncaster,” and he denied most emphatically +that he had received any message from him or knew anything of his +movements in the interval. His reticence is highly honourable +in a son, but very exasperating to an historian, for very little is +known of the rising in the Bishopric until on Friday 20 October +the Lords Neville, Latimer and Lumley rode into York at the head +of 10,000 men, bearing before them the banner of St Cuthbert. +It seems probable that as soon as they were satisfied as to the +disposition of the citizens of Newcastle, Lumley and Hilton set +out and raised Durham without even going through the formality +of being taken by the commons. It would be extremely interesting +to know how they obtained possession of St Cuthbert’s banner, +which was in the charge of the feretrar of Durham Cathedral. +The monks seem to have given it up willingly, as they paid sixteen +pence to Thomas Merlay the standard bearer, but somehow or other +it was injured and five shillings were spent on its repairs<a id='r943'></a><a href='#f943' class='c016'><sup>[943]</sup></a>. The +bishop’s chancery in Durham was spoiled by the commons<a id='r944'></a><a href='#f944' class='c016'><sup>[944]</sup></a>. +Sir Francis Bigod endeavoured to escape from Mulgrave to London +by sea, but his ship was driven back up the coast of Durham and he +landed at Hartlepool. He was passing the night at the house +of a former mayor of the town when he was warned that the +commons were coming to take him and fled back to his ship. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_206'>206</span>Keeping now the waters and now the woods he returned to Mulgrave +and was captured by the commons, who took him to York<a id='r945'></a><a href='#f945' class='c016'><sup>[945]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The date of these events is uncertain, but Hilton and Lumley +must have joined Latimer not later than Thursday 19 October. +Meanwhile at Spennymoor on Wednesday 18 October the host had +been divided into two parts, the one to advance to York, the other +to Skipton. Dakyn and two other aged gentlemen were sent to +Jervaux to despatch the posts with letters from host to host<a id='r946'></a><a href='#f946' class='c016'><sup>[946]</sup></a>, and +the Abbot of Jervaux was permitted to return home with them. +His attitude towards the rising seems to have altered a good deal +now that he had discovered it was not a mere riot among the +peasants of his own neighbourhood. At Auckland he was attended +by his chaplain with a bow and sheaf of arrows, and was heard +to say “The King doth cry eighteen pence a day. And I trust +we shall have as many men for eight pence a day.”<a id='r947'></a><a href='#f947' class='c016'><sup>[947]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The great fortress of Newcastle could play a decisive part in the +success or failure of any northern rising. As has been seen, Lumley +and Hilton endeavoured to make sure of it before setting out for +York. The mayor and corporation were loyal to the King, and had +begun to provision the town and to lay guns on the walls, but they +represented only a narrow oligarchy of wealthy merchants who +earlier in Henry’s reign had won a victory in the Court of Star +Chamber over the artisan gilds of the town<a id='r948'></a><a href='#f948' class='c016'><sup>[948]</sup></a>. The defeated party +naturally inclined to the insurgents. Sir Thomas Hilton sent two +servants about the town to discover the attitude of the common +people, and their report was that no resistance would be made to +the rebels. When the guns were laid on the walls the people said +“that they might lay the guns where they would but they would +turn them when the commons came whither they would.”<a id='r949'></a><a href='#f949' class='c016'><sup>[949]</sup></a> Thus +reassured the rebel leaders set out on their march, but Robert +Brandling the mayor was a politic man, who set himself to conciliate +the commons. His exertions were encouraged by the arrival of +William Blytheman, one of Cromwell’s commissioners for the suppression +of monasteries, who had fled from York to Newcastle. On his +way through Richmondshire he had been helped by Dakyn, much +to the indignation of the commons<a id='r950'></a><a href='#f950' class='c016'><sup>[950]</sup></a>. When he reached Newcastle +<span class='pageno' id='Page_207'>207</span>safely he sent in an enthusiastic report of Brandling’s proceedings<a id='r951'></a><a href='#f951' class='c016'><sup>[951]</sup></a>. +Sadler wrote in a subsequent letter that the mayor “did so +fully reconcile them (the commons) and so handle them that, in +fine, they were determined to live and die with the mayor and his +brethren in the defence and keeping of the town to the King’s +use against all his enemies and rebels.”<a id='r952'></a><a href='#f952' class='c016'><sup>[952]</sup></a> One of the mayor’s +measures of conciliation was to punish the only heretic in the town, +Roger Dachant<a id='r953'></a><a href='#f953' class='c016'><sup>[953]</sup></a>, who had been obliged to abjure his opinions before +the Bishop of Durham on 24 November 1531<a id='r954'></a><a href='#f954' class='c016'><sup>[954]</sup></a>. Among other +heresies he held that every priest might be and ought to be married +and that monasteries ought to be pulled down. This view had +commended him to the royal visitors, and he was Blytheman’s friend, +so that probably his punishment was not very severe.</p> + +<p class='c008'>To sum up, the whole of the county of Durham, including the +fortresses of Barnard Castle, Brancepeth, and Durham itself, was +in the hands of the commons, but Newcastle, after wavering, had +returned to its loyalty.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is now time to follow out the history of the siege of Skipton +Castle, to which half the Durham host were despatched on 19 October. +The dales of Yorkshire had never been really settled since the +Craven riots of 1535<a id='r955'></a><a href='#f955' class='c016'><sup>[955]</sup></a>. Dent, Sedbergh and Wensleydale were +the regions where hatred of the government was strongest. About +the middle of September William Breyar the sanctuary man arrived +at Dent wearing the livery of the Queen’s sumpter men. A smith, +seeing his coat, said “Thy master is a thief, for he pulleth down +all our churches in the country.” The bystanders objected to the +smith’s disloyalty and said: “It is not the King’s deed, but the deed +of Cromwell, and if we had him here we would crum him and crum +him that he was never so crummed, and if thy master were here +we would new crown him.” Breyar fled for his life, and complained +to the magistrates of Kirkby Lonsdale, who replied “Alas, man! +what didst thou there? for they of Dent and of three other parishes +thereabouts were sworn on Monday last past;” but they did not +say to whom they were sworn, nor what the oath was. About +a week later Breyar heard that the insurrection in Lincolnshire +had just broken out<a id='r956'></a><a href='#f956' class='c016'><sup>[956]</sup></a>. Darcy wrote from Templehurst on Friday +6 October to warn the King and the Earl of Cumberland of stirrings +in the dales<a id='r957'></a><a href='#f957' class='c016'><sup>[957]</sup></a>, but Cumberland did not take the matter seriously. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_208'>208</span>He was at Skipton Castle preparing to advance against Hexham +Priory<a id='r958'></a><a href='#f958' class='c016'><sup>[958]</sup></a>, and was sending his son Lord Clifford to join Shrewsbury +on his march to Lincoln. He therefore contented himself by +writing on the 8th to Sir James Metcalf and other local gentlemen +to keep order in the dales<a id='r959'></a><a href='#f959' class='c016'><sup>[959]</sup></a>. On the evening of Tuesday 10 October +Christopher Aske brought him the news of the Beverley rising<a id='r960'></a><a href='#f960' class='c016'><sup>[960]</sup></a>, and +on the 12th came Scrope’s letter about the rising of Masham and +Nidderdale<a id='r961'></a><a href='#f961' class='c016'><sup>[961]</sup></a>. On the same day the Earl wrote to Henry to explain +his delay in setting out for Hexham<a id='r962'></a><a href='#f962' class='c016'><sup>[962]</sup></a>. The King sent another +peremptory command that he should go to Northumberland in spite +of the unsettled state of Yorkshire<a id='r963'></a><a href='#f963' class='c016'><sup>[963]</sup></a>, and on Monday 16 October he +set out for Carlisle on his way northward<a id='r964'></a><a href='#f964' class='c016'><sup>[964]</sup></a>. He had scarcely started +when he was forced to retreat into Skipton Castle again, for on +Tuesday the 17th Darcy wrote from Pontefract to the King that +“My lord of Cumberland on his way to Hexham returned for safety +to Skipton Castle.” He added that Lord Scrope was with the +Earl<a id='r965'></a><a href='#f965' class='c016'><sup>[965]</sup></a>, but this was a mistake. On the same day Sir Brian Hastings +told Shrewsbury that Scrope had been taken, and that next day the +rebels would muster at Barnsdale and Barnsley<a id='r966'></a><a href='#f966' class='c016'><sup>[966]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Up to this point the rising had shown all the features of an +agricultural riot such as had occurred in Craven the year before. +The commons wandered about the county in aimless bands, returning +home at night. They had no particular respect for the church, as their +treatment of the Abbot of Jervaux showed, and they directed their +operations against unpopular landlords. When the abbot was in the +Tower he told Cromwell, “My Lord, ye be greatly deceived thinking +that the monks and canons were the chief doers of this insurrection, +for there were other of more reputation.” He believed that one +of the chief grievances was the lordship of Middleham, for the +commons of Piercebridge said they would make new lords of Middleham +and restore divers who were put from their offices by wrong, +and the commons of Masham used similar language<a id='r967'></a><a href='#f967' class='c016'><sup>[967]</sup></a>. He had also +heard a serving-man say that the commons had offered to put his +master in possession of Sheriffhutton Castle. The abbot, however, +did not know the names of either the master or the man. He +believed that if he told all he knew the King might pardon him, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_209'>209</span>but yet it would cost him his life if it were known that he had +spoken. Cromwell promised that his revelations should be concealed, +and commanded that he should write down what he knew<a id='r968'></a><a href='#f968' class='c016'><sup>[968]</sup></a>, +but nothing more remains about his secrets. In this district therefore +the rising appeared to men of property as a peasant revolt +which threatened their lives and lands, and must be put down as +quickly as possible.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The names of the leaders at the siege of Skipton Castle show +the character of the movement,—they were “Merlione,” evidently +a peasant who took the name from the prophecies, and John Norton +of Norton Conyers, with his two sons Richard and Thomas<a id='r969'></a><a href='#f969' class='c016'><sup>[969]</sup></a>, who +were captains in the Rising of the North thirty-three years later<a id='r970'></a><a href='#f970' class='c016'><sup>[970]</sup></a>. +John Norton took up arms not only in defence of his religious +principles, but also to avenge the private wrongs that he had +suffered at the hands of the Earl of Cumberland in the feud which +has already been described<a id='r971'></a><a href='#f971' class='c016'><sup>[971]</sup></a>. When the Earl of Cumberland retreated +to Skipton Castle on Tuesday 17 October, the forces which he had +collected dispersed to save their houses, and only about eighty men +remained with him. From these Christopher Aske “tried out” forty +young men, who were sufficient to defend the whole castle except +the barmkyn<a id='r972'></a><a href='#f972' class='c016'><sup>[972]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Meanwhile the commons at Skipton established communications +with the main body at York, and on the church doors of Swaledale, +Wensleydale and elsewhere was posted Aske’s summons to those +who would rescue the commonwealth from the heresies into which +it was falling<a id='r973'></a><a href='#f973' class='c016'><sup>[973]</sup></a>. The summons contained no expressions of hostility +to the King, and it was now that some of the gentlemen began to +join the commons. Sir Stephen Hamerton was told that there was +such a bill on Giggleswick church door, probably on Wednesday +18 October. On Thursday he went to see it, but the commons had +taken it down and gone to a muster at Neales Yng. Sir Stephen +was warned by some wives as he returned from hunting that the +commons were searching for him, and he was presently surrounded +by three hundred men “who said he had ruled them, but now they +would rule him.” Their leaders, Jakes and Fawcett, administered +the oath to him, and he was sent with eight others to Skipton +Castle to request Cumberland to join them. The Earl asked them +<span class='pageno' id='Page_210'>210</span>why they rose, and they replied that it was for fear of Bishopdale, +Wensleydale and the other wild regions. He promised to see them +recompensed if they were robbed, but they answered, “Nay, my +lord, but this will not serve us.” The Earl however was firm, and +sent back the message: “I defy you, and do your worst, for I will +not meddle with you.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Saturday 21 October Hammerton and his companions returned +to Monubent, the appointed rendezvous, where they were +kept waiting, as the commons had gone to take Nicholas Tempest, +the brother of Sir Richard Tempest<a id='r974'></a><a href='#f974' class='c016'><sup>[974]</sup></a>. His home was at Bashall +in Bolland and he himself had gone into hiding, but the commons +plundered his goods and seized his son John, a child. They +threatened to strike off the boy’s head if his father would not +join them, whereupon Tempest returned and took the oath<a id='r975'></a><a href='#f975' class='c016'><sup>[975]</sup></a>; after +this he was always earnest for the commons’ cause<a id='r976'></a><a href='#f976' class='c016'><sup>[976]</sup></a>. On hearing +Cumberland’s answer the commons were very angry, “and swore +they would have my lord of Cumberland or die,” but they received +letters from Sawley Abbey asking for help against the Earl of Derby, +and in consequence set out thither on Sunday, 22 October, taking +no further part in the attack on Skipton<a id='r977'></a><a href='#f977' class='c016'><sup>[977]</sup></a>. Nevertheless the besiegers +at this time were reinforced by half the forces of Richmond +and Durham<a id='r978'></a><a href='#f978' class='c016'><sup>[978]</sup></a>. After two or three days’ siege, finding the castle +impregnable without ordnance, the commons resolved to capture +Elinor Lady Clifford, the daughter of the Duke of Suffolk and of the +King’s sister Mary, together with Lady Clifford’s young son and the +Earl’s two daughters, who were all staying at Bolton Priory. The +besiegers threatened to lead them before the host at the assault next +day, and if it was unsuccessful, “to violate and enforce them with +knaves unto my Lord’s great discomfort.” But before the commons +could secure the ladies, Christopher Aske, with the help only of the +vicar of Skipton, a groom and a boy, contrived to bring them by +night over the moors from Bolton and right through the rebel host +into the castle without being detected<a id='r979'></a><a href='#f979' class='c016'><sup>[979]</sup></a>. Fearing for their safety, +he then wrote Robert Aske “an unkind letter,” telling him that the +Earl would never yield while he lived, and that if Robert assaulted +the castle it “should be a double death, once to see the said Earl his +master slain, and the ladies then being within the castle, which +<span class='pageno' id='Page_211'>211</span>should be death also to them.” Robert replied in a “like letter of +unkindness,” saying that he would not himself assault the castle but +that the Earl’s enemies would certainly take it if he did not yield. +He was led to believe this by a letter from the Duke of Suffolk +to the Earl which he had intercepted, but he found out afterwards +that this letter referred to Carlisle and not to Skipton<a id='r980'></a><a href='#f980' class='c016'><sup>[980]</sup></a>. The siege +lasted for about ten days, but the castle was not taken. While +it was in progress the commons robbed the Earl’s parks, and pulled +down his houses at Bardon and Carleton, “which were so strong as +to take three days in breaking.”<a id='r981'></a><a href='#f981' class='c016'><sup>[981]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Communications were maintained between the besiegers and the +other bodies of the rebels by Dakyn and the elderly gentlemen +who had been placed for that purpose at Jervaux Abbey. The postmasters +received some unsigned letters from Sir Christopher Danby, +which they requested him to sign, and others from William Conyers, +and on one occasion Dakyn wrote to the Abbot of Fountains for +post-horses. Copies were taken of all the letters which passed +through their hands, but the copies were left at the abbey and +probably destroyed. One of the gentlemen, Mr Siggiswick, being +aged and sick, returned home, and his place was taken by another +aged man, Mr Catherick<a id='r982'></a><a href='#f982' class='c016'><sup>[982]</sup></a>. When the two hosts joined at Pontefract, +Dakyn and the others returned home<a id='r983'></a><a href='#f983' class='c016'><sup>[983]</sup></a>, but the siege of Skipton +lasted until Norton was summoned to take part in the first conference +at Doncaster<a id='r984'></a><a href='#f984' class='c016'><sup>[984]</sup></a>. As soon as the truce was proclaimed Aske +wrote to the commons forbidding them to molest the Earl until +the King’s answer was received, and to the Earl begging him to +observe the truce. His orders were obeyed, although the commons +maintained a very hostile attitude<a id='r985'></a><a href='#f985' class='c016'><sup>[985]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The only other stronghold in Yorkshire which held out for +the King was Scarborough Castle. It was a royal castle, and the +constable was Sir Ralph Evers<a id='r986'></a><a href='#f986' class='c016'><sup>[986]</sup></a> the younger, afterwards Ralph first +lord Evers. After a career of some distinction on the border he was +killed at the battle of Ancrum Moor 1545, where it was said that +Annan, the general of the Scots, on seeing his body, burst into tears +exclaiming, “God have mercy on him, for he was a fell cruel man, +and over cruel. And welaway that ever such slaughter and bloodshed +<span class='pageno' id='Page_212'>212</span>should be among Christian men.”<a id='r987'></a><a href='#f987' class='c016'><sup>[987]</sup></a> Evers has even his modest niche +in literature, for the moody Baron of Smailholm</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“... came not from where Ancrum Moor,</div> + <div class='line in2'>Ran red with English blood;</div> + <div class='line'>Where the Douglas true and the bold Buccleuch,</div> + <div class='line in2'>’Gainst keen Lord Evers stood.”<a id='r988'></a><a href='#f988' class='c016'><sup>[988]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Like most keepers of royal castles, he made his profit out of his +charge. He was accused of having taken the lead roofs off the +towers and turrets to make into brewing vessels for himself, and +to exchange for French wines<a id='r989'></a><a href='#f989' class='c016'><sup>[989]</sup></a>. But in spite of these peccadillos +he was true to his post, and on 17 October Darcy reported that +Scarborough was besieged by the commons<a id='r990'></a><a href='#f990' class='c016'><sup>[990]</sup></a>. Some of Archbishop +Lee’s servants, flying thither from York, were captured by the +besiegers, but rescued and brought into the castle by Sir Ralph<a id='r991'></a><a href='#f991' class='c016'><sup>[991]</sup></a>. +The commons had seized the town<a id='r992'></a><a href='#f992' class='c016'><sup>[992]</sup></a>, and it was only the castle which +held out.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Very little is known about this early stage of the siege, but it +seems to have been closely maintained. There was afterwards a +story that Sir Ralph and his company had “no sustenance but bread +and water for the space of twenty days,”<a id='r993'></a><a href='#f993' class='c016'><sup>[993]</sup></a> and his appeals for help +to the royal generals show that he was hard pressed<a id='r994'></a><a href='#f994' class='c016'><sup>[994]</sup></a>. The rebels +had some ordnance, which they had probably taken from ships in +the harbour, and they knew how to use it, for Sir Ralph reported +“of late part of the wall and the ground of Scarborough Castle is +shot down in the outer ward betwixt the gatehouse and the castle.”<a id='r995'></a><a href='#f995' class='c016'><sup>[995]</sup></a> +Nevertheless the rebels were baffled and failed to take the castle.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The sieges of Skipton and Scarborough occupied the men of the +northern dales so completely that their contingent had not reached +Pontefract on 21 October. Aske reckoned that they would be twelve +thousand men, armed and mounted, under the leadership of Lord +Scrope, Sir Christopher Danby, Sir William Mallory, the Nortons, +the Markenfields and others<a id='r996'></a><a href='#f996' class='c016'><sup>[996]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In contrast to the rising in the Dales, the insurrection in +Lancashire seems to have been caused chiefly by discontent at +the royal supremacy and the suppression of the monasteries.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_213'>213</span>The principal leader was one Atkinson, probably the same +John Atkinson alias Brotton who had escaped after preventing +the vicar of Gisburn from reading the Act of Supremacy in the +parish church on 11 July 1535<a id='r997'></a><a href='#f997' class='c016'><sup>[997]</sup></a>. The centre of the insurrection +was St Mary’s Abbey, Sawley<a id='r998'></a><a href='#f998' class='c016'><sup>[998]</sup></a>, a monastery which was beloved by +the commons, “being the charitable relief of those parts, and standing +in a mountain country and amongst three forests.”<a id='r999'></a><a href='#f999' class='c016'><sup>[999]</sup></a> It contained an +abbot and twenty-one monks and, as one of the lesser monasteries, +had been dissolved by the commissioners; but on Thursday 12 October +the commons reinstated the brethren<a id='r1000'></a><a href='#f1000' class='c016'><sup>[1000]</sup></a>, who naturally threw themselves +heart and soul into the pilgrims’ cause. One of them probably composed +the famous song of the Pilgrimage:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“Christ Crucified,</div> + <div class='line'>For thy wounds wide,</div> + <div class='line'>Us commons guide,</div> + <div class='line in2'>That pilgrims be.”<a id='r1001'></a><a href='#f1001' class='c016'><sup>[1001]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Among their papers are notes for a sermon maintaining that it is +lawful for a man to fight for the Faith and to resent injuries done to +God and his neighbours<a id='r1002'></a><a href='#f1002' class='c016'><sup>[1002]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In several other places the commissioners for the suppression +of the monasteries encountered opposition. The Priory of Conishead +had been threatened in 1525 when Wolsey dissolved a few of the +smaller monasteries, but it was spared at the intercession of the +Duke of Suffolk, who reported it to be “a great help to the people.”<a id='r1003'></a><a href='#f1003' class='c016'><sup>[1003]</sup></a> +On Monday 16 October 1536, the prior wrote to William Collins, +bailiff of Kendal, begging him to make proclamation that help should +be sent to the priory, or else all they had would be taken from +them<a id='r1004'></a><a href='#f1004' class='c016'><sup>[1004]</sup></a>. About this time or a little earlier, in an undated letter, +news was sent to Darcy that “this week past Manchester College +should have been pulled down, and there would have been a rising, +but the commissioners recoiled.”<a id='r1005'></a><a href='#f1005' class='c016'><sup>[1005]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the neighbouring county of Cheshire the commissioners were +actively resisted. The Abbot of Norton had been deposed and imprisoned, +apparently on a charge of treason<a id='r1006'></a><a href='#f1006' class='c016'><sup>[1006]</sup></a>. A servant of Cromwell +<span class='pageno' id='Page_214'>214</span>was put in his place to effect the surrender of the monastery, +which took place at the beginning of October 1536. On Sunday +8 October when the commissioners had packed up the jewels and +movable property, and were ready to leave, they were attacked by +the former abbot, who had escaped from prison, and was now at the +head of two or three hundred country people. The commissioners +fled, and took refuge in a tower, but they contrived to send a message +to the sheriff, who set out at once, and came upon the abbot and his +followers at 2 o’clock in the morning, feasting on an ox and other +victuals by the light of great fires which were burning within and +without the monastery. They were taken by surprise and could make +no effective resistance. The abbot and three of his canons were +captured, but most of his followers fled under cover of the darkness. +The sheriff reported that the abbot was expecting reinforcements +and “it was thought if it had not been quickly handled the matter +would have grown to further inconvenience.” As it was, the King’s +farmer was restored, and the abbot and canons were imprisoned in +Halton Castle. The King sent orders for their execution, but they +were not carried out at once, and on 30 November the abbot was +still living. His fate is uncertain, but he was taken to Chester Castle +for safer keeping during the insurrection, and it is unlikely that he +escaped<a id='r1007'></a><a href='#f1007' class='c016'><sup>[1007]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The commons of Lancashire expressed sympathy with the +Lincolnshire rebels, and there was a widespread belief that the +young Earl of Derby inclined to the same side. His servants were +so bitter against Cromwell that a spy in the household wrote “or +your lordship (Cromwell) should be there as they would have you +to be I had liefer to be in Jerusalem to come home upon my bare +feet.”<a id='r1008'></a><a href='#f1008' class='c016'><sup>[1008]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Thomas Stanley, a priest who was related to Derby, corresponded +with Lord Darcy, and used all his influence to persuade +the Earl to join the rebels<a id='r1009'></a><a href='#f1009' class='c016'><sup>[1009]</sup></a>. For a time it was believed that he +had been successful. Aske showed Bigod a letter from the Earl, +and said that he would be with them in time of need. Afterwards +a servant of Bigod’s who was sent with a letter to Derby, told him +that in the rebel host he was “cried traitor.” The Earl replied that +“there was no man in England save the King who should say such +a thing of him but he would lay his sword on his face,” and he +trusted the King would let him “boulte out” the occasion of this +<span class='pageno' id='Page_215'>215</span>slander<a id='r1010'></a><a href='#f1010' class='c016'><sup>[1010]</sup></a>. Perhaps his indignation was so great because there were +some grounds for the rebels’ confidence in his sympathy. Nicholas +Tempest had heard that Derby “had written such a letter to the +lord Darcy that he knew the said lord of Derby would do little in +the matter [on behalf of the King] when it should come to the +point.” He believed that the gentlemen who trusted to Derby to +protect them against the rebels would find themselves deceived in +him<a id='r1011'></a><a href='#f1011' class='c016'><sup>[1011]</sup></a>. It was said that Aske called him “false flattering boy” who +ran away from the commons<a id='r1012'></a><a href='#f1012' class='c016'><sup>[1012]</sup></a>, for when it came to the point he chose +to serve the King.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday 10 October Derby received a summons to prepare his +men in case the rebellion should spread from Lincolnshire into those +parts<a id='r1013'></a><a href='#f1013' class='c016'><sup>[1013]</sup></a>. The monks of Sawley were restored on the 12th, and on the +19th, Thursday, news of this having reached the King, further orders +were sent to Derby, that instead of joining Shrewsbury on his advance +northwards, as had been intended, he must suppress the rising in +Lancashire, send up the ringleaders and hang the brethren in their +monks’ apparel. A commission under the Privy Seal was sent to +him to authorise his proceedings<a id='r1014'></a><a href='#f1014' class='c016'><sup>[1014]</sup></a>. He was given authority over all +Lancashire, Cheshire, North Wales and Staffordshire, excepting the +parts already committed to Shrewsbury. This liberal commission +delighted Derby so much that his previous inclination was overcome +and he resolved to oppose the rebels. He showed the commission +to Thomas Stanley, saying that no ancestor of his had ever had the +like, to which Stanley retorted that “no more should he neither have +had” if it had not been to support Cromwell. A heated argument +followed, but Derby was now quite determined on his course<a id='r1015'></a><a href='#f1015' class='c016'><sup>[1015]</sup></a>. The +King’s judicious display of confidence had made an ally of a man +who might have been a most dangerous enemy. Derby might have +avenged his ancestor Sir William Stanley by overmatching Henry VIII +if he had thrown his powerful influence into the scale against the +King. But on the other hand, the Earl’s love of ruling and his +commanding position as by far the most important man among the +Pilgrims would have made it necessary for them to acknowledge him +their leader, if he had joined them, and as he was not very wise +<span class='pageno' id='Page_216'>216</span>it may be doubted whether he had sufficient tact and ability for the +position. He would have been but a doubtful acquisition if he had +introduced fresh divisions into their council. This, however, is only +speculation, as Derby prepared to fight for the King. Nevertheless +the commons of Lancashire were wholly in favour of the rebels, and +Stanley believed that if one quarter rose the rest would. He +reported to Darcy that Derby and Lord Monteagle his cousin +would not be able to set out before the following Wednesday, +25 October<a id='r1016'></a><a href='#f1016' class='c016'><sup>[1016]</sup></a>, and meanwhile the commons were rising in response +to a summons from “Mr Captain” (Aske or Atkinson?). An +example of this summons is preserved in an unsigned letter to +“Cousin Townley.” Its date seems to be Saturday 14 October. +The writer had received a letter from “Mr Captain in this our +Pilgrimage of Grace,” containing the order “that on sight thereof +ye fail not with all your company to be on (blank) Thewseday +(Tuesday 17th?) next by (blank) of the clock in all your best array, +as ye will avoid displeasure of the contrary doing.” The writer was +sure that his cousin would be glad to hear this. He had sent orders +to the commons of Lancaster side to take the gentlemen who were +favourable to the Pilgrimage, and was sorry that “Cousin Townley’s” +brother had not taken the oath, as he was inclined to it at one time<a id='r1017'></a><a href='#f1017' class='c016'><sup>[1017]</sup></a>. +Sir John Townley and his brother, who was also called John, are +afterwards mentioned as being active on behalf of the commons<a id='r1018'></a><a href='#f1018' class='c016'><sup>[1018]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Such a summons was brought by George Willen and William +Gaunt from Dent to Kendal on Saturday 14 October. The men +from Dent had come, as they said, to ask Sir James Leyborne +what they should do about the summons, which they had received +from Richmondshire. All the advice they received from Leyborne +the steward and William Collins the bailiff was “not to meddle.” +Next day (Sunday 15 October) the commons under the leadership +of Tom Dockwray and Brian Jobson assembled at daybreak in the +North Street of Kendal, and took all the chief men of the town, +rousing them from their beds and making them swear to be true +to God, the King and their ancient laudable customs. “Mr Leyborne” +had fled, but his friends promised that he would do as the +other gentlemen did, and his brother Nicholas “sealed to a book +which was read concerning their customs” in his name. The +complaint that their ancient customs were being violated was the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_217'>217</span>characteristic grievance of Cumberland and Westmorland, and will +be discussed more fully hereafter. Beyond visiting Mr Leyborne’s +house again on Friday 20 October the commons of Kendal did not +do much until on Saturday 21 October they received a summons +from the men of Dent to muster with them on Monday 23 October +at ten o’clock on Ennesmore. Here a local quarrel broke out, for +the Kendal men answered that they “would have nought to do” +with Dent. The reply of the latter was that if Kendal did not +attend the muster, the town should be spoiled by ten thousand +men. For a moment the citizens of Kendal thought of resistance, +but in the end some five hundred of them went to Ennesmore. +There they found that the captains were Atkinson, James Cowper, +John Middleton, John Hebyllthwayte of Sedbergh, James Bushell of +Middleton and the vicar of Clapham, who “was the common swearer +and counsellor in all that business and persuaded the people that +they should go to heaven if they died in that quarrel.” The men +of Kendal told the captains that they were sworn, but that their +gentlemen would not come in, to which the others answered, “If ye +cannot rule them, we shall rule them.” A muster was appointed +at Kendal next day at 8 a.m., when they would have spoiled +Mr Leyborne’s house but for the bad weather. On Friday 27 October +Leyborne and the other gentlemen at last came in and were sworn +at Kendal Tollbooth, and on Saturday 28 October they mustered on +Kelet Moor and marched to Lancaster<a id='r1019'></a><a href='#f1019' class='c016'><sup>[1019]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was this rising which prevented Derby from marching on +Sawley when he received the King’s first orders, dated 19 October<a id='r1020'></a><a href='#f1020' class='c016'><sup>[1020]</sup></a>. +The delay annoyed Henry so much that on the 28th he wrote +repeating his instructions<a id='r1021'></a><a href='#f1021' class='c016'><sup>[1021]</sup></a>, but Derby was doing his best. He +occupied Preston in order to lie within striking distance of both +the rebel hosts, the one lying near Kendal, which was said to +number five or six thousand men, but was probably under three +thousand, and the other defending Sawley Abbey. His attitude +alarmed the monks of Sawley, who sent into Yorkshire for help on +Saturday 21 October<a id='r1022'></a><a href='#f1022' class='c016'><sup>[1022]</sup></a>, but his attention was at first occupied by the +Kendal rising. Many fugitives hurried to his protection, among the +first being the abbot and deputy steward of Furness, who came by +water to Lathom before the Earl occupied Preston<a id='r1023'></a><a href='#f1023' class='c016'><sup>[1023]</sup></a>. From Lathom +<span class='pageno' id='Page_218'>218</span>the abbot wrote to his monastery that he had taken a way to be +sure both from King and commons<a id='r1024'></a><a href='#f1024' class='c016'><sup>[1024]</sup></a>, and while he remained with +Derby the monks levied men for the rebels and sent them money, +telling their recruits “Now must they stick to it or else never, for if +they sit down both you and Holy Church is undone; and if they +lack company we will go with them and live and die with them to +defend their most godly pilgrimage.” They gave out that the King +was not right heir to the crown because his father came in by the +sword, and they maintained the papal authority so earnestly that +some of their tenants were willing to wager that the new laws would +be annulled in three years. Four of the monks of Sawley had been +sent to Furness, and three of them, who had capacities<a id='r1025'></a><a href='#f1025' class='c016'><sup>[1025]</sup></a>, returned to +Sawley when the commons restored it<a id='r1026'></a><a href='#f1026' class='c016'><sup>[1026]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Prior of Cartmell, who had been restored against his +will, fled to the Earl at Preston, where he was joined by Lord +Monteagle and Sir Marmaduke Tunstall, whose houses lay between +Lancashire and Westmorland in the district where the rising took +place<a id='r1027'></a><a href='#f1027' class='c016'><sup>[1027]</sup></a>. Sir Robert Bellingham, Aske’s brother-in-law, and other +gentlemen were taken and sworn by the commons but afterwards +escaped to Preston. It must have been for this desertion that the +commons threatened to spoil the house of Aske’s sister Margaret, +Sir Robert’s wife, but Aske prevented them from doing so<a id='r1028'></a><a href='#f1028' class='c016'><sup>[1028]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Atkinson entered Lancaster at the head of the host from Dent +and Kendal on Saturday 28 October<a id='r1029'></a><a href='#f1029' class='c016'><sup>[1029]</sup></a>. He administered the oath to +the mayor and all the burgesses, but the mayor escaped to his +master the Earl of Derby. The commons threatened to plunder +his house if he did not return, and Derby sent two of his servants +to Atkinson to explain that he was detaining the mayor, and to +order the commons to depart in the King’s name. Atkinson declared +that as the mayor would not come, his friends, who had been his +sureties “were forfeitures,” and he gave the servants a list of their +names. As for the rest of the message, the commons had a pilgrimage +for the commonwealth to do, which they would accomplish or +die. The servants replied that if twelve of their chiefs would sign +a promise to fight on Bentham Moor, the Earl would undertake to +meet them there and determine the quarrel by battle. Atkinson +answered that they would not fight unless the Earl hindered their +pilgrimage, or attempted to join the Lord Lieutenant. If they had +<span class='pageno' id='Page_219'>219</span>agreed to fight, Derby had resolved to wait for help from Cheshire, +as he could not trust his men<a id='r1030'></a><a href='#f1030' class='c016'><sup>[1030]</sup></a>. It was probably the report of these +messengers which convinced him that the rebels at Lancaster were +not very formidable, and he therefore turned his attention to Sawley. +It was known in Lancaster on the 28th that the reinforcements from +Yorkshire had arrived there<a id='r1031'></a><a href='#f1031' class='c016'><sup>[1031]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>After the resolution at Monubent on Saturday 21 October Sir +Stephen Hamerton had gone to Colne and Burnley, marching down +one bank of the Ribble, and Nicholas Tempest had gone to Whalley, +marching down the other bank. The latter reached Whalley on +Monday 23 October. For more than two hours the monks refused +to admit him and his three or four hundred men, but at last they +opened their doors for fear of burning. Tempest administered the +oath to the abbot and eight of the brethren. Sir Stephen Hamerton +and his men arrived the same night and the two leaders recounted +their experiences to each other<a id='r1032'></a><a href='#f1032' class='c016'><sup>[1032]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Hearing that Derby was doing his best to raise forces against +them, they sent to Walter Strickland to come to their aid, but received +no reply<a id='r1033'></a><a href='#f1033' class='c016'><sup>[1033]</sup></a>. Then definite news was brought that Derby intended to +set out from Preston on Monday 30 October and would spend that +night with his forces at Whalley Abbey, which was some four miles +from Sawley. The rebels at once occupied a hill by the abbey, +prepared to fall on Derby, who did not know of their movements<a id='r1034'></a><a href='#f1034' class='c016'><sup>[1034]</sup></a>. +An encounter between the rebels and Derby’s forces seemed inevitable, +and the situation was on the whole in favour of the +former. It is true that Derby had levied over eight thousand men, +but their loyalty was doubtful<a id='r1035'></a><a href='#f1035' class='c016'><sup>[1035]</sup></a>; the Pilgrims at Sawley, unknown to +Derby, had occupied a strong position, and those at Lancaster were +preparing to take him in the rear<a id='r1036'></a><a href='#f1036' class='c016'><sup>[1036]</sup></a>. Derby himself admitted that +the roads were very difficult and that there would have been a great +fray “though no doubt the traitors would have been overthrown.”<a id='r1037'></a><a href='#f1037' class='c016'><sup>[1037]</sup></a> +Just at this critical moment, at nine o’clock in the morning on +Monday 30 October, Berwick Herald-at-Arms rode into Preston and +delivered to the Earl a letter from Shrewsbury and the other lords, +informing him of the first appointment at Doncaster, and directing +<span class='pageno' id='Page_220'>220</span>him to “sparple his force and do no hurt.”<a id='r1038'></a><a href='#f1038' class='c016'><sup>[1038]</sup></a> After a formal consultation +with the gentlemen present, he disbanded his men and +returned to Lathom, probably with a very thankful heart<a id='r1039'></a><a href='#f1039' class='c016'><sup>[1039]</sup></a>. The +same news had reached Whalley in a letter from Aske, forbidding +the Pilgrims to meddle with Derby even if he attacked them, and +directing them to withdraw into the mountains, unless he (Derby) +“raised fire,” in which case they must send by post to Aske. Hearing +that the Earl had withdrawn, they also broke up their forces, and +“kept every man his own house, ready to be up and come together +at an hour’s warning.”<a id='r1040'></a><a href='#f1040' class='c016'><sup>[1040]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>From Lancashire<a id='r1041'></a><a href='#f1041' class='c016'><sup>[1041]</sup></a> we turn to Cumberland and Westmorland, +where there had been considerably more enclosing of common land +by the landlords than in the other counties. This was the principal +grievance of the commons in those parts. On 17 August 1536 Sir +Thomas Wharton reported to Cromwell that there had been divers +riots in Cumberland, probably against the enclosures, although one +riot was traced to the Bishop of Carlisle<a id='r1042'></a><a href='#f1042' class='c016'><sup>[1042]</sup></a>, and was most likely a +private feud.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Sunday 15 October the curate of Kirkby Stephen did not +“bid St Luke’s day (Wednesday 18 October) as a holyday,” which +exasperated his parishioners so much that they threatened to kill +him; to pacify them he was forced to announce the holiday as +usual<a id='r1043'></a><a href='#f1043' class='c016'><sup>[1043]</sup></a>. Probably it was on the same day that Robert Thompson, +vicar of Brough-under-Stainmore, received a letter from the commons +of Richmondshire which he read aloud to his parishioners, perhaps +in the parish church. The contents of the letter ran: “Wellbeloved +brethren in God, we greet you well, signifying unto you that we +your brethren in Christ have assembled us together and put us in +readiness for the maintenance of the faith of God, His laws and His +Church, and where abbeys was suppressed we have restored them +again and put the religious men into their houses: wherefore we +exhort you to do the same.”<a id='r1044'></a><a href='#f1044' class='c016'><sup>[1044]</sup></a> This letter seems to have been signed +“Captain Poverty,” as was the one sent to Sir Ingram Percy<a id='r1045'></a><a href='#f1045' class='c016'><sup>[1045]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_221'>221</span>Next day the men of Kirkby Stephen held a muster on Sandforth +Moor in response to the summons from Richmond, and chose as their +captains Robert Pullen, Nicholas Musgrave, Christopher Blenkinsop +and Robert Hilton. Vicar Thompson went to Penrith that night, +to escape from the commons as he said, but it seems more likely +that his object was to spread the news of the rising. He rejoined +the muster next day, Tuesday 17 October, when the commons went +to take Sir Thomas Wharton. As he had fled, they captured his +eldest son instead. On Wednesday 18 October they went to Lamerside +Hall, believing that Sir Thomas and other gentlemen had taken +refuge there, but they found only servants. Pullen then issued an +order that the gentlemen should come in by a certain day or their +houses would be plundered, and appointed men bound by oath to +collect the goods which the captains declared forfeit. The leaders +agreed that next day, Thursday 19 October, Pullen and his men +should march down one side of the Eden and Musgrave with his +down the other. Pullen’s company set out and arrived at Penrith +the same day, but Musgrave’s band spent the night at Lowther, +where they had in vain hoped to take Sir John Lowther. Penrith +had already risen in response to the summons from Richmondshire, +which had probably been brought by Thompson. Four captains had +been chosen, Anthony Hutton, John Beck, Gilbert Whelpdale or +Whelton, and Thomas Burbeck, who took the names of Charity, +Faith, Poverty and Pity. Gilbert Whelpdale, Captain Poverty, was +Robert Thompson’s brother-in-law, and appointed him his chaplain +and secretary. Pullen’s company spent Thursday night in Penrith +and on Friday 20 October set out again. Thompson accompanied +them as far as Eamont Bridge, where the oath was administered +to Dudley and other gentlemen, but he turned back to Penrith +at the request of the commons there, in order that he might help +them with his counsel. On the same day they held a muster on +Penrith Fell, where Thompson and the captains organised their +forces as well as they could. “Sir” Edward Perith, who must have +been a priest, was appointed the crossbearer, to carry the cross +before the host. George Corney, another priest, wrote letters to +the neighbouring gentlemen at the dictation of the captains, and +Thompson taught Thomas Berwick, the town-crier, a proclamation +to be uttered before every meeting “to the effect that, as the +rulers did not defend them from thieves and Scots, they had chosen +the four captains, who commanded all to live in peace and to say +five <i>aves</i>, five <i>paters</i> and a creed.” The letters were sent to Sir +<span class='pageno' id='Page_222'>222</span>Edward Musgrave, who came in and took the oath with all the +parish of Edenhall and the country round Penrith. Another muster +was held on Saturday 21 October, when the commons beyond Eden +were sworn, and a meeting was appointed on Monday 23 October +at Cartlogan Thorns. On Monday the commons of Caldbeck, +Greystoke, Hutton, Shewlton and Sowerby rose and came to +Cartlogan Thorns, bringing with them Bernard Towneley, the +chancellor of the diocese, Richard Bewley, Richard Vachell and +other gentlemen. Sir John Lowther also came to the meeting, +“to summon certain men of Sowerby to keep the day of march,” +i.e. the day appointed for a meeting with the Scots warden. Sir +John’s attitude is doubtful; he does not seem to have been brought +in by force, and the commons looked upon him as their friend<a id='r1046'></a><a href='#f1046' class='c016'><sup>[1046]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The next muster was appointed to be held on Wednesday +25 October at Kilwatling How<a id='r1047'></a><a href='#f1047' class='c016'><sup>[1047]</sup></a>. A new actor now comes on the +scene—Abbot Carter of Holm Cultram. The Priory of Carlisle +and the Abbey of Holm Cultram were the only two monasteries +in Cumberland wealthy enough to escape the Act of Suppression. +There had been several scandals in connection with Holm Cultram +in recent years, and the abbot seems to have realised from the first +that without a revolution his house was doomed<a id='r1048'></a><a href='#f1048' class='c016'><sup>[1048]</sup></a>. Consequently +when the news of the rising reached him he sent orders to all +his tenants to attend the muster at Kilwatling How under pain +of hanging<a id='r1049'></a><a href='#f1049' class='c016'><sup>[1049]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There on Wednesday 25 October the gentlemen and commons of +the neighbourhood were sworn, and four clergymen, the parson of +Melmerby, Dr Towneley, the vicar of Sowerby and the vicar of +Edenhall, were appointed Chaplains of Poverty to instruct the +commons in the Faith, a lesson which was much needed, as those +who attended the muster announced that if the other clergymen +of the district did not come in they would strike off the heads of +those already in their hands, and set Towneley’s head on the highest +tree of the diocese<a id='r1050'></a><a href='#f1050' class='c016'><sup>[1050]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Wednesday and Thursday a picturesque ceremony took place +in Penrith chapel, when the four captains followed Thompson +in procession round the building with their swords drawn. They +then put up their swords and the vicar said mass, and expounded +<span class='pageno' id='Page_223'>223</span>the Ten Commandments, showing how all the present troubles had +arisen from breaking them. This was called the captains’ mass. +A priest objected that swords should not be drawn in church, and +the ceremony was given up<a id='r1051'></a><a href='#f1051' class='c016'><sup>[1051]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The chief problem now before the rebels was the attitude of +Carlisle. This was determined almost by accident. On Monday +16 October the Earl of Cumberland intended to send his son +Henry Lord Clifford to join Shrewsbury<a id='r1052'></a><a href='#f1052' class='c016'><sup>[1052]</sup></a>. Finding that he could +not go directly southwards by land without a considerable risk of +falling into the rebels’ hands, Lord Clifford conceived the ingenious +idea of travelling north to his uncle Sir Thomas Clifford at Berwick +and taking ship to Lincolnshire<a id='r1053'></a><a href='#f1053' class='c016'><sup>[1053]</sup></a>. The general rising, however, +forced him to seek refuge in Carlisle Castle, and there he lay four +days in hiding. Meanwhile on Friday 27 October the citizens of +Carlisle sent messengers to the commons of Penrith under safe +conduct. The commons were mustered on Sanderdale Hill, and the +messengers reported that the burgesses of Carlisle would take no +oath, but otherwise would be with them. All the people who lived +in that neighbourhood thought that they would be ruined if Carlisle +were not secured, for the mosstroopers of the Black Quarters, the +valleys of Esk and Line, had already begun to plunder them. By +Thompson’s advice they proclaimed that no one should take provisions +into the town, hoping that it might be reduced by starvation, +as Hull had been<a id='r1054'></a><a href='#f1054' class='c016'><sup>[1054]</sup></a>. The threat would have been sufficient for the +townspeople, as they had neither ordnance nor powder and the walls +were in ruins, but Lord Clifford came out of his hiding-place, and +said that as his father’s deputy he would be their captain and +jeopardy his life with them. They were so far encouraged that +they promised not to give over the town<a id='r1055'></a><a href='#f1055' class='c016'><sup>[1055]</sup></a>, especially as the commons +had withdrawn for the moment to Cockermouth, where they passed +the night of Friday 27 October. The Abbot of Holm Cultram joined +them in person at Cockermouth on Saturday 28 October, and the +rebels’ council ordered Sir John Lowther, “who was at Carlisle,” the +abbot, Towneley, Richard Blenkhow and Thomas Dalston to go to +Carlisle with orders to the mayor to meet the commons and take the +oath for himself and his brethren on the following Monday at Burford +(Brunfelde) Oak. The priests were very unwilling to go and one +<span class='pageno' id='Page_224'>224</span>Percy Simpson exclaimed that “they would never be well till they +had stricken off all the priests’ heads, saying they would but deceive +them.” The appointed messengers went no further than Dalston, +but they sent “Sir” William Robin to Carlisle and he brought back +word “there was a proclamation that no man should make any +unlawful assembly,” which was evidently news of the first truce of +Doncaster. The abbot and Towneley told Thompson of this, but +he and the other captains believed that it was only a trick to gain +time and mustered next day. Towneley and other messengers were +again sent to Carlisle, where they were shown the proclamation of +the truce, and sent it back to the host at once. They do not seem +to have believed that it would pacify the commons, and delivered +their message to the mayor, who asked for a day’s respite. When +Towneley and the others returned to Burford Oak, however, they +found that the commons had agreed to disperse until Friday +3 November, when they were to assemble again. Thompson went +back to Penrith and took no further part in the proceedings<a id='r1056'></a><a href='#f1056' class='c016'><sup>[1056]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>All this time Lord Dacre had been lying quiet at Naworth +Castle. By reason of his feud with the Cliffords and his late trial +for treason it had been hoped that he would join the commons, but +his recent experience had been enough for him, and Sir Ingram +Percy called him “first a traitor to the king and after to the +commons” for remaining loyal<a id='r1057'></a><a href='#f1057' class='c016'><sup>[1057]</sup></a>. He was in occasional communication +with Shrewsbury<a id='r1058'></a><a href='#f1058' class='c016'><sup>[1058]</sup></a>, and on 30 October he sent to Lord Clifford, +offering to come to his aid if the commons besieged Carlisle, and +asking Clifford to come to him if they besieged Naworth. Clifford +willingly agreed<a id='r1059'></a><a href='#f1059' class='c016'><sup>[1059]</sup></a>. When the commons mustered at Burford Oak +on Friday 3 November Sir Christopher Dacre came to them from +Carlisle under safe conduct<a id='r1060'></a><a href='#f1060' class='c016'><sup>[1060]</sup></a>, and with the help of Towneley and the +gentlemen and priests who were with them he persuaded them to +accept the truce and to disperse<a id='r1061'></a><a href='#f1061' class='c016'><sup>[1061]</sup></a>. It was agreed that they should +bring their wares to market as before, and that Lord Clifford should +prevent his soldiers from “riding on the commons.”<a id='r1062'></a><a href='#f1062' class='c016'><sup>[1062]</sup></a> After this +Lord Dacre went secretly up to London<a id='r1063'></a><a href='#f1063' class='c016'><sup>[1063]</sup></a>, thinking that he would +<span class='pageno' id='Page_225'>225</span>be less liable to misrepresentation if he were actually under the +King’s eye.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The movement in Cumberland and Westmorland was essentially +a rising of the poor against the rich. The rebels wanted to abolish +rents, tithes and enclosures<a id='r1064'></a><a href='#f1064' class='c016'><sup>[1064]</sup></a>. In spite of the exhortations of the +enthusiast, Robert Thompson, and the Abbot of Holm Cultram, the +commons showed no particular zeal for the Church and treated the +clergy with little respect. In consequence the gentlemen and clergy +stood aloof, and the mass of eager but undisciplined commons were +as great an anxiety to the leaders of the rebellion as they could be +to their opponents.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From this brief sketch of the state of the northern counties up +to the first truce of Doncaster two points stand out. In the first +place the discontent was very strong and very widespread. The +gentlemen who were usually equal to keeping order were reduced +to a few isolated fortresses, Chillingham, Scarborough and Skipton; +even the large towns, such as Carlisle, Newcastle and Berwick, +were wavering. The progress of the insurrection may be described +in the words which a German historian uses with regard to the +Peasants’ War of 1525: “the peasant revolts were, in general, less +of the nature of campaigns, or even of an uninterrupted series of +minor military operations, than of a slow process of mobilisation +interrupted and accompanied by continual negociations with the +lords and princes—a mobilisation which was rendered possible by +the standing right of assembly and of carrying arms possessed by +the peasants.”<a id='r1065'></a><a href='#f1065' class='c016'><sup>[1065]</sup></a> The widespread character of the rebellion was in +its favour, but the second point is against it. In consequence +of the great extent of the district affected it was inevitable that +there should be many conflicting interests, which only genius could +unite in a common cause. In one place the course of the rising was +determined by local feuds, in another by religious enthusiasm, in +another by agricultural grievances.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Though such a mass of discontent was very dangerous to the +King, it was almost equally dangerous to those who were attempting +to control and guide it to a definite object. It will be noticed that +there were two distinct sets of agitators, whose aims were sometimes +almost antagonistic. First, there was the religious movement which +usually centred in some monastery—Hexham, Sawley, Furness or +Holm Cultram. Its motives and object have already been described, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_226'>226</span>and it was the cause with which the gentlemen sympathised. +Second there was the social movement directed chiefly against +raised rents and enclosures. Its centre seems to have been Richmondshire, +and it was this cause which was most influential in Cumberland +and Westmorland. The leaders had adopted the name of Captain +Poverty as a symbol of their intention. The commons, they meant, +were led by Poverty. There was, of course, no one definite Captain +Poverty, though individual leaders might assume the name, as at +Penrith, but wherever that name is used the rising was directed +primarily against the gentlemen, and no particular devotion was +shown to the Church as an institution. It was this second +movement which resembled in many particulars the Peasants’ Revolt +in Germany in 1525. There, as in England, the first demands of +the peasants were social, not religious<a id='r1066'></a><a href='#f1066' class='c016'><sup>[1066]</sup></a>. In Germany they soon +became combined with a reforming campaign against the Church, +while in England the religious movement was reactionary, but the +ideals of the peasants had something in common with both tendencies, +for while on the one hand they wanted reform of abuses, on the +other their social programme was reactionary, looking back to the +primitive form of the village community<a id='r1067'></a><a href='#f1067' class='c016'><sup>[1067]</sup></a>. This may be observed +in the English as well as in the German movement. The leaders +of the religious insurrection in England, Aske and Darcy and the +friars, seem originally to have had little or nothing to do with the +social movement, and though they tried to direct it to their own +ends they were rather alarmed by it.</p> + +<h3 class='c017'>NOTES TO CHAPTER IX</h3> + +<p class='c018'>Note A. The Isle was not Holy Island in Northumberland, as stated in the +Index of the “Letters and Papers.” It was the name of a country house in +the parish of Sedgefield, Durham, which was built on an island formed by +the river Skerne and its tributaries.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note B. An attempt was made in 1535 to involve the Abbot of Norton in +a charge of issuing counterfeit coin<a id='r1068'></a><a href='#f1068' class='c016'><sup>[1068]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note C. Kendal is now in Westmorland, but in early times it was included +in Lancashire, and even in Henry VIII’s reign the boundary between the two +counties was still unsettled<a id='r1069'></a><a href='#f1069' class='c016'><sup>[1069]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note D. The summary of Nicholas Tempest’s confession which is given +in the “Letters and Papers,” <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), no. 1014 is so brief that it gives no idea of +the contents of the document. The subsequent references are therefore given +to the “Yorkshire Archaeological Journal,” vol. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, where the confession is printed +in full.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_227'>227</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER X<br> <span class='c004'>THE MUSTERS AT PONTEFRACT</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>It was a strange kind of warfare in which the garrison of a +surrendered castle immediately went over to the enemy—joined +in their counsels and became their leaders. When all the gentlemen +at Pontefract had taken the oath Aske “would have yielded up his +white rod and name of captain to the nobility there, which refused, +but willed him to continue as captain because otherwise amongst +the nobility there were parte [likely] to be disdain, if any of them +would have taken this office upon them.” A council was held at +once<a id='r1070'></a><a href='#f1070' class='c016'><sup>[1070]</sup></a>. Every man was willing and earnest, excepting the Archbishop +and his friend Dr Magnus, who did not attend the councils<a id='r1071'></a><a href='#f1071' class='c016'><sup>[1071]</sup></a>. Darcy +and Sir Robert Constable became acknowledged heads of the +Pilgrimage. Constable and Aske had some time before been “in +displeasure” with one another, but, true to their oath, they set +aside all private disputes<a id='r1072'></a><a href='#f1072' class='c016'><sup>[1072]</sup></a>. They worked loyally together to muster +and drill the bands of Pilgrims which marched in every hour. At +the councils all the worshipful men “commoned” together “for the +setting forth of the battles and company towards Doncaster, for the +preparation for victuals, scoutwatches and for the orders of the field, +and who should be in the vanward and middleward, and for the +answers of the heralds, and good espials, and search the fords of +Don for passage with the host.” Copies of the oath and Aske’s +proclamations were sent out with the messengers who carried orders +and advice to companies on Pilgrimage in all parts of Yorkshire, +in Durham, and in all the north. Darcy had received trustworthy +information from Lancashire, that the people were about to rise +though the Earl of Derby was obstinate in loyalty<a id='r1073'></a><a href='#f1073' class='c016'><sup>[1073]</sup></a>. Aske still had +<span class='pageno' id='Page_228'>228</span>hopes of the young nobleman, and he sent the servant who brought +the news back again, with a letter to the Earl, and a copy of the +oath to be “spread abroad” on his way through the country<a id='r1074'></a><a href='#f1074' class='c016'><sup>[1074]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>While the leaders of the Pilgrimage were holding counsel, word +was brought to them that a herald in the King’s coat of arms was +riding into the town. This was Thomas Miller, Lancaster Herald, +sent from Scrooby by the Earl of Shrewsbury to read to the +Pilgrims the same proclamation which had dispersed the men of +Lincolnshire. He was a man of parts and conduct, as became the +honourable bearer of the messages of a King. As he approached +Pontefract, he fell in with troops of countrymen on their way to +the musters. They treated him respectfully and listened to his +assurances that the King had never even thought of levying taxes +on burials, christenings, etc. Several hundred, as he said, even promised +him to go home, though it does not appear that they turned +back at once. As he was making his way to the market cross to +read his proclamation in due form, he was stopped and told that +the captain of the host, Robert Aske, had sent for him. He was +taken up to the castle, and passed through the three wards; at the +gate of every ward was a porter with a white rod and “many in +harness of very cruel fellows.” He was brought into a hall full of +people and told to wait till the captain’s pleasure was known. +Unappalled by this show of strength and order, the herald made +his way to the high table and boldly began to declare the King’s +will. He was interrupted by a summons to the castle chamber. +Here he found himself before the Archbishop, Darcy, Sir Robert +Constable, Sir Christopher Danby, with other knights and gentlemen. +In the midst was Aske himself, “keeping his port and countenance +as though he had been a great prince with great rigour and like +a tyrant,” said Lancaster afterwards, shocked at such assurance in +a traitor. Not deigning to address a mere gentleman when lords +spiritual and temporal were present, the herald, with due regard for +precedence, first offered to deliver his message to the Archbishop +and then to Darcy. Both bade him give it to the captain, who +“with an inestimable proud countenance, stretched himself and took +a hearing of my tale.” On understanding his mission the captain +asked to see the proclamation. The herald drew it from his purse +and Aske “read it openly without reverence to any person<a id='r1075'></a><a href='#f1075' class='c016'><sup>[1075]</sup></a>, and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_229'>229</span>said ... he would of his own wit give me the answer. He, standing +up in the highest place of the chamber, taking the high estate upon +him, said: Herald, as a messenger you are welcome to me and all +my company, intending as I do; and as for this proclamation sent +from the lords, from whence ye come, it shall not be read at the +Market Cross nor in no place amongst my people, which be all under +my guiding, nor for fear of loss of lands, life or goods, nor for the +power which is against us doth not enter into our hearts with fear; +but are all of one accord with the points of our articles, clearly +intending to see a reformation or else to die in those causes.” Miller +asked what the articles might be; the captain answered that they +were going “to London, upon pilgrimage to the King’s Highness” +to petition him for “full restitution of Christ’s Church of all wrongs +done to it” and the putting down of vile blood from the Council. +At Miller’s request, Aske gave him a copy of the oath and offered +to sign it. The herald “prayed him to put his hand to the said bill +and so he did, and with a proud voice said: This is mine act who so +ever says to the contrary.” The herald again begged that he might +read the proclamation to the commons, and even fell on his knees +in his anxiety to do his errand truly. But Aske was determined. +“He clearly answered me that of my life I should not, for he would +have nothing put in his people’s heads that should sound contrary +to his intent.” He dared not let Lancaster proclaim openly that the +Lincolnshire Rebellion was over. It was already rumoured in the +Pilgrims’ host, and roused such fury among the commons that Aske +doubted whether he could save the herald’s life if he declared the +news to be true<a id='r1076'></a><a href='#f1076' class='c016'><sup>[1076]</sup></a>. The Pilgrimage must not be stained with the +murder of a messenger. Moreover the proclamation itself was +unsatisfactory, containing no offer of pardon, nor as much as demanding +the Pilgrims’ reasons for rising in arms. These the King +persisted in assuming that he knew—they were the false rumours of +new taxes<a id='r1077'></a><a href='#f1077' class='c016'><sup>[1077]</sup></a>. Indeed the proclamation, though couched in the most +sonorous English, contained so little to the point that it was no +wonder a serious leader of the Pilgrimage should treat it with +scorn.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Miller naturally thought that had he been allowed to accomplish +his mission the effect would have been great. All the ploughmen +and farm hands, he believed, “would have gone home, ... for they +say that they be weary of that life they lead, and if (any) say to +<span class='pageno' id='Page_230'>230</span>the contrary of the captain’s will he shall die.” He must have +heard the commons grumbling at the strict orders against spoils.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Aske ended the interview by promising Lancaster perfect safety +whenever he brought messages in the King’s coat, and “if my +Lord Shrewsbury or other lords of the King’s army would come +and speak with him, they should have of him their safe conduct +to come safe and go safe. And also said: Herald, commend me +to the lords from whence you come, and say to them, it were meet +they were with me, for it is for all their wealths I do.... Then he +commanded Lord Darcy to give me two crowns of five shillings to +reward whether I would or no, then took me by the arm and brought +me forth of the castle and there made a proclamation that I should +go safe and come safe wearing the King’s coat, on pain of death; +and so took his leave of me and returned into the castle, in high +honour of the people as a traitor may. And I missed my horse, and +I called to him again for to have my horse, and then he made a +proclamation that whoso held my horse and brought him not again +immediately, bade kill him without mercy. And then both my +horse was delivered unto me; and then he commanded that twenty +or forty men should bring me out of the town, where I should least +see his people.”<a id='r1078'></a><a href='#f1078' class='c016'><sup>[1078]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>On this same Saturday 21 October 1536, Sir Thomas Percy +arrived at Pontefract at the head of nearly ten thousand men +from the north-east. To describe the raising of this company we +must go back a week or more. Sir Thomas was at Seamer in the +North Riding, his mother’s house, when the first news of trouble in +Lincolnshire came. Three days later a servant arrived from Wressell +Castle, bringing venison for the Dowager Countess from the Earl. +He brought word that Aske had raised the commons of Howdenshire, +and the tenants of Wressell cried before the Earl’s gates +“Thousands for a Percy!” The country round was much disturbed, +and Sir Thomas grew anxious to return home to Prudhoe Castle in +Tynedale where his wife and children were. It must have been +about 14 or 15 October that he attempted to go north secretly, +disguised in one of his servant’s coats, leading his own mail horse, +and accompanied only by his page and a couple of men. They +presently fell in with two rebel leaders. One of them “a man with a +red face” was William Percehay of Ryton; he seems to have recognised +Sir Thomas or at least to have suspected who he was. Seeing the +Percy livery he asked where Sir Thomas might be. They replied +<span class='pageno' id='Page_231'>231</span>he was at Seamer. Percehay of Ryton told them the commons had +mustered at Malton and were determined to have Sir Thomas for +their captain. They had set watch to take him, and if he did not +join them by noon they would “leave my lady his mother never a +penny or pennyworth of goods.” Sir Thomas went back to Seamer +and told the old Countess that he could not make his way home +“whereupon she wept and sore lamented.” About two o’clock in the +afternoon a large company of commons led by several gentlemen +came to summon him to join the Pilgrimage. The captains entered +the house without any resistance being offered and Sir Thomas +“came forth to them to the great chamber.” They told him they +were assembled for the weal of all; and Lord Latimer, Lord +Neville, Danby, Bowes and many more had already joined them. +Sir Thomas willingly took the Pilgrims’ oath and agreed to attend +the muster next day “at the Wold beyond Spittel.” He went with +a dozen or more followers, but “within a while” four or five thousand +commons assembled there. Next day they spoiled the house of +Mr Chamley, who had refused to come in, crying “Strike off his +head,” when Sir Thomas protested. He returned that night to +Seamer to comfort his mother and assure her of his safety, staying +there two nights before leaving for a large muster at Malton. From +there he sent for Sir Nicholas Fairfax and together they took +command of about ten thousand men; they received orders from +Aske to march to York, but in a day or two they were countermanded +to the siege of Hull, and, when news came that Hull had +surrendered, to Pontefract<a id='r1079'></a><a href='#f1079' class='c016'><sup>[1079]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>They passed through York on the 20th and their entry was +attended with some pomp. Sir Oswald Wolsthrope had been raising +the people west of the city in the triangle of country between the +rivers Ouse, Nidd and Wharf, holding musters at Bilborough and +Acomb. He joined forces with Percy and made the Abbot of +St Mary’s, much against his will, walk at the head of the troops +as they marched through York carrying his finest cross; “at the +town’s end” Sir Thomas allowed the abbot to steal away “leaving +his cross behind him.” He supposed “Sir Oswald had not been +pleased with the abbot” from whom they had all been getting +money<a id='r1080'></a><a href='#f1080' class='c016'><sup>[1080]</sup></a>. Sir Thomas Percy himself was especially splendid. He +had sent for “a great trotting bay gelding” from the sub-prior of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_232'>232</span>Watton, who was under obligations to his family<a id='r1081'></a><a href='#f1081' class='c016'><sup>[1081]</sup></a>; and he had +bought in the city (not at his own cost, but at that of the kindly +Treasurer, Colins) four pounds worth of velvet<a id='r1082'></a><a href='#f1082' class='c016'><sup>[1082]</sup></a>. “Gorgeously he +rode through the King’s highness’ city of York in complete harness +with feathers trimmed as well as he might deck himself at that +time.”<a id='r1083'></a><a href='#f1083' class='c016'><sup>[1083]</sup></a> His servants must have worn the Percy livery, scarlet and +black, with the silver crescent on the breast. He must have looked +a worthy son of the Magnificent Earl, and no wonder the commons +greeted him joyfully. They “showed such affection towards him as +they showed towards none other,” and called him “Lord Percy,”—for +was he not “the best of the Percys that were left next to my lord +of Northumberland?” The King could rob him of his inheritance, +never of his blood. But Sir Thomas was honourably loyal to his +brother. “He lighted off his horse and took off his cap and desired +them that they would not so say, for ... the same would turn him but +to displeasure.”<a id='r1084'></a><a href='#f1084' class='c016'><sup>[1084]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>At Sir George Lawson’s house Sir Thomas, Sir Nicholas Fairfax, +Sir Oswald Wolsthrope and the rest of his party met George Lumley, +Lord Lumley’s heir, who had ridden in from Thwing with his tenants. +They discussed the attitude of the religious from whom Percy +had received help in money, provisions and men. He especially +praised the Prior of Bridlington who had sent two brethren “the +tallest men that he saw.”<a id='r1085'></a><a href='#f1085' class='c016'><sup>[1085]</sup></a> The prior was a good friend to the +Pilgrims though he had troubles of his own. He was threatened +by the commons recruiting for Percy, but they were satisfied when, +besides the two brethren, eleven horsed tenants of his joined them. +Later Aske gave him “a writing for the assurance of his goods” and +in return he contributed twenty nobles to the Pilgrimage treasury. +In spite of his paper he gave £4 to the men of Holderness “not +to drive away his cattle there.”<a id='r1086'></a><a href='#f1086' class='c016'><sup>[1086]</sup></a> But this last may have been a +voluntary gift, in spite of the saving clause. The religious were +being heavily taxed. Sir Nicholas Fairfax said that as it was a +spiritual matter “he thought meet that the priors and abbots and +other men of the Church should ... go forth in their own person.” +He went himself to the unfortunate Abbot of St Mary, who had +<span class='pageno' id='Page_233'>233</span><a id='Page_233b'></a>already done his best to satisfy Percy and Wolsthrope. Sir Thomas +sent Lumley on a round of religious houses, to St Saviour’s of +Newburgh, Byland, Rievaux, Whitby, Malton and Kirkham, while +John Lambeth, his servant, went to Mountgrace, Bridlington, and +Guisborough: “to move the abbots or priors and two monks of +every of those houses with the best cross to come forwards in +their best array.” Byland, Newburgh and Whitby contributed +forty shillings each, but all had given Percy help before. The +abbot of Rievaux and the prior of Guisborough were ready to +come in person, but Aske countermanded Percy’s orders, bidding +Lumley obtain such “benevolence” as he could, but let the religious +themselves tarry at home<a id='r1087'></a><a href='#f1087' class='c016'><sup>[1087]</sup></a>. The money which the Pilgrims collected +would be spent by the captains on food and lodging for their men. +Each of the commons “found” by his township was given twenty +shillings to begin with: the ordinary rate of pay for soldiers was +eight pence a day, so this would last at least a month and with +presents, spoils, etc. might be made to go further, as the Pilgrims +were on a kind of volunteer service. The townships had taxed +themselves to raise this money. Gentlemen went at their own cost.</p> + +<p class='c008'>After Lancaster Herald had left Pontefract, Aske and Sir Robert +Constable held musters on St Thomas’ hill near Pontefract where +they “tried out the men.” “No man there but was willing to do +his best and prepare for battle.”<a id='r1088'></a><a href='#f1088' class='c016'><sup>[1088]</sup></a> News came that the Earl of +Shrewsbury had mustered his army on Blythe Law. As the lords +and captains sat at supper in the castle hall that night, a messenger +came in with a letter for Darcy. He read it through and dropped +it on the board with a sigh<a id='r1089'></a><a href='#f1089' class='c016'><sup>[1089]</sup></a>. Aske, who was sitting opposite, reached +across for the paper, which was to this purpose: “Son Thomas, the +Earl of Shrewsbury entendeth to take you sleeper.” It was unsigned. +The captain assured Darcy that there was “scorage (scouts) enough +out to give him warning.” Darcy advised that Ferrybridge (now +Wentbridge) should be watched for the night; and Aske sent a +company accordingly. Who was the spy in Shrewsbury’s ranks? +If Darcy ever revealed his name it was to Aske alone; and Aske +never betrayed him. The question was more interesting to Henry +than to us, but there can be no doubt that a considerable party in +the royal army secretly favoured the Pilgrims and were ready to +desert if the latter gained a victory.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_234'>234</span>Blythe, where Shrewsbury mustered, is close to Scrooby in +Nottinghamshire about twelve miles south of Doncaster and at +least twenty-five, as the crow flies, from Pontefract. There was +not, therefore, any immediate danger of surprise. Ferrybridge is +on the Aire, hardly two miles north of Pontefract on the direct +road from York—an essential joint in the Great North Road. But +at that time this important passage was called Ferrybridges, and +Wentbridge, also on the main road, but two miles south of Pontefract, +was known as Ferrybridge<a id='r1090'></a><a href='#f1090' class='c016'><sup>[1090]</sup></a>. This naturally causes some confusion +on a first reading of the documents concerned. It was Wentbridge +that Darcy advised Aske to hold in case of Shrewsbury’s sudden +advance. The Went is a far smaller stream than the Aire, but +when the waters were swollen it would probably be impracticable +for an army to ford it. Ferrybridge on the Aire was also guarded; +but for different reasons. It was in the rear of the Pilgrims’ host +and out of reach of attack. Nevertheless no one was allowed to +cross northwards without a passport from Aske: this served the +double purpose of checking spies or suspicious letters and preventing +the retreat of “those who were fainthearted.”<a id='r1091'></a><a href='#f1091' class='c016'><sup>[1091]</sup></a> An instance of the +keeping of Ferrybridge is given by the adventures of Harry Sais. +He was a servant of Christopher Askew, the gentleman of the King’s +Chamber whom Cromwell had sent to Lincolnshire<a id='r1092'></a><a href='#f1092' class='c016'><sup>[1092]</sup></a>. He came north +early in October to bring home three of his master’s horses which +were “with one Mr Knevet at grass.” By the time he reached his +destination the country was up, and he dared not take the horses +lest they should be stolen. He set out southwards without them, +accompanied by a gentlewoman, Mrs Beckwith, perhaps one of +Leonard Beckwith’s family. When they came to Ferrybridge they +were stopped by the guards and told to swear to be true to God and +the King; Sais said he was willing. “And not to us?” asked +another. “If ye be true to the King, or else I would be loath +to swear.” He was told: “If ye do not swear thus, to be true to +God and to the King and to the commons, thou shalt lose thy head.” +So he took the oath “upon a little book that one of them brought +forth of his sleeve.” He was taken to Pontefract during the siege +and saw the rebel host, which he thought was about ten thousand, +the most part horsed but without much harness. When the castle +was taken it was said the Pilgrims would go forward to London. +He was allowed to go southwards and at Wentbridge he found the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_235'>235</span>lady waiting; they continued their journey together and passed +through Shrewsbury’s host at Doncaster<a id='r1093'></a><a href='#f1093' class='c016'><sup>[1093]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Sunday 22 October at nine o’clock in the morning William +Stapleton brought to Pontefract the host of Beverley which had +been besieging Hull. They had set out for York on Saturday +morning, leaving a garrison in Hull. Stapleton, Rudston and +Sir Ralph Ellerker rode in advance, and presently met a post from +Aske with a letter announcing the surrender of Pontefract Castle +and the capture of the Earl of Northumberland by a party of the +commons. At York they heard the equally welcome news that +Sir Thomas Percy “had gone towards Pontefract with a goodly +band the same day.”<a id='r1094'></a><a href='#f1094' class='c016'><sup>[1094]</sup></a> Sir Ralph, two of the Rudstons and young +Robert Aske dined at Sir George Lawson’s where they heartily +abused Cromwell, Sir Ralph saying that he “was a traitor and he +would prove it if the King would hear him.”<a id='r1095'></a><a href='#f1095' class='c016'><sup>[1095]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>After passing through York the companies parted, no doubt for +convenience in foraging. Sir Ralph and Rudston spent the night +at Shirburn, while the Stapletons rode home to Wighill, “and lodged +their folk a mile off at Tadcaster.” The night was full of flying +rumours carried from company to company by posts spurring through +the muddy lanes. One cried in passing that every man must go +forward for Doncaster Bridge was down; another came to Wighill +from his master Sir James Strangways, who lay at Wetherby with +Lord Latimer, Lord Neville and their northern host. About midnight, +William and his nephew were roused from their beds by a +messenger from Shirburn, sent on by Ellerker with orders for them +to be at Pontefract by nine o’clock in the morning, and there they +arrived at the appointed hour on Sunday 22 October<a id='r1096'></a><a href='#f1096' class='c016'><sup>[1096]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Besides bands from different parts of the shire, all the country +round Pontefract was taking up arms. As soon as news of the +surrender of Pontefract Castle came to Wakefield no one there was +in any doubt as to which side he would take. Thomas Grice, Darcy’s +steward, who put his master first and his religion second, was +overjoyed to find duty and inclination point the same path. At +Halifax the Tempests and their faction declared for the Pilgrimage; +it immediately appeared that Sir Henry Saville was loyal. The +old feud divided the district into two violent parties. At first both +sides hoped to turn the insurrection to good account against their +enemies. John Lacy, the bailiff of Halifax under Sir Richard +<span class='pageno' id='Page_236'>236</span>Tempest whose son-in-law he was, declared for the Pilgrims “before +any of those parts went to Aske.” He ordered the men of the town +to harness themselves and to take the church cross and carry it +before them into Lancashire where they would raise the commons; +and this he commanded in the name of Sir Richard Tempest. +Henry Farrore, a partisan of Saville’s, refused to go and the +expedition seems to have been given up. Lacy had made a +political rhyme “touching the King very sore.” The only verse +preserved does not scan very well: “that as for the King a nappyll +and a fair wench to dally with all would please him very well.” This +embodies the popular conception of Henry at that time. The people +believed him a bluff jolly King Hal, who cared not who ruled his +kingdom as long as he had his pleasures. The rhyme was repeated +to the vicar, Holdsworth, by a yeoman named Middleton, and they +went together to Sir Henry Saville, who was sick in bed, and told +him of the matter. But Middleton was somewhat alarmed by the +serious way it was taken and said his wife had reminded him +that the rhyme was not about the King but about the “Bishop +of Canterbury.” Holdsworth sent a servant to “make good cheer” +with Middleton and his wife and “spy a time” to get to the bottom +of the matter. He asked the woman if the rhyme were not about +the Bishop. “Nay, Marry!” said she, “it was made against the +King and my lord Privy Seal.” Her husband contradicted her, but +she answered “Marry! it is so, for it was so indeed against the +King and my lord Privy Seal, by God! without fail.” In this +way the vicar and Saville collected accusations against their +enemies<a id='r1097'></a><a href='#f1097' class='c016'><sup>[1097]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Aske’s advance and the general success of the movement soon +changed the face of things. Sir Henry Saville, in spite of his +sickness, found it advisable to fly to Shrewsbury. Dr Holdsworth +made his way to London, in the happy belief that his gold was safely +hidden<a id='r1098'></a><a href='#f1098' class='c016'><sup>[1098]</sup></a> and the rebels would find in his vicarage only such goods +as he did not mind losing. The Lacys instantly seized his house +and seem to have made it their headquarters; they took all the +locks off the doors, and divided everything they could get amongst +themselves. Thomas Lacy was given the firewood that was stored +under the stairs; he carried it off, and seeing the earth below he +remembered it was said that the vicar hid money in the ground. “He +<span class='pageno' id='Page_237'>237</span>took a piked staff and struck into the ground and at the first stroke +hit the pot.” He told nobody of his find but took the money home +in his sleeve, presumably by little and little. He stored it “in a +pepper poke of canvas which would hold a pound of pepper, but the +gold did not fill it by two fingers’ breadth.” He used some of it for +himself though he never counted the whole amount<a id='r1099'></a><a href='#f1099' class='c016'><sup>[1099]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Meanwhile most of the gentlemen of the countryside joined the +insurgents. Sir William Fairfax, the stingy farmer of Ferriby Priory +was an exception. As he was riding through the town of Wakefield +about 22 October the commons demanded that he should take the +oath. They received no favourable answer, the knight putting spurs +to his horse and riding for home. Immediately the whole town +assembled in arms, six hundred men and more, led by Thomas Grice +who was proclaimed their captain, a canon of York, and the bailiff. +They pursued the fugitive, who in the meantime had reached +Millthrop Hall and gone to bed. A party of commons rushed to +his room, tore him out of bed “and him evil entreated to the +great fear and danger of his life.” They haled him before Thomas +Grice, “then sitting on horseback in the street,” and he was compelled +to swear instantly; Grice gave him into the charge of the +bailiff of Wakefield and a guard of commons, commanding them to +carry him to Aske. He was “in most cruel manner conveyed ... to +the said town of Wakefield as though he had been a felon”; there +they kept him all night, and at eight next morning brought him +before Captain Grice again. A guard of two hundred men or more +was told off to take him to Pontefract Castle. At length he was +carried before Aske, who was holding a great muster on St Thomas’ +Hill, and “delivered to the said traitor Aske and other detestable +villains of his company as a prisoner taken by the said Grice.”<a id='r1100'></a><a href='#f1100' class='c016'><sup>[1100]</sup></a> +As usual, it is here at the most interesting place that Sir William’s +complaint ends. Once out of the hands of his private enemies he +seems to have submitted to fate and gone quietly forward with the +Pilgrims<a id='r1101'></a><a href='#f1101' class='c016'><sup>[1101]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Next came in the band of the Bishopric of Durham, five thousand +strong, under the leadership of Lords Latimer, Lumley and Neville +Westmorland’s son and heir, Sir Robert Bowes of Barnard Castle +and his sons, Sir John and Sir William Bulmer<a id='r1102'></a><a href='#f1102' class='c016'><sup>[1102]</sup></a>. Part of Richmondshire +was with them, and the rest of it, with Wensleydale, Craven, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_238'>238</span>and Ripon, was besieging Skipton Castle under the Nortons and +others. Orders had been despatched for this second host to attend +the Pontefract musters, and they were about to obey, bringing +Cumberland and Lord Scrope if they could catch them<a id='r1103'></a><a href='#f1103' class='c016'><sup>[1103]</sup></a>. The +Haliewer folk brought with them the famous banner of St Cuthbert<a id='r1104'></a><a href='#f1104' class='c016'><sup>[1104]</sup></a>, +which was preserved in the monastery of Durham and only brought +forth on high feast days and in time of war. It was of white and +crimson velvet, richly embroidered in gold and silk, with St Cuthbert’s +cross in the midst. Often as it had been borne in the field against +the Scots it was “never carried or showed at any battle, but, by +the especial grace of God Almighty, and the mediation of holy +St Cuthbert, it brought home the victory.”<a id='r1105'></a><a href='#f1105' class='c016'><sup>[1105]</sup></a> The Bishopric host +wore badges embroidered with a black cross and with the insignia of +the Five Wounds of Christ<a id='r1106'></a><a href='#f1106' class='c016'><sup>[1106]</sup></a>, a wounded Heart in the centre, from +which drops of blood are falling into a Chalice, two pierced Hands +above, and two pierced Feet below. They were the first to use this +device as a badge; it was blazoned on the Pilgrims’ banner<a id='r1107'></a><a href='#f1107' class='c016'><sup>[1107]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When they marched into Pontefract Lord Darcy was at dinner<a id='r1108'></a><a href='#f1108' class='c016'><sup>[1108]</sup></a>,—a +meal which began at eleven and commonly lasted two hours, +though in “busy times” it must often have been cut short. Aske +brought in the lords and gentlemen of the county Palatine and +presented them to Darcy in the castle chamber. The two chiefs +called a select number aside into a deep window. The three lords, +Sir Robert Constable, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir Ralph Ellerker, Rudston, +Roger Lassells, Robert Bowes, Sir John Dawnye, Sir William Fairfax, +Sir Oswald Wolsthrope, Sir Robert Neville, Robert Challoner, Thomas +Grice and William Babthorpe were among the councillors<a id='r1109'></a><a href='#f1109' class='c016'><sup>[1109]</sup></a>. It must +have been a very large window.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy gave them the latest news, that Shrewsbury, supported by +Norfolk, had reached Doncaster: it was determined to advance to +the Don next day and oppose his crossing<a id='r1110'></a><a href='#f1110' class='c016'><sup>[1110]</sup></a>. The formation of the +army was then discussed. The Bishopric men as the bearers of +St Cuthbert’s sacred banner<a id='r1111'></a><a href='#f1111' class='c016'><sup>[1111]</sup></a> must lead the vanguard in battle, and +Darcy advised that they should lie that night at Wentbridge where +they might guard against a night attack while at the same time +<span class='pageno' id='Page_239'>239</span>they would be a couple of miles on their way to Doncaster. But +Robert Bowes objected to this arrangement; his men and horses +were in no fit state to go further that night. Finally it was agreed +that Sir Thomas Percy should command the vanguard, until the +host had re-mustered on the banks of the Don. He was to have +under him Sir Ralph Ellerker, Sir William Constable, Rudston and +the Stapletons with the whole of the East Riding, which having +come in early had rested through the day. The rest of the host +was to follow next day—the middle ward composed of the West +Riding under Darcy and Sir Richard Tempest, the rear ward of the +Bishopric with their own leaders and Aske<a id='r1112'></a><a href='#f1112' class='c016'><sup>[1112]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy on seeing the badge of the Five Wounds worn by the +Bishopric gentlemen, was reminded that the same device had been +used on his Spanish Expedition against the Moors<a id='r1113'></a><a href='#f1113' class='c016'><sup>[1113]</sup></a>. Somewhere +in the castle a store of the badges was found, and promptly distributed +among the Pilgrims. Darcy himself gave one to Aske<a id='r1114'></a><a href='#f1114' class='c016'><sup>[1114]</sup></a> and +through the whole host it was gladly worn as the true symbol of +their pilgrimage for the Faith. Why Darcy had kept these old +badges so long, and how there chanced to be so many; whether +they were really old, and if not, who had made them, were questions +which afterwards excited Henry’s curiosity. But, if they were ever +answered, the answers are lost.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Proclamation was made to the host “for every man of the east +parts to void the town on pain of death, and to draw to Wentbridge +to wait upon” Sir Thomas Percy. Stapleton and the other captains +mustered the men and marched them down to the Went, where they +passed the night<a id='r1115'></a><a href='#f1115' class='c016'><sup>[1115]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>To summarise the position of the Pilgrims—on the night of +Sunday 22 October they had advanced as far as Wentbridge, which +was occupied by a strong force. The main body lay at Pontefract +while a host of unknown strength was expected from Mashamshire +and the Dales, but had not yet arrived. They had captured Hull, +York, Pontefract, Barnard Castle, Durham and Lancaster, but still +had in their rear the loyal towns of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Berwick +and Carlisle (which, however, was not able to offer much resistance), +and also some isolated castles, Skipton, Scarborough, Chillingham +<span class='pageno' id='Page_240'>240</span>and Norham. At this point the fortunes of the Pilgrims may be +left for a time, in order to consider the forces with which the King +was preparing to oppose them.</p> + +<h3 class='c017'>NOTES TO CHAPTER X</h3> + +<p class='c018'>Note A. The proper “reverence” on receiving a letter from the King was +to take off the hat, kneel down, and kiss the seal.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note B. It is not clear which of two extant proclamations to the rebels +Lancaster Herald had with him on this occasion. The one indicated in the +“Letters and Papers” does contain an offer of pardon, if the rebels will disperse +and give up ten leaders. The other is very similar but contains no promise of +pardon, so this was probably the one used<a id='r1116'></a><a href='#f1116' class='c016'><sup>[1116]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note C. An abstract of Lancaster Herald’s account of his mission is given +in L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 826, but the account is printed in full in “State Papers,” <span class='fss'>I</span>, p. 485; +in a Newcastle-upon-Tyne Tract by Longstaff, “A Leaf from the Pilgrimage of +Grace”; and in “Archaeologia,” <span class='fss'>XVI</span>, p. 331; Froude also makes considerable +quotations from it. Lancaster Herald represents himself as acting boldly and +with dignity, and Aske with considerably more dignity than the Herald thought +became a captain of rebels. In marked contrast with this account is Archbishop +Lee’s version of the same affair. According to the Archbishop “Robert Aske +so blustered and spake so terrible words that the poor man fell down upon his +knees for fear and said he was but a messanger.” Lee raised him, saying, “it +beseemed not that coat armour to kneel before any man there.” This is hard +to reconcile with the earlier account. The Archbishop must have been good-naturedly +trying to befriend Miller, who was afterwards accused of shaming the +King’s coat by kneeling to a traitor. At the same time Lee’s little perversion +enabled him to exhibit himself in a nobly loyal attitude. In Lee’s narrative +Aske always appears as a ferocious captain of banditti, but this portrait is not +confirmed by the other evidence.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note D. For a full discussion of this symbol see “The Western Rebellion of +1549” by Frances Rose-Troup, Append. A, and “Notes and Queries,” 11th ser., +<span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 107, 176, 217, 236, 258. A badge, said to be that worn by Sir Robert +Constable during the Pilgrimage, is preserved at Everingham, Yorks. An +excellent photograph of this badge forms the frontispiece of “The Western +Rebellion of 1549”; there is another in “The Yorkshire Archaeological Journal,” +pt. <span class='fss'>LXXXI</span>, and a sketch in “The Transactions of the East Riding Antiquarian +Society,” vi, 47.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Antonio Guaras, a Spaniard who lived in England under Edward VI and +wrote a chronicle of Henry VIII’s reign, says that the Pilgrims wore as their +badge “The Five Plagues of Egypt”! His mistake arose from the similarity +between the Spanish phrases “cinco plagas de Egipto,” the five plagues of Egypt, +and “cinco llagas de Cristo,” the Five Wounds of Christ<a id='r1117'></a><a href='#f1117' class='c016'><sup>[1117]</sup></a>. But although this +is some excuse, he might have known that the Plagues of Egypt were not five +but twelve.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_241'>241</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER XI<br> <span class='c004'>THE FIRST APPOINTMENT AT DONCASTER</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>The Duke of Norfolk was the most experienced general whose +services were available to Henry at this crisis, but the King was very +reluctant to trust him, as he was suspected of sympathy with the +rebels. At the first alarm Henry had sent for Norfolk, but it has +already been shown how he was superseded at the last moment by +Suffolk<a id='r1118'></a><a href='#f1118' class='c016'><sup>[1118]</sup></a>. When the danger again became pressing, however, Henry +was obliged to face the risk of employing him.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In order to understand how this came about, it is necessary to go +back to 9 October, when Norfolk was at Woolpit, mustering the +men of Norfolk and Suffolk. He was anxiously awaiting orders to +go northward, and wrote to Henry that he was willing to serve under +the Duke of Suffolk. He expected to have 2500 men under him in +the course of a few days. As to artillery, “I have my own five +fawcons and twenty brass hakbushes, but want gunners.” He was +badly in need of bows and arrows, and begged that they might be +sent at once<a id='r1119'></a><a href='#f1119' class='c016'><sup>[1119]</sup></a>. Three hours after his letter was despatched he +received orders to ride to the King at Windsor, and he set out the +same night by moonlight<a id='r1120'></a><a href='#f1120' class='c016'><sup>[1120]</sup></a>. He had hardly reached Colchester next +morning, after a fifty mile ride, when despatches arrived ordering +him to be at Ampthill on 16 October with the troops which he +had just mustered. He was overjoyed at being ordered to the front +at last, but in spite of his professed willingness to serve under +Suffolk he wrote to Cromwell asking that his right as Marshal of +England to command the vanguard, should be recognised. For the +rest he was all obedience and loyalty; he would not fail; he himself +would be at Ampthill, as such was the King’s pleasure<a id='r1121'></a><a href='#f1121' class='c016'><sup>[1121]</sup></a>. But the +troops would be obliged to go round by Cambridge and Huntingdon. +Ampthill was thirty miles south of Huntingdon, and Norfolk knew that +<span class='pageno' id='Page_242'>242</span>it was impossible for them to be there on the appointed day<a id='r1122'></a><a href='#f1122' class='c016'><sup>[1122]</sup></a>, but he +was determined not to risk Henry’s displeasure, and said nothing of +his difficulties to the King. He sent an account of his precautions +for the quiet of the country, where he left his son Thomas with 300 +men, and begged that his eldest son the Earl of Surrey might go with +him<a id='r1123'></a><a href='#f1123' class='c016'><sup>[1123]</sup></a>. The beautiful and accomplished Surrey seems to have been the +only living creature whom the cold-blooded old warrior really loved.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Thursday 12 October the Duke of Norfolk was at home at +Kenninghall, and wrote to Cromwell that though the men could not +be at Ampthill on the 17th, he hoped to have them as far as +Cambridge. From Cambridge to Huntingdon was only twelve miles +and “it were pity with ill-horsed men” to go back thirty miles to +Ampthill. If the King, whom he still expected in person, would +consent, Norfolk would meet him at Huntingdon on the 18th “with +a company meet to be a pretty wing to a battle.” In spite of his +boast of their efficiency, Norfolk did not dare to ride to the King +until his men were well on their way, and if Surrey did not go with +them they were likely to dwindle in numbers<a id='r1124'></a><a href='#f1124' class='c016'><sup>[1124]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Norfolk was rather aggrieved that the King had commanded +fewer gentlemen to join his company than had gone with Suffolk<a id='r1125'></a><a href='#f1125' class='c016'><sup>[1125]</sup></a>. +The reason of this was that when the King received good news from +Lincolnshire, he believed that the rebellion was over<a id='r1126'></a><a href='#f1126' class='c016'><sup>[1126]</sup></a>, and orders +were actually sent out on the 12th and 15th to countermand the +Ampthill musters<a id='r1127'></a><a href='#f1127' class='c016'><sup>[1127]</sup></a>. In spite of Norfolk’s complaint, the knights and +abbots who had received the King’s orders to join Norfolk were able +to provide plenty of men, though they lacked means to equip them. +“If I had harness and time to carry footmen I could bring three +times as many,” Norfolk declared, and every letter ends with an +urgent request for “at least 400 bows and 500 sheaves of arrows. +This were better than gold or silver, for, for money, I cannot get +bows nor arrows.”<a id='r1128'></a><a href='#f1128' class='c016'><sup>[1128]</sup></a> He hoped these stores would be at Cambridge +when his men arrived there<a id='r1129'></a><a href='#f1129' class='c016'><sup>[1129]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Sunday 15 October Norfolk was with the King at Windsor<a id='r1130'></a><a href='#f1130' class='c016'><sup>[1130]</sup></a>. +On the same day, Henry sent long instructions to Shrewsbury and +Suffolk about the arrangements to be made in Lincolnshire<a id='r1131'></a><a href='#f1131' class='c016'><sup>[1131]</sup></a>. If +the rebellion in Holderness was already pacified, they were to work +<span class='pageno' id='Page_243'>243</span>together; if not, Suffolk must advance to Lincoln, while Shrewsbury +marched against the Yorkshire insurgents. The King seems to have +had no doubt that his force would be large enough to settle their +business<a id='r1132'></a><a href='#f1132' class='c016'><sup>[1132]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When Norfolk arrived at Windsor, he found that the Ampthill +musters had been countermanded, and that the King had given up +all intention of going north. There seemed nothing for him to do +but to arrange for the laying of posts<a id='r1133'></a><a href='#f1133' class='c016'><sup>[1133]</sup></a>. But on leaving Windsor +that night he met a messenger on the road with letters from Lord +Darcy<a id='r1134'></a><a href='#f1134' class='c016'><sup>[1134]</sup></a>. These were the letters dated from Pontefract on the 13th, +and they proved so alarming that Norfolk returned to Windsor<a id='r1135'></a><a href='#f1135' class='c016'><sup>[1135]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At last the King realised that the Yorkshire rebellion was not a +mere demonstration of sympathy with Lincolnshire, but an entirely +distinct and far more serious protest against his policy. He instantly +changed his plans. If the worst were true, Norfolk must be given a +joint commission with Shrewsbury to proceed against the rebels, and +must take command of the troops at Ampthill before they dispersed. +The Marquis of Exeter, who was also mustering men, was to be his +second in command<a id='r1136'></a><a href='#f1136' class='c016'><sup>[1136]</sup></a>. A postscript was added to Shrewsbury’s +instructions to inform him of this arrangement, and to direct him to +suppress the Yorkshire rising at once, if he was strong enough,—if +not, to wait for Norfolk, who would join him with 5000 men<a id='r1137'></a><a href='#f1137' class='c016'><sup>[1137]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The King, who had been reassured for a moment by the harmless +end of the Lincolnshire rising, was now really alarmed by the news +from Yorkshire<a id='r1138'></a><a href='#f1138' class='c016'><sup>[1138]</sup></a>. On 17 October Leonard Beckwith reached Windsor +bringing from York letters from the lord mayor and Sir George +Lawson in which they begged for protection against the rebels<a id='r1139'></a><a href='#f1139' class='c016'><sup>[1139]</sup></a>. +Next day another messenger arrived with letters from Darcy +describing the serious state of affairs. This man also carried by +word of mouth a lengthy account of the rebels and the rumours +which circulated among them<a id='r1140'></a><a href='#f1140' class='c016'><sup>[1140]</sup></a>. Whether because he repeated only +what he knew would please the King, or because anything which did +not suit the royal mind was omitted in writing down his report, these +“bruits” contain no word of the rebels’ real demands, but give as +their only grievances the imaginary taxes on burials and christenings, +white bread and white meat, and so forth<a id='r1141'></a><a href='#f1141' class='c016'><sup>[1141]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_244'>244</span>The King “had no great trust in Darcy.” He was hard put to it +to find money for the troops under Shrewsbury, Suffolk, and Norfolk, +and he never seems even to have contemplated sending any money +and stores to Pontefract. Cromwell, who was in London, received +orders from Windsor “to make shift to the utmost” to get money, +and if he could not raise enough, to coin the King’s plate in the +Jewel House<a id='r1142'></a><a href='#f1142' class='c016'><sup>[1142]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On 22 October it was known in London that Hull had surrendered, +and it was feared that many of the Lincolnshire captains +would fly thither. The King sent orders to Cromwell to “taste the +fat priests thereabouts;” Dr Chamber had already presented the +King with 200 marks, and Dr Lupton had given £200<a id='r1143'></a><a href='#f1143' class='c016'><sup>[1143]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The arrival of any news from the north was watched for with +lynx eyes, less because it was of so much interest to the government +than because the King lived in constant fear that the rebellion would +spread southward. For instance, when Harry Sais reached London +safely without the horses, he related his adventures to his master, +Christopher Askew<a id='r1144'></a><a href='#f1144' class='c016'><sup>[1144]</sup></a>. Askew had some interest in the little +Benedictine nunnery at Clementhorpe, York, which had lately +been dissolved. The abbess had promised him £30 to be her suitor +to the Queen, and had offered to present 300 marks to the Queen +herself, if the house might stand. But it had been dissolved in spite +of the abbess’ efforts, and there the matter had ended for the time. +When the Pilgrims restored the scattered sisterhood, the abbess sent +word to Askew by Sais that she was again in a position to bribe the +Queen, and that if she could by this means legalise her position, her +brother-in-law, one of the Ellerkers, would convey the money through +the disturbed country. Askew informed the Queen’s chancellor of +this renewed offer, and through him it came to Cromwell’s ears. On +26 October Askew and Sais were examined before the Council. +By this time it was “in every man’s mouth that Pontefract Castle +was given over.”<a id='r1145'></a><a href='#f1145' class='c016'><sup>[1145]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Meanwhile Norfolk set out from Windsor for Ampthill on Monday +16 October, authorised to muster 5000 men<a id='r1146'></a><a href='#f1146' class='c016'><sup>[1146]</sup></a>. At Amersham he +received a letter from his son Surrey, who had reached Cambridge +with his forces on Sunday night. About 9 o’clock letters had +arrived at Cambridge for the Duke, which Surrey had been instructed +to open. They proved to be from Cromwell and the Privy Council, +announcing that Lincolnshire was quiet again, and that the advance +<span class='pageno' id='Page_245'>245</span>of the troops was therefore to be delayed till further orders were +received. Surrey dared not make this news public, lest the men +should disperse without waiting for definite orders. After consulting +only two friends, he decided to hold musters at Cambridge next day, +and wrote to his father for advice. Many of the gentlemen in their +zeal had sent two or three times as many men as they had been +commanded to provide, and Surrey was obliged to send for 1500 +extra coats. These “liveries” may have been embroidered with the +famous white lion of the Howards, but more probably they were the +ordinary English uniform of that day, white tunics with St George’s +red cross on the back and breast. Food was so dear that the soldiers +could not make 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> keep them for two days, although this was an +exceptionally high wage, as 8<i>d.</i> a day was usual in most parts of the +country. In spite of these drawbacks, Surrey boasted that the +company was “judged by those here who have seen many musters +the finest ever raised on such short warrant.”<a id='r1147'></a><a href='#f1147' class='c016'><sup>[1147]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Many more men had been collected than the 5000 that Norfolk +was authorised to muster, for Exeter had at least 2000 and 1000 +more were coming from Gloucestershire. All Norfolk’s soldierly +instincts protested against dismissing men while the extent of the +rising was still so uncertain. He wrote to Henry to ask that he +might be allowed to keep at least 6000; even then nearly 2000 +would have to be sent home<a id='r1148'></a><a href='#f1148' class='c016'><sup>[1148]</sup></a>. But as no orders came to the contrary, +the 2000 were dismissed when Norfolk reached Ampthill<a id='r1149'></a><a href='#f1149' class='c016'><sup>[1149]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday 17 October Suffolk with Fitzwilliam, Russell and the +rest of the royal troops entered Lincoln, and by securing the capital +placed themselves in a position to keep the county in subjection<a id='r1150'></a><a href='#f1150' class='c016'><sup>[1150]</sup></a>. +The Humber and the lower reaches of the Trent were guarded +against the Pilgrims’ crossing<a id='r1151'></a><a href='#f1151' class='c016'><sup>[1151]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the same day Shrewsbury was at Newark with 7000 men<a id='r1152'></a><a href='#f1152' class='c016'><sup>[1152]</sup></a>. +He had heard from Darcy that the rebels were 40,000 strong. In +spite of this he was anxious to advance. He had just received the +King’s commission to act as his lieutenant in Yorkshire in conjunction +with Norfolk<a id='r1153'></a><a href='#f1153' class='c016'><sup>[1153]</sup></a>, and he wrote to the Duke that if the rebels were +really too strong to be attacked, he would “keep them in play” until +Norfolk could bring up his 5000 men to Doncaster, which Shrewsbury +begged him to do as quickly as possible<a id='r1154'></a><a href='#f1154' class='c016'><sup>[1154]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_246'>246</span>On Wednesday 18 October Shrewsbury sent Lord Hussey, who +had brought him 200 horsemen, to the King<a id='r1155'></a><a href='#f1155' class='c016'><sup>[1155]</sup></a>. About midnight, +when lying at Southwell, the Earl received news that Pontefract Castle +was besieged and the Earl of Northumberland taken, and above all +that the rebels were before him at Doncaster, which had risen at +their instigation. He sent at once to Suffolk for as many horsemen +as could be spared, under the command of Fitzwilliam or Brian<a id='r1156'></a><a href='#f1156' class='c016'><sup>[1156]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Norfolk and Exeter received Shrewsbury’s letter of the 17th +at 6 o’clock in the evening of Wednesday 18 October. They were +together at Ampthill in no very enviable position. The 2000 men +mustered there were only waiting for their wages before disbanding. +Norfolk’s own men were still at Cambridge, Exeter’s at Buckingham, +and the Gloucestershire gentlemen at Stony Stratford, all obediently +awaiting further orders, according to their last instructions. Although +there was no great difficulty in ordering them to set out for Doncaster, +uniting at various points on the way, it would take them over a +week to get there. They could not advance more than 20 miles +a day, as they were badly horsed and the roads were deep in autumn +mud. It was impossible to preserve order and discipline on the +march unless wages were regularly paid, but money was scarce and +went fast. The men could not feed their horses and themselves for +8<i>d.</i> a day, and the £10,000 which had been sent to the Duke was not +enough to pay off the disbanded company and also to provide for +those going northward. Norfolk was afraid to set out without money +to last as far as Doncaster, as an unpaid army might dissolve in the +face of the rebels, or advance only as a disorderly rabble<a id='r1157'></a><a href='#f1157' class='c016'><sup>[1157]</sup></a>. Shrewsbury +had sent for £20,000, and the King, expecting Norfolk and +Exeter to reach him much sooner than was practicable, wrote that +they should receive their next wages from Gostwick in Shrewsbury’s +camp. As to the amount per day, the King flatly refused to raise it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The generals received this despatch early on Thursday 19 October. +They could not afford to delay any longer, but money must be +obtained at once. In their answer to the King they explained that +they could not be with Shrewsbury for a week or more. Let the +King only lend them £1000 each and send it to Stamford on Saturday +21 October; they would repay him at the end of the campaign. As +it was the King’s pleasure that no higher wages should be paid, the +men should have only the ordinary amount from the government. +But they could not live on 8<i>d.</i> a day; they were to be divided into +<span class='pageno' id='Page_247'>247</span>companies (probably of 100 men) under captains, and “if the men +grudge upon reasonable ground for lack of money,” Norfolk “will +cause the captains to give them money out of their own purses.” +From this it is evident that it was almost as costly to fight for the +King as to fight against him<a id='r1158'></a><a href='#f1158' class='c016'><sup>[1158]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>After sending off this despatch, Norfolk rode to his own company +at Cambridge, leaving Exeter at Ampthill to discharge the last of +the 2000. This was finally done on Friday 20 October, though Sir +Anthony Browne, who was collecting men for the Duke of Suffolk, +secured 600 of the best mounted. “The rest, being mostly horsed, +made haste home to spare their charges.” These men were “able +and well furnished” and were very much displeased at being dismissed, +after all the trouble of attending the musters, without having +seen any fighting<a id='r1159'></a><a href='#f1159' class='c016'><sup>[1159]</sup></a>. But on Friday night Norfolk at Cambridge, and +Sir William Paulet and Sir William Kingston at Beaconsfield, received +imperative orders from the Council that they should on no account +dismiss any men. If some had gone already they must be resummoned +and sent to Suffolk under Sir Anthony Browne, with ten +pieces of ordnance<a id='r1160'></a><a href='#f1160' class='c016'><sup>[1160]</sup></a>. Norfolk promptly answered that the Ampthill +men could not be recovered. He must have felt a certain satisfaction +in making this reply, for he was very angry that the troops which +had been refused him should be granted to Suffolk. Sir Anthony +Browne had secured 600 horsemen, and Norfolk marvelled that he +should need such a large number, unless there was a new outbreak +in Lincolnshire. He added bitterly, “I am apt to think that some +desire great company more for glory than necessity.” As for the +munitions he was ordered to send to Suffolk, he could not spare any. +He had never even heard of the ten pieces of ordnance he was now +ordered to give up. What he had was his own, and so small that it +was carried in two carts. As to money, £2000 had been despatched +to him, but he had only received £1200. More was promised him in +ten days, but “neither I nor my lord Marquis will be able to keep +our companies so long without money.” If he had not unsparingly +spent £1500 of his own “here would have been ill work. The +pension of France hath now done no hurt to me nor the King’s +affairs.”<a id='r1161'></a><a href='#f1161' class='c016'><sup>[1161]</sup></a> Sir William Paulet and Sir William Kingston returned to +Ampthill and did their best to produce the missing 2000 men, but +evidently they had little hope of success<a id='r1162'></a><a href='#f1162' class='c016'><sup>[1162]</sup></a>; in the end the attempt +<span class='pageno' id='Page_248'>248</span>was abandoned, after a brisk correspondence about the men and the +munitions for Suffolk had been carried on for some time<a id='r1163'></a><a href='#f1163' class='c016'><sup>[1163]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Saturday 21 October “the Lord Privy Seal’s band” consisting +of 200 horsemen under Richard Cotton joined Norfolk. The leader’s +letter describes the conditions under which the troops advanced:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“Pleaseth it your lordeship to be advertysed that according to your +commandement I have presented your company to my lorde of norffolk and +Mr browne the hoole nomber of them was cc. we be all apoynted to attende +upon Mr brownen who haith willed me to take like charge of your lordshipes +company like as yor lordshipe commanded me at my departing frome you, which +god willing there shalbe no defaulte in me for wante of good will to do that thing +that the kinges highness may be truley served. And to the advauncement of +your honore, by the advice of Mr Browne I have retorned back xl of your +company of such as ware worste horsed, so that we ar nowe clx of as well-horsed +men as any ar in the company and no suche of no one manes brynging. There +were dyvers of essex men which ar tall men of person and good archers to the +nomber of xii which hade no sadles butt rode uppon panylles after there countre +facion which I thought was not to your honour. Soe I have bought them sadles +with other apperell for there horses according as in my conceyte was meyte for +your honour. Great murmer and gruging there was amonges your lordshipes +company by cause thay thought the waiges of viiid by the day was to little +to fynde them and there horses. Soe as well as my pore witt will serve me I +have pacefied them with fare wordes soe that there is little said thereof nowe +emonges any of us. Your lordship haith here many of your houshold servauntes +which ar yonger brether and as I am privye unto have no greate store of money; +they be at your lordshipes horseyng; ether they shall marre there horses for +lacke of meat or elles make suche sheftes for money that shall not stend well with +your lordshipes honor. I beseche your lordship to pardon me for wrytting +this rudely and pleyne unto you butt I se the thynges that is like to ensue that +I can no lesse doe if I shall do according as your lordship put me in trust, but +to advertyce you. I beseche your lordship that I may know your pleasure in +the premisses if it please you that I shall geve unto every gentilman being a +yonger brother asertyn [sum] which in my pore oppenyon ware moche to your +honour. Your pleasure knowen therein I shall lay forthe the money of myne +owen purse till wee retorne.</p> + +<p class='c019'>This berer William Jonson haith by mysfortune hurte his arme soe that he +is not able to goo in this vyage. I assure your lordship we shall have agret lacke +of hym in the company for he was a man that toke moche payne in provyding +of lodinge for all oure company. I trust your lordshipe will take no displeasure +with me for keping one of your cokes here for we may ill spare hym emonges +the company. This the holy gost have you in hys costodye. Frome burne the +xxi day of october</p> + +<div class='lg-container-r c024'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>your dayly orator</div> + <div class='line in8'>Rychard Cotton.”<a id='r1164'></a><a href='#f1164' class='c016'><sup>[1164]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_249'>249</span>On 18 October the King had despatched letters to Shrewsbury +by Thomas Miller, Lancaster Herald, with orders that the Earl +should advance on the rebels immediately, “not doubting that they +will seek to hide themselves at your approach.”<a id='r1165'></a><a href='#f1165' class='c016'><sup>[1165]</sup></a> Shrewsbury was to +send the herald to the rebels with an enclosed proclamation. The +effect of this mission has already been told<a id='r1166'></a><a href='#f1166' class='c016'><sup>[1166]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In obedience to his orders, Shrewsbury advanced; but these +orders were issued in the mistaken belief that Norfolk would join +him in a day or two. On Saturday 21 October when Shrewsbury +was as far north as Scrooby<a id='r1167'></a><a href='#f1167' class='c016'><sup>[1167]</sup></a>, Norfolk had only reached Cambridge +and Exeter was still further behind<a id='r1168'></a><a href='#f1168' class='c016'><sup>[1168]</sup></a>. The King was aware of +Norfolk’s situation, but did not know how far Shrewsbury had +advanced. He wrote to Norfolk, commending his intention of +sending letters and proclamations to the rebels, in order to pacify +them, if possible, without a battle. He bade him forward orders to +Shrewsbury to guard the line of the Trent and hold the bridges at +Nottingham and Newark. Shrewsbury was to “settle himself in +such a strong place as he may keep without danger till Norfolk come +to him.” As soon as their forces were united, they were to wait +together on the Trent until the rebels either attempted a crossing or +dispersed<a id='r1169'></a><a href='#f1169' class='c016'><sup>[1169]</sup></a>. This admirable plan of campaign seems to have been +originally Norfolk’s own; unfortunately it was frustrated by Shrewsbury’s +advance. The line of the Don, which Shrewsbury proposed to +defend, had none of the advantages of the Trent. The river was +smaller and could easily be forded even in winter. The people on +both banks favoured the rebels; food was therefore hard to get, and +the country was barren, low and unhealthy.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At 6 o’clock in the morning of Monday 23 October Norfolk was +at Newark in great uneasiness of mind. Attended only by four +servants, he had far outridden his company, which could not be +expected until the next day, while Exeter would not arrive till the day +after. The distance between Newark and Doncaster was then called +thirty miles, but by modern reckoning it is nearer forty. Norfolk +had already written to Shrewsbury, imploring him on no account to +risk a battle. If Shrewsbury should be forced to fight and were +defeated, the only chance of checking the rebels was for Suffolk and +himself to hold the bridges over the Trent. He feared the result of +Shrewsbury’s advance so much that he wrote to ask the King to send +<span class='pageno' id='Page_250'>250</span>orders that Suffolk must co-operate with him<a id='r1170'></a><a href='#f1170' class='c016'><sup>[1170]</sup></a>. For two nights +Norfolk had had no rest, but now he indulged in three or four hours’ +sleep at Newark Castle. When he awoke, it was to find that Lord +Talbot had ridden in from his father’s camp. Shrewsbury was lying +on the south bank of a little river called Goole Dyke, about four +miles south of Doncaster, which he intended to enter by Rossington +Bridge.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Lord Talbot’s news was good. Shrewsbury had no intention of +fighting until Norfolk joined him on Wednesday or Thursday; +but he hoped he would be able to advance from Doncaster before +that, as his men were dying “very sore of the sickness.” The rebels +had made no attempt to win the bridges at Doncaster and Rossington. +It was “sore bruited” that they would not fight at all. Many true +subjects had enlisted under the King’s banner. Sir Henry Saville +had been among his tenants at Wakefield “and brought much harness +and men from them.” Sir Brian Hastings had left Hatfield and +brought in his “300 tall horsemen,” but Suffolk had not yet sent the +detachment which Shrewsbury needed as scouts and skirmishers. So +far Talbot was reporting what he knew to be true; in addition he +had heard rumours that Sir Richard Tempest had captured one of +the rebel leaders, and that Lord Dacre and Lord Scrope were marching +south by way of Skipton and Wakefield to join the King’s army. +This rumour, however, was unfounded, although Talbot believed it. +Sir Richard Tempest was with the rebels at Pontefract, and Lord +Scrope was riding to their musters at the head of the dalesmen, +while Lord Dacre was lying neutral in Naworth Castle<a id='r1171'></a><a href='#f1171' class='c016'><sup>[1171]</sup></a>. Lord Talbot +also brought news of the surrender of Pontefract, and hinted at his +suspicions of Darcy’s loyalty. Pontefract Castle, he said, was considered +stronger than Newark, and Norfolk agreed that Newark +might be held against any force which had not heavy ordnance,—“greater +pieces than demi-culverins.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Shrewsbury was evidently in as much danger of under-estimating +the rebels’ strength as Norfolk had been of over-estimating it. The +news did not entirely overcome Norfolk’s anxiety; he still feared +“only two things,—lack of victual and my lord Steward’s fighting +before his coming.” Talbot carried back Norfolk’s instructions as to +how Shrewsbury’s camp should be fortified and defended in case of a +sudden attack. Norfolk was in hopes that many of the rebels would +come over to him on hearing the letters and proclamations which +he was about to send, for ever since the victory of Flodden he +<span class='pageno' id='Page_251'>251</span>had been more beloved in the north than any other nobleman, a +circumstance which had not escaped the King’s jealous notice<a id='r1172'></a><a href='#f1172' class='c016'><sup>[1172]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The two armies, that of the Pilgrims and that of the King, were +now in touch with one another, and it is possible to follow their +movements simultaneously.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Monday 23 October, when Lord Talbot was with Norfolk at +Newark and Shrewsbury’s forces lay at Rossington Bridge, the rebels +continued their advance from Pontefract. Gostwick, Shrewsbury’s +treasurer, was at Tickhill, south-west of Rossington, and from there +he sent for Lawrence Cook, the Prior of the White Friars at +Doncaster, and ordered him to cross the water and ride towards +Pontefract to view the Pilgrims’ army, bringing back word of their +number and equipment. The prior secretly sympathised with the +Pilgrims, but, like many of his brethren, he was much more afraid of +the King. He went among the rebels in perfect safety and even had +an interview with Aske, either at Pontefract or somewhere near it +on the road south. The prior easily gathered what information he +needed and gave some in return. The captain asked if Shrewsbury’s +men were in Doncaster, and finding they had not even reached the +town, still less prepared it for defence, he said he would be there +before them and lie there that night. Perhaps he said this in the +heat of the moment, or he may have given a misleading account of +his plans in order to hurry Shrewsbury’s advance, for he was too able +a leader to risk a battle with a swollen river in his rear<a id='r1173'></a><a href='#f1173' class='c016'><sup>[1173]</sup></a>. Another +reason for avoiding Doncaster was the presence of the plague in the +town; the Pilgrims seem to have escaped the infection by keeping +to the north of the river<a id='r1174'></a><a href='#f1174' class='c016'><sup>[1174]</sup></a>. The prior told Aske that Gostwick +expected a large sum of money from the King. It arrived at +Tickhill next day, and Aske sent to know if it had come, but the +prior, being then so much nearer the King’s forces, assured the +messenger untruly that it had not. After his inspection of the rebels +on Monday (or possibly the day before, as he gives no dates) he +returned quietly to Doncaster, and thence went to Shrewsbury and +reported what he had seen<a id='r1175'></a><a href='#f1175' class='c016'><sup>[1175]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Monday Sir Thomas Percy and his 4000 men advanced from +Wentbridge to Hampole, about six miles away<a id='r1176'></a><a href='#f1176' class='c016'><sup>[1176]</sup></a>, where he was joined +by the forces of the Bishopric and Richmondshire, under Lords +<span class='pageno' id='Page_252'>252</span>Latimer, Lumley, and Neville, Sir Thomas Hilton, and Robert Bowes<a id='r1177'></a><a href='#f1177' class='c016'><sup>[1177]</sup></a>. +These companies completed the “vaward,” which was altogether +about 12,000 strong. They encamped near “a little nunnery beside +Robin Hood’s Cross.”<a id='r1178'></a><a href='#f1178' class='c016'><sup>[1178]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Next morning, Tuesday 24 October, Aske rode into the camp at +Hampole, and ordered a muster on the neighbouring heath “above +Barnesdale.”<a id='r1179'></a><a href='#f1179' class='c016'><sup>[1179]</sup></a> The men of the North and West Ridings, who had +remained at Pontefract, were now coming forward under Sir Robert +Constable; they formed the “middle ward.” The “rear ward,” +composed of the men from Mashamshire and the Dales, had not +yet reached Pontefract<a id='r1180'></a><a href='#f1180' class='c016'><sup>[1180]</sup></a>, and only the Archbishop and Lord Darcy +remained in the town with their own servants<a id='r1181'></a><a href='#f1181' class='c016'><sup>[1181]</sup></a>. They had been left +“for their ease,” and indeed Lee’s military ardour was not such as +to enable him to spend nights in the open among all the discomforts +of an autumn campaign; while Darcy was over eighty, and +though still vigorous in body and mind, suffered much from his old +wound. Nevertheless, when their absence became known at the +muster, the commons’ suspicion was aroused, and they held them “in +great jealousy and despair,” for what was considered lack of zeal, if +not positive unfaithfulness<a id='r1182'></a><a href='#f1182' class='c016'><sup>[1182]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was perhaps at this time that Darcy suggested to Lee that the +Pilgrims’ oath and articles should be printed, in order that they +might circulate more freely and that their principles might be known. +Lee protested against this, as he did against every decided step, and +the matter was allowed to drop<a id='r1183'></a><a href='#f1183' class='c016'><sup>[1183]</sup></a>. It is an interesting question where +Darcy proposed to have the articles printed. To send them abroad +would have taken too long, as the printed copies were wanted at +once. There had formerly been a printing-press at York, and possibly +one at Beverley, but that was twenty years ago, and the press had +long since been removed<a id='r1184'></a><a href='#f1184' class='c016'><sup>[1184]</sup></a>. This difficulty may have had as much +to do with the abandonment of the scheme as the Archbishop’s +remonstrances.</p> + +<p class='c008'>While the muster was being held at Barnesdale Heath on Tuesday, +Lancaster Herald was brought to Aske and delivered a letter to +the rebel leaders from Shrewsbury at Doncaster. It was read, and +the captains held a brief council before the host. They decided +<span class='pageno' id='Page_253'>253</span>that Aske should ride to Pontefract and consult Darcy as to their +answer, and the captain immediately set out, only pausing to appoint +two gentlemen, Robert Delariver and Anthony Brackenbury, to see +to Miller’s comfort and safety<a id='r1185'></a><a href='#f1185' class='c016'><sup>[1185]</sup></a>. The letter was one of those brought +by Talbot from Norfolk. The Duke suggested that much useless +bloodshed might be prevented if “four of the discreetest men of +the north parts” came to the lords at Doncaster and explained the +causes of the rising. Hostages would be given in pledge of their +safety<a id='r1186'></a><a href='#f1186' class='c016'><sup>[1186]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There is no account of the considerations which affected the +decision of Aske and Darcy as to the answer. They were quite +willing to treat; this was the first occasion on which the King or his +lieutenants had made any inquiry as to the causes of their assembly, +and such a tacit admission that they were not in arms from mere +wilfulness was a step forward. The Pilgrims had always protested +their loyalty to the King’s person. They thought that he had been +led astray by lowborn favourites, but, if he would grant the petition +of his faithful subjects, war was the last thing that they desired. On +the other hand, if he refused to redress grievances which were felt +by so large a part of his kingdom, his subjects would be justified in +using armed force to bring him to a more reasonable frame of mind. +Such was the attitude of the Pilgrims, and they could not maintain +it if they attacked the King’s army before their petition had been +presented, and consequently before they knew whether the King +would grant it or reject it. The pressing question during the next +few days was, were they to sacrifice this conditional loyalty and use +their advantage over Norfolk’s weakness?</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was a momentous problem which they had to solve. If they +gave battle, and failed, their cause was lost for ever; but if they won +the immediate result would be a civil war, and that a religious civil +war, of all forms of strife the bitterest and most cruel; it might be +complicated by a foreign invasion, which, in those days of England’s +weakness, might conceivably have led to conquest and annexation. +The Pilgrims were not blind to these possibilities. They declared +that though they had taken up arms to amend their own affairs, +they would accept no help from Scotland, and if an invasion was +threatened during the time of insurrection, they protested that +they were as ready as ever to defend the Borders. To plunge +the country into war was a desperate step which they had only +<span class='pageno' id='Page_254'>254</span>contemplated as a possible last resource in the future. Nevertheless +their present situation was tempting; the King’s army was before +them, barring their road south, but scattered, unprovided, fainthearted +and entirely at their mercy. It was in their power to strike +a decisive blow—a blow from which the King’s party might never +recover. It is easy to guess what would have been the decision of a +Caesar or a Cromwell; but the Pilgrims had no such leader in their +ranks. Aske and Darcy were not world’s wonders, and they made +their choice as disinterested men, honestly desiring their country’s +good, were likely to do.</p> + +<p class='c008'>They determined to accept the Duke’s offer of a conference, but +they did not altogether trust him. They would not risk four of their +leaders in his host, but they proposed that four, six, eight, or twelve +lords and gentlemen from each side should meet at some place on +neutral ground. The northern gentlemen would then explain the +grievances which had forced them to rise, and would discuss these +points and the best road to a peaceful conclusion with the Duke +and his companions<a id='r1187'></a><a href='#f1187' class='c016'><sup>[1187]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>If this proposal were accepted, it would be well to have a clearer +and fuller set of articles than had yet been drawn up, and Aske +applied to the Archbishop for help as to the wording of the “spiritual +articles.” Lee had already been requested by various gentlemen to +help them in this matter, but he had not the smallest intention of +doing anything so imprudent. He first returned evasive answers, +and when pressed said testily, “that they had spun a fine thread if +they made so great a business and could not tell why.”<a id='r1188'></a><a href='#f1188' class='c016'><sup>[1188]</sup></a> He was +very anxious to go home, and Aske would probably have been glad +to give him leave, for, though he expected money and advice from +high ecclesiastics, he did not encourage them to march with the +army<a id='r1189'></a><a href='#f1189' class='c016'><sup>[1189]</sup></a>; but the commons were in a suspicious mood<a id='r1190'></a><a href='#f1190' class='c016'><sup>[1190]</sup></a>, and Aske did +not dare to return from Pontefract to Hampole without both Darcy +and Lee. The Archbishop’s servants told him that Aske had +threatened to “strike off his head” if Lee did not go to the field, and +“from that day he accounted himself a prisoner and went with Lord +Darcy.”<a id='r1191'></a><a href='#f1191' class='c016'><sup>[1191]</sup></a> Nevertheless the Pilgrims continued to believe that the +Archbishop sympathised with their cause<a id='r1192'></a><a href='#f1192' class='c016'><sup>[1192]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_255'>255</span>The vanguard returned from the muster to their camp at Hampole +for the night of Tuesday 24 October. The weather was bad, and +early next morning, as the men crouched over their smoking camp +fires, cooking their rations as best they could, a little troop of about +thirty horsemen from Doncaster appeared, which hovered round the +camp, examining their numbers and position<a id='r1193'></a><a href='#f1193' class='c016'><sup>[1193]</sup></a>. When no one could +strike an enemy beyond longbow range, warfare was a very intimate +and personal affair. It does not seem that much notice was taken +of the reconnoitring party, until they chanced upon a couple of +stragglers from the Pilgrims’ camp, doubtless in search of stray +poultry; the King’s men seized these two, made them fast and began +their retreat<a id='r1194'></a><a href='#f1194' class='c016'><sup>[1194]</sup></a>. The shouts of their captured comrades roused the +Pilgrims, “all men ran to their horses,” and after a hot pursuit the +King’s men were obliged to let their prisoners go and hasten their +own retreat<a id='r1195'></a><a href='#f1195' class='c016'><sup>[1195]</sup></a>. The whole camp was in commotion, every man who +could get to his horse joining in the chase. Stapleton was among +the first, who never paused till they reached the top of Scawby +Hill. Before them lay the valley of the Don; the thirty horsemen, +undiminished, were making for the bridge at the gallop. Inflamed +by the sight of a flying foe, the Pilgrims looked upon Doncaster as +absurdly near and unprotected. There was a general cry to surprise +the town by a sudden attack. Wild and disordered as the pursuers +were, an attempt so utterly unexpected might have perhaps been +successful. But Stapleton thought the risk too great, and riding +along the ragged front of the company, he succeeded by commands, +entreaties and reasonings in turning them from their purpose<a id='r1196'></a><a href='#f1196' class='c016'><sup>[1196]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Other skirmishes took place in the two or three days during +which the armies lay facing one another. One was doubly interesting +as it concerned the badge of the Five Wounds, and caused the only +known casualty among the Pilgrims. “Mr Bowes scrimmaged with +his company with the scoriers (scouts) of the Duke of Norfolk’s host, +and there one of Mr Bowes’ own servants ran at another of his own +fellows, because he had a cross on his back, and weened he had been +on the party of the Duke of Norfolk’s host, and there with a spear +killed his own fellow. And for that chance then was there a cry for +all men to have the badge of I H S or the Five Wounds on him both +before and ’hind them. And there, to his (Aske’s) knowledge, was +<span class='pageno' id='Page_256'>256</span>all the men that was slain or hurt of either party, during all the time +of business.”<a id='r1197'></a><a href='#f1197' class='c016'><sup>[1197]</sup></a> The unlucky Durham man must have put on his +white coat with St George’s cross, which he would be accustomed to +wear at the King’s musters.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Wednesday 25 October Aske, Darcy and the Archbishop left +Pontefract, and came to Hampole, overtaking on the way Sir Robert +Constable and the middle ward, who had probably lain at Wentbridge +the night before. The rear ward seem to have reached Pontefract +and taken up their quarters there either this day or Thursday<a id='r1198'></a><a href='#f1198' class='c016'><sup>[1198]</sup></a>. +Lancaster Herald was brought to the captain by the two in whose +charge he was left, and he was despatched to Doncaster with the +message that the Pilgrims were willing to arrange a conference<a id='r1199'></a><a href='#f1199' class='c016'><sup>[1199]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The vanguard had gone forward to Pickburn, about a mile nearer +to Doncaster than Hampole, where the middle ward now occupied +their old camp. The little nunnery had been converted into headquarters +for Lord Darcy and the gentlemen of his division. A dry +resting-place was very desirable “for there was a sore rain, which +raised the waters, especially the Don,” and “the people were lodged +in woods and villages.”<a id='r1200'></a><a href='#f1200' class='c016'><sup>[1200]</sup></a> Aske sent out only skirmishers on “scoutwatch,” +as it was called; these were Bishopric men, who, like all +Borderers, were particularly expert at this open, individual kind of +fighting. There were no scouts born and bred to the work in the +King’s host, and the Pilgrims had the best of it in the various little +brushes which took place, the redcross men who showed themselves +on the north bank of the river being promptly encountered and +forced to take refuge with their own people across the bridge.</p> + +<p class='c008'>While Lord Darcy, the Archbishop and Sir Robert Constable +were taking up their quarters at Hampole, Aske rode on to Pickburn +to hear the reports of the scouts and spies as they came in, and to +take counsel with the commanders of the vanguard. In the evening +Lancaster Herald returned to the Pilgrims’ camp with further +messages from Shrewsbury. He brought, not an answer to their last +proposal, but an exhortation to the rebels prepared by Norfolk some +days before, which bade them either humbly submit themselves to +the King’s mercy as ungrateful traitors, or make ready to abide +danger by battle, to be given them by the Duke “in place convenient.”<a id='r1201'></a><a href='#f1201' class='c016'><sup>[1201]</sup></a> +Shrewsbury must simply have sent it on as soon as it +<span class='pageno' id='Page_257'>257</span>arrived without considering how far the negotiations had already +advanced. It was particularly irritating to the Pilgrims, as it +appeared to be a deliberate set-back to all schemes for a peaceful +settlement.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A long debate followed the reading of the letters. The insurgent +leaders knew that their numbers were overwhelming. Shrewsbury +could not muster, at the highest estimate, 8000 men at Doncaster. +Most of his army were at Scrooby; Norfolk and Exeter at places +even further south<a id='r1202'></a><a href='#f1202' class='c016'><sup>[1202]</sup></a>. Such cavalry as he had were ill-horsed; many, +“every third man,” according to rumour, were with the Pilgrims at +heart<a id='r1203'></a><a href='#f1203' class='c016'><sup>[1203]</sup></a>; the rest were “faint” and without enthusiasm; such as did +not desert outright were not likely to give much trouble if attacked +with vigour<a id='r1204'></a><a href='#f1204' class='c016'><sup>[1204]</sup></a>. Aske’s scouts brought him word as to where every +company of the enemy was quartered, and how the bridge was +defended and guarded; no muster could take place on the south bank +without his knowledge. In contrast to Shrewsbury’s troops, the +Pilgrims were at least thirty thousand strong; they were “as tall +men, well-horsed and well appointed, as any men could be.” Every +witness attests their devotion to their cause. “There were neither +gentlemen nor commons willing to depart, but to proceed in the +quarrel; yea, and that to the death.”<a id='r1205'></a><a href='#f1205' class='c016'><sup>[1205]</sup></a> In these circumstances the +leaders naturally resented Norfolk’s haughty and final tone, as if he +had command of the situation. The Durham lords were ready to +accept the new messages as a sign that all further negotiations +were broken off; they advised that the challenge should be accepted, +and that the attack should be made at once<a id='r1206'></a><a href='#f1206' class='c016'><sup>[1206]</sup></a>. There was little to +fear as to the issue. Norfolk afterwards declared that Doncaster was +in the greatest danger “if the rebels had taken their advantage like +men of war.” As soon as the rain ceased and the waters of the Don +fell, Shrewsbury’s position would be quite untenable<a id='r1207'></a><a href='#f1207' class='c016'><sup>[1207]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Aske, however, headed a party in the council which favoured +moderate measures<a id='r1208'></a><a href='#f1208' class='c016'><sup>[1208]</sup></a>. He pointed out that they had assembled for +the very purpose of laying their grievances before the King for +remedy. There was no shame in discussing their petition with the +King’s lieutenant; it was only another step on their Pilgrimage<a id='r1209'></a><a href='#f1209' class='c016'><sup>[1209]</sup></a>. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_258'>258</span>Norfolk, Shrewsbury, and the other lords of the old noble blood were +the very men that the Pilgrims were suggesting as more suitable +counsellors for the King than his lowborn favourites; the lords had +probably more sympathy for the rebels’ demands than they dared to +show. It was bad policy to attack those most able to further the +petition at court, where the Pilgrims had little influence. Whatever +the result of a pitched battle, it would make a civil war inevitable. +Even though the Pilgrims were successful at first, the King might +prove the stronger in the end, and all the nobles and gentlemen of +the northern counties would be “attainted, slain and undone, and the +country made a waste for the Scots.”<a id='r1210'></a><a href='#f1210' class='c016'><sup>[1210]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy was in favour of negotiating for another reason. In his +opinion “it were better (to) have garrison war than hosting war in +time of winter.”<a id='r1211'></a><a href='#f1211' class='c016'><sup>[1211]</sup></a> The Pilgrims were not hampered by the bad +weather to the same extent as the royal troops. They were advancing +at their leisure, without ordnance, and they were well supplied with +food and fuel from a base not a dozen miles away. Nevertheless a +truce would give them time to organise and develop. They would +be able to determine on the best places to hold, and to provide for +their defence in case the petitions were refused. They might possibly +receive money and encouragement from the Pope. Above all, the +leaders could trust the commons not to lose heart during a short +truce. All were steadfastly determined to fight if the King would +not listen to them<a id='r1212'></a><a href='#f1212' class='c016'><sup>[1212]</sup></a>. Of course the King would equally be able +to strengthen himself; but the Pilgrims trusted a good deal to the +secret assurances of sympathy which they received from the midland +and southern shires. The King might summon a larger army, he +was not likely to raise one any more loyal.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In brief Aske and those who thought with him “feared not the +royal troops though they were 40,000,” but they did not desire civil +war. Their one aim was certain political and religious reforms, and +they endeavoured to bring their object to pass in as constitutional +a manner as was then possible. They would lose little or nothing +by consenting to negotiate for a truce; they might gain much; at +least they would preserve their consistency.</p> + +<p class='c008'>These were the chief considerations which Aske laid before the +council. The earlier ones are stated in his own writings, while the +later may be gathered from the circumstances. His arguments +<span class='pageno' id='Page_259'>259</span>convinced the lords and gentlemen. They decided that they were +strong enough to treat, and that they would accept Norfolk’s first +offer, not his second. Lancaster Herald was again despatched with the +message that four gentlemen would come, upon due pledges, to speak +with the Duke next day. Robert Bowes, who was to be one of the +four, set out at once with Aske for Hampole to announce the arrangement +to Darcy and Constable<a id='r1213'></a><a href='#f1213' class='c016'><sup>[1213]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>None of the leaders entirely trusted the Duke. They thought +that he would not “dishonour himself by making a night attack—a +kind of battle seldom heard of, especially at that season, being +November,”<a id='r1214'></a><a href='#f1214' class='c016'><sup>[1214]</sup></a> but they were quite prepared for such an infringement +of military etiquette. The first question that Darcy asked Bowes +was “who was that night in scoutwatch?” This being satisfactorily +answered, they discussed the details of the meeting next day, and +also what their tactics should be in case of battle<a id='r1215'></a><a href='#f1215' class='c016'><sup>[1215]</sup></a>. It was not +improbable that no peaceful settlement would be concluded, and in +that case they would be able to make the most of their present +advantage after having done their best to avoid war.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the night of Wednesday 25 October Norfolk, with Surrey +and about thirty gentlemen and servants, lay at Welbeck. His men, +ordnance and artillery, were at Tuxford, while Exeter had reached +Nottingham with only part of his company. At midnight Norfolk +was roused by the arrival of posts from the north, who brought the +news that Shrewsbury had arranged to treat with the rebels, and that +the Duke’s presence at Doncaster was urgently required.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The letter which he wrote to the King before setting out shows +that the Pilgrims did him no injustice when they suspected his +intentions:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“Sir havyng this present hour receyved the lettre herin closed and never hard +one worde fro my lord steward but this sith Monday last at v in the morning not +with standyng dyvers sent fro me to hym to know of his newes, I being in bed +and not a slepe accompanyed with suche as be named in a sedul herin closed, +I have taken my horse only accompanyd with my brother William and Sir +richard page, Sir arthur darcy and iiii of my servants to ryde towards my lord +steward accordyng to his desire, not knowyng wher th’ enemys be nor of what +nomber, nor no thyng more than is conteyned in their letter, wherin I am so far +priked that what so ever shalbe the sequell I shall not so spare the litle poure +carkes that for any ease or danger other men shall have cause to obiect any +lageousnes in me and Sir most humble I besech you to take in gode part +what so ever promes I shall make unto the rebells (if any suche I shall by +th’ advyse of others make) for sewerly I shall observe no part theroff for any +<span class='pageno' id='Page_260'>260</span>respect of that other myght call myn honour distayned langer than I and my +company with my lord marquess may be assembled to gyder, thynkyng and +repewting that none oth nor promes made for polecy to serve you myn only +master and soverayne can destayne me who shall rather be torne in a myllion +of peces then to show one poynt of cowardise or untrouth to your maieste.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Sir I trust the sendyng for me is ment to gode purpose and if it chaunse to +me to myscary most noble and gracious Master be gode to my sonnys and +to my poure doghter. And if my lord steward had not advansed fro trent unto +my comyng and that then I myght have folowed th’ effect of my letter wryten +you from Cambrige these traytors with ease myght have be[en] subdewed. +I pray god that hap torne not to moche hurt. In hast at Welbek xiiii myles +fro dancaster at xii at nyght.</p> + +<div class='lg-container-r c024'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>Yr most humble servant</div> + <div class='line in20'>T. Norffolk.”<a id='r1216'></a><a href='#f1216' class='c016'><sup>[1216]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>At one or two o’clock on the morning of Thursday 26 October +Norfolk reached Doncaster in answer to Shrewsbury’s summons. He +came in the greatest anxiety, offering to sacrifice his honour to his +loyalty, but, considering how closely his political aims resembled +those of the rebels it is probable that he was only partly sincere in +this. He may have intended double-dealing with the King as well +as the enemy—soothing Henry’s anger by assurances of the piecrust +nature of his promises, while he secretly hoped that the King +would not dare to set aside terms made openly in his name. Henry +at least suspected this, but however true it might be the state of +affairs at Doncaster must have convinced the most eager general that +it was wise to treat rather than to fight. Lack of food, fuel and +shelter, scanty wages and disease were rapidly sapping the feeble +loyalty of Shrewsbury’s men. If Norfolk did not really see and +believe the position to be desperate, he still reported it so, and +eagerly as the King expected and demanded more favourable tidings, +none of the royal officers attempted to modify the Duke’s gloomy +reports<a id='r1217'></a><a href='#f1217' class='c016'><sup>[1217]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At dawn a great muster was proclaimed in the Pilgrims’ host. +The vanguard came forward from Pickburn and the middleward from +Hampole. After the morning had fully come, “the whole host +appeared at the Stowping Sise before Doncaster.”<a id='r1218'></a><a href='#f1218' class='c016'><sup>[1218]</sup></a> Stowping Sise +and Scawsby Lease<a id='r1219'></a><a href='#f1219' class='c016'><sup>[1219]</sup></a>, which is also mentioned as the mustering place, +are different parts of the plain on the north bank of the Don.</p> + +<p class='c008'>With spirits quite undamped by the wet night, company after +company filed past and took its place in the ranks behind St Cuthbert’s +<span class='pageno' id='Page_261'>261</span>crimson and silver standard and the Pilgrimage banner of the Five +Wounds of Christ, which device every man wore in miniature on his +breast and back. All “the flower of the north” were there<a id='r1220'></a><a href='#f1220' class='c016'><sup>[1220]</sup></a>. The +captains spurred up and down, striving to bring their men into good +array; and the companies engaged in friendly rivalry, each trying +to excel its neighbours in order and discipline. Experience and +popularity both proved useful in this matter; Darcy, Sir Robert +Constable, Sir Ralph Ellerker, Robert Bowes, and Roger Lassells +marshalled the smartest companies<a id='r1221'></a><a href='#f1221' class='c016'><sup>[1221]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Priests and friars moved along the lines, commending and +encouraging the soldiers; no man, they said, should fear to die in +defence of the Faith, with the sign of Christ’s Passion over his heart<a id='r1222'></a><a href='#f1222' class='c016'><sup>[1222]</sup></a>. +Perhaps the ranks chanted the hymn made for the Pilgrims by the +monks of Sawley. It is well fitted for a marching song, and there is +a certain charm, between quaintness and wildness, in the irregular +lines, which are at least simple and sincere:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“God that rights all</div> + <div class='line'>Redress now shall</div> + <div class='line'>And what is thrall</div> + <div class='line in4'>Again make free,</div> + <div class='line'>By this voyage</div> + <div class='line'>And Pilgrimage</div> + <div class='line'>Of young and sage</div> + <div class='line in4'>In this country.</div> + </div> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>Whom God grant grace!</div> + <div class='line'>And for the space</div> + <div class='line'>Of this their trace</div> + <div class='line in4'>Send them good speed,</div> + <div class='line in4'>With health, wealth and speed—</div> + <div class='line'>Of sins release</div> + <div class='line'>And joy endless</div> + <div class='line in4'>When they be dead<a id='r1223'></a><a href='#f1223' class='c016'><sup>[1223]</sup></a>.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>It is a relief to find that the vicar of Brayton was not with the +host. That disreputable person had gone quietly home, after he had +secured, at the spoiling of Sir Brian Hastings’ house, fifteen head of +cattle and at least £3 worth of goods<a id='r1224'></a><a href='#f1224' class='c016'><sup>[1224]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is impossible to give the exact number of the Pilgrims. Aske, +who was in the best position to know, twice stated that there were +30,000 men or more at the muster, divided into vanguard and middleward, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_262'>262</span>and that the rearward at Pontefract were 12,000 strong; but +even Aske probably had not very definite information<a id='r1225'></a><a href='#f1225' class='c016'><sup>[1225]</sup></a>. The only +other witness who gave figures was Marmaduke Neville, a captain of +the Bishopric, who stated that there were 28,000 at the muster and +12,000 at Pontefract<a id='r1226'></a><a href='#f1226' class='c016'><sup>[1226]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There is no doubt that, even if the rearward was not 12,000 +strong, it was believed to be so in the forward host. Allowing the +same number for the vanguard and middleward, there would be +24,000 at the muster, and 36,000 men would be the total number of +Pilgrims assembled in arms under Aske’s direct command. The +numbers are large, considering that only Yorkshire and Durham had +sent men, that, as the leaders declared, every man was efficiently if +roughly armed and provided with 20<i>s.</i>, and that the greater part +were horsed. It is possible that their strength was greatly overestimated.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The vanward was composed of all the men from the Bishopric of +Durham, under the command of Lords Lumley, Neville and Latimer +and Sir Thomas Hilton, and the men of Cleveland and part of +Richmondshire under Sir Thomas Percy and Robert Bowes; in the +middleward were the men of the East and West Ridings, and of the +Ainstey of York, with almost all the knights and gentlemen or their +eldest sons from those parts, under the command of Sir Robert +Constable and Lord Darcy. These forces completed the muster at +Stowping Sise. The rearward at Pontefract included the western +parts of Richmondshire, together with the men from Masham, Ripon, +Kirkbyshire, Wensleydale, Fendale and Netherdale, under the command +of Lord Scrope, Sir Christopher Danby, Sir William Mallory, +the Nortons, the Markenfields and many more knights and gentlemen. +Aske moved constantly between the two forward divisions, though +his place, in case of an engagement, was with his own Howdenshire +men in the middleward<a id='r1227'></a><a href='#f1227' class='c016'><sup>[1227]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When all were in array, the lords and gentlemen held a council +before the host. They agreed that Sir Thomas Hilton, Sir Ralph +Ellerker, Robert Bowes, and Robert Challoner should go on the +embassy to the Duke. At the head of so splendid an army, with +Doncaster lying before them, the war party seem to have made their +last suggestion of immediate attack; the town might be taken almost +without effort<a id='r1228'></a><a href='#f1228' class='c016'><sup>[1228]</sup></a>; Shrewsbury and Norfolk might be captured and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_263'>263</span>forced to take the Pilgrims’ oath. But the moderate party again +prevailed; they argued that the more evident their superiority, +the more likely they were to obtain favourable terms. The leaders +resolved on the five essential points which were weighty enough to +explain their rising. The articles were not written down, but Robert +Bowes undertook to repeat them to the Duke from memory<a id='r1229'></a><a href='#f1229' class='c016'><sup>[1229]</sup></a>, an easy +feat, as they were in substance the original five:</p> + +<p class='c008'>First, that the Faith might be truly maintained.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Second, that the ancient liberties of the Church might be maintained.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Third, that the unpopular statutes might be repealed and that +the law might stand as it did at the beginning of the King’s reign +“when his nobles did order under his Highness.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Fourth, that the “villein blood” might be expelled from the +Council and noble blood restored.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Fifth, that Cromwell, Richard Riche, and the heretic bishops +might be deprived and banished or otherwise punished as subverters +of the laws of God and of the commonwealth<a id='r1230'></a><a href='#f1230' class='c016'><sup>[1230]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On these terms the Pilgrims were willing to accept the King’s +general pardon and return peaceably to their homes. The articles +are expressed in vague and wide terms, but the messengers who +carried them were ready to amplify and explain their provisions. +The vagueness may have been adopted deliberately because, in the +first place, the Pilgrims did not wholly agree among themselves—some, +for instance, were warmly in favour of the papal supremacy, +while others were willing to accept the royal supremacy. In the +second place, the general character of the articles would make it +easier for the delegates on both sides to come to an agreement. +There was no expression used which came within the scope of the +Treason Act, and there were no details over which the two parties +might haggle and quarrel. Henry, with his usual adroitness, seized +upon this vagueness at once and turned it to his own advantage. +He declared that he could make no direct answer to articles which +were so general, vague and obscure. His flatterers borrowed his +expressions. Archbishop Lee declared that the rebels would not +write down the articles for “their enterprise could not be avowed.”<a id='r1231'></a><a href='#f1231' class='c016'><sup>[1231]</sup></a> +Henry’s panegyrist, William Thomas, declared that “when they [the +rebels] came to reasoning in very deed they wist not well what to +demand except the preservation of their holy mother church, which +<span class='pageno' id='Page_264'>264</span>their Prelates and Religious did evermore beat into their heads.”<a id='r1232'></a><a href='#f1232' class='c016'><sup>[1232]</sup></a> +Yet when the Pilgrims, in answer to the King’s criticism, proceeded +to draw up a detailed list of their grievances, they were told that it +was “a double iniquity to fall into rebellion and also after to procure +matters to be set forth to justify that rebellion.”<a id='r1233'></a><a href='#f1233' class='c016'><sup>[1233]</sup></a> The two statutes +which the Pilgrims most strongly opposed were the Act of Succession, +which declared Princess Mary illegitimate, and the Act of Suppression. +The latter was covered by the second article, and they were +afraid to press the other too strongly, lest they should compromise +Mary, who had of late been treated more kindly. The third article +included this statute, besides the Act of Uses, and all the other +unpopular measures of the long parliament, even to the alienation of +the Percy estates to the crown. The Pilgrims probably did not hope +to bring about such an extremely sweeping reaction, but they realised +that in order to obtain a little from Henry they must begin by +demanding a great deal.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Four hostages were delivered to Aske in pledge for the safety of +Sir Thomas Hilton and his companions; the hostages returned with +the Archbishop and Sir Robert Constable to Hampole nunnery for +the night<a id='r1234'></a><a href='#f1234' class='c016'><sup>[1234]</sup></a>. There was general hope of good results from the meeting, +and both Darcy and Constable were anxious for an agreement<a id='r1235'></a><a href='#f1235' class='c016'><sup>[1235]</sup></a>. +They were encouraged by the gentlemen from Norfolk’s camp, “Mr +Herington, Mr Vellers, Mr Litilton” and another whose name is not +known, but may have been Gifford<a id='r1236'></a><a href='#f1236' class='c016'><sup>[1236]</sup></a>. Villiers and Gifford were afterwards +accused of having expressed sympathy with the Pilgrims<a id='r1237'></a><a href='#f1237' class='c016'><sup>[1237]</sup></a>, and +on Gifford’s return to Buckinghamshire rumour said that he was +prepared to raise a rebellion if the churches were attacked<a id='r1238'></a><a href='#f1238' class='c016'><sup>[1238]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>If the gentlemen were anxious for a peaceful issue, the commons +were by no means opposed to it. Otherwise the negotiations could +scarcely have proceeded so far. The commons were prepared to +fight if the King refused the petition, but if he granted it without +trouble, so much the better. As to the King’s soldiers, the Pilgrims +regarded them rather as friends who were unwillingly forced to take +part against them than as enemies. All the southern men, they said, +“thought as much” as they, but the southrons dared not show it; as +for themselves, they were plain northern fellows, and said what they +<span class='pageno' id='Page_265'>265</span>thought. The Pilgrims were so certain of success against the King’s +reluctant levies that their sporting instincts seem to have revolted +against so easy a victory. “They wished the King had sent some +younger lords against them than my lord of Norfolk and my lord of +Shrewsbury. No lord in England would have stayed them but my +lord of Norfolk,” whom they honoured as the victor of Flodden, and +suspected to be as much opposed to Cromwell and the Suppression +as themselves<a id='r1239'></a><a href='#f1239' class='c016'><sup>[1239]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At noon on Friday 27 October, in due fulfilment of the agreement, +Sir Thomas Hilton and his three companions returned across +the bridge and were delivered in exchange for the hostages. The +result of the meeting was not final. Norfolk, Shrewsbury, Rutland, +Huntingdon, Surrey and their council had received the four and +listened to their grievances. Finding that they brought no written +copy of the articles, Norfolk ordered them to be written down at +Bowes’ dictation<a id='r1240'></a><a href='#f1240' class='c016'><sup>[1240]</sup></a>. The King’s nobles said that they were willing to +meet a party of the Pilgrims’ leaders, as the latter had proposed, on +Doncaster bridge, where they would discuss the articles in detail. +Hilton and the others agreed to a meeting on the same day of about +thirty on each side, and hastened to announce the arrangement to +their own leaders. The representatives had to be chosen speedily. +They were headed by Darcy, Latimer, Lumley, Sir Robert Constable, +Sir John Bulmer, and the four who had crossed in the morning. Aske +did not go with them, but held a second great muster on the plain. +Such a demonstration would remind the southern host of their +strength, guard against any attempt to capture their leaders on the +bridge, and keep the Pilgrims together in order to hear the result, +whatever it might be. Aske “ordered the whole host standing in +perfect array to within night.”<a id='r1241'></a><a href='#f1241' class='c016'><sup>[1241]</sup></a> As time went on and still the +conference on the bridge did not break up, some murmuring arose in +the ranks. The old cry was raised that the gentlemen would make +terms for themselves and betray the commons to the King’s vengeance<a id='r1242'></a><a href='#f1242' class='c016'><sup>[1242]</sup></a>. +Aske had stayed with them to quiet these fears. Though their +suspicion was not justified on this occasion, the commons had +grounds for the fear of the gentlemen’s desertion. It was that which +brought confusion and failure on the Lincolnshire rising.</p> + +<p class='c008'>No complete account remains of the conference on Doncaster +bridge. It seems probable, however, that Norfolk attacked the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_266'>266</span>Pilgrims’ representatives on their weak side, in the very way that +the commons feared. They were all gentlemen, he may have said, +and by their own account they had been forced to take the rebels’ +oath against their wills. They were now at some distance from their +captors, and near the King’s troops; let them desert in a body and +leave the commons without leaders. The King would doubtless +pardon and reward all who took his part at such a crisis. Darcy’s +retort was to turn to the Earl of Shrewsbury. “Talbot,” he said, +“hold up thy long clee<a id='r1243'></a><a href='#f1243' class='c016'><sup>[1243]</sup></a> and promise me the King’s favour, and I +will come to Doncaster to you.” Shrewsbury’s honour was not so +accommodating as Norfolk’s. “Well, my lord Darcy, then ye shall +not come [in],” he replied frankly<a id='r1244'></a><a href='#f1244' class='c016'><sup>[1244]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Failing in this direct attack, Norfolk seems to have betaken +himself to treachery, or half-treachery, in an attempt to be on good +terms with both sides. The Pilgrims desired a religious reaction, +and Norfolk’s views were well known to be conservative. It was +said that he had persuaded the King to countenance the doctrine of +purgatory in the Ten Articles<a id='r1245'></a><a href='#f1245' class='c016'><sup>[1245]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Pilgrims required the repeal of certain statutes. Norfolk +was reported to have said at Nottingham that the Act of Uses was +the worst act that ever was made<a id='r1246'></a><a href='#f1246' class='c016'><sup>[1246]</sup></a>, and on the present occasion he +was said to have told the Pilgrims that “it was pity they were on +life, so to give over the Act of Uses,” which was not mentioned in the +articles<a id='r1247'></a><a href='#f1247' class='c016'><sup>[1247]</sup></a>. Norfolk denied these last words, and the King professed to +believe his denial<a id='r1248'></a><a href='#f1248' class='c016'><sup>[1248]</sup></a>, but they were afterwards brought up against him<a id='r1249'></a><a href='#f1249' class='c016'><sup>[1249]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy and probably others spoke strongly against Cromwell<a id='r1250'></a><a href='#f1250' class='c016'><sup>[1250]</sup></a>. +Norfolk could truthfully assure them that he hated Cromwell as +much as they did.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Earl of Surrey seems to have committed an indiscretion on +his way north. At Cambridge and Thetford he had heard and +applauded a song against Suffolk, which was sung by a wandering +fiddler, John Hogon, to the popular tune of “The Hunt Is Up.” The +song had as little rhyme or metre as most political songs and ran:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“The hunt is up etc.</div> + <div class='line'>The masters of art and doctors of divinity</div> + <div class='line'>Have brought this realm out of good unity,</div> + <div class='line'>Three noblemen have taken this to stay;</div> + <div class='line'>My lord of Norfolk, lord Surrey and my lord of Shrewsbury.</div> + <div class='line'>The Duke of Suffolk might a made England merry—”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_267'>267</span>No more is preserved<a id='r1251'></a><a href='#f1251' class='c016'><sup>[1251]</sup></a>. In July 1537 Surrey was in serious danger +on account of a charge which Darcy brought against him—probably +that he had promised his support to the Pilgrims<a id='r1252'></a><a href='#f1252' class='c016'><sup>[1252]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>How far Norfolk encouraged the Pilgrims was never discovered, +but Lord Herbert of Cherbury (1649) relates:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“All this great service of the Duke of Norfolk yet could not exempt him +from calumny: For the Lord Darcy during his imprisonment had accused him, +as favouring the rebels’ articles when they first met at Doncaster: But the +Duke denied it, offering the Duel; saying, that Aske (who suffered at York +before the said Lord) told him that said Lord’s intentions; who (he said) +bare him ill-will ever since the Duke had solicited the said Lord to deliver Aske +into his hands, when he was in chief credit with the rebels; which Darcy +denying, some expostulation pass’d between them. Nevertheless I find the +King was so well satisfied of the Duke, that those things were pass’d over +without further questioning.”<a id='r1253'></a><a href='#f1253' class='c016'><sup>[1253]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Some of these statements are manifestly incorrect. Aske did not +suffer before Darcy, but a fortnight after, and this part of the story +seems to be a confused memory of Aske’s last words concerning +Norfolk and Cromwell, not Norfolk and Darcy<a id='r1254'></a><a href='#f1254' class='c016'><sup>[1254]</sup></a>. On the other hand +it is true that the Duke solicited Darcy to kidnap Aske, much to +Darcy’s indignation, and this is mentioned in no other early printed +account of the Pilgrimage. It is possible that Herbert may have +had access to some report of Darcy’s examination, now lost, and may +have found these interesting particulars there.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Assuming that Herbert’s story is substantially true, it is easy to +understand the meaning of the terms on which a truce was finally +arranged. Norfolk was to ride to the King in all haste, accompanied +by Sir Ralph Ellerker and Robert Bowes, whose expenses would be +paid by the lords and knights of the Pilgrimage<a id='r1255'></a><a href='#f1255' class='c016'><sup>[1255]</sup></a>. The messengers +were to lay the Pilgrims’ petition before the King and to return +with his answer. Within the next two days, both armies must +disperse, and a truce, binding on both sides, was to last until the +messengers returned. These terms at first sight appear to be much +less favourable than the Pilgrims might have been expected to exact +in their commanding position, but Norfolk’s friendly attitude makes +all clear. So far were the Pilgrims from going over to the King that +Norfolk promised to be on their side. He did not yet declare himself +openly, because he could be of more use to them while he continued +<span class='pageno' id='Page_268'>268</span>nominally in the King’s service, but his influence at court, backed by +their armed demonstration, might reasonably appear a sufficient +guarantee for the success of their cause. When at length the thirty +returned from the bridge to the impatient Pilgrims they were able +to announce the terms on which the formal appointment had been +concluded with the King’s nobles, but as Norfolk required secrecy +to be observed with regard to his own intentions, they could not +explain their full grounds for confidence. Nevertheless the Pilgrims +seem to have been well enough contented with the results<a id='r1256'></a><a href='#f1256' class='c016'><sup>[1256]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Norfolk’s state of mind is best shown in his letter to the Council, +written a couple of days later on his road south. Henry, angry and +suspicious, believed that his desperation was assumed or, at least, +exaggerated, but the letter bears evident traces of having been +composed by a man in great fear and distress of mind and body.</p> + +<p class='c019'>“my gode lordes I came to this towne this nyght late wher I founde the +skantest soper I had many yeres as wery a man as can be and with contynewall +watche and agony of mynd so tanned [?] that in my liff I never was in that +case I have be[en] a bed now iii howrys and ii tymes waked in that tyme the one +with lettres fro my lord of Suffolk th’ oder fro the Kynges highnes of the xxvii +of this moneth the contentes wheroff shuld be not necessary to answer our affaires +being in the trade they now be in. alas my god lordes I have served his +highnes many tymes without reproch and now inforced to appoynt with the +rebelles my hert is nere broken. and notwithstondyng that in every mannes +mowth it is sayde in our armye that I never served his grace so well as now as +in dissolvyng the army of th’ enemy without los of ours yet fearyng how his +maiestie shall take the dispeachyng of our bande I am the most unquiet man +of mynde lyvyng. all others here joyfull and I only sorowfull. alas that the +valiannt hert of my lord steward wold not suffer hym to have taried abouts +trent but with his fast hastyng forwardes to bryng us into the most bareyne +countre of the realme wheroff hath insewed th’ effectes that I saw long afore +woll fall Gode my lordes it was not the feare of th’ enemys hath caused us to +appoynt, but thre other sore poyntes. foulle wether ande no howsing for horse +nor man at the most not for the iiid part of the army and no wode to make fiers +withall, honger both for men and horsis of suche sort that of trouth I thynk +never Inglishe man saw the like. pestilence in the towne mervelous fervent +and of suche sort that wher I and my son lay in a fryers x or xii howsis sore +infected within ii butts length, on fryday at nyght the mayers wiff and ii of his +doghters and one servant died in one howse how many others of the towne +I know [not] but of souldyers ix and if ther wer lefte in the towne or within +v myles one lode of hey or one lode of ootes, pese or beanys all the purveyors say +untrewly. which iii poyntes these ar for an armye I report me to your wisdomes +and to have advansed to th’ enemys no vitayle for man nor horse but all +devasted by th’ enemys and not possible to have yeven batayle but upon +apparaunt los theroff. and if we shuld have retyred in enemyte assewred rewyn +<span class='pageno' id='Page_269'>269</span>of our company. havying no horsmen and they all the floure of the north and +how at every streyte they shuld at their will have set on the formest part or +the hindermost your wisdomes can well consyder. and my lordes accordyng +to my dewtie to advertise the trouth. thogh never prince had a company +of more trew valiaunt noble men and jantlemen yet right few of souldiers but +that thoght and think their quarelles to be gode and godly. the companys that +came with my lord marques and me I trust wold have done their partes and +the noblemen of the rest. but I feare what th’ oders woll. my lords what +case we wer in when roger ratclyff<a id='r1257'></a><a href='#f1257' class='c016'><sup>[1257]</sup></a> and I wept secretly togyders I report me to +you neyther of us bothe but with gode will wold have be[en] prisoners in turkey +to have had it at the poynt it is now. thogh not as we wold it wer and yet +onys agayne my lords wo wo wo worth the tyme that my lord steward went +so far forth for and he had not ye shuld have herd other newes. ffy ffy upon +the lord darcy the most arraunt traytor that ever was lyvyng and yet both his +sonnys trew knightes. old sir roberd constable as ill as he and all his blode trew +men fynally my gode lordes if the kynges highnes shuld wright to me to gather the +army to gyders it is not possible to be done. and for godds sake help that his +highnes cause not my lord of Suffolk to put any man to deth unto my comyng. +nor openly to call the lord darcy traytor and also to stay that I be not in his +displesure unto the tyme I may be herd and then Judge me accordyng to my +desertes scribled at tuxford at v in the mornyng this sonday.</p> + +<div class='lg-container-r c024'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>yr owne</div> + <div class='line in4'>T. Norfolk.”<a id='r1258'></a><a href='#f1258' class='c016'><sup>[1258]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Late as it was, Darcy and Aske rode to Pontefract on the evening +of the conference, and next morning, Saturday 28 October, they +proclaimed the truce and ordered the rearward to go home. It was +easier to give the order than to see it obeyed. The dalesmen had +come far and were very reluctant to go home empty-handed, without +any definite triumph. They had not been represented at the conference, +and consequently felt that the appointment need not bind +them. Their captains, Lord Scrope, Sir Christopher Danby, and the +others, were willing to accept the truce, but the commons were wild +and much more difficult to control than those of the forward divisions. +Nevertheless in the end the commands, arguments and persuasions +of Aske, Darcy and Sir Richard Tempest, seconded by the efforts of +their own leaders, prevailed on the aggrieved and disappointed rearward, +and they sulkily set out on their homeward march, leaving +Pontefract empty for the rest of the army, which lay there that +night<a id='r1259'></a><a href='#f1259' class='c016'><sup>[1259]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the same day Darcy received a message from Thomas Grice, +who had heard from Lancashire that the Earl of Derby intended to +<span class='pageno' id='Page_270'>270</span>attack Sawley Abbey<a id='r1260'></a><a href='#f1260' class='c016'><sup>[1260]</sup></a>. Aske immediately sent the news of the truce +to the Pilgrims there, and Darcy wrote to request Shrewsbury to +stop Derby’s operations. It has already been shown how these +messages prevented a collision between the opposing forces<a id='r1261'></a><a href='#f1261' class='c016'><sup>[1261]</sup></a>. At the +same time Aske sent messengers to all the places in which there had +been risings with “the most special letters that could be devised” +commanding the Pilgrims to leave the castles they were besieging, +break off their musters and go peaceably home<a id='r1262'></a><a href='#f1262' class='c016'><sup>[1262]</sup></a>. The reception of +these letters has been described above.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Norfolk despatched a messenger on Saturday to carry the news +of the truce to the King, and set out himself with Ellerker and Bowes +on the same day<a id='r1263'></a><a href='#f1263' class='c016'><sup>[1263]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Sunday 29 October the King’s heralds, Chester and Carlisle, +watched the last men of the Pilgrims’ host “disparple” at Pontefract +and take their way home over Ferrybridge. The heralds were back +at Doncaster before noon, where Shrewsbury’s army was also disbanding<a id='r1264'></a><a href='#f1264' class='c016'><sup>[1264]</sup></a>. +Northward went the insurgents, southward the King’s +men,—a strangely peaceful parting. At Tadcaster William Stapleton +bade farewell to his men of Beverley, “desiring them to keep good +rule” on the homeward march, and went back to Wighill, returning +to his usual autumn hunting and shooting as though he had never +been the captain of a rebel host<a id='r1265'></a><a href='#f1265' class='c016'><sup>[1265]</sup></a>. Thus the uneasy quiet of an +armed truce fell on England at the end of October 1536.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Norfolk’s anxious letter shows that he expected the King to be +very angry at the news of the truce. Yet all the advantages of it +were on the King’s side. It was very unlikely that the Pilgrims +would have another opportunity of striking so crushing a blow as +that which they had deliberately foregone. Henry did not fail to +realise the advantages of his position, although he was furious at the +way in which they were obtained. He felt it a blot on his honour +that his lieutenants should have made terms with the rebels, instead +of scattering them, with or without bloodshed, and selecting a suitable +number for execution; but as the rebels had dispersed, his experience +taught him that they were very unlikely to assemble again in such +<span class='pageno' id='Page_271'>271</span>large numbers, and he was convinced that with a little delay, a little +diplomacy, and plenty of southern musters, the north might be +brought into complete subjection without any concessions being +made at all.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When the problem is considered in the light thrown on Henry’s +character by the later events of his reign, it is surprising that the +leaders of the Pilgrimage should have expected him to give way so +easily. It is practically certain that while Henry lived and ruled he +would never have changed his policy. The rebels did not propose to +dethrone him; yet by no other means could his work be undone. +This they never realised till too late. It must be remembered that +Henry had reigned for twenty years before doing anything that greatly +alarmed his most conservative subjects. By making the truce, the +Pilgrims preserved their consistency. If the King refused their +petition and civil war ensued, he and not they would be responsible. +But as a matter of fact, they did not believe that the King was in +earnest about the religious changes. In their eyes it was all some +devilry of Cromwell’s. It was too absurd that the monasteries should +be suppressed; they had been there for hundreds of years,—and how +could the country do without them? Except for the wandering +reformers and their scattered disciples, English people believed the +New Learning to be not only wicked but ridiculous. Within two +years of his death, Sir Thomas More was busily writing most excellent +and amusing little tracts proving that there was not really the +slightest danger that Catholic England would be infected with heresy. +Although things had now gone so much further, Aske and his +followers still believed implicitly in the strength of their cause. It +was impossible that the Faith should fail to triumph in the end. +Wolsey had suppressed monasteries and countenanced the hated +divorce, but he fell. Anne Boleyn had caused the death of More, +Fisher, and the Carthusian monks, but she had followed them to the +scaffold. Cromwell must go the same way. If once he were dead, +and Norfolk, with the other conservative lords, restored to full power, +the work of the last four years would disappear without difficulty—so +the Pilgrims thought—and all might go on as if no dark-haired +coquette and no “Englishman Italianate” had ever crossed the +destinies of England. A complete reaction seemed perfectly easy +then. Looking back, it is equally easy to talk very wisely of +tendencies and inevitable results; but no age can tell whither it is +tending. The Pilgrims could not see that there was no going back—that +the New Learning was bound to triumph and to regenerate as +<span class='pageno' id='Page_272'>272</span>well as destroy—that despotism had yet a great part to play before +it was shaken and dragged down by civil war and revolution. They +were so sure of their own strength that they were pathetically willing +to behave with chivalrous moderation to the side which they regarded +as the weaker.</p> + +<h3 class='c017'>NOTES TO CHAPTER XI</h3> + +<p class='c018'>Note A. North-country readers will not need to be told that the commander-in-chief +at Flodden was Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, afterwards second +Duke of Norfolk, and that his eldest son, who appears so frequently in this book +as the third Duke of Norfolk, was his second in command. The latter was then +simply Lord Thomas Howard, Admiral of England. He played an important +part in the campaign. Holinshed gives him the credit of suggesting the strategy +which placed the English forces between the Scots army and the Border. In +the field he commanded the vanguard, with the centre of which he fought. He +was said to have gone into battle loudly challenging the King of Scots to single +combat, and to have performed great deeds, slaying the Earl of Crawford with +his own hand. At the moment when the issue was most doubtful,—when the +dying Marmion cried:—</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“Tunstall lies dead upon the field,</div> + <div class='line'>His life-blood stains the spotless shield:</div> + <div class='line'>Edmund is down:—my life is reft;</div> + <div class='line'>The Admiral alone is left,”—</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c019'>Lord Thomas was actually standing firm in the face of the Scottish attack; +taking the Agnus Dei from his neck, he sent it to his father as a token to +hasten to his assistance. He was regarded as the hero of the day no less +than Surrey<a id='r1266'></a><a href='#f1266' class='c016'><sup>[1266]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Note B. M. Bapst has shown that the correct date of the letter from Norfolk +to Cromwell, printed in L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 21, as belonging to 1536, is really 1537<a id='r1267'></a><a href='#f1267' class='c016'><sup>[1267]</sup></a>.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_273'>273</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER XII<br> <span class='c004'>THE FIRST WEEKS OF THE TRUCE</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>The King was at first as well satisfied with the advantage gained +by the appointment at Doncaster, as he was displeased with the +means by which it was obtained. “So sudden recess” was a stain +on his honour “if the contrary might have been maintained.” +However, the thing was done, and it only remained to bring the +northern men to a sense of their wickedness and graciously grant +them a pardon on the same terms as the pardon to Lincolnshire, +namely, that they would take and deliver such culprits as the King’s +vengeance demanded, and submit themselves humbly to his mercy, +taking oaths of future obedience<a id='r1268'></a><a href='#f1268' class='c016'><sup>[1268]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Henry does not seem to have realised at first that there was any +danger of another rising. On Sunday 29 October he was summoning +an army to meet the rebels, which, he declared, he would lead in +person<a id='r1269'></a><a href='#f1269' class='c016'><sup>[1269]</sup></a>. Next day news of the appointment had come, and these +musters were countermanded, with the proviso that the men must +be ready again at reasonable warning. General pardons to all +rebels dwelling north of Doncaster for offences committed before +1 November were drafted on 2 November, in terms resembling +the Lincolnshire pardon. The excepted persons were Robert Aske, +Hutton of Snape, Kitchen of Beverley, William Ombler the bailiff, +Henry Coke of Durham shoemaker, Maunsell vicar of Brayton, and +four others unnamed<a id='r1270'></a><a href='#f1270' class='c016'><sup>[1270]</sup></a>. Henry considered that to demand only ten +culprits after a month of open rebellion was a display of the most +princely lenity, and no doubt from his own point of view he was +right. It was intended that this pardon, or rather promise of pardon—for +each individual was to sue in Chancery for his own—should be +proclaimed throughout the north by the King’s heralds, who must +observe and report on the state of the country, especially noticing +<span class='pageno' id='Page_274'>274</span>how deep might be the supposed penitence of the commons, and how +far they were determined to support the restored monks and nuns. +The heralds were also to read long lectures on the folly of the rebels’ +demands, the wickedness of rebellion, and the beneficence of the +King<a id='r1271'></a><a href='#f1271' class='c016'><sup>[1271]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Sunday 29 October Latimer preached the sermon at Paul’s +Cross. His text was “Put on all the armour of God,” and he took +occasion to refer to the northern men, who wore “the Cross and the +Wounds before and behind,” in order to “deceive the poor ignorant +people, and bring them to fight against both the King, the Church, +and the Commonwealth.” He compared the rebels to the Devil, who +also professed to put on the armour of God to deceive the ignorant, +and he exhorted his hearers to be steadfast and loyal, and to assume +the true armour of a Christian, with all the elaborate allegories +and analogies for which the subject gives scope<a id='r1272'></a><a href='#f1272' class='c016'><sup>[1272]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>All the King’s plans were formed between 29 October, when +news of the appointment reached London, and 2 November, when +Norfolk arrived at court. It may be imagined with what anxious +hearts Norfolk, Bowes and Ellerker set out for Windsor on Saturday +28 October<a id='r1273'></a><a href='#f1273' class='c016'><sup>[1273]</sup></a>. They were followed by Fitzwilliam as the representative +of Suffolk and the other lords at Lincoln, who were almost as uneasy +as Norfolk with regard to the King’s attitude<a id='r1274'></a><a href='#f1274' class='c016'><sup>[1274]</sup></a>. Norfolk was so +much worn out by his exertions that he could not travel more than +thirty miles a day<a id='r1275'></a><a href='#f1275' class='c016'><sup>[1275]</sup></a>. From Grantham on 30 October he wrote to ask +whether he should bring Bowes and Ellerker straight to court, or +leave them in London until he and Lord Talbot, who had come up +with them, had seen the King<a id='r1276'></a><a href='#f1276' class='c016'><sup>[1276]</sup></a>. The whole party was summoned +to Windsor, where they arrived at ten o’clock on the morning of +Thursday 2 November, but Norfolk was commanded to come into +the royal presence first. After dinner the King sent for the northern +gentlemen. On first seeing them, Henry could not repress an outburst +of rage, but he allowed himself to be soothed by Norfolk and +other members of the Council, and in the end promised to write an +answer to the articles with his own hand<a id='r1277'></a><a href='#f1277' class='c016'><sup>[1277]</sup></a>. He seemed to be taking +Norfolk’s action so quietly that Fitzwilliam sent a reassuring letter +to Suffolk<a id='r1278'></a><a href='#f1278' class='c016'><sup>[1278]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_275'>275</span>Henry’s calm was partly due to the fact that he did not yet +realise fully the crisis to which affairs had come. He saw that the +danger had been very great, and that he was not yet in a position to +punish disaffection with severity, but he still believed that the worst +was over. The rebels had dispersed, and a temporary show of +mildness on his part was all that was required. He could not refuse +a very wide pardon, but there was no need to contemplate any +concessions to the Pilgrims’ impudent demands, which they were no +longer able to press upon him. Holding this opinion, he drew up an +answer to the articles in his own hand, “and no creature was privy +thereto until it was finished.”<a id='r1279'></a><a href='#f1279' class='c016'><sup>[1279]</sup></a> It ran as follows:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“First, as touching the maintenance of the Faith; the terms be so general, +that hard they be to be answered; but if they mean the Faith of Christ to +which all Christian men be most obliged, we declare and protest ourself to be +he that always do and have minded to die and live in the purity of the same, +and that no man can or dare set his foot by ours in proving of the contrary; +marvelling not a little that ignorant people will go about or take upon them +to instruct us, (which something have been noted learned), what the right Faith +should be, or that they would be so ingrate and unnatural to us, their most +rightful King, without any our desert, upon false reports and surmises, to +suspect us of the same, and give rather credence to forged light tales than +to the approved truth by us these twenty-eight years used, and by our deeds +approved.</p> + +<p class='c019'>To the second, which toucheth the maintenance of the Church, and liberties +of the same; this is so general a proposition that without distinctions no man +with truth can answer it neither by God’s laws nor by the laws of the realm. +For first the Church which they mean must be known; secondly, whether they +be lawful or unlawful liberties which they require; and these known I doubt +not but they shall be answered according to God’s law, equity and justice. +But yet, for all their generality, this I dare assever, that (meaning what Church +they list) we have done nothing in their prejudice that may not be abidden by, +both by God’s law and man’s; and in our own Church, whereof we be the +Supreme Head here in Earth, we have not done so much prejudice as many +of our predecessors have done upon much less grounds. Wherefore, since it is +a thing which nothing pertaineth to any of you our commons, nor that you bear +anything therein, I cannot but reckon a great unkindness and unnaturalness, in +that ye had liever a churl or two should enjoy those profits of their monasteries, +in supportation of vicious and abominable life, than I your prince for supportation +of my extreme charges, done for your defence.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The third toucheth three things; the laws, the common wealth, the directors +of the laws under us. Touching the laws, we expressly dare testify that (blind +men deeming no colours, nor yet being judges) it shall be duly proved that there +were never in any of our predecessors’ days so many wholesome, commodious +and beneficial acts made for the common wealth, and yet I mean it since their +time that would fain have thank without desert. For Our Lord forbid (seeing +<span class='pageno' id='Page_276'>276</span>we have been these twenty-eight years your King) that both we and our Council +should have lost so much time as not to know now better than when we came +first to our reign, what were the common wealth and what were not. And though +outrecuidance of some may chance will not let them to acknowledge it so, +yet I trust and doubt not but the most part of our loving subjects (specially +those which be not seduced by false reports) do both think it, accept it, and find +it so. Now, touching the common wealth; what King hath kept you all his +subjects so long in wealth and peace; so long without taking or doing wrong +one to the other; so indifferently minister[<i>ed</i>] justice to all, both high and low; +so defended you all from outward enemies; so fortified the frontiers of this +realm, to his no little and in a manner inestimable charges? and all for your +wealths and sureties. What King hath given among you more general or freer +pardons? What King hath been loather to punish his subjects, or showed more +mercy amongst them? These things being so true as no true man can deny +them, it is an unnatural and unkind demeanour of you our subjects to believe +or deem the contrary of it, by whose report so ever it should be. As touching +the beginning of our reign, where ye say so many noblemen were councillors; +who were then councillors I well remember and yet of the temporalty I note +none but two worthy calling noble; the one Treasurer of England [<i>the Earl of +Surrey, Norfolk’s father</i>], the other High Steward of our house [<i>the Earl of +Shrewsbury</i>]; others, as the Lords Marney and Darcy, but scant well born +gentlemen; and yet of no great lands till they were promoted by us and so +made knights and lords; the rest were lawyers and priests, save two bishops, +which were Canterbury and Winchester. If these then be the great number +of noblemen that ye speak of and that ye seemed then to be content withal, +why then now be ye not much better content with us, which have now so many +nobles in deed both of birth and condition? For first of the temporalty, in our +Privy Council we have the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis +of Exeter, the Lord Steward (when he may come), the Earl of Oxford, the Earl +of Sussex, the Lord Sandys our Chamberlain, the Lord Admiral Treasurer of +our House, Sir William Poulet Comptroller of our house: and of the spiritualty, +the Bishop of Hereford [<i>Edward Fox</i>], the Bishop of Chichester [<i>Richard +Sampson</i>], and the Bishop of Winchester [<i>Stephen Gardiner</i>]. Now how far +be ye abused to reckon that then there were more noblemen in our Privy Council +than now? But yet, though I now do declare the truth to pull you from the +blindness that you were led in, yet we ensure you we would ye knew that +it appertaineth nothing to any of our subjects to appoint us our Council ne we +will take it so at your hands. Wherefore henceforth remember better the +duties of subjects to your King and sovereign lord, and meddle no more of those +nor such-like things as ye have nothing to do in.</p> + +<p class='c019'>To the fourth; where ye the commons do name certain of our Council to be +subverters both of God’s law and the laws of this realm; we do take and repute +them as just and true executors both of God’s laws and ours as far as their +commissions under us do extend. And if any of our subjects can duly prove +the contrary, we shall proceed against them and all other offenders therein +according to justice, as to our estate and dignity royal doth appertain. And in +case it be but a false and untrue report (as we verily think it is), then it were as +meet and standeth as well with justice that they should have the self same +<span class='pageno' id='Page_277'>277</span>punishment which wrongfully hath objected this to them, that they should have +had if they deserved it. And one thing amongst others maketh me think that +this slander should be untrue; because it proceedeth from that place which is +both so far distant from where they inhabit, and also from those people which +never heard them preach nor yet knoweth any part of their conversation. +Wherefore we exhort you our commons to be no more so light of credit, neither +of ill things spoken of your King and sovereign, nor yet of any of his prelates +and councillors; but to think that your King, having so long reigned over you, +hath as good discretion to elect and choose his councillors as those (whosoever +they be) that hath put this in your heads.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Here, in this final point, which ye our commons of Yorkshire do desire and +also in the matter of the whole, we verily think that the rest of our whole +commons (whereof ye be in manner but an handful) will greatly disdain and +not bear it that ye take upon you to set order both to them and us, your both +sovereign; and that (though ye be rebels) ye would make them as bearers and +partakers of your mischief; willing them to take pardon for insurrections which +verily I think and doubt not they never minded; but like true subjects to the +contrary hath, both with heart and deed, been ready at our call to defend both +us and themself.</p> + +<p class='c019'>And now for our part; as to your demands, We let you wit that pardon +of such things as ye demand lieth only in the will and pleasure of the prince; +but it seemeth by your lewd proclamations and safeconducts that there be +amongst you which take upon them both the King’s and councillor’s parts, which +neither yet by us nor by consent of the realm hath been admitted to any such +room. What arrogancy then is in those wretches (being also of none experience) +to presume to raise you our subjects without commission or authority, yea, and +against us, under a cloaked colour of your wealth and in our name; and as the +success will declare, (we being no more merciful than ye yet hitherto deserve) +to your utter confusions? Wherefore we let you wit, ye our subjects of +Yorkshire, that were it not that our princely heart cannot reckon this your +shameful insurrection and unnatural rebellion to be done of malice or rancour, +but rather by a lightness given in a manner by a naughty nature to a +commonalty and a wondrous sudden surreption of gentlemen; we must needs +have executed another manner of punishment than (ye humbly knowledging +your fault and submitting yourselves to our mercy) we intend to do. And to +the intent that ye shall all know that our princely heart rather embraceth (of +his own disposition) pity and compassion of his offending subjects than will to +be revenged of their naughty deeds; we are contented, if we may see and +perceive in you all a sorrowfulness for your offences and will henceforth to do +no more so, nor to believe so lewd and naughty tales or reports of your most +kind and loving prince and his Council, to grant unto you all our letters patent +of pardon for this rebellion; so that ye will deliver unto us ten such of the +ringleaders and provokers of you in this rebellion, as we shall assign to you +and appoint. Now note the benignity of your prince. Now note how easily +ye may have pardon, both gentlemen and other if ye list. Now note how +effusion of blood may be eschewed. Now note, what this little while of your +rebellion hath hindered yourselves and country. Now learn by a little lack +to eschew a worse. Now learn, by this small warning, to keep you true men. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_278'>278</span>Thus I, as your head, pray for you my members, that God may light you with +his Grace to knowledge and declare yourselves our true subjects henceforth, and +to give more credence to these our benign persuasions than to the perverse +instigations of maliciously disposed persons.”<a id='r1280'></a><a href='#f1280' class='c016'><sup>[1280]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Although the tone of this document was on the whole milder +than that of the reply to the Lincolnshire rebels, it must have caused +dismay to Norfolk, who knew that the Pilgrims would regard it as a +declaration of war. It contained no answer to any of their grievances, +except the statement that the King was entirely right, and they +were entirely wrong. The only hint of conciliation was the promise +that if any members of the Council could be proved to be subverters +of the laws, they should be punished, and this was qualified by the +King’s certainty that no one could prove anything of the sort. Even +the promised pardon was not general. Norfolk must have learnt +enough of the Pilgrims’ feelings to know that they would never +accept this answer, and they were in a position to attack Suffolk +almost as soon as it was received, for their musters were made on +the spot, while the King’s troops had to be conveyed there from +a distance. Yet for the moment there seemed to be no way in which +the answer might be altered. The Council did not dare openly to +criticise the King’s own composition, and on the morning of Sunday +5 November, Bowes and Ellerker set out from Windsor with the +King’s reply, which they themselves do not seem to have read. But +at noon a message was sent to Cromwell commanding him to stop +them until the King had consulted his Council again<a id='r1281'></a><a href='#f1281' class='c016'><sup>[1281]</sup></a>. Such news +had been received from the north that Fitzwilliam wrote that the +ambassadors must be stopped in London. If they had started, a +post must be sent after them<a id='r1282'></a><a href='#f1282' class='c016'><sup>[1282]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The particular report which had just arrived has not been preserved, +but its contents at last convinced the King that the time was +not yet ripe for his answer. He must temporise, not threaten. The +same news which made him realise this gave him an excuse for delay. +It was possible to declare that the Pilgrims had broken the truce, and +that the King therefore refused to negotiate with them<a id='r1283'></a><a href='#f1283' class='c016'><sup>[1283]</sup></a>. A message +which Aske had sent to Sir Marmaduke Constable was one of these +alleged breaches<a id='r1284'></a><a href='#f1284' class='c016'><sup>[1284]</sup></a>. It was also said that Leonard Beckwith had been +attacked. He was a receiver of the suppressed abbeys’ goods and +therefore very unpopular. His house was plundered by William +<span class='pageno' id='Page_279'>279</span>Acclom and sixty commons, and his mother put in such fear that +she was ill for the next seven months; but this had happened before +the truce<a id='r1285'></a><a href='#f1285' class='c016'><sup>[1285]</sup></a>. The King also complained that Aske had sent letters +into Cumberland, Westmorland and Lancashire<a id='r1286'></a><a href='#f1286' class='c016'><sup>[1286]</sup></a>. These were the +letters which announced the truce and ordered the rebels to disband. +On these pretexts Bowes and Ellerker were detained and the King +embarked on a new policy.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It must be placed to the credit of Henry’s honesty, if not of +his generalship, that he was unwilling to drop force and resort to +treachery, as Norfolk advised. From the time of the first outbreak in +Lincolnshire the King had been urging his lieutenants to proceed to +extremities. He frequently ordered them to give battle, and he seems +to have felt no doubt as to the result. It was not by his will that +the outbreak of hostilities had been delayed so long. The revolt +might have been finally crushed by one decisive blow, but on the +other hand it was even more likely that the rebels would have been +victorious, and that the battle which the King desired would have +been the opening of a civil war, the end of which no man could +foresee. This may seem too confident a statement to base on the +reports of Norfolk, as their gloomy tone was partly due to sympathy +with the rebels, but there is positive evidence of the weakness of +the royal troops, apart from Norfolk’s letters. In the first place, the +royal forces were never concentrated at one place; they straggled +north in scattered contingents, which could easily have been cut off +in detail. In the second place, the King’s soldiers did not receive +regular and sufficient pay. In the third place, the Duke of Suffolk, +whose loyalty was unquestioned, was as unwilling as Norfolk to risk +a battle. Jealousy ran so high among Henry’s nobles that if Suffolk +could safely have made a great show of activity, in contrast to +Norfolk’s hesitation, or could have sent very cheerful reports, in +contrast to Norfolk’s desperate letters, there can be no doubt that he +would have done so, and won the King’s favour. Only the gravity +of the situation can have forced him to support Norfolk.</p> + +<p class='c008'>These facts were obvious to Henry when he was cool enough +to observe them, and accordingly his blustering was temporarily +suspended. He was still absolutely determined that he would make +no concessions to the Pilgrims, but he was forced to resort to +temporising and treachery, as it was impossible for the moment +to compel them to submit to his will. Accordingly he laid his +plans anew.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_280'>280</span>His first object was to delay the northern messengers. All waste +of time was time gained. Hot blood would cool, and anger die down, +men would settle into their ordinary ways, and hopeful spirits would +grow despondent, if time was given them to realise the dangers and +difficulties of civil war. The return of Bowes and Ellerker would be +watched for less and less eagerly every day they tarried, and the +King’s answer, however unfavourable, might find the people readier +to submit than to rise again. The King’s second line of attack +was directed against the very citadel of the Pilgrims’ position—the +loyalty of their leaders. Letters of thanks were sent to all the +gentlemen of the north who had taken the King’s side, and they +were encouraged to return to their own homes, or remain there as +the case might be, in order that they might report the arrangements +and movements of the Pilgrims, and use their influence with the +neighbouring gentlemen, often friends and relatives, to bring them +over to the King<a id='r1287'></a><a href='#f1287' class='c016'><sup>[1287]</sup></a>. Promises of pardon and reward, hints at grants +of land, perhaps belonging to the very monasteries they had risen +to defend, perhaps the property of men like Darcy and Constable +who would not escape unattainted, doubtless had the desired effect +on some of the gentlemen<a id='r1288'></a><a href='#f1288' class='c016'><sup>[1288]</sup></a>. The King might well anticipate that +these methods would bring such disunion into the Pilgrims’ councils +that any concerted action would be rendered impossible and isolated +outbreaks would be the worst that need be feared.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Pilgrims from the first did their utmost to guard against +the King’s assault on their weak places. They strove to keep the +gentlemen banded together by frequent councils and constant communication. +With the commons their task was doubly difficult. +They must keep unruly members from spoils and other offences +against the truce, and at the same time encourage the fervent and +patriotic spirit which was the mainstay of their venture. Henry +issued sermons and exhortations,—the Pilgrims replied with poems. +John Hallam returned home to Watton after the disbanding at +Pontefract, and brought with him “certain rhymes made against my +lord privy seal, my lord Chancellor, the Chancellor of the Augmentations +and divers bishops of the new learning which rhymes had +been sung abroad by minstrels.”<a id='r1289'></a><a href='#f1289' class='c016'><sup>[1289]</sup></a> He showed them to Friar John +Pickering, one of the Friars Preachers, who had taken refuge at the +Priory of Bridlington<a id='r1290'></a><a href='#f1290' class='c016'><sup>[1290]</sup></a>. Pickering was inspired to write something +<span class='pageno' id='Page_281'>281</span>better than these clumsy verses to encourage the Pilgrims in the +good cause. With this intention he composed a long poem in the +elaborate Latin style which seems to have been the fashion then in +Yorkshire. He “made the said rhyme by rhyme that the hearers +might better bear it away, but not that it might be sung by +minstrels” and he himself showed it only to a few friends, who all +praised it. Nevertheless it soon spread abroad and “was in every +man’s mouth about Bridlington and Scarborough.” It is difficult to +understand how anyone could sing the verses, for they have none +of the rugged charm of the Pilgrims’ marching song. They are +long-winded, involved, and interspersed with scraps of Latin. The +Pilgrims are compared first to the Maccabees, afterwards to Mordecai, +with Cromwell in the character of Hamon:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“This cruel Hamon by his false invention</div> + <div class='line'>In the north doth perceive the faithfull commonty,</div> + <div class='line'>By his great expenses intending utterly</div> + <div class='line'>Us to destroy and bring in captivity.</div> + <div class='line'>But great God above that ever doth procure</div> + <div class='line'>For his faithful people all that is necessary,</div> + <div class='line'>And even provide I you do ensure</div> + <div class='line'>His falsehood to be known and eke his policy.</div> + <div class='line'>No fair words we shall trust after my opinion</div> + <div class='line'>But boldly go forward in our peregrination.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The gist of the poem is an exhortation to be loyal to the King, but +to fight to the death against Cromwell<a id='r1291'></a><a href='#f1291' class='c016'><sup>[1291]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Thus both parties were working quietly and effectively to improve +their position, and in consequence were constantly accusing each +other of breaches of the truce. It cannot be denied that, however +honest their intentions, the first appointment at Doncaster was +not well kept on either side. The diplomacy of the King and the +wildness of the commons—to say nothing of mutual suspicion—were +against it. Considering all the circumstances it was perhaps as +strictly observed as engagements of the kind ever are.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The presence of Suffolk in Lincolnshire made it absolutely +necessary for the Pilgrims to secure their borders. Norfolk, of course, +had no power to promise the dispersal of Suffolk’s army, even if the +rebels demanded anything so unreasonable; but he had undertaken +that the King’s Lieutenant in Lincolnshire should observe the truce +and threaten no invasion of Yorkshire<a id='r1292'></a><a href='#f1292' class='c016'><sup>[1292]</sup></a>. The Pilgrims had stipulated +that none of the prisoners at Lincoln should suffer execution till a +<span class='pageno' id='Page_282'>282</span>final settlement had been reached, which must have been all they +could do at the time for their unlucky fellows<a id='r1293'></a><a href='#f1293' class='c016'><sup>[1293]</sup></a>. But Suffolk, instead +of keeping all his host round Lincoln, where he himself lay, sent +garrisons to Grimsby, Barton and other towns on Trent and Humber<a id='r1294'></a><a href='#f1294' class='c016'><sup>[1294]</sup></a>. +These places were fortified, the river traffic was controlled by their +commanders and every effort was made to collect the boats on their +own side. Hull, the most important citadel on the north of Humber, +was known to favour the King, partly because of Beverley’s devotion +to the Pilgrims. Further east, Sir Brian Hastings lay at Hatfield +with his tenants and servants about five hundred strong, ready to +stand to arms at a word<a id='r1295'></a><a href='#f1295' class='c016'><sup>[1295]</sup></a>. Even at Wakefield, right in the rebels’ +country, Sir Henry Saville was bullying and coaxing his neighbours +to join the King<a id='r1296'></a><a href='#f1296' class='c016'><sup>[1296]</sup></a>. These formed the King’s first line, pushed right +to the frontiers of the rebels. His second was the line of the +Trent. The castles at Newark and Nottingham were being +garrisoned and re-fortified. Shrewsbury was at his Derbyshire seat, +Wingfield, ready to muster all the country at the first warning from +the north, and to hold the bridges at Derby and Burton-on-Trent<a id='r1297'></a><a href='#f1297' class='c016'><sup>[1297]</sup></a>. +Nor must it be forgotten that the Pilgrims had also an enemy at +their flank. The Earl of Derby had orders to be on the alert. He +kept nightly watch along the Pilgrims’ borders and ascertained by +constant musters the available strength of Lancashire and Cheshire<a id='r1298'></a><a href='#f1298' class='c016'><sup>[1298]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Such were the King’s general defences, the details of which will +appear presently, and it remained for the Pilgrims to make themselves +equally secure. The defence of the Trent was not fully +organised until the middle of November, but the first line was +prepared at the beginning of the truce, and Hull was in some +danger of falling by a sudden attack.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Pilgrims’ strongest line of defence was along the Humber, +Ouse and Aire, and such were its advantages, particularly in the +way of scarcity of bridges, that it could be made almost impassable, +if properly garrisoned with determined troops. But the commons +had risen and joined them through all the country south as far as +the Don, Marshland, and the Isle of Axholme, which lay between +the Don and the Trent. In order to keep this part of the country, +they would be obliged to hold the line of the Trent. The result +of this was that the district south of the Ouse became debatable +<span class='pageno' id='Page_283'>283</span>ground, where each party was constantly complaining of breaches +of the truce.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The first business of the rebel leaders was to stay the “wild” +men of the North Riding. It may be conjectured that the expected +arrival of these rough allies had something to do with the +making of the truce, for all the well-to-do Pilgrims were very shy of +the commons who were more bent on social reform than on religious +conservatism. Although Darcy and the captains were able to disband +the forces that were at Pontefract and Doncaster<a id='r1299'></a><a href='#f1299' class='c016'><sup>[1299]</sup></a>, it was not to be +expected that the remote districts could be quieted at once. The +truce was not acknowledged in Cumberland until 3 November, +as has been described, and then only in part and with great reluctance<a id='r1300'></a><a href='#f1300' class='c016'><sup>[1300]</sup></a>. +The monks of Furness were giving money to their tenants +and encouraging them to attend the musters on Hallowmas Eve, +31 October<a id='r1301'></a><a href='#f1301' class='c016'><sup>[1301]</sup></a>. On his return from Jervaux to Richmond John Dakyn +was obliged to keep the freest hospitality he could, and distributed +seven nobles among his parishioners, that they might not rob him as +they had done some of the neighbouring clergy<a id='r1302'></a><a href='#f1302' class='c016'><sup>[1302]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As time went on the unrest became more marked, but for the +moment there was an uneasy lull, and the leaders of the Pilgrimage +began to strengthen their defences. Orders were given on the +30th that beacons should be laid and that nightly watch should be +kept in the church towers of the East Riding, where some attempt +might be made from Lincolnshire<a id='r1303'></a><a href='#f1303' class='c016'><sup>[1303]</sup></a>. Aske spent the night of Sunday +29 October in York, declaring the order and staying the country. +Next day, Monday 30 October, he turned his attention to the +delicate problem of the Earl of Northumberland’s position, and rode +to Wressell Castle. On the way he heard that Sir Marmaduke +Constable, who had been in hiding, had returned home at the news +of the truce, and that the commons were threatening to plunder his +house if he would not take the oath. Aske wrote to Sir Marmaduke +advising him to come to Wressell for protection, but he fled to +Lincolnshire<a id='r1304'></a><a href='#f1304' class='c016'><sup>[1304]</sup></a>. This was the message of which the King complained +on 5 November.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The unfortunate Earl of Northumberland, still lying ill at Wressell +Castle, was now besieged by most unwelcome visitors. First came +Aske, “to have agreed him and his brother Sir Thomas Percy.” The +<span class='pageno' id='Page_284'>284</span>Earl refused to have anything whatever to do with his brothers, but +towards Aske his attitude was on the whole friendly. The commons +at Snaith had seized two coffers of the Earl’s clothes, which had been +sent from London. Aske saved them from destruction and made a bill +of the contents, “a gown and doublet of crimson satin and the rest +of small value.” He had sent word to the Earl that he could have +his coffers on sending for them, but he made Aske a present of them, +and now affirmed that if there had been more Aske should have had +it for saving his life from the commons<a id='r1305'></a><a href='#f1305' class='c016'><sup>[1305]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Failing in his principal object that day, Aske seems to have returned +to York for the night to take counsel with Sir Thomas. Next +day, Tuesday 31 October, Hallowmas Eve, they dined together at St +Mary’s Abbey, York, and then received news of the arrival of William +Stapleton, who sent word to Aske that he was about to ride to +Wressell to pay his duty to the Earl his master, and would be +glad to be allowed to ride in Aske’s company. But Aske and +Sir Thomas Percy set off without him, and when Stapleton reached +the Castle Aske was with the Earl, trying in vain to persuade him +to make Sir Thomas lieutenant of one March and Sir Ingram of the +other. Afterwards Stapleton himself visited the Earl, whom he +found in bed “weeping, ever wishing himself out of the world, which +the said William was sore to see.” That night Sir Thomas, Aske and +Stapleton all slept at Wressell.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Next day, Wednesday 1 November, Aske went to the Earl again, +and they came to terms. The Earl, under compulsion, consented to +what Aske and the lords had resolved upon, but he absolutely refused +to make any concessions to his brothers, or even to see Sir Thomas. +It may be imagined that he would not find it easy to face the brother +whom he had disinherited. Stapleton added his persuasions to those +of Aske. He really feared for the Earl’s life, as he had heard the +commons say in the field, “Strike off the head of the Earl and make +Sir Thomas earl,” and Sir Thomas Hilton had exclaimed, “He is +now crept into a corner and dare not show himself, he hath made a +many of knaves gentlemen to whom he has disposed much of his +living and all now to do nought himself.” The Earl’s obstinacy made +Stapleton half-angry, but nothing could move him to see his brother. +The Earl was very earnest on behalf of the King and Cromwell +against the commons, and when Stapleton warned him that he was +actually in danger he only replied that “he cared not, he could die +but once, let them strike off his head and rid him of much pain.” +<span class='pageno' id='Page_285'>285</span>The upshot was that the Earl went to York, leaving Wressell in +Aske’s hands. Aske set out for Hull, Sir Thomas went to Seamer, +and Stapleton went home<a id='r1306'></a><a href='#f1306' class='c016'><sup>[1306]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Northumberland found no peace at York, for there he was visited by +Sir Ingram Percy, who had come up to demand seven hundred marks +salary as vice-warden of the East Marches and one hundred marks for +the lieutenancy. His brother consented to see him, but was shocked +by the language he used about Cromwell, “wishing him, being of the +King’s most honourable Council, to be hanged as they and he might +look unto; and if he were there present, as he wished to God he +were, he would put his sword in his belly.”<a id='r1307'></a><a href='#f1307' class='c016'><sup>[1307]</sup></a> Northumberland +promptly deprived him of the offices which he had obtained by his +trick<a id='r1308'></a><a href='#f1308' class='c016'><sup>[1308]</sup></a>, and appointed Robert Lord Ogle vice-warden, and Sir Roger +Grey and Sir John Widdrington lieutenants, all three being of the +Carnaby faction<a id='r1309'></a><a href='#f1309' class='c016'><sup>[1309]</sup></a>. After this both Sir Thomas and Sir Ingram set +out for the north.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On or about Sunday 5 November, Shrewsbury sent his chaplain +John Moreton to discover the Earl’s state, and to try to obtain +payment of her allowance to his daughter the Countess, as she was +now living with him. The messenger went to Wressell, and was +there taken by Aske’s men, who were holding the castle<a id='r1310'></a><a href='#f1310' class='c016'><sup>[1310]</sup></a>. On +10 November Aske visited the Earl again at Selby<a id='r1311'></a><a href='#f1311' class='c016'><sup>[1311]</sup></a>. Now that his +brothers were gone he was more tractable, and made over to Aske +his castle of Wressell and his tenants, for so long as Aske should lie +in garrison there, and also his “spice plate” which was at Watton +Priory<a id='r1312'></a><a href='#f1312' class='c016'><sup>[1312]</sup></a>. By this formal deed he obtained power to remove his +“evidences” from the castle, and as he was very anxious about them, +he sent two servants, who brought them away at midnight<a id='r1313'></a><a href='#f1313' class='c016'><sup>[1313]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Thus the Pilgrims received Wressell Castle, but before the +negotiation was completed Aske had been busy in a great many +other places. After his interview with Northumberland he rode +to Watton, to arrange the affairs of Watton Priory. The prior, a +creature of Cromwell’s, had fled south with all the money he could +lay hands on, leaving “three or four score brethren and sisters of the +same house without forty shillings to succour them.” They wished +<span class='pageno' id='Page_286'>286</span>to elect a new prior, but Aske persuaded them to accept the +sub-prior as the defaulter’s deputy. This affair of the Prior of +Watton should not be overlooked, for it had a part in bringing about +the final tragedy. Next day Thursday 2 November Aske went on +to Hull<a id='r1314'></a><a href='#f1314' class='c016'><sup>[1314]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Duke of Suffolk had caused considerable alarm to the +Pilgrims by occupying Grimsby and the neighbouring country<a id='r1315'></a><a href='#f1315' class='c016'><sup>[1315]</sup></a> in +force as soon as the truce was made. They considered that this was +“contrary to the appointment,”<a id='r1316'></a><a href='#f1316' class='c016'><sup>[1316]</sup></a> although of course the agreement +did not include Suffolk. Aske made Sir Robert Constable governor +of Hull, and under his directions the walls were put in a state of +defence and a garrison of two hundred soldiers was maintained +there<a id='r1317'></a><a href='#f1317' class='c016'><sup>[1317]</sup></a>. Shipping was also prepared, which alarmed the royalists in +their turn. They thought that the rebels’ object must be either to +escape by sea, or to send for powder and ordnance from abroad, and +watch was kept to prevent communications with Flanders; but as a +matter of fact the preparations were made partly in fear of an attack +on Hull by sea, and partly to intercept any succour which might +be sent to Scarborough or Berwick<a id='r1318'></a><a href='#f1318' class='c016'><sup>[1318]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Pilgrims employed various methods to obtain the money +needed for their garrisons. Sir Robert Constable paid most of +the expenses of Hull; he “borrowed” the money, perhaps rather +vigorously, from John Lambart, who tried unsuccessfully to recover +£165. 8<i>s</i>. 3<i>d</i>. from Sir Robert’s brother Sir William Constable<a id='r1319'></a><a href='#f1319' class='c016'><sup>[1319]</sup></a>. +Lambart had however received sufficient security from Sir Robert<a id='r1320'></a><a href='#f1320' class='c016'><sup>[1320]</sup></a>. +Dr Holdsworth the vicar of Halifax had fled to his patron Sir Henry +Saville. His goods were confiscated and £10 of the money went to +the defence of Hull<a id='r1321'></a><a href='#f1321' class='c016'><sup>[1321]</sup></a>. The collector of customs attempted to fly to +the King with three hundred marks in his possession, but Sir Robert +Constable seized him and swore that that money should be spent +first<a id='r1322'></a><a href='#f1322' class='c016'><sup>[1322]</sup></a>. The lead of Marton Priory, which had already been removed +from the building, was seized by the rebels and assigned to Edmund (?) +Copendale for sale. He paid over to Aske for it in all £9. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i><a id='r1323'></a><a href='#f1323' class='c016'><sup>[1323]</sup></a> +Aske also obtained on 10 November the Earl of Northumberland’s +sign manual to use his “spice plate” lying at Watton Priory, for the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_287'>287</span>purposes of the rebellion. The Prior of Ellerton was now in charge +of the house during the absence of the Prior of Watton<a id='r1324'></a><a href='#f1324' class='c016'><sup>[1324]</sup></a>, and on the +first summons refused to give the plate up. Aske wrote again severely, +saying that “it is pity to do anything for that house that so unkindly +orders me, who have done more for religion than they can ever +deserve,” and threatened that if he complained of the prior’s conduct +to the commons the house would be plundered<a id='r1325'></a><a href='#f1325' class='c016'><sup>[1325]</sup></a>. Alarmed by this, +the prior took the plate to Aske himself, and the convent of Watton +received Aske’s thanks four days later<a id='r1326'></a><a href='#f1326' class='c016'><sup>[1326]</sup></a>. Some money may have +been obtained by plundering the houses of those who had fled to the +King, but this was a very uncertain source of revenue, as the plunder +was usually divided among the spoilers who carried out the work. +Finally gifts were received from well-wishers, particularly from the +monasteries<a id='r1327'></a><a href='#f1327' class='c016'><sup>[1327]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In this connection may be mentioned the curious story of +Harry Osborne of Gloucester. He was serving with his father in +the King’s army under Sir Charles Trowen, and obtained leave “to +go among the northern host to know the fashion of them.” When +he came back he seems to have drawn freely upon his imagination; +parts of his story are obviously untrue, and the rest is very +suspicious. He asserted in the first place that Lord Stafford had +joined the rebels with one thousand men<a id='r1328'></a><a href='#f1328' class='c016'><sup>[1328]</sup></a>. This was not true, but +it seems to have been widely rumoured. Wilfred Holme thus +enumerated the allies on whom the rebels depended:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“They noised the Emperor with them was participate,</div> + <div class='line'>And the Bishop of Rome with the Scottish king commixed,</div> + <div class='line'>With them to commilitare they were clearly fundate,</div> + <div class='line'>And Ireland and Wales of their part was fixed,</div> + <div class='line'>The Earl of Derby outlawed, and of their part mixed,</div> + <div class='line'>And the Duke of Norfolk every cause accounted,</div> + <div class='line'>All commoners commoned with the Earl Staffort enixed,</div> + <div class='line'>And as for they of Lincolnshire a great sum surmounted.”<a id='r1329'></a><a href='#f1329' class='c016'><sup>[1329]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c020'>Speed gives a list of the lords who were present at the second +appointment at Doncaster, among whom is Lord Streffre, which may +stand for Lord Stafford. All the names in this list are wildly misprinted, +e.g. Romemer for Bulmer and Clayer for Ellerker<a id='r1330'></a><a href='#f1330' class='c016'><sup>[1330]</sup></a>. Osborne +also said that “Lady Rysse,” i.e. Katherine Howard widow of Rice +(Richard) ap Griffith had joined them with three thousand men and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_288'>288</span>had brought half a cartload of plate, which was being coined for +their use. Osborne produced a groat which he asserted to be of their +coinage, “and it is a fay (true?) king Harry groat.” This story had +an air of probability, for Richard ap Griffith had been executed for +treason in 1531, and his widow might very well sympathise with the +rebels<a id='r1331'></a><a href='#f1331' class='c016'><sup>[1331]</sup></a>. Also they would have no difficulty in coining money, as +there were mints at York and Durham, and Hastings reported on +8 November that the rebels had made posts from Hull by Templehurst, +York and Durham to Newcastle “to prepare new money.”<a id='r1332'></a><a href='#f1332' class='c016'><sup>[1332]</sup></a> +These posts are mentioned again on 13 November<a id='r1333'></a><a href='#f1333' class='c016'><sup>[1333]</sup></a>. But as nothing +more is ever heard of “Lady Rysse” and her groats they may have +only existed in the vigorous imagination of Harry Osborne.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy depended for money on a cess regularly levied on the +parishes. He set to work to collect one as soon as the truce was +proclaimed, and it is a sign of the commons’ earnestness that they +assisted in gathering it. Sir Henry Saville seized the collectors +at Dewsbury and forced them to give up the money under pain of +hanging as traitors, conduct which caused much indignation among +the Pilgrims<a id='r1334'></a><a href='#f1334' class='c016'><sup>[1334]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Meanwhile Aske left Hull for Wressell Castle, which he made his +headquarters, before Monday 6 November<a id='r1335'></a><a href='#f1335' class='c016'><sup>[1335]</sup></a>. On that day Suffolk +wrote to the Mayor of Hull requiring him to deliver up Antony +Curtis, William his servant, Robert Horncliff and Christopher +Blaunde, who were lying in prison in the town. The mayor and +Sir Robert Constable refused to give them up without a special +order from the grand captain, who cannot therefore have been in +Hull that day<a id='r1336'></a><a href='#f1336' class='c016'><sup>[1336]</sup></a>. Curtis and Horncliff were two of the messengers +who had been sent by the Lincolnshire rebels to Beverley. They had +been cast into prison as liars on bringing news of the failure of Lincolnshire<a id='r1337'></a><a href='#f1337' class='c016'><sup>[1337]</sup></a>. +When this proved true they must have been detained in +revenge for the betrayal of Woodmancy who seems to have been +given up to Suffolk by the Lincolnshire men; for Morland, on flying +to Yorkshire, was driven out of Beverley because the magistrates said, +“Ye are worthy to have no favour here, nor ye may not tarry here, +for our messenger called Woodmancy, whom we sent into Lincolnshire, +hath been ill-entreated with you there and was cast into +<span class='pageno' id='Page_289'>289</span>prison<a id='r1338'></a><a href='#f1338' class='c016'><sup>[1338]</sup></a>.” On Tuesday 7 November Suffolk sent the Mayor’s refusal +to the King, with the incorrect assertion that it came from Aske<a id='r1339'></a><a href='#f1339' class='c016'><sup>[1339]</sup></a>. +On or before Sunday 12 November, Horncliff and Curtis “brake +the prison” and threw themselves on the mercy of Sir Anthony +Browne<a id='r1340'></a><a href='#f1340' class='c016'><sup>[1340]</sup></a> at Barton<a id='r1341'></a><a href='#f1341' class='c016'><sup>[1341]</sup></a>. He sent them on to Suffolk at Lincoln, +when they found that they had escaped out of the frying-pan into +the fire<a id='r1342'></a><a href='#f1342' class='c016'><sup>[1342]</sup></a>. A spy of Sir Francis Brian’s reported that these two were +said to have been “the beginners of the mischief” and that Aske +himself had told him that they “were the first that sware him in +Lincolnshire,” and afterwards raised Yorkshire<a id='r1343'></a><a href='#f1343' class='c016'><sup>[1343]</sup></a>. After this information +they were practically dead men, and Suffolk at once petitioned +the King that their property might be bestowed on his own kinsmen<a id='r1344'></a><a href='#f1344' class='c016'><sup>[1344]</sup></a>. +Yet even Suffolk seems to have realised that the accusation was +probably false, for Aske always said, in authentic documents, that +Hudswell first gave him the oath<a id='r1345'></a><a href='#f1345' class='c016'><sup>[1345]</sup></a>. Nevertheless, Suffolk considered +the story good enough to hang Curtis, and he repeated it to him. +Curtis was so indignant at the accusation that he offered to go and +kill Aske, although he was his kinsman. Suffolk had the assassination +of Aske a good deal at heart just then (20 November), but he seems +to have suspected that Curtis’ wrath was merely an excuse for +escaping back to the Pilgrims. At any rate he did not accept the +offer, though he reported it to the King. He also sent up Curtis’ +confession, but unfortunately it has not been preserved<a id='r1346'></a><a href='#f1346' class='c016'><sup>[1346]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Such was the position at the seat of war from Friday 27 October +until Sunday 5 November. Although Henry had resolved to suspend +his answer to the Pilgrims’ petition, Bowes and Ellerker were allowed +to send a letter to Pontefract by their servants. They described the +progress of their embassy and gave the reason for the delay in their +return. Several copies of this letter were sent for distribution among +the northern gentlemen, in order to test their temper towards the +King. The servants set out from Windsor for the north on Tuesday +7 November<a id='r1347'></a><a href='#f1347' class='c016'><sup>[1347]</sup></a>. At the same time the King was preparing a swifter +means of ending his difficulty.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday the Duke of Norfolk sent for Percival Cresswell, a +servant of Lord Hussey, and ordered him to prepare to ride north. +Next day Hussey directed Cresswell to write in his (Hussey’s) name +<span class='pageno' id='Page_290'>290</span>a certain letter to Lord Darcy and to show it to the Council. After +the Council had approved of the letter Lord Hussey signed it, and +Cresswell took it back to Norfolk and the Bishop of Hereford. They +sealed it up and gave it to him with another letter from Norfolk to +Darcy and also certain instructions by word of mouth. His further +orders were to ride post after the servants of Bowes and Ellerker, +and to pass through the rebels with them: if he did not do this he +must obtain a safeconduct, for on no account must the letters be +taken by the commons.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Cresswell reached Doncaster before the servants and sent to +Darcy for a safeconduct, but before it came the other messengers +arrived, and they all went on towards Templehurst. One of Lord +Darcy’s servants met them and they arrived there on Friday +10 November. Darcy was in the garden with about half-a-dozen +of the commons and his servants. Cresswell paid his respects to +him, saying aloud that he trusted all should be well, and secretly +that he brought a private message from Norfolk and the King. +Darcy led him into the house, and on the way Cresswell managed +to pass the letters into his hands unobserved. Darcy went into an +inner room to read them, leaving Cresswell among the commons in +an outer chamber. They began to abuse Cromwell, and asked +Cresswell whether he had been dismissed from the King’s Council. +Cresswell answered that he had not seen Cromwell at court for the +last two days, and that the principal noblemen about the King were +Norfolk, Oxford, Sussex, Fitzwilliam, Paulet, and Kingston. Thereupon +the commons exclaimed, “God save the King and them all! +for as long as such noblemen of the true noble blood may reign and +rule about the King all shall be well.” They discussed the question +of Cromwell’s dismissal a little longer, and then told Cresswell that +whatever answer Darcy and the gentlemen might make, “If ye speak +with the King’s highness ye shall show him, or else ye shall show +my lord’s Grace your master and other the foresaid true noblemen +of the Council, that if the King’s Grace do not send and grant unto +us our petitions, which we sent unto his Highness by the Duke’s +Grace your master, whatsoever letter, bill or pardon shall be sent on +to us we will not accept or receive the same, but send it to his +Highness again.” Cresswell remonstrated with them, but they replied, +“if ye be a true man ye will report the same, for that thing +that moves us to this is the faith we bear unto God, to the King’s +person, and all his true noble blood and the commonwealth.”<a id='r1348'></a><a href='#f1348' class='c016'><sup>[1348]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_291'>291</span>Meanwhile Darcy had read the letters and had sent a messenger +to summon Aske<a id='r1349'></a><a href='#f1349' class='c016'><sup>[1349]</sup></a>, who was at Selby that day<a id='r1350'></a><a href='#f1350' class='c016'><sup>[1350]</sup></a>. The letter to Darcy +from Norfolk was dated 6 November. It informed him that the +King had written answers to the articles “which be of such sort +that in mine opinion there is nothing to be amended therein.” +Norfolk went on to complain of the breaches of the truce. He then +dropped into a confidential vein,—people were saying unpleasant +things about Darcy,—it was whispered that he might have defended +Pontefract longer,—that he was in an agreement with Aske. Norfolk +defended him as well as he could, and always maintained, like a true +friend, that Darcy had been constrained by force; but what a +splendid disproof of all these slanders it would be if Darcy should +capture Aske and send him up to Windsor “dead or alive, but alive +if possible, which will extinct the ill bruit and raise you in the +favour of his Highness.”<a id='r1351'></a><a href='#f1351' class='c016'><sup>[1351]</sup></a> Hussey’s letter was dated 7 November +and was much shorter. He had been in great trouble and danger, +he said, partly because he was accused of being Darcy’s confederate. +The Duke of Norfolk had delivered him, and now said that he would +also befriend Darcy if he would send up Aske “quick or dead.” +Hussey therefore begged him to accomplish the King’s pleasure<a id='r1352'></a><a href='#f1352' class='c016'><sup>[1352]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>After reading these letters, Darcy sent for Cresswell. There +were several other gentlemen in the room, who were not very willing +that Darcy should speak to the messenger apart, but he promised +to tell them all that passed. Then he bade Cresswell declare his +credence. Cresswell replied that it was the same as the letters, in +that Darcy would win the King’s confidence and a great reward if +he sent up Aske. Darcy’s answer is rather refreshing reading: +“I cannot do it in no wise, for I have made promise to the contrary, +and my coat was never hitherto stained with any such blot. And +my lord’s Grace your master knoweth well enough what a nobleman’s +promise is, and therefore I think that this thing cometh not of his +Grace’s device, nor of none other nobleman, and if I might have two +dukedoms for my labour I would not consent to have such a spot in +my coat.” Darcy evidently suspected that Norfolk’s message was +inspired by Cromwell, as Hussey’s letter undoubtedly had been. He +did not realise what a nobleman “of the true noble blood” was +capable of doing. Cresswell had nothing to say in reply, and they +all went to dinner. During the meal Aske arrived, and after dinner +the captains of the Pilgrimage held a council. On Saturday +<span class='pageno' id='Page_292'>292</span>11 November, after mass, Darcy sent for Cresswell, and bade him +tell the King that Darcy was now doing him better service than he +had ever done. As for Pontefract Castle, he called the Archbishop +and Archdeacon Magnus to witness that there was neither powder, +ordnance nor artillery in it, that the King sent no reply to his letters, +and that he had used all means to defend it while he could. He +begged the King to excuse him if he and the other gentlemen “spake +somewhat largely” against Cromwell, as that pleased the commons +best. To Hussey, Darcy sent no letter, but he bade Cresswell to +“have him recommended to him,” and to say that he was sorry for +his trouble<a id='r1353'></a><a href='#f1353' class='c016'><sup>[1353]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Saturday at six o’clock in the evening Cresswell set out for +Windsor with letters from Darcy to Norfolk and to the ambassadors, +and Aske’s explanation of the alleged breaches of the truce. The +captain stated that he wrote to Sir Marmaduke Constable in Lancashire +and Sir Thomas Wharton in Westmorland only for their own +protection. His other letters were to stay the country. As for +spoils, if there had been any since the truce he was willing to make +restitution, but he doubted if they could be proved<a id='r1354'></a><a href='#f1354' class='c016'><sup>[1354]</sup></a>. Darcy’s letters +are highly characteristic. To Bowes and Ellerker he wrote that their +delay was a far greater violation of the agreement than anything +that had happened in the north, and that their letter was “taken +but for a persuasion.” If they would bring back the King’s answer +themselves, it would do more good than twenty letters<a id='r1355'></a><a href='#f1355' class='c016'><sup>[1355]</sup></a>. To Norfolk +he expressed his joy that the King had been graciously pleased to +answer the articles in person. He denied that the truce had been +broken; on the contrary, he and the other gentlemen had stayed +Lancashire, Cumberland and Westmorland, although those counties +were not included in the appointment at Doncaster, because it was +not then known that they had risen. As for his surrender of +Pontefract, he had declared the whole circumstances to Cresswell, +and again protested his loyalty and his ill-treatment. Coming to +the most important part of the letter, the suggested capture of Aske, +Darcy was as emphatic as he had been to Cresswell. He was ready +to serve the King as a scullion “without a penny rent from his +lands” but “alas, my good lord that ever ye being a man of so much +honour and great experience should advise or choose me a man to be +of any such sort or fashion to betray or disserve any living man, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_293'>293</span>Frenchman, Scot, yea, or a Turk; of my faith, to get and win to me +and mine heirs four of the best duke’s lands in France, or to be king +there, I would not do it to no living person.” Finally he declared +“roundly and truly” that there would be no satisfactory “stay” +until Bowes and Ellerker were sent back with the King’s full answer, +and in particular the promise of a free parliament and a full pardon, +for their letters were looked upon as mere persuasions<a id='r1356'></a><a href='#f1356' class='c016'><sup>[1356]</sup></a>. In writing +this letter Darcy, as perhaps he knew, signed his own death warrant. +No past service, no future pardon, could protect a man who so boldly +exalted his own honour above the King’s pleasure.</p> + +<p class='c008'>After making his reply, Aske returned to Wressell Castle and +sent out a summons to all the gentlemen and leaders of the Pilgrimage +to attend a general council at York on Tuesday 21 November<a id='r1357'></a><a href='#f1357' class='c016'><sup>[1357]</sup></a>. It +was hoped that the messengers would have returned from London +by that time; if they had not, their letter would be shown and +further steps would have to be taken to bring the King to terms<a id='r1358'></a><a href='#f1358' class='c016'><sup>[1358]</sup></a>. +No sooner had Aske and Darcy disposed of one set of accusations +than another sprang up. On Wednesday 8 November, the day that +Cresswell left London, Sir Brian Hastings wrote to tell Suffolk of a +rumour that Darcy was about to march on Doncaster, while Aske +and Constable would transport the men of the East Riding, Howden +and Marshland by water to Gainsborough and Stockwith, and both +hosts would meet at Lincoln, where they intended to capture the +weapons collected there by Suffolk<a id='r1359'></a><a href='#f1359' class='c016'><sup>[1359]</sup></a>. On the same day Suffolk sent +a force from Lincoln to occupy Newark, led by Richard Cromwell, +Sir John Russell and Sir Francis Brian<a id='r1360'></a><a href='#f1360' class='c016'><sup>[1360]</sup></a>. This however was not in +consequence of Hastings’ report, for on Thursday 9 November +Hastings received two letters from Suffolk asking for news of the +rebels. Hastings wrote back the same day, referring to his earlier +letter. He mentioned the arrival of Percival Cresswell at Doncaster, +and declared that if he had two guns and ordnance he could keep +the bridges there with his own men. He did not think that the +occupation of Newark was necessary, but there was danger in north +Lincolnshire. The rest of the letter was taken up with his private +grievances against Sir Arthur Darcy<a id='r1361'></a><a href='#f1361' class='c016'><sup>[1361]</sup></a>. Meanwhile he was furthering +the King’s cause in another way by acting as go-between from the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_294'>294</span>Earl of Shrewsbury to Sir George Darcy<a id='r1362'></a><a href='#f1362' class='c016'><sup>[1362]</sup></a>. Lord Darcy’s sons had +no sympathy with their father’s views. Sir George had joined the +commons only on compulsion, and was now eager to obtain a pardon +and make his peace with the King.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Henry seems to have calculated a good deal on the effect that +the letters sent by Cresswell would have. If Darcy should kill or +capture Aske, there would certainly be another rising; leaderless +and disorganised by treachery, it would be easily suppressed. The +King therefore laid plans to deal with the situation which he hoped +to produce. Shrewsbury’s son Lord Talbot returned from court to +Wingfield on Thursday 9 November, bearing instructions that if the +commons rose again, Shrewsbury must advance to Derby and there +hold the bridges. The old Earl seems to have been quite tired of +the whole business. He wrote back that the water at Derby and +the Trent four miles away at Burton-on-Trent could not be held, +there were so many fords and bridges, and it would take ten thousand +men or more to hold the Trent between Newark and Burton. The +rest of his letter contained better news for the King; he mentioned +the rumour that Darcy would seize Doncaster, which gave an excuse +for further delay of the messengers, and enclosed a letter, which if +revealed would endanger the life of the sender,—probably one from +Sir George Darcy<a id='r1363'></a><a href='#f1363' class='c016'><sup>[1363]</sup></a>. At the same time Shrewsbury wrote to Cromwell +begging to be excused from the chief command on account of his age +and feebleness<a id='r1364'></a><a href='#f1364' class='c016'><sup>[1364]</sup></a>. Of course the King would not excuse Shrewsbury<a id='r1365'></a><a href='#f1365' class='c016'><sup>[1365]</sup></a>; +his age, his great reputation, and his well-known devotion to the +Church of Rome made him too valuable to be spared.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Letters were sent on the 9th and 10th to the Earl of Derby and +the gentlemen of Cheshire and Lancashire, warning them to be ready +to join Shrewsbury at an hour’s notice<a id='r1366'></a><a href='#f1366' class='c016'><sup>[1366]</sup></a>. At the same time orders were +sent to the Earl of Rutland to occupy Nottingham, and he wrote to +the King that he had done so on Friday 10 November. His report +was little more encouraging than Shrewsbury’s. He had provisioned +the castle and inspected the river, but there were four bridges and +nine fords. It would require a great force to defend the castle and +so much of the river, but lying there was very chargeable. He had +little money of his own, as his rents from Yorkshire were stopped, +and of the £500 that Norfolk had sent him only £300 remained. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_295'>295</span>The rest had been spent on bringing up gunners, on posts and on +fortifying the fords at Doncaster. Moreover he had “no great +experience in the war” and begged that some expert man might be +sent to help him<a id='r1367'></a><a href='#f1367' class='c016'><sup>[1367]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The news of these movements on the part of the royal troops +shortly reached the headquarters of the rebels. Roger Ratcliff was +with Rutland at Nottingham on Thursday 9 November. He was +sent with letters from Rutland to Derby, and returned with fresh +letters from Derby to Fitzwilliam, but as he passed through Wakefield +he was captured by Grice, who set him naked in the stocks and +read his letters. News of this reached Nottingham and was sent +on Saturday 11 November in a letter to one of Derby’s servants, +which was also intercepted<a id='r1368'></a><a href='#f1368' class='c016'><sup>[1368]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The King now issued the proclamation and reply to the rebels +which he had drawn up as early as 2 November before seeing +their articles<a id='r1369'></a><a href='#f1369' class='c016'><sup>[1369]</sup></a>. This is the most probable explanation of a letter +from the Council dated 11 November, which notified that the +King had pardoned all the rebels of Yorkshire except ten, and +that the proclamation of this, with the King’s answer to the rebels’ +demands, was to be read in all market-towns<a id='r1370'></a><a href='#f1370' class='c016'><sup>[1370]</sup></a>. Although the date of +this letter is Saturday 11 November, it must really have been issued +earlier, for it was received that day at Nottingham<a id='r1371'></a><a href='#f1371' class='c016'><sup>[1371]</sup></a>, and what is +more extraordinary at Skipton, where Christopher Aske read it in +Skipton market-place, to the great indignation of the commons<a id='r1372'></a><a href='#f1372' class='c016'><sup>[1372]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>All these proceedings on the King’s part show that he believed +the rising in Yorkshire to have collapsed as that in Lincolnshire had +done. He expected that by this time most of the commons would +have gone quietly home again and that the gentlemen would be +ready and anxious to make their peace. Only a few of the wilder +spirits were still holding out, and they could easily be dealt with, +particularly if Darcy, as he expected, captured or killed Aske. By +acting on these assumptions Henry nearly precipitated an outbreak. +The commons were by no means pacified; on the contrary they were +with difficulty induced by the gentlemen to observe the truce. The +gentlemen realised that it was too late for submission and that their +only chance of safety lay in treating with the King on equal terms. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_296'>296</span>Finally Darcy indignantly rejected the suggestion that he should +betray Aske. Henry’s manœuvres set the whole of the north +simmering with irritation. Suffolk and the royal generals were +very much offended that messengers had been sent direct to the +rebels, instead of communicating first with themselves<a id='r1373'></a><a href='#f1373' class='c016'><sup>[1373]</sup></a>. Rutland, +Shrewsbury and Derby were grumbling at being ordered to carry +out expensive operations without money<a id='r1374'></a><a href='#f1374' class='c016'><sup>[1374]</sup></a>. Newark proved as +difficult to defend as Nottingham and Derby<a id='r1375'></a><a href='#f1375' class='c016'><sup>[1375]</sup></a>. Among the rebels +the utmost suspicion was aroused by the delay in the return of +Bowes and Ellerker, by the vagueness of their letter, and by the +King’s proclamation, which seemed to throw back the negotiations to +the very beginning again. Darcy had his own reasons for believing +that the King did not intend to come to terms, and the movements +of the royal troops caused great uneasiness.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The result of all this was an alarm which took place on the night +of Saturday 11 November. Men “in white coats” (the royal uniform) +were observed mustering secretly in a wood near Snaith. When +Darcy was informed of this he wrote to warn the honour of Pontefract<a id='r1376'></a><a href='#f1376' class='c016'><sup>[1376]</sup></a>. +Beacons were burned and the whole countryside rose<a id='r1377'></a><a href='#f1377' class='c016'><sup>[1377]</sup></a>. It +was said that Fitzwilliam had come “up the water to Thorne” with +five thousand men, and that he and Hastings intended to capture +Darcy<a id='r1378'></a><a href='#f1378' class='c016'><sup>[1378]</sup></a>. To Darcy this seemed the natural result of his reply to +Norfolk’s letter. He threatened that if Hastings burnt his house +at Snaith he would “light him with a candle to all the houses +he had,” and prepared to go himself to encounter the royal troops. +His servant William Talbot saw him take off his cap, saying that +he set more by the King of Heaven than by twenty kings, and +though he might not ride he could go where he would if he had +a horse litter, and “the highest hill he could find there would he +be”; they might shoot at him as much as they pleased, for he would +kneel by his litter and say a prayer that would preserve both him +and all his servants. Then he caught Talbot “by the head and +wrestled with him and cast him down and swore by the (<i>illegible</i>) +he waxed more cant than he was of many day before.”<a id='r1379'></a><a href='#f1379' class='c016'><sup>[1379]</sup></a> In short +Darcy was in high spirits at the prospect of a fight at last. The +alarm however was quickly appeased. Hastings declared that he +had only summoned his neighbours because he heard that the rebels +<span class='pageno' id='Page_297'>297</span>were going to raid his cattle, as they had done before. The same +night and next day letters were despatched to Suffolk explaining +the commotion and assuring him that it was pacified<a id='r1380'></a><a href='#f1380' class='c016'><sup>[1380]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Nevertheless Darcy had many grounds for anxiety. Sir George +Darcy’s negotiations with Hastings and Shrewsbury, in which Sir +Arthur Darcy and William Maunsell, the vicar of Brayton’s brother, +had also taken part, were discovered by an intercepted letter, and +the commons brought both the letter and Sir George to his father<a id='r1381'></a><a href='#f1381' class='c016'><sup>[1381]</sup></a>. +Darcy must also have known that it was more than probable that +his assassination had been proposed as a test of loyalty to some other +rebel, as Aske’s had been to him. On Sunday 12 November he +wrote to Shrewsbury, his old friend, in whom he placed more +confidence than in any of the other royalists<a id='r1382'></a><a href='#f1382' class='c016'><sup>[1382]</sup></a>. The letter was sent +by his servant Thomas Wentworth, who was instructed to show +openly a copy of the letter from Bowes and Ellerker, and to Shrewsbury +alone a copy of Darcy’s answer to Norfolk’s letter, “which +answer recites the effect of the whole letter, else I would have sent +both.” The other contents of the letter fall naturally into three +parts. First and most important, would Suffolk observe the truce +or would he not? Must the leaders of the Pilgrimage be constantly +prepared for a surprise attack, for capture or for assassination? Or +would he lie quiet until Bowes and Ellerker returned? On this +point Darcy earnestly begged that he might be told the whole +truth.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the second place Darcy assured Shrewsbury that there could +be no permanent settlement until the messengers returned from the +King with a definite answer, and he begged him to use his influence +to bring that about.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the third place Darcy set forth his own grievances, for the +Pilgrims also had plenty of complaints to make about breaches of +the truce. Sir Henry Saville had prevented the levying of cesses, +and now proposed to go to the King<a id='r1383'></a><a href='#f1383' class='c016'><sup>[1383]</sup></a>. Sir Brian Hastings had +caused the alarm the day before; he was persuading gentlemen to +forsake the commons, and had arrested a load of corn at Doncaster<a id='r1384'></a><a href='#f1384' class='c016'><sup>[1384]</sup></a>. +The Duke of Suffolk had sent a herald with messages and had +demanded prisoners from Hull<a id='r1385'></a><a href='#f1385' class='c016'><sup>[1385]</sup></a>. He had also stopped the Duke of +Norfolk’s servant and was making threatening movements<a id='r1386'></a><a href='#f1386' class='c016'><sup>[1386]</sup></a>. Finally +<span class='pageno' id='Page_298'>298</span>it was a great breach of the truce that Bowes and Ellerker had not +returned; the commons were very wild, particularly in Cumberland, +which was not really included in the appointment; the gentlemen +were doing their very best to stay them<a id='r1387'></a><a href='#f1387' class='c016'><sup>[1387]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Shrewsbury replied to this letter on Monday 13 November. He +assured Darcy that the truce was being strictly observed by the +royal troops, and that Bowes and Ellerker would return shortly. +Hastings had acted only in self-defence, and if Saville had offended +he should make restitution. According to the terms of the truce +all prisoners were to be released; he for his part had sent back those +that he had taken, and he thought that Suffolk might fairly demand +his. He concluded by thanking Darcy for staying the commons<a id='r1388'></a><a href='#f1388' class='c016'><sup>[1388]</sup></a>. +After Darcy’s servant had returned, Shrewsbury received from Sir +Brian Hastings his account of the disturbance on Saturday night, +and the capture of Sir George Darcy’s letter<a id='r1389'></a><a href='#f1389' class='c016'><sup>[1389]</sup></a>. In other respects +Hastings reported that the rebels were “more gentle,” and that +when they had examined a man and found nothing against him they +gave him “certain articles” which contained the oath to be true to +the King, his issue and the commonwealth, for the reformation of +heresies, the restoration of abbeys, the punishment of the subverters +of the law, and the re-appointment of noblemen to rule under the +King<a id='r1390'></a><a href='#f1390' class='c016'><sup>[1390]</sup></a>. Shrewsbury sent on all these documents and his own replies +to the King on Tuesday 14 November, at the same time expressing +his anxiety as to the fate of Sir George Darcy, and his hope that the +King would be satisfied with his answer to Darcy, as he had “not +been accustomed to make answer in any such causes.”<a id='r1391'></a><a href='#f1391' class='c016'><sup>[1391]</sup></a> This was +as far as Shrewsbury, who was an honourable man, dared go in +condemnation of the King’s plot against Aske.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The alarm at Pontefract was only the beginning of further +disturbances. On Sunday 12 November there was an attempt to +provoke a rising at Beverley<a id='r1392'></a><a href='#f1392' class='c016'><sup>[1392]</sup></a>. On Thursday 16 November there +were rumours of riots and deer-slaying at Rawcliffe, Goole and +Howden, and it was also said that Scarborough was again besieged<a id='r1393'></a><a href='#f1393' class='c016'><sup>[1393]</sup></a>. +The Earl of Derby heard on Monday the 13th that Dent and Sedbergh +were stirring again<a id='r1394'></a><a href='#f1394' class='c016'><sup>[1394]</sup></a>, and shortly afterwards there was a report in +London that he had been attacked by his own men, who were +<span class='pageno' id='Page_299'>299</span>mutinous for want of pay<a id='r1395'></a><a href='#f1395' class='c016'><sup>[1395]</sup></a>. The Percys had proclaimed the truce +in Northumberland for twenty days, as soon as they arrived there, +at a county meeting which they summoned at Rothbury. But they +continued to plunder and hunt down the Carnabys; and the thieves +of Tynedale, especially little John Heron, were with Sir Thomas +“as familiar as they had been his own household servants.” Sir +Thomas “took upon him as lieutenant,” and even tried to hold the +warden court with the Scots wardens, but they suspected his authority +and refused to meet him<a id='r1396'></a><a href='#f1396' class='c016'><sup>[1396]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In Cumberland a muster was held on Wednesday 15 November +at the summons of Richard Dacre, who “took upon him to be +grand captain of all Cumberland,” and appointed as petty captains +Christopher Lee a servant of Dacre, William Pater and Alexander +Appleby<a id='r1397'></a><a href='#f1397' class='c016'><sup>[1397]</sup></a>. The commons of Westmorland wrote to Lord Darcy on +the same day. They explained that they would admit no gentlemen +to their council, as they were afraid of them, but they “had more +trust in Darcy than any other” and they laid their grievances +before him<a id='r1398'></a><a href='#f1398' class='c016'><sup>[1398]</sup></a>. The questions raised by this list of grievances will +be considered later. The point at present is that Cumberland +and Westmorland were preparing to rise again.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Meanwhile the royalists in Lincolnshire received some slight +encouragement. Gonson, who was lying with the royal forces at +Grimsby, sent out a “crayer” on 11 November, which captured two +other “crayers,” coming the one from York and the other from Hull, +but as they were harmlessly laden with salt they were set free on +the 17th<a id='r1399'></a><a href='#f1399' class='c016'><sup>[1399]</sup></a>. By means of a pursuivant communications were established +with Hull on Wednesday 15 November, and the King’s officers +were able to buy wine and sugar there<a id='r1400'></a><a href='#f1400' class='c016'><sup>[1400]</sup></a>. More important still was +the fact that two gentlemen of Marshland had contrived to convey +professions of their loyalty to John Cavendish at Burton; but as +that part of the country was greatly under Darcy’s influence, and +as the commons were very suspicious, the negotiations proceeded but +slowly<a id='r1401'></a><a href='#f1401' class='c016'><sup>[1401]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The whole situation is best represented in the report which +Thomas Treheyron, Somerset herald, drew up of two interviews +which he had with Darcy on Tuesday 14 November. He had been +<span class='pageno' id='Page_300'>300</span>sent to Templehurst by Suffolk, nominally to inquire into the alarm +of Martinmas day, but actually to see what news he could pick up. +His account is as follows:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“The effect of the comynicacon betwene Thomas lord Darcy and Thomas +Treheyron<a id='r1402'></a><a href='#f1402' class='c016'><sup>[1402]</sup></a> otherwyse called Somerset herauld of arms and his seyng etc.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Apon Monday the xiii day of november Charles duc of Suffolk the kynges +lieu tenante in the countie of Lyncoln commanded Somerset the kynges herauld +of armes to goo from lyncoln in to the north to the lord Darcy. And on +tweysday the xiiii day he aryved at templehurst a goodly place of the lord +Darcys stondyng nygh the Ryver of ayre in the countie of York. And at his +comyng thyther, he was honorable reseyved by the lordes offecers, and they +brought hym through the hall in to a fayre parler and Immedyatly that he +was in the parlor the lord Darcy sente one of his servants to hym prayng hym +to take the payne to come to the chamber to the lord his master and he went +with hym were the lord Darcy was; and whan he sawe hym he welcomed hym +with his cappe off and toke hym by the hande sayng Sir I thinkke ye have +brought me sum newys from the kyng our soverayn lord, and the herauld +answered that he came not from the Kyng but from the duc of suffolk lord +lieu tenante of the Kynges armye in the countie of lyncoln with certayn +messages from his Grace to [your <i>crossed out</i>] his [<i>written over it</i>] lordshipe. +than sayd the lord Darcy my felowe herauld I pray you shewe me your +messages  sir sayd the herauld with a good wyll.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld.  Sir my lord undrestondeth that apon Saterday last paste a great +nomber of the Kynges peple ded aryse abowght Pomfryte and this partyes and +sette bekyns on fyer. Sir his grace merueleth what they do meane in so doyng, +seyng that the entreate that was made betwene the Duc of Norfolk, the erll of +Shreysbury yow and other at Doncastre is not it [<i>sic</i>, <i>probably</i> yet] ended. +Were-fore he desyeryth yow to cause them to be in peax, and if they will not, +his grace muste nedes of necessite provyde for them of his parte, Whych he +wold be vayrey lothe to doo.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy.  my felowe herauld, my lord of Suffolk hath don lyke a wyse +prynce to send yow to me for this cause and I wyll Informe yow of all the +truyth thereof. it is true that on Saturday last paste, my cossyn sir bryan +hastynges sent <span class='fss'>XX</span> of his men abowght his affayres to a howse that he has on +the other syde of the watter of don, and beffore that tyme it was bruted amonges +the comens, that he wold come over the water in to this parties to th’ entent +to take the goods of the Inhabitance here In satisfacion for spollyngs and +robyries don to hym beffore that tyme, and after this Rumor [went? <i>word +obliterated</i>] amonges the peple, a folyshe woman perseyvyng his servantes in +whyte cotes nygh on to the water thinking verely they wold have come Indede, +to have Robbed them as it was beffore spokyn, Cryed owt alarum. and other +heryng this crye gyvyng therto to [<i>too</i>] lyght credens aryse, and sett certayn +bekins on fyer. but as sone as I hard thereof what with love and fayre wordes +I caused them to go home to ther howses in peax and sythenz they haue ben all +in peax, and to th’ entent that ye may perseyve that this is true that I have +sweed [<i>shewed?</i>] yow see here a letter that my cossyn sir bryan hastynges sente +<span class='pageno' id='Page_301'>301</span>to me, and by that ye may perseyue the truyth<a id='r1403'></a><a href='#f1403' class='c016'><sup>[1403]</sup></a>. and he toke the letter and +rede it and the tenor thereof agreed with the wordes of the lord Darcy.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy.  my felowe nowe wyll I demand a questyon of yow, and if +your comyssion be so large I pray yow answere thereto beffore this gentellman +my cossyn and other that be here Sir it is comenly spokyn amongest us that +my lord of Suffolk is mynded to lay sege beffore the town of hull and if he so +do he shuld not do well as I think for it is within our compossision What +his grace plisure is therin I pray ye swee us.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld.  Sir by the fethe of a herauld my lord of Suffolk neuer mynded +to ley any sege to hull, ne to breke any poynte of the compossicion made betwene +the lordes and yow at Doncastre, nor hath not stoped any of the passages, but +suffreth every man as well on our parties as of this to come [<i>and</i>] go with +vytalle and to do any other thinges at ther plesures, without any agen sayng of +any man; but Sir I am sure that suche speche cometh by cause that part of our +armye lyeth at barton apon Hombre and Grymsby, whyche ar nygh on to thos +costes, and you know my lord that so great a nomber of men as wee be can not +be vytalled and loged if they shuld lye all in one place and therfore they do not +remayn only in the townes affore named but also in the Citie of lyncoln and all +other townes and vyllages abowght the same, to th’ entent they may be well +vytalled and loged at ther ese, and not for no other cause, and this my lordes +grace commanded me to swee yowr lordssip.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy  my felowe I am veray glade to here yow this say, and I pray +god thanke my lord of Suffolk for sending yow hyther to us with this newys. +and sirs I am glade yow ar here to here my felowes mesage pray yow report +it to our cappteyn and to other the comons for they wylbe veryray glade to +here it. for before they were in great dowght thereof.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld  sir my lord of Suffolks Grace understondeth that a lettre that +he wrotte to the lord of cumberland in comfortyng hym to kepe hym self agenst +the rebellyous<a id='r1404'></a><a href='#f1404' class='c016'><sup>[1404]</sup></a>, for the whych name sum be angrye therwith, he trusteth that +yowr lordship: whych he hath hard ever speke of so muche honor, ne no other +man of nobillitie substance or honest reputacion: will take hym self, in the lien +of that name, but they that be other and taketh them self for rebellyous his +grace thinkith he can not gyve them a fayrer name.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy  my felowe of truyth suche a letter came to our cappteynes +handes, and as toychyng rebellyous if ther be any suche I wold to god, they +were with my lord of Suffolk at lyncoln, and as for me I trust to declare my +self for non of them but for the Kynges true servante, and I have don hym +good servyce, I wyll shewe yow howe. Sir at the first tyme that Aske reysed +the peple here abowghtes [<i>noted in margin</i>] I sayd to my ffryndes and servantz +sirs wee can not do the Kyng a hygher servyce, than take this felowe, and I layd +suche wayte for hym, that if he had kept the appoyntmentz that he made with +gentelmen to come and lye with them at ther howses at iii or iiii nyghtes one +after the other I had taken hym, but whan he appoynted to be with ony of +them at one nyght he wold not come in ii or iii nyghts after, and whan I sawe +I could not gett hym, and that the peple ded aryse on every parte, ye and +fother that I myghte not trust my own tenantz, than I wente with as monye as +<span class='pageno' id='Page_302'>302</span>I myght gett to the kynges castell of pomifrytte to kepe and defende the same +and I had with me xiii<sup>xx</sup> men at my own coste xiiii days, and put the kyng not +to one halfpenye of charge, and thyther came to me the archibussop of Yorke, +and master magnus thinkyng by cause I was an old man of warre, that by my +polycie they might have escaped. they can bere me record of all this that +I shew yow, and thair I sent lettres to the Kyng for yede what answer I had +from hys hyghnes I have redy to shewe, and also I sent lettres to our lord +lieu tenante and his answere I have in lyke case to shewe, and every day the +cappteyn wrytt letters charging me apon payne of my lyff, that I shuld yeld +the castell and do as they wold do, and if I wold not, if they myght take me +by fforce they wold slee me, and all they that was with me, and ferther they +wold born my howses, and kylle my sons childern, than I beyng in this myschif +seyng no other remyde wold have made with them compossion, and this was on +the fryday at nyght, and I bade them xx li to spare me tell the morowe ix of the +cloke, and for all that I could doo with all the fryndes I could make, they wold +not respyte me but tell vii of the cloke, than could I not hyere ne see no sucker +come and I had not in the castell so muche gowne-powdre as wold fylle a whalnot +shell no nor I had not so muche fuell as to dresse our supper, and ferther my +vytalles that shuld have come to me was eten and dronkyn in the strete beffore +my face, I than beyng an old man of warre and knowyng the feates therof, +perseyvyng my self in that danger and could escappe no otherwyse with my +lyff, for savegard of the same ded yelde my self, and I promysse yow if I had +not wrought politykly, it had cost me my lyff.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld  my lord I think well that this is true that yow say, and at that +tyme ye could not have esscapped with yowr lyff no otherwyse than ye dede, +but whan yow were at the entreatie with the lordes beffore dancastre, I am sure +ye were a great dystance from the hoste, I mervell than that yowr lordship had +not gone from them with the lordes for ye myght have esscapped ther handes +at that tyme if it had plesed yowr lordship.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy  my felowe I wyll shewe yow a taylle for that whan Thomas +fitz Garrard ded rebelle in Irelande he sente word to the duc of Rychemonde +howse [<i>whose</i>] sole god pardon that if he wold reseyve hym he wold yeld hym +to hym, and the duc answered full wysely and sayd by my fethe if I were sure +to gett hym his pardon, I wold be glade to reseyve hym, but he that wyll ley his +hed on the bloke, may haue it sone stryken of [<i>note in the margin</i>: What he +menyth by this and how he knew that fizgarrard offred himself to my lorde +of Rychmond].</p> + +<p class='c019'>and my felow I spake to my lord of Shryesbury with thes wordes Talbot hold +up thy longe clee and promyse me that I shall have the Kynges favor and +shalbe Indeferently hard, and I wyll come to dancastre to yow, and th’ erll of +Shryesbury sayd to me well lord Darcy, than ye shall not come it [<i>sic</i>], and +ferther if I had thought any treason I myght have foughten with the duc of +norfolk and th’ erll of Shryesbury, on the othersyde of dancastre with ther own +men and brought never a man of our hoste with me.</p> + +<p class='c019'>[<i>Note in margin</i>: how he knew that the duke of Norfolkes men woold have +fought agaynst hym.]</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld  my lord I think that muche that yow say is true but sir were +yow say that ye myght have foughten with the duc of Norfolk and th’ erll of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_303'>303</span>Shreysbury with ther own men by my truyth I thinke if ther men ded promyse +to tak your parte if ye wold come and fyght with them they ded it to dysseve +yow to the entent to haue gotten therby sum pyllage or other profith, for they +had not a subtillier meane to dysseve ther enymys than to promyse them to +fyght with them, and whan it cometh to the poynt to fight agenst them, and +so I think they wold have proved yow and if you had proved them, and one +thing I am sure of that ther was never men more desyros to fyght with +men than our men be to fyght with yow and if it pleased the Kyng to suffre +them.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy  well I pray god they be all as true as yow think they be, but +let that passe. if it please the Kynges highnes to send me my pardon, although +I have no nede of it if I myght be Indeferently hard, onles they wyll say it is +treason that I was amonges them, whych was for savegard of my lyfe, as I have +sayd, I wyll come to his highnes were it will pleas hys grace to have me, and +I hyere say that manye persuacions be made by Cromwell and other to the +gentillmen here to come from hence to the kyng whome I pray god longe to +preserve in proprius helth hys highnes may well have them so that he +pardon them, but it is not so muche suerty for his own person to have them +with hym in brydwell as to have them here; for I can prove that wee have +done his highness as good servyce as though wee had byn in hys pryvye +chamber and as for my part I have byn and ever wylbe true both to kyng +henry the vii and to the kyng our soverayn lord and I defye hym that wyll say +the contrary, for as I have ever sayd one god one feth and one kyng.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld.  my lord ye say truyth wee can have but one god one feth and +one kyng, and my lord ye say that ye were true servant to kyng henry vii +and to the kyng our soverayn lord sir I think ye were true to the kyng hys +father and to his grace at ther coronacons whan yow did your homage and +fealty, my lord I pray yow pardon me that I am so playn with your lordshipe, +for ye I thinke may well say that ye were ever true to kyng henry the vii, and +by my feth I never hard the contrary but my lord as to the kyng: howe can +yow say that yow have byn ever true to hym: seyng that yow have borne +harnys agenst his lieu tenante whych represented his own person for that +tyme.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy  that that I ded was by constraynte for to save my lyf, and +that myght welbe perseyved whan we were at the entreatie at dancastre, for by +cause the lordes and wee tarried a whyll abowght the entreatie our own hoste +wold have ronned apon us to have kylled us sayng that wee wold bytray them.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld  well my lord of truyth in tymes paste whan I have byn with your +lordship at mortlake and at Westmynster I have hard yow always speke of so +muche honor truthe and fethfulnes, that if yow shuld be falty in any of them ye +were worthye beffore all other to suffre for it. I trust yowr lordship will not +be angrye with me that I shewe yow as my hert thinkes.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy  no my felowe for yow say truth for I had rather have my hed +stryken of than I wold defyle my cote armor, for it shall never be sayd that old +Thome shall have one treators tothe in his hed, but the King nor no other alyve: +shall make me do any unlaufull acte, as to stryke of your hed, and to send it +hym in a sake, whych thing myght be a rebuke to me and to my heyres for ever. +[<i>Note in margin</i>  no. the strykyng off the hede]</p> + +<p class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_304'>304</span>The herauld  my lord yow speke this as though sum mocyon hath byn made +to yow, to take your capptayn, and send hym to the Kyng, thinke yow my lord +that it were a unlaufull acte, to tak or kylle hym and send hym to the Kyng, if +he be a rebellyon as sum do take hym.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy  my felowe peraventure it were lawfull for yow and not for +me, for he that promysseth to be true to one, and deseyveth hym, may be called +a treator: whych shall never be seyd in me [<i>note in margin</i>: no. the promise of +the lord Darcy] for what is a man but is [<i>his</i>] promysse, but for all laufull +thinges whych is not agenst our feth, he is not lyving that shalbe more redy to +do his grace comandement than I, for if his highness would comand me to go +with yow his herauld to defie the great Turk, by the fethe that I owe to god and +hym I wold do it with a good wyll as old as I am.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld  my lord by cause ye speke of our feth howe say yow to the +excludyng of bushope [<i>sic</i>] of Rome, and his auctorytie, do yow thinke that +that is agenst our feth.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy  by my truth I think that is not agenst our feth, and what +I spake therin to Cromwell, he knoweth hym self well Inough.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld  my lord I pray yow gyve me leve to aske other questyones +of yowr lordship. sir hyere yow that any other be upe ferther north.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy  my felowe is [<i>sic</i>] I hyer say that ther is a huge nomber upe +in Westmorland comberland and lancashyre, and have mustered, and abowght +the bushoppryche of Durem they begyn to spoylle, and by cause yow shall hyere +the truyth, ye shall hyere one of my seruantz an honest hardy man, I wold the +kyng had x m suche, and he hath byn amongst them, and sawe ther musters, +and than his seruante whas called upe, and when he came, the lord Darcy +commanded hym to shewe the herauld what he had seen in Westmerland +comberland and lancashyre, than sayd his seruante that he had byn amongst +them and that he had seen them mustering and by ther report they were to +the nomber of vii{<sup>x</sup>x} thowsand [140,000] men.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld  I mervell not muche to hyre of that grete nomber that yowr +servante speketh of for I thinke well ther may be so many tage and rage but +truly of chosyn men of warre ther be not so many as I think in al the north +and half Scotland.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy  sir ye knowe not this countrey, for it is a countrey greatly +pepled  Well I wyll speke no more thereof, but by my fethe [<i>word obliterated</i>] +letter that cometh nowe to my remembrance that was sente to our cappteyn +causeth my hert to blede, for it was wrytten to hym out of thos parties that +he shuld not shrynk in this busynes and they wold send hym xxx, m men with +a moneth wages in ther pursses and ever that were don they wold send an other +moneth wages and the therd if nede shuld be, and besydes this they have xxx m +men moo to defend agenst the Scotts if they wylbe busie, for they have mustered, +and shewed ther selfes aginst the coste and all this is besydes our companye.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld  my lord if it be so it [<i>yet</i>] thanked be god the kyng hath men +Inough to meat with them all and one thing wee be sure of, wee have the ryght +if god be god, for I knowe that it is agenst the lawe of god to be periured and +ther is non that can fyght agenst the King ther naturall soverayn lord ne +agenst anie of his true subiectes what quarell so ever it be with owt his grace +comyssion, that can excuse ther selves from periury.</p> + +<p class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_305'>305</span>The lord Darcy ye say true if they were resonable men, but I wold to Christ +the King knowe the Jeobardy that is in it for as ferre as I can perseyve by any +thing that I can hyre the kyng is so encensed, that he knoweth not the truyth, +therefore I wold I myght speke with my son bryan or my son Russell for I +knowe that they dare and wyll speke to the King the truyth I pray god all +may be well, now my felowe by cause it is cold, I pray yow take the payne to +go with my servante ther, and he shall brynge yow to a fyer to ese your self.</p> + +<p class='c019'>And his servante brought hym into a fayre parlor were was a good fyer, and +brought hym a pasty of veneson brede wyne and bere, and made hym good +chere and after he had well esed hym self, the lord sent for hym agen, and sayd +My felowe have yow any thing els to say to me from my lord of Suffolk.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld  Sir ye, my lordes grace understondeth that it is comenly noyssed +here amonge yow, that our armye shuld Robe spoylle and vyolate euery manes +wyf doughter and servante and that ther shuld be put to execution manye +of the comons that hath submytted ther selfes, sir, the truyth is that ther was +never no suche actz comytted amongest us except one Robyrie that was don on +a preste for the whych one of our own armye sir frances bryan servante was +putt to execucion.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy  Sir shewe my lordes grace that wee hyre full well that he doth +good Justice, and specyally at Stamford by hym that cryed a newe kyng<a id='r1405'></a><a href='#f1405' class='c016'><sup>[1405]</sup></a>, for +if he had byn amongest us in all our Rage he shuld never have come to execusion, +but wee wold have hewen hym in a thowsande pees, wee love so our kyng, +therefor it I say agen I wold he were hanged by the neck that wyll refuce his +pardon, for if his grace wyll send it me not with stondyng I have no nede +to have it if I myght be Indeferently hard I wyll come to his grace let them +burn this house, and kyll my sons chyldern yf they wyll, so that I myght +scappe with my lyff from them, let this passe, sir I have reseyved a lettre syns +yow were here, I pray yow rede this artycle in it and the herauld ded rede it, +were in was wryten by hym that sent it after this maner, My Lord I hard the +Lord Cromwell say that yow were a notaryus treator, and I answered that +he was a false knave and yowr lordship shuld prove your self a true man to the +kyng, then sayd the lord Darcy, I beshrewe hym for his labor, for I knowe +I spak folyshe wordes of hym my self at dancastre the whych nowe I am sorye +for, for to say truth every man had a begynyng and he that the kyng will have +honored wee must all honor and god forbyde that any subiect shuld goo abought +to rule the kyng in his owne realme or be agenst his plesure in any lawfull +thing, and my felow ther was sent me a ryme owt of Westmerland lancashyre +and comberland that makith me to lawgh, for by my truth I mervell how they +can make it, and yow shall have it with yow<a id='r1406'></a><a href='#f1406' class='c016'><sup>[1406]</sup></a>, and he toke it to the herauld +whych brought it to the kyng, and ferther he sayd to the herauld</p> + +<p class='c019'>shewe my lord of Suffolk that the comens have beseged carlyell, and the mayer +hath proffered to be sorne [<i>sworn</i>] to them, and they wyll not reseyve hym, +but that they wyll have the towne, and the castell at ther plesures, and also +shew hym that my lord of comberland is in great parell of his lyf for if the +comens myght gette hym, they would kylle hym for he is the worst beloved +that ever I hard of, and specially with his own tenants, and if ther be no +remyde founde I thinke he can not escappe, it the cappteyn [‘is his’ <i>crossed out</i>] +<span class='pageno' id='Page_306'>306</span>and he be come of ii sustres [<i>written in</i>] [son <i>crossed out</i>] and he hath wrytten +dyvers lettres for hym, I feth I wold he were in this howse, than I wold trust +to ryde hym out of ther haundes.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The herauld  my lord I pray you what means suld be founde to helpe hym.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The lord Darcy well my lord of Suffolk is wyse Inough and can devyse a +meane for hym full well, I pray yow have me humble recomended onto his +grace, and shewe hym that I pray god the kyng have not as muche nede to tak +side nerar home as here for and he sawe the lettres that cometh dayly to our +capteyn from all parties of this realme he wold mervell. I pray god save the +kyng. [<i>Note in margin</i>: An Interogatory upon this.]</p> + +<p class='c019'>and than the lord Darcy tok hym by the hand and gave hym a dowble duket +and to barwyk persyvante an angell and so wee tok our leve of his lordship.</p> + +<h3 class='c017'>NOTES TO CHAPTER XII</h3> + +<p class='c027'>Note A. The date at which Sir Ingram Percy came to York is not known +with certainty, but his visit appears to have taken place about this time.</p> + +<p class='c015'>Note B. Sir Brian Hastings misrepresented the summons in his letter of +13 November. “The rebels intended to have had a general council or parliament +at York on Saturday last but the posts from my Lord of Norfolk, Sir Ralph +Ellerker and Mr Bowes stayed them.”<a id='r1407'></a><a href='#f1407' class='c016'><sup>[1407]</sup></a> As a matter of fact it was the posts +which caused the Council to be summoned. Hastings’ information was often +inaccurate.</p> + +<p class='c015'>Note C. It seems that Ratcliff was either going to or returning from +Lancashire when he was captured, for otherwise he had no reason to go near +Wakefield, and as he was carrying letters to the Lord Admiral [Fitzwilliam] +it was probably his return journey. The letter containing the news of his +capture was written by Gervis Clyfton to Mr Bankes. Robert Bankes gave +evidence against the rebels before the Earl of Derby on 2 December<a id='r1408'></a><a href='#f1408' class='c016'><sup>[1408]</sup></a>. He +may have been the person to whom the letter is addressed.</p> + +<p class='c015'>Note D. Thomas Treheyron, Somerset Herald, was murdered in Scotland +by two of the Lincolnshire refugees in November 1542<a id='r1409'></a><a href='#f1409' class='c016'><sup>[1409]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c015'>Note E. The only other reference to this incident, which seems to have +been the appearance of the usual Yorkist pretender, is made by Wilfred Holme, +who says that</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line in18'>... “the commons before Doncaster</div> + <div class='line'>Ascribed a Carter to a king coequal in degree.”<a id='r1410'></a><a href='#f1410' class='c016'><sup>[1410]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_307'>307</span>Note F. There were a great many rhymes flying about and it is impossible +to identify this one. Many of the rebel manifestoes were roughly metrical. The +following is part of one which circulated in Westmorland and Lancashire:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“Gentle commons, have this in your mind,</div> + <div class='line'>Every man take his lands’ lord and ye have need,</div> + <div class='line'>As we did in Kendalland</div> + <div class='line'>Then shall ye speed.</div> + <div class='line'>Make your writings, command</div> + <div class='line'>Them to seal to grant you your petitions as your desire.</div> + <div class='line'>Lords spiritual and temporal, have it in your mind,</div> + <div class='line'>The world as it waveth,</div> + <div class='line'>And to your tenants be ye kind,</div> + <div class='line'>Then may you go on pilgrimage</div> + <div class='line'>Nothing you withstand,</div> + <div class='line'>And commons to you be true through all Christen land,</div> + <div class='line'>To maintain the faith of Holy Church</div> + <div class='line'>As ye have take on hand.</div> + <div class='line'>Adieu, gentle commons, thus I make an end.</div> + <div class='line'>Maker of this letter, pray Jesu be his speed,</div> + <div class='line'>He shall be your captain</div> + <div class='line'>When that ye have need.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>This proclamation is printed twice in the Letters and Papers, vol. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 892 (3) +and vol. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 163 (2).</p> + +<p class='c008'>There was a song against Cromwell called Crummock, which was sung +in Westmorland in the time of the rebellion. It may have contained some +local allusion to Crummock Water<a id='r1411'></a><a href='#f1411' class='c016'><sup>[1411]</sup></a>, but the commons of Yorkshire also sang</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“Cosh, Crummock, cosh, I would we had thee here,”<a id='r1412'></a><a href='#f1412' class='c016'><sup>[1412]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c020'>which must have likened the Lord Privy Seal to a bad-tempered cow.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the summer of 1538 Isaac Dickson commanded a minstrel who was +singing in an ale-house by Windermere to give the song called Crummock which +he had sung at Crossthwaite during the rebellion. The minstrel, who had to +adapt his wares to the party in power, did not dare to sing the song. Dickson +passed from threats to blows, but still the minstrel refused, fearing the halter +more than Dickson’s dagger. There was a brawl, and both Dickson and the +minstrel were arrested<a id='r1413'></a><a href='#f1413' class='c016'><sup>[1413]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In connection with Friar Pickering’s poem comparing Cromwell to Haman, +it may be noted that in the anonymous play of “Godly Queen Hester,” which +is attributed to Skelton, a similar parallel is drawn between Haman and +Wolsey, the suppression of monasteries by the latter being likened to Haman’s +persecution of the Jews. See “The Library” October 1913 “Early Political +Plays” by M. H. Dodds.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_308'>308</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER XIII<br> <span class='c004'>THE COUNCIL AT YORK</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>On Tuesday 14 November 1536 the King decided that the +Pilgrims’ ambassadors must be sent back with some sort of answer, +as the reports from the north showed that delay was not producing +so good an effect as he had hoped<a id='r1414'></a><a href='#f1414' class='c016'><sup>[1414]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Thursday 16 November Sir Brian Hastings sent to Lord +Darcy a complaint that the commons were killing the King’s deer<a id='r1415'></a><a href='#f1415' class='c016'><sup>[1415]</sup></a>. +Darcy wrote back next day in very good spirits, for he had heard +that Sir Ralph Ellerker and Robert Bowes were returning and would +be at Doncaster next day<a id='r1416'></a><a href='#f1416' class='c016'><sup>[1416]</sup></a>. Now that they were on their way home +down the road over which they had travelled with such anxious +hearts three weeks before, the two northern gentlemen made all the +haste they could, and seem to have reached Templehurst late on +Friday 17 November<a id='r1417'></a><a href='#f1417' class='c016'><sup>[1417]</sup></a>. A post was despatched on their arrival to +summon Aske from Wressell, but rumour had preceded it. Aske +was told that Bowes and Ellerker had returned with orders to arrest +him, and he wrote to Darcy to inquire into the meaning of this +warning. Darcy replied with a most emphatic assurance that +“neither Sir Ralph Ellerker nor Robert Bowes, my cousins, nor +myself would for none earthly goods send to have you come hither +but after a just and true sort.” Darcy begged Aske to come at once, +as his presence was urgently required. A post must be sent to +London that day, and measures must be taken for the meeting at +York and other matters. Darcy advised him to bring William +Babthorpe with him<a id='r1418'></a><a href='#f1418' class='c016'><sup>[1418]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The letter and credence of Bowes and Ellerker were laid before +the small council of the chief captains of the Pilgrimage at Templehurst +on Saturday 18 November<a id='r1419'></a><a href='#f1419' class='c016'><sup>[1419]</sup></a>. Darcy, Sir Robert Constable, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_309'>309</span>Aske and Babthorpe were present, and there may have been others. +The report of the messengers was not very satisfactory. The King’s +reply to the articles, written in his own hand, was not forthcoming. +There was only a verbal message, and when it was divested of Henry’s +complaints about the unnatural conduct of his subjects, reproaches +for breaches of the truce, and professions of clemency, all that +remained was the statement that he found their articles “general, +dark, and obscure,” but that he would send the Duke of Norfolk to +Doncaster to make a full reply to them. The rebels were to appoint +three hundred representatives to meet the Duke, and if they insisted +they might have a safeconduct<a id='r1420'></a><a href='#f1420' class='c016'><sup>[1420]</sup></a>. Norfolk’s letter was a little more +explicit, as he suggested that the meeting should take place on +29 November; he added that as a special compliment to Darcy his +kinsman Fitzwilliam had been appointed to attend the meeting. As +the letter was intended to be read openly, Norfolk made no allusion +to the capture of Aske, and merely replied to Darcy’s remonstrance, +“I have lived too long to think otherwise than truly and honestly,” +which was rather a doubtful argument<a id='r1421'></a><a href='#f1421' class='c016'><sup>[1421]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Darcy was very anxious that the King’s offer should be accepted +at once. He was better acquainted with Henry than the other +gentlemen, and knew that what appeared at first sight vague and +unsatisfactory was really an extraordinary condescension. He wanted +to despatch a message of acceptance immediately<a id='r1422'></a><a href='#f1422' class='c016'><sup>[1422]</sup></a>, but the other +captains were not so well pleased and insisted on referring the letter +and message, with the whole question of peace or war, to the great +council which had already been summoned to meet at York<a id='r1423'></a><a href='#f1423' class='c016'><sup>[1423]</sup></a>. As it +was to be held on Tuesday 21 November, this meant only three days +delay in the answer, which did not seem an unreasonable length of +time after the King had kept them waiting for three weeks. The +gentlemen had begun to assemble at York as early as 15 November<a id='r1424'></a><a href='#f1424' class='c016'><sup>[1424]</sup></a>, +and all would be ready on the appointed day.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As the negotiations might come to nothing, the captains at +Templehurst debated as to what they should do if the treaty fell +through and war was declared. They made arrangements for +garrisoning Hull, Pontefract, and other places, and discussed the +difficulties of obtaining provisions and ammunition<a id='r1425'></a><a href='#f1425' class='c016'><sup>[1425]</sup></a>. It was decided +that on the outbreak of hostilities they must divide their forces into +<span class='pageno' id='Page_310'>310</span>three armies to cross the Trent at three different points, and a +rendezvous was appointed on the south of the river<a id='r1426'></a><a href='#f1426' class='c016'><sup>[1426]</sup></a>. They considered +the question of opening communications with the Emperor, +who, they believed, would help them. Dr Marmaduke Walby, vicar +of Kirk Deighton and prebendary of Carlisle, had come to Templehurst +with Sir Robert Constable<a id='r1427'></a><a href='#f1427' class='c016'><sup>[1427]</sup></a>. It was resolved that he should +sail for the Netherlands to ask the Regent to send money, 2000 +arquebuses and 2000 horsemen, and to open communications with +the Pope on behalf of the Pilgrims. Darcy said that he would +inform the Imperial ambassador in London that Walby was going on +this mission<a id='r1428'></a><a href='#f1428' class='c016'><sup>[1428]</sup></a>. Walby was selected because he knew noblemen at +the Regent’s court who had formerly been ambassadors in England. +He was given £20 for his expenses and went to Hull, but before he +embarked Darcy sent word that he was to delay his journey; on +hearing this he returned home and never took the message<a id='r1429'></a><a href='#f1429' class='c016'><sup>[1429]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The captains who had met at Templehurst seem to have remained +there until it was time to go to York. Aske was at Templehurst on +Sunday 19 November<a id='r1430'></a><a href='#f1430' class='c016'><sup>[1430]</sup></a>. That night a warning was sent to Pontefract +that Sir Henry Saville had ordered all his men to muster at Rotherham +on the following day. Saville knew that “all the great men” +were now “forth of their business,” and it was feared that he was +secretly cooperating with the royal troops to capture Wakefield or +Pontefract, possibly even Templehurst and the captains there<a id='r1431'></a><a href='#f1431' class='c016'><sup>[1431]</sup></a>. +This news was sent on from Pontefract to Wakefield, where the +energetic Thomas Grice seized Sir Henry Saville’s men before they +could set out, and compelled Brian Bradford and others to take the +Pilgrims’ oath before witnesses<a id='r1432'></a><a href='#f1432' class='c016'><sup>[1432]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Shrewsbury was told on 19 November that Thomas Grice was +harassing Sir Henry’s loyal tenants so that they were forced to fly to +Rotherham and elsewhere<a id='r1433'></a><a href='#f1433' class='c016'><sup>[1433]</sup></a>. On this report Shrewsbury wrote to +Darcy to complain of his steward’s conduct, and Darcy, after receiving +Grice’s explanation, wrote back to ask Shrewsbury to keep Sir Henry +Saville in order<a id='r1434'></a><a href='#f1434' class='c016'><sup>[1434]</sup></a>. It is possible that this was an actual attempt to +capture the leaders of the Pilgrimage when they were all together at +Templehurst. Several points suggest this explanation, as for instance +<span class='pageno' id='Page_311'>311</span>the rumour which Aske heard before he came to Templehurst<a id='r1435'></a><a href='#f1435' class='c016'><sup>[1435]</sup></a>, the fact +that no excuse for Sir Henry Saville’s conduct was offered, although +the previous alarm caused by Sir Brian Hastings had been explained, +Sir Henry Saville’s prompt flight to Shrewsbury at Wingfield<a id='r1436'></a><a href='#f1436' class='c016'><sup>[1436]</sup></a>, and +Suffolk’s letter to the King on Monday 20 November, the day after +the supposed attempt had been baffled by Grice’s vigilance. In this +letter Suffolk wrote that the apprehension of Aske and Constable +was a very doubtful matter, which he would not attempt unless he +was sure that it could not come to their knowledge until it was +accomplished, as if suspected it would only cause more mischief<a id='r1437'></a><a href='#f1437' class='c016'><sup>[1437]</sup></a>. +This suggests that Suffolk had recently tried to carry out the King’s +request, but, having failed, wished to hide his failure and to excuse +himself from any further endeavour.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Norfolk and Fitzwilliam had already set out from London, and had +advanced as far as “the house of Sir Robert a Lee,” at Quarrendon +in Buckinghamshire<a id='r1438'></a><a href='#f1438' class='c016'><sup>[1438]</sup></a>, when they were met by a messenger from Bowes +and Ellerker sent to tell them that the Pilgrims had not yet decided +to treat with them<a id='r1439'></a><a href='#f1439' class='c016'><sup>[1439]</sup></a>. Norfolk wrote to Darcy on Monday 20 November, +complaining bitterly of the alarm on Martinmas day, which he +attributed to false persons who desired to prevent a peaceful settlement +of the trouble. He begged Darcy to use all his influence on +behalf of peace, and assured him that on the King’s side nothing +was “thought or meant to impeach the same our good purpose.”<a id='r1440'></a><a href='#f1440' class='c016'><sup>[1440]</sup></a> +The Pilgrims’ suspicion had naturally been awakened by the network +of royal plots which they discovered or half-discovered. They were +no longer so sure as they had been in the beginning that the King +was the fountain of honour, and that Norfolk was as straightforward +as they were themselves. It was unfortunate that they were cheated +again by Norfolk’s fair words.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In spite of the delay in the Pilgrims’ answer, Norfolk and +Fitzwilliam decided to continue their journey in order to review +the royal troops, inspect the fortifications at Nottingham and Derby, +and consult with Suffolk at Newark<a id='r1441'></a><a href='#f1441' class='c016'><sup>[1441]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday 21 November the great council of the Pilgrims +assembled at York. The building where they held their meetings is +never named. Darcy was not present; the captains agreed to excuse +him on account of the difficulty which he had in travelling, and he +<span class='pageno' id='Page_312'>312</span>remained at home until the second great meeting which they had +already determined to hold at Pontefract<a id='r1442'></a><a href='#f1442' class='c016'><sup>[1442]</sup></a>. The captains who are +named as being present at York were Robert Aske, Sir Robert +Constable, Sir Stephen Hamerton<a id='r1443'></a><a href='#f1443' class='c016'><sup>[1443]</sup></a>, Nicholas Tempest, Lord Latimer, +Sir James Strangways, Robert Chaloner, Sir Ralph Ellerker, +Robert Bowes, William Babthorpe, William Stapleton, Lord Scrope, +Sir Nicholas Fairfax, and Sir Richard Tempest<a id='r1444'></a><a href='#f1444' class='c016'><sup>[1444]</sup></a>. There were in +addition about 800 of the lesser gentlemen and commons, as a +certain number had been chosen out of every wapentake or parish to +attend the meeting<a id='r1445'></a><a href='#f1445' class='c016'><sup>[1445]</sup></a>. The Abbot of Holm Cultram gave 40s. to the +representatives from Penrith<a id='r1446'></a><a href='#f1446' class='c016'><sup>[1446]</sup></a>. Among these less important persons +were Marmaduke Neville, a younger brother of the Earl of Westmorland<a id='r1447'></a><a href='#f1447' class='c016'><sup>[1447]</sup></a>, +one Walker, John Fowbery, William Aclom, and Robert +Pullen<a id='r1448'></a><a href='#f1448' class='c016'><sup>[1448]</sup></a>. There were also some royal spies, for instance Hugh +Hilton, a servant of the Earl of Huntingdon<a id='r1449'></a><a href='#f1449' class='c016'><sup>[1449]</sup></a>. The most interesting +of these spies was Christopher Aske. He had arrived at Wressell +Castle on Friday 17 November, under safeconduct, to lay before +Robert Aske the injuries that the Earl of Cumberland had received +from the commons. On his arrival the two brothers fell into an +argument as to whether Robert could have taken Skipton Castle or +not. Robert said that though it was strong the defenders wanted +artillery and powder, and he could have taken it easily. Christopher +replied that it was impregnable, and should never be taken while +the Earl and he himself were alive. In describing this conversation +to Norfolk months afterwards, Robert acknowledged that he had +been misled by an intercepted letter from Cumberland which really +related to the weakness of Carlisle, and consequently perhaps +he could not have taken Skipton. While the brothers were discussing +this interesting point, Darcy’s letter announcing the arrival +of Bowes and Ellerker was brought to Robert, who hastily prepared +to ride to Templehurst with about sixty of his men. His followers +grumbled at the sudden summons because they had not yet had +their dinner, and said “a man was worthy his meat, or else his +service was ill.” Christopher took the opportunity to assure his +brother that the commons would turn against him and either kill +<span class='pageno' id='Page_313'>313</span>him themselves or give him up to his enemies “like Jacques +Dartnell, William Wallas and others.” Much the wisest and safest +course for Robert would be to go and make his peace with the +King. Robert, however, was no fine gentleman; he thoroughly +understood his rough followers, and paid not the smallest attention +to Christopher’s prognostications. His Yorkshiremen never betrayed +him,—that was reserved for the King. While Robert was away +Christopher contrived to go through his brother’s private papers, and +found the scheme for invading the south which had been drawn +up in case the negotiations at Doncaster should fail. Christopher +afterwards went to York and there “demeaned himself so covertly +that he returned to Cumberland knowing all their purposes.”<a id='r1450'></a><a href='#f1450' class='c016'><sup>[1450]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The first business of the great council at York was to appoint +two hundred representatives to deal with the questions before +them<a id='r1451'></a><a href='#f1451' class='c016'><sup>[1451]</sup></a>. Robert Bowes gave an account of his mission to this body, +telling them everything that had been said and done before the +King and his Council, mentioning the proposed conference at Doncaster, +and reciting “the goodness of my lord Privy Seal to the +commons promised by his word—and therewith he stayed.” Henry +and Cromwell had made good use of the time that the ambassadors +spent at court by winning them entirely to the King’s side. Bowes +and Ellerker were not influenced in any dishonourable way, but they +came back quite convinced of the King’s good faith and mercy, and +satisfied that the Pilgrims might safely disband, since their purposes +were accomplished. As far as they were personally concerned they +were right to believe in Henry’s goodwill, for they were both trusted +and employed by him after the rebellion.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When Bowes had finished his speech Sir Robert Constable +requested him to withdraw while the council debated on it. +Constable then laid before them a very different matter<a id='r1452'></a><a href='#f1452' class='c016'><sup>[1452]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Young Sir Ralph Evers had been besieged in Scarborough Castle +as early as 17 October<a id='r1453'></a><a href='#f1453' class='c016'><sup>[1453]</sup></a>. Supplies had been sent to him about +27 October, rather against the King’s will, as he was afraid the +rebels would capture them<a id='r1454'></a><a href='#f1454' class='c016'><sup>[1454]</sup></a>. They arrived safely, and after the +truce, when the siege was raised, Evers wrote to ask Suffolk for +more<a id='r1455'></a><a href='#f1455' class='c016'><sup>[1455]</sup></a>. His request was sent up to London on 5 November, and on +10 November Cromwell himself wrote to Evers<a id='r1456'></a><a href='#f1456' class='c016'><sup>[1456]</sup></a> and sent the letter +<span class='pageno' id='Page_314'>314</span>to Thomas Hatcliff at Lincoln. Hatcliff despatched a trusty messenger +with £100 and the letter to Grimsby, where they were +entrusted to Edward Waters to be conveyed to Scarborough<a id='r1457'></a><a href='#f1457' class='c016'><sup>[1457]</sup></a>. On +Wednesday 15 November he embarked in a “crayer,” and for some +days no further news was heard of him by his comrades<a id='r1458'></a><a href='#f1458' class='c016'><sup>[1458]</sup></a>. He was, +however, almost immediately captured by the commons of Beverley +and the Wold under the leadership of John Hallam, and the siege of +Scarborough Castle was at once renewed. Hallam “wrung Waters +by the beard” and threatened to cut his head off. By this violence +he extracted from him the confession that Cromwell had sent him<a id='r1459'></a><a href='#f1459' class='c016'><sup>[1459]</sup></a>. +To save himself Waters produced Cromwell’s letter. The commons +divided all the loose cash on the ship among them, receiving 3s. +each, but they sent to Aske the £100, Edward Waters, and Cromwell’s +letter. Waters remained with Aske, but his troubles were +now over and he was not treated like a prisoner. He had a servant, +a chamber and a feather bed of his own, and spent his time in +hunting and shooting<a id='r1460'></a><a href='#f1460' class='c016'><sup>[1460]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was the letter which had been captured on this occasion that +Sir Robert Constable now read to the council of the Pilgrims at +York, in order that they might compare it with “the goodness of +my lord Privy Seal to the commons, promised by his word.” On +10 November Cromwell had written that if the Pilgrims continued +longer in rebellion they should be so subdued that “their example +shall be fearful to all subjects whiles the world doth endure.”<a id='r1461'></a><a href='#f1461' class='c016'><sup>[1461]</sup></a> The +reading of this letter naturally made a great impression on the +assembly. The flat contradiction between the two messages confirmed +the suspicion that the King’s conduct had awakened. The +Pilgrims doubted whether it would be safe to treat with the King +while he was under the influence of a man so unscrupulous as +Cromwell. Sir Robert Constable gave his advice most decidedly, +“as he had broken one point in the tables with the King he would +break another, and have no meeting, but have all the country made +sure from Trent northwards, and then he had no doubt all Lancashire, +Cheshire, Derbyshire and the parts thereabout would join with +them. Then, he said, he would condescend to a meeting.”<a id='r1462'></a><a href='#f1462' class='c016'><sup>[1462]</sup></a> But +there were strong influences on the other side. Darcy was known to +be in favour of the conference<a id='r1463'></a><a href='#f1463' class='c016'><sup>[1463]</sup></a>. Babthorpe spoke on the side of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_315'>315</span>peace<a id='r1464'></a><a href='#f1464' class='c016'><sup>[1464]</sup></a>. Aske adhered steadily to his policy of trying every means +to obtain peaceful redress of their grievances before they resorted to +force. The King had replied to the articles, although the Pilgrims +had not yet received his answer. It would be the height of inconsistency +to present a petition and then refuse to receive the reply. +They would commit themselves to nothing by agreeing to confer with +the Duke of Norfolk, and much good might result from the conference. +The treachery which they all resented so bitterly must be +due to the evil influence of Cromwell, but Cromwell’s power, as they +hoped, was waning. They were going to treat, not with Cromwell, +but with Norfolk, and Norfolk was faithful and honourable. He +would perform his promises, and once he was restored to his place at +court he would bring the King back to a better frame of mind. +Such seem to have been the arguments employed by the advocates of +the conference, but no further record of the debate remains. In the +end the peace party prevailed, and it was decided that three hundred +representatives should be sent to Doncaster to meet Norfolk and to +hear the King’s reply on St Nicholas’ Eve, Tuesday 5 December<a id='r1465'></a><a href='#f1465' class='c016'><sup>[1465]</sup></a>. +This date was fixed upon in order to give time for sending messages +into distant parts of the country<a id='r1466'></a><a href='#f1466' class='c016'><sup>[1466]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The next point to be discussed was the King’s complaint that +the articles which had been sent to him were vague and obscure. +To remove this difficulty it was resolved that another general council +should be held at Pontefract two days before the conference at +Doncaster. Every shire or wapentake would be desired to send +the discreetest men to represent it, and the representatives must +bring up a list of the grievances of their own district<a id='r1467'></a><a href='#f1467' class='c016'><sup>[1467]</sup></a>. This order +resembles the “cahiers” of the Third Estate at the meeting of the +States General in 1789. All the grievances were to be laid before +the general council and digested into a set of articles explanatory +of the first, and this new set of articles would be sent to Norfolk. +At the same time the Archbishop of York and other learned men +were to be requested to draw up spiritual articles setting forth all +the grievances connected with religion<a id='r1468'></a><a href='#f1468' class='c016'><sup>[1468]</sup></a>. It was further resolved +that Lord Darcy should be instructed to have everything prepared at +Pontefract for the meeting, and a list was drawn up of the districts +<span class='pageno' id='Page_316'>316</span>from which the three hundred were to be summoned, with the names +of the principal gentlemen and the number of commons who were to +appear from each place<a id='r1469'></a><a href='#f1469' class='c016'><sup>[1469]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>After the most important business of the meeting was completed, +minor points were considered. Complaints were made of the +behaviour of Sir Henry Saville, and it was decided that the whole +matter should be entrusted to Darcy, as he was already in communication +with Shrewsbury about it<a id='r1470'></a><a href='#f1470' class='c016'><sup>[1470]</sup></a>. A letter was drawn up requesting +the Earl of Cumberland to surrender Skipton Castle; Lord Scrope, +Sir Richard Tempest and others were appointed to carry it, but +in the end it seems to have been sent by Christopher Aske<a id='r1471'></a><a href='#f1471' class='c016'><sup>[1471]</sup></a>. All +the resolutions of the meeting were written down, and a report of +them was sent to Darcy<a id='r1472'></a><a href='#f1472' class='c016'><sup>[1472]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This seems to have been all the business which was transacted +that day, and at the end of the afternoon sitting all dispersed to +their lodgings<a id='r1473'></a><a href='#f1473' class='c016'><sup>[1473]</sup></a>, Constable and Bowes being at the house of Sir George +Lawson<a id='r1474'></a><a href='#f1474' class='c016'><sup>[1474]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Next morning Wednesday 22 November the council met again. +Another obstacle in the way of peace was laid before them. There +were disturbances in Lancashire, and in Dent and Sedbergh<a id='r1475'></a><a href='#f1475' class='c016'><sup>[1475]</sup></a>. Derby +had written to Fitzwilliam on 19 November to say that he was under +an obligation to melt down the lead and bells of the suppressed +priory of Burscough before 30 November, but he was afraid to do so +as it might provoke a fresh rising. He therefore asked the King to +grant him respite. As the letter was not despatched before Sunday +19 November, he probably had received no answer and the rumour +that he was going to fulfil the obligation was causing fresh unrest<a id='r1476'></a><a href='#f1476' class='c016'><sup>[1476]</sup></a>. +When the matter was laid before the council at York, Sir Robert +Constable again took the side of resistance, and advised that nothing +should be done to discourage their allies in those parts. William +Babthorpe spoke on the other side, and in the end a compromise was +reached<a id='r1477'></a><a href='#f1477' class='c016'><sup>[1477]</sup></a>. Darcy was requested to communicate with Shrewsbury in +order that the Earl of Derby might be restrained<a id='r1478'></a><a href='#f1478' class='c016'><sup>[1478]</sup></a>. In the meantime, +orders were sent to Craven, Kendal, Dent, Sedbergh and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_317'>317</span>Lonsdale that if Lancashire mustered they were to muster also and +send word to the captain<a id='r1479'></a><a href='#f1479' class='c016'><sup>[1479]</sup></a>. The council felt justified in giving this +order by Cromwell’s letter and the attempted relief of Scarborough, +which were “contrary to the appointment.”<a id='r1480'></a><a href='#f1480' class='c016'><sup>[1480]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>A letter was drawn up and sent to Norfolk to suggest arrangements +for the conference at Doncaster. This letter has been lost,—may +we imagine that Henry tore it up in a fit of rage?—but its +contents seem to have been as follows:—</p> + +<p class='c019'>(1) The Pilgrims complained that Waters’ expedition to Scarborough was +a breach of the truce<a id='r1481'></a><a href='#f1481' class='c016'><sup>[1481]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(2) The meeting at Doncaster was to take place on St Nicholas Eve, +5 December<a id='r1482'></a><a href='#f1482' class='c016'><sup>[1482]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(3) It was requested that there might be a truce for fourteen days after +that date<a id='r1483'></a><a href='#f1483' class='c016'><sup>[1483]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(4) The Pilgrims required safe conducts for those who were to meet +Norfolk, and hostages for Aske, as he ran the greatest risk<a id='r1484'></a><a href='#f1484' class='c016'><sup>[1484]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(5) They desired that the meeting might take place on neutral ground<a id='r1485'></a><a href='#f1485' class='c016'><sup>[1485]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The other business which came before the council that day related +to the restored monasteries; as the rebels had put the monks in +again the latter turned to the leaders for help in the difficulties of +their new position. In reply to one of these appeals the council +ordered that Robert, Prior of Guisborough, should enjoy his office, and +Sir John Bulmer was required to see that the order was executed<a id='r1486'></a><a href='#f1486' class='c016'><sup>[1486]</sup></a>. +The Prior of Sawley had sent his chaplain to Aske to desire counsel +touching the house. The chaplain spoke to Nicholas Tempest, who +advised him to find friends to plead his cause at the great council +at Pontefract<a id='r1487'></a><a href='#f1487' class='c016'><sup>[1487]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There remains no record of the business which the council at +York transacted on Thursday 23 November. There was probably +some discussion of the grievances which were to be considered +more fully at Pontefract. It was commonly said that the statute +empowering the King to appoint his successor by will had been +framed in order that Cromwell himself might be made the King’s +heir. Earlier in the year it had been said that he was plotting +to marry the Lady Mary<a id='r1488'></a><a href='#f1488' class='c016'><sup>[1488]</sup></a>. Now the story went that he was to +have married Lady Margaret Douglas, the King’s niece, and that +<span class='pageno' id='Page_318'>318</span>when her secret marriage with Lord Thomas Howard was discovered, +the act of attainder against Lord Thomas had been procured so that +it might still be possible for Cromwell to marry Lady Margaret. +When John Hallam returned to Scarborough from the council at +York, he reported that the council had resolved that the statute +must be repealed and that the Lady Mary must be acknowledged +as the King’s heir, for if these measures were not taken the King +would make Cromwell his heir<a id='r1489'></a><a href='#f1489' class='c016'><sup>[1489]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The commons stated very emphatically that they would have no +pardon but by Act of Parliament, and that Parliament must be held +at some place where all could come and go safely. On this point +one of the petty captains named Walker said to Aske at the council, +“Look you well upon this matter, for it is your charge, for if you do +not you shall repent it,”<a id='r1490'></a><a href='#f1490' class='c016'><sup>[1490]</sup></a> a prophecy which was sadly fulfilled. The +commons of Westmorland had already delivered a list of their +grievances, and Aske sent back instructions that they must inquire +into the visitation of Legh and Layton, and take the opinion of the +clergy of Cumberland and Westmorland on matters of faith<a id='r1491'></a><a href='#f1491' class='c016'><sup>[1491]</sup></a>. Altogether +the sitting seems to have been a stormy one, and a spy reported +that he thought the Pilgrims would come to no agreement with +Norfolk at Doncaster<a id='r1492'></a><a href='#f1492' class='c016'><sup>[1492]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Friday 24 November an order was made, by the advice of +Bowes<a id='r1493'></a><a href='#f1493' class='c016'><sup>[1493]</sup></a>, that there should be no plundering, musters nor casting +down of enclosures until the meeting at Doncaster, unless “commanded +by our captain general or else warned by burning of beacons +and ringing of bells awkward,” which alarm would only be given on +sufficient grounds<a id='r1494'></a><a href='#f1494' class='c016'><sup>[1494]</sup></a>. There is no record of any other business, and +the council seems to have broken up on Saturday 25 November.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The break up of the council at York was followed by an uneasy +movement through all the rebel country. Suffolk was alarmed by a +report that the beacons of Holderness, Howden and Marshland were +burned on Thursday and Friday, 23 and 24 November, and that +musters were being held there<a id='r1495'></a><a href='#f1495' class='c016'><sup>[1495]</sup></a>. Sir Ralph Ellerker returned to +Hull on or before Sunday 26 November, and the garrison tried to +stop the communication which had been established between Hull +and Grimsby<a id='r1496'></a><a href='#f1496' class='c016'><sup>[1496]</sup></a>. On the night of 28 November armed men with their +<span class='pageno' id='Page_319'>319</span>faces blackened went round the parish of Chorley in Lancashire, +under the leadership of John the Piper, and forced the inhabitants +to take the oath to God, the King and the commons<a id='r1497'></a><a href='#f1497' class='c016'><sup>[1497]</sup></a>. Lord Monteagle +could not collect his rents in Kendal, and arrested a vicar who spoke +in favour of the rebellion<a id='r1498'></a><a href='#f1498' class='c016'><sup>[1498]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>While the council at York was sitting Norfolk and Fitzwilliam +were inspecting the lines of defence prepared by the royal troops. +Their arrangement was as follows:</p> + +<p class='c008'>Gonson was in command at Grimsby, and Sir Anthony Browne +at Barton, with his men disposed along the Trent from Barton to +Gainsborough<a id='r1499'></a><a href='#f1499' class='c016'><sup>[1499]</sup></a>. Sir Brian Hastings held Doncaster, and had fortified +the bridge, while on 22 November the Earl of Rutland sent +Sir Nicholas Sturley with six pieces of ordnance, 100 men and +gunners to occupy Tickhill Castle, five miles south of Doncaster. +Shrewsbury had made sure of Rotherham, as the idea of fortifying +Derby had been given up<a id='r1500'></a><a href='#f1500' class='c016'><sup>[1500]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Suffolk and his staff were at Lincoln. The Duke occupied the +Dean’s house, and in the Cathedral was the harness which had been +collected from the Lincolnshire rebels. In the castle were about +140 prisoners, several of whom had been saved from execution by the +truce. The villages along the Humber and the Trent were occupied, +and the boats had been collected so that they might be instantly +destroyed if there was an alarm. The council, that is probably +Suffolk’s council, had resolved to build a tower on a hill between +Lincoln and the Trent<a id='r1501'></a><a href='#f1501' class='c016'><sup>[1501]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The captains at Newark were Sir Francis Brian and Sir John +Russell with 700 men. This was also Richard Cromwell’s post, but +he had been sent up to the King. The castle was supplied with +ordnance, and the people of the neighbourhood had been ordered to +bring in a certain quantity of grain from each township. They were +submissive and feared Lord Borough and the Lincolnshire captains. +The bridge was being fortified, and a drawbridge over the Trent was +being built at Muskham, a village to the south of Newark, but the +river was very shallow and difficult to defend, except when the floods +were out<a id='r1502'></a><a href='#f1502' class='c016'><sup>[1502]</sup></a>. After the wet October, the weather was better about the +middle of November and the water fell. The castle would only hold +100 men and had no supply of water<a id='r1503'></a><a href='#f1503' class='c016'><sup>[1503]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_320'>320</span>At Nottingham the castle was held by the Earl of Rutland with +four or five hundred men, and the gentlemen of the neighbourhood, +who sat in council with him weekly. It was provisioned and supplied +with corn in the same way as Newark. Rutland had built a new +drawbridge and fortifications. The country people were loyal<a id='r1504'></a><a href='#f1504' class='c016'><sup>[1504]</sup></a>. The +castle was well supplied with ordnance, but more gunners and +powder were needed, as Suffolk and Shrewsbury were always sending +for powder, which Rutland could ill spare<a id='r1505'></a><a href='#f1505' class='c016'><sup>[1505]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>All the royal commanders were constantly writing for money, but +a fairly adequate supply was now forthcoming<a id='r1506'></a><a href='#f1506' class='c016'><sup>[1506]</sup></a>, though the King was +so anxious to be economical that John Henneage received orders to +pay none of the monastic pensions or debts in Lincolnshire except in +very urgent cases. On 27 November Suffolk remonstrated warmly +against such an impolitic means of saving. He would rather pay +the pensions out of his own pocket, he declared, if he had the money, +than that the men of Lincolnshire should be made to remember their +late folly, and to suspect that the charges of the suppressed houses +would not be paid<a id='r1507'></a><a href='#f1507' class='c016'><sup>[1507]</sup></a>. Half the debt was paid and the other half held +over<a id='r1508'></a><a href='#f1508' class='c016'><sup>[1508]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When he despatched Ellerker and Bowes to the north, the King +wrote to Suffolk on 14 November that a free pardon might be +proclaimed to all Lincolnshire men except those who were in prison. +Henry stated that he was moved to this clemency by comparing the +repentant demeanour of Lincolnshire with the continued rebellion of +Yorkshire. Part of the weapons which had been collected might be +restored to the most trustworthy gentlemen, to distribute among +men of approved loyalty, but great care must be exercised in this. +If Norfolk summoned Suffolk to be present at Doncaster, he must +leave Sir Francis Brian and Sir William Parre as his deputies at +Lincoln<a id='r1509'></a><a href='#f1509' class='c016'><sup>[1509]</sup></a>. Suffolk received these orders on the 16th, and wrote back +to report the position on the 18th. He begged the King to appoint +some place for storing the weapons which were not given back; the +orders as to fortifying Doncaster, Newark and other places had been +carried out, but Suffolk reminded the King that he had only 3600 +men to hold a river line of fifty miles<a id='r1510'></a><a href='#f1510' class='c016'><sup>[1510]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Such was the general disposition of the royal troops while the +Pilgrims were holding their council at York.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_321'>321</span>Norfolk and Fitzwilliam approached slowly. On Wednesday +22 November they had reached Towcester and received news of +the alarm caused by Sir Henry Saville on the 19th. Norfolk wrote +Darcy a letter of reproof for “innovations attempted,” which he +forgot to sign<a id='r1511'></a><a href='#f1511' class='c016'><sup>[1511]</sup></a>, and it must have given Darcy some small satisfaction +to be able to point this out in his reply of Sunday 26 November to +“your letter, as I think by the seal, but it is unsigned.” His reply +contained only an assurance that the disturbance was entirely due to +Saville, and that he desired peace as much as Norfolk<a id='r1512'></a><a href='#f1512' class='c016'><sup>[1512]</sup></a>. Darcy had +written to Sir Brian Hastings as early as 20 November to arrange for +lodgings in Doncaster for the conference<a id='r1513'></a><a href='#f1513' class='c016'><sup>[1513]</sup></a>, but the King’s captains +were surprised to hear a rumour that he intended to bring 10,000 +men there on Thursday 30 November and that 10,000 more were +summoned to meet at Wakefield on the following Monday<a id='r1514'></a><a href='#f1514' class='c016'><sup>[1514]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Norfolk and Fitzwilliam reached Leicester on Friday 24 November, +where they received the letter which had been drawn up by the +council at York on the 22nd<a id='r1515'></a><a href='#f1515' class='c016'><sup>[1515]</sup></a>. They despatched a copy of it to +Suffolk<a id='r1516'></a><a href='#f1516' class='c016'><sup>[1516]</sup></a> and sent the original to the King, who replied to it on +Monday 27 November<a id='r1517'></a><a href='#f1517' class='c016'><sup>[1517]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Henry’s answer is one of those documents which fill the reader +with reluctant admiration and reveal the secret of his constant +success. It shows the attitude which the King had deliberately +assumed towards the rebellion. According to his version of the +event, a few unscrupulous persons had misled the commons of Yorkshire +by false stories about the acts of the King’s parliament. The +ignorant commons had thereupon risen and forced the gentlemen to +join them by threatening their lives. The gentlemen, however, +although they had taken the treasonable oath, had succeeded in +staying the commons, and after inducing them to disperse quietly +had sent two gentlemen to the King to explain their unwilling +treason and to sue for pardon. This the King was willing to grant +to them, in consideration of the ignorance of the commons and +the force used to the gentlemen, on condition that the seditious +persons who had first stirred up the tumult were taken and surrendered +to the royal justice. The chief of these seditious persons +of course was Aske. Henry put forward this account of the rising so +consistently and so firmly that he convinced not only his contemporaries +but also his historians, and it has been so universally accepted +<span class='pageno' id='Page_322'>322</span>that it is necessary to consider whether it is really true, and all the +foregoing history a mere exaggeration. The answer to this question +is given by the preparations against the rebels which have just been +described. Henry was the last man in the world to garrison a chain +of forts from Grimsby to Nottingham and to spend thousands of +pounds on keeping an army under arms for two months merely to +suppress a trivial rising of discontented labourers. The gravity of +the situation was perfectly apparent to the King, but he knew the +value of telling a consistent and dignified story, not only to foreign +courts and to the south, where news came so slowly and uncertainly +that the King’s account was sure to be accepted, but even to the +rebels themselves. It is difficult at all times to believe that a clear, +firm statement is a deliberate lie, and it was particularly difficult for +the northern gentlemen to believe that the King was lying. The +whole tone of the King’s letter was such as to make the gentlemen +feel small and ashamed of themselves, and yet to suggest that if +only they would be sensible and come up to the King, as any reasonable +person would do, they might still be safe and recover their +self-respect.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Henry began by marvelling at the expressions used in their last +letter, which sounded almost as if they made themselves a party +with the commons. As for their complaint that he had broken the +truce by attempting to send letters and money to Scarborough, he +did not even condescend to reply to it directly. Of course the King +must be at full liberty to send anything he pleased to any of his +subjects at any time or place.</p> + +<p class='c008'>He went on to declare that he would not send Norfolk and +Fitzwilliam to the Pilgrims until he was better assured of their +loyalty. Now the Pilgrims did not want Norfolk to come before +5 December; until then they would have been much better pleased +if he had stayed with the King. But Henry contrived to put his +threat in such a way that the readers of the letter would probably +never think of that, and would feel that Norfolk really must be +allowed to continue his journey if possible.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the third place Henry remonstrated against the suggestion +that his own subjects, resorting to the man appointed as his deputy, +should require a safeconduct, a neutral meeting-place, a special +truce and hostages. It was not like subjects petitioning their king, +but like a war between princes. They were perfectly mad to make +such a demand, and if they were not careful he would take measures +to cut them off as corrupt members.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_323'>323</span>In the fourth place, Henry “thought no little shame” that the +northern gentlemen allowed “such a villain as Aske” to subscribe +their letter before them all. Aske was “a common pedlar in the +law,” whose “filed tongue and false surmises have ... brought him in +this unfitting estimation among you.” In the opinion of Henry and +all his nobles the honour of the gentlemen was greatly touched in +that they had allowed such a thing.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This was the boldest and cleverest stroke in the whole letter. +The gentlemen complained that the King’s minister Cromwell was +base-born and not fit to sit on the royal council. The King retorted +that their leader was a villain, that is, not a scoundrel in the modern +sense, but a villein or serf, a man born unfree. Henry’s accusation +was quite groundless; Aske’s family was armigerous, and he was +cousin to half the gentlemen in Yorkshire. Nevertheless the King’s +assertion was likely to do almost as much harm as if it had been true. +The grand captain was regarded with jealousy by many gentlemen +who had not the courage to hold his post, and if the King told them +that their honour was touched in following him, then it must be +touched; the King must know best.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Finally Henry closed his letter by declaring that in spite of everything +he would still be merciful. If the Pilgrims would permit free +recourse to the King on the part of his subjects, withdraw from the +castles and towns they were holding, send the ship that they had +taken to Evers, and “show their submission by deeds,” <i>i.e.</i> by surrendering +Aske to the King, he would perhaps be graciously pleased +to pardon them, though he did not actually promise to do so, but if +they did not do all this immediately then he did not intend that +Norfolk should “common with them further.”<a id='r1518'></a><a href='#f1518' class='c016'><sup>[1518]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Though he took this high tone in writing to the Pilgrims themselves, +Henry did not neglect other precautions. He instructed +Norfolk to make sure of Doncaster and Rotherham<a id='r1519'></a><a href='#f1519' class='c016'><sup>[1519]</sup></a>, and told Suffolk +that he might promise pardons to the gentlemen of Marshland who +had entered into communication with him<a id='r1520'></a><a href='#f1520' class='c016'><sup>[1520]</sup></a>. On receiving a copy of +the Pilgrims’ letter, Suffolk had written to the King in great alarm +to excuse himself from any complicity in the despatch of Waters to +Scarborough<a id='r1521'></a><a href='#f1521' class='c016'><sup>[1521]</sup></a>, but Henry was quite prepared to pass over that +incident and did not even refer to it. As he believed that Sir Robert +Constable was still at York, he ordered Suffolk to practise with the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_324'>324</span>townsfolk of Hull, in order that the town might be seized at the +first favourable opportunity<a id='r1522'></a><a href='#f1522' class='c016'><sup>[1522]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Other measures were also taken. The royal spies in the north +endeavoured to frighten the commons by spreading reports that the +Emperor and the King of France were coming to help Henry, each +with 40,000 men, and by exaggerating the number of the musters at +Ampthill. They reported that the commons were in great dread of +the King’s ordnance, having little of their own<a id='r1523'></a><a href='#f1523' class='c016'><sup>[1523]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As it was the religious grievances which made the rising so +threatening, the King proceeded to demonstrate his orthodoxy in +the usual way, by persecuting the heretics. “This year, 12 November, +being Sunday, there was a priest bore a faggot at Paul’s Cross +standing in his surplice for heresy, which priest did celebrate at his +mass with ale.”<a id='r1524'></a><a href='#f1524' class='c016'><sup>[1524]</sup></a> On 17 November Barnes was imprisoned in the +Tower, and Field, Marshall, Goodall and “another of that sort of +learning,” probably Rastell, were all arrested<a id='r1525'></a><a href='#f1525' class='c016'><sup>[1525]</sup></a>. John Bale was +examined on 19 November concerning certain heretical doctrines +which he was accused of preaching. The interrogatories put to him +have not been preserved, but one of his answers might have been +laid to heart by the inquisitors of all religious parties; he said that +“he would fain know of his accusers who is so familiar with God as +may know that secret point?”<a id='r1526'></a><a href='#f1526' class='c016'><sup>[1526]</sup></a> Field and Rastell appear to have +been examined at the same time<a id='r1527'></a><a href='#f1527' class='c016'><sup>[1527]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On 19 November Henry issued a circular to his bishops. It was +drawn up in two forms, one for heretical bishops, reproving them for +their offences, the other, for those who had not gone so far, cautioning +them as to their behaviour. The bishops were ordered to explain +personally the King’s Articles to their flocks, to preach passive +obedience to the King, to observe and maintain all laudable ceremonies, +and to prevent all unlicensed preaching and contemptuous +words about usages and ceremonies<a id='r1528'></a><a href='#f1528' class='c016'><sup>[1528]</sup></a>. Several little tracts on the +advantages of peace and the duty of obeying the King were also +circulated, and the King’s reply to the Lincolnshire rebels was +printed and issued<a id='r1529'></a><a href='#f1529' class='c016'><sup>[1529]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>An allusion has already been made to the report that Henry +would receive help from abroad. A marriage between Mary and the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_325'>325</span>Duke of Angoulême, now Orleans, had long been hinted at by the +French and English ambassadors at the respective courts. On +11 October 1536 Henry wrote to Gardiner and Wallop, his ambassadors +in France, that they were not to allow it to appear that he +desired the match, but were to induce the French to make all the +advances<a id='r1530'></a><a href='#f1530' class='c016'><sup>[1530]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the same letter he mentioned the rising in Lincolnshire, but +treated it very lightly<a id='r1531'></a><a href='#f1531' class='c016'><sup>[1531]</sup></a>. On 5 November he wrote again to declare +that the reports of the insurrection were very much exaggerated, +that it was all over, and the two shires of York and Lincoln lay +entirely at his mercy. Pomeroy had arrived from France to treat of +the marriage of Mary and Angoulême, but Henry was not satisfied +with the form of his credentials, which he considered too unceremonious. +He had referred the ambassador to the Council, and +intended to give him no certain answer<a id='r1532'></a><a href='#f1532' class='c016'><sup>[1532]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On 10 November the Imperial ambassador was informed that the +Council was considering the French match and that Francis was so +anxious to bring it about that he was willing to consent if Mary +were only declared the King’s heir in default of legitimate issue, and +given a title and an income. The Emperor had been proposing a +marriage between Mary and Don Luis of Portugal, which Mary +herself would have preferred. The negotiations with France were +used to bring the Imperial ambassador to the point of making a +formal proposal for her hand, and on 23 November Chapuys wrote to +ask for instructions, as Mary informed him that Francis had offered +to settle an income of 80,000 ducats on her marriage with Angoulême, +but her father still made little of the proposal<a id='r1533'></a><a href='#f1533' class='c016'><sup>[1533]</sup></a>. So long as Henry +could tantalize both monarchs with the offer of Mary’s hand, he knew +he need not fear that either of them would help the rebels.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Such were the King’s measures of precaution; to which may be +added the vigilant watch kept upon the southern counties, to repress +the first signs of disaffection. William Constable, Sir Robert’s son, +who was wandering about the country with his schoolmaster, was +arrested at Stowe in November<a id='r1534'></a><a href='#f1534' class='c016'><sup>[1534]</sup></a>, and afterwards detained at Ross in +the Christmas holidays<a id='r1535'></a><a href='#f1535' class='c016'><sup>[1535]</sup></a>. Two men were arrested and examined in +London because they came from Louth<a id='r1536'></a><a href='#f1536' class='c016'><sup>[1536]</sup></a>, and information was received +against another Lincolnshire man, who was said to have used seditious +language at Fittleworth in Sussex<a id='r1537'></a><a href='#f1537' class='c016'><sup>[1537]</sup></a>. Norfolk’s complaint that he +could not trust his soldiers receives some confirmation from reports +of the musters in Kent and in Suffolk, where some of the men were +heard to declare that the northern men had right on their side and +that they themselves would not fight against the rebels<a id='r1538'></a><a href='#f1538' class='c016'><sup>[1538]</sup></a>. On 22 +November a pedlar was committed to Canterbury gaol for spreading +sedition<a id='r1539'></a><a href='#f1539' class='c016'><sup>[1539]</sup></a>. From time to time a bold parish priest ventured to +express his sympathy with the rebels. On 26 October the parson of +Wimborne, Dorset, “preached purgatory.”<a id='r1540'></a><a href='#f1540' class='c016'><sup>[1540]</sup></a> In the Isle of Wight +on 11 November the vicar of Thorley denied the royal supremacy<a id='r1541'></a><a href='#f1541' class='c016'><sup>[1541]</sup></a>, +and the parson of Wickham in Hampshire fled from an accusation of +sedition<a id='r1542'></a><a href='#f1542' class='c016'><sup>[1542]</sup></a>. The parson of Radwell in Hertford preached against the +suppression of the abbeys in November<a id='r1543'></a><a href='#f1543' class='c016'><sup>[1543]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On 19 October Bishop Latimer sent to Cromwell copies of some +ancient Latin verses, containing a lament over the oppression of the +Church, and also some fantastic prophecies. The Bishop remarked +that he sent them because he knew that Cromwell loved antiquities, +and that the bearer would explain how some people expounded the +lines<a id='r1544'></a><a href='#f1544' class='c016'><sup>[1544]</sup></a>. These were no doubt some of the prophecies which were +being circulated by Cromwell’s opponents<a id='r1545'></a><a href='#f1545' class='c016'><sup>[1545]</sup></a>. A man was imprisoned +at Bath on 20 October for repeating a prophecy, although he protested +that he did not know its meaning<a id='r1546'></a><a href='#f1546' class='c016'><sup>[1546]</sup></a>, and another was accused in +December of speaking against Cromwell at the Antelope inn in +Worcester<a id='r1547'></a><a href='#f1547' class='c016'><sup>[1547]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>During the time of the insurrection Cromwell kept himself a +good deal in the background, for the hatred he inspired was as strong +a bond between gentlemen and commons as religious enthusiasm. +He was as much in favour with the King as ever, and was always +within reach of the court, but he did not reside there<a id='r1548'></a><a href='#f1548' class='c016'><sup>[1548]</sup></a>. He was in +London when Bowes and Ellerker were with the King at Windsor, +and Cresswell had not seen him at court for two days together<a id='r1549'></a><a href='#f1549' class='c016'><sup>[1549]</sup></a>. On +<span class='pageno' id='Page_326'>326</span>21 November the King was at Richmond, and Cromwell still was +not with him<a id='r1550'></a><a href='#f1550' class='c016'><sup>[1550]</sup></a>, but his absence did not deceive the watchful eyes +which were upon him. The Pilgrims had friends in the south who +were able to send them information on such points. One of these +secret friends came to Aske after the council at York. He found the +captain sick of a “severe colic,” which prevented him from riding to +Templehurst, as he had intended to do after the council. The secret +friend, whose name is unknown, reported that the King was at +Richmond, and “Cromwell only the ruler about him.” Cromwell +was more bitterly hated than ever, and the south parts longed for +the coming of the Pilgrims, but they must be on their guard, for on +Thursday 23 November ten ships of war took ordnance from the +Tower, and it was said that Suffolk was advancing with 20,000 men. +Aske was not sure whether to believe the last news, but he considered +it a suspicious circumstance that Sir Anthony Browne had occupied +Doncaster. He wrote to ask Darcy to remonstrate about the fortification +of Doncaster Bridge and to watch Ferrybridge and Pontefract<a id='r1551'></a><a href='#f1551' class='c016'><sup>[1551]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Not only did the rebels receive news from the south but in +spite of all precautions on the part of the government the rebel +manifestoes found their way southward, and even one copy could +travel far and quickly. Richard Fletcher, the gaoler of Norwich, +was at Lynn on Sunday 29 October, and there met some of Norfolk’s +disbanded troops. One of these men, who was the clerk of Mr Fermor, +son and heir of Sir Harry Fermor, gave Fletcher a bill to deliver to +John Manne of Norwich; his story was that his master had been given +this bill by the Duke of Norfolk. Fletcher supped at the Bell at +Lynn, and by the desire of the company the bill was read aloud. +The goodman of the inn, George Wharton, was so much struck by its +contents that he caused one of Fletcher’s prisoners to make two +copies of it. It seems in fact to have been Aske’s second manifesto. +When Fletcher reached Norwich he showed the bill to several people +including the Mayor, Mr Fermor, who “marvelled that such a bill +should be suffered to go abroad,” but did not attempt to suppress it. +Fletcher delivered the original to John Manne, but kept a copy for +himself, which he continued to show to his friends. At length he +went up to London, and while there Leonard Stanger, servant to +Mr Willoughby, saw the bill and “said it was naught and took it +away to burn it.” Meanwhile George Wharton of the Bell at Lynn +gave one of his copies of the bill to some Cornish soldiers who were +<span class='pageno' id='Page_327'>327</span>coming from the north on a pilgrimage to Walsingham. This gift +may have had curious results<a id='r1552'></a><a href='#f1552' class='c016'><sup>[1552]</sup></a>. His other copy he lent out among +his neighbours<a id='r1553'></a><a href='#f1553' class='c016'><sup>[1553]</sup></a>. At Templehurst on 18 November Aske was heard +to say that he had given a copy of the oath to a gentleman of +Norfolk, who would forward the matter in the south<a id='r1554'></a><a href='#f1554' class='c016'><sup>[1554]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Another manifesto which had probably been going about the +country for some time was taken at Bromsgrove, Worcester, on +12 December<a id='r1555'></a><a href='#f1555' class='c016'><sup>[1555]</sup></a>. A fourth was circulating in a higher rank of society. +On Sunday 19 November Sir George Throgmorton attended the +morning sermon at St Paul’s, and there met his friend Sir John +Clarke. After the sermon they dined together at the Horse Head +in Cheapside, and when the goodman and his wife had left the room +the two gentlemen began to discuss the rising in the north. +Sir George had read the King’s printed reply to the Lincolnshire +rebels, but he did not know what the Yorkshiremen demanded. +Sir John promised to let him see a copy of their articles<a id='r1556'></a><a href='#f1556' class='c016'><sup>[1556]</sup></a>. They +walked back to St Paul’s together and parted, and that night +Sir John’s servant brought Throgmorton a copy of the Pilgrims’ +oath, the five articles, and one of Aske’s proclamations<a id='r1557'></a><a href='#f1557' class='c016'><sup>[1557]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A few nights later Sir George Throgmorton supped at the +Queen’s Head in Fleet Street betwixt the Temple gates<a id='r1558'></a><a href='#f1558' class='c016'><sup>[1558]</sup></a>. At this +inn there was an informal club of lawyers and members of parliament, +who, if they had dared to say so, were in opposition to the +government<a id='r1559'></a><a href='#f1559' class='c016'><sup>[1559]</sup></a>. On this particular evening Sir George met another +frequenter of the Queen’s Head, Sir William Essex, and again the +conversation turned on the northern rebellion. Sir William was +curious about the demands of the Pilgrims, and Sir George sent his +servant to find and bring back his copy of the oath, etc., which he +had “thrown into a window,” <i>i.e.</i> put into the box under the window-seat. +Sir William kept the papers for several days, caused his +servant to copy them, and returned them to Throgmorton. After +this Essex returned to his home near Reading. His own copy of the +papers he kept carefully put away, but his chamber-boy, Geoffrey +Gunter, who had copied them for him, had also made another copy for +himself<a id='r1560'></a><a href='#f1560' class='c016'><sup>[1560]</sup></a>. Geoffrey Gunter was not discreet. He lent his copy to +William Wyre, the host of the Cardinal’s Inn at Reading, and within a +week there were several copies circulating in the town. Richard Snow, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_328'>328</span>vicar of St Giles, obtained one and Richard Turner another, but they +were uneasy about the matter, and on 30 November they gave their +copies to the bailiff and the serjeant of Reading, to be laid before the +magistrates of the town. The justices on 2 December examined all +the parties in Reading, and sent their replies to Cromwell<a id='r1561'></a><a href='#f1561' class='c016'><sup>[1561]</sup></a>. They +were all summoned to London immediately. On their way they met +Sir George Throgmorton, who was going to visit Sir William Essex. +He was told about the affair, and although he tried to make light of +it, saying that everybody in London was reading the rebels’ articles +and Aske’s letters, yet secretly he was very much disturbed, and +burnt his copy. Sir William Essex, who had burnt his also, was +almost ill with anxiety, and on receiving orders to examine Gunter +and send him up to London, Essex set out to throw himself upon the +King’s mercy. Throgmorton, hearing nothing from him, followed +him up to London, only to find that Essex was in the Tower and +that he himself must join him there<a id='r1562'></a><a href='#f1562' class='c016'><sup>[1562]</sup></a>. In January 1537 they were +still prisoners, and it was thought that the charges against them +were very grave<a id='r1563'></a><a href='#f1563' class='c016'><sup>[1563]</sup></a>, but towards the end of the month they were +released<a id='r1564'></a><a href='#f1564' class='c016'><sup>[1564]</sup></a>. It does not appear whether Sir John Clarke was ever +called to account for his share of the business.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The presence of secret friends of the Pilgrims in the south +was more alarming than the mutterings of discontent among the +peasantry. They might be found anywhere, in the army, at court, +in the King’s Council. Henry never more than half believed Norfolk’s +reports of the rebels’ strength, because he knew that the Duke +secretly sympathised with the enemy. But though that altered the +direction of Henry’s fears, it did not allay them, for a king is in a +dangerous position when he cannot trust his own commander-in-chief. +There were continual rumours that Norfolk had either gone +over to the Pilgrims or allowed himself to be taken by them<a id='r1565'></a><a href='#f1565' class='c016'><sup>[1565]</sup></a>. He +himself said that he could not trust his men<a id='r1566'></a><a href='#f1566' class='c016'><sup>[1566]</sup></a>, and there was even a +story that one of the soldiers had attacked him with a dagger<a id='r1567'></a><a href='#f1567' class='c016'><sup>[1567]</sup></a>. The +loyalty of the Marquis of Exeter, who was sent with Norfolk and +Shrewsbury against the rebels<a id='r1568'></a><a href='#f1568' class='c016'><sup>[1568]</sup></a>, was still more doubtful than that of +Norfolk. He held his command, however, until the first appointment +<span class='pageno' id='Page_329'>329</span>at Doncaster<a id='r1569'></a><a href='#f1569' class='c016'><sup>[1569]</sup></a>, and offered to advance the King money for the payment +of his men<a id='r1570'></a><a href='#f1570' class='c016'><sup>[1570]</sup></a>. As soon as he was ready to set out in the first +instance, he was stopped by a countermand<a id='r1571'></a><a href='#f1571' class='c016'><sup>[1571]</sup></a>, and when he did start, +on 18 October, he was behind Norfolk, who contrived to obtain all +the money sent down from the Treasury. On 21 October Exeter +had “not a penny to convey himself and his train toward my lord +Steward.”<a id='r1572'></a><a href='#f1572' class='c016'><sup>[1572]</sup></a> Money was sent to him at Ampthill on 23 October<a id='r1573'></a><a href='#f1573' class='c016'><sup>[1573]</sup></a>. +He joined Norfolk in the end<a id='r1574'></a><a href='#f1574' class='c016'><sup>[1574]</sup></a>, but he took very little part in the +campaign<a id='r1575'></a><a href='#f1575' class='c016'><sup>[1575]</sup></a>. When the truce was made he returned to court, where +his wife had been in waiting on the Queen since the middle of +October<a id='r1576'></a><a href='#f1576' class='c016'><sup>[1576]</sup></a>. As a reward for his services he received a grant of the +dissolved priory of Breamore on 9 November<a id='r1577'></a><a href='#f1577' class='c016'><sup>[1577]</sup></a>. Reginald Pole’s +brothers, Lord Montague and Sir Geoffrey Pole, were ordered to +provide men at the beginning of the rebellion, and Montague was +to attend on the King’s own person<a id='r1578'></a><a href='#f1578' class='c016'><sup>[1578]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A little more light is thrown on the mystery of the Pilgrims’ +southern correspondents by a letter from Chapuys to Charles V, which +was despatched on 22 November. It is in the form of a journal, +written from day to day from the beginning of the month. His +earliest news was that the Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis and others +had gone to confer with the rebels, and that if they had not wisely +resolved on this step, the King would have been in great danger. +The ambassador’s informant was “one of the principal gentlemen in +the King’s army.” Chapuys next heard that Norfolk had come up +to court, both to justify his own action and to forward the petitions +of the northern men. Norfolk was bringing with him two ambassadors +from the rebels “Master Raphael Endecherche and Master Dos.” +Norfolk and the other noblemen “were all good Christians”; they +did not wish for a battle, and showed as openly as they dared that +they thought the rebels had right on their side.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Chapuys gave a brief account of the rebels’ position. They were +reported to be 40,000 strong, and among them were 10,000 cavalry. +They were in good order, but required money and musketeers. Their +banner was a crucifix, and Lord Darcy and the Archbishop of York +were with them. Their numbers would probably increase, as the +south parts sympathised with them, and presently news came that +<span class='pageno' id='Page_330'>330</span>another province (Cumberland and Westmorland) had risen because +the return of the ambassadors was delayed. The lack of money +might ruin everything, but this would be remedied if the Pope sent +Reginald Pole with supplies, and want of money was not felt on one +side only, for Henry had complained to Mary that the insurrection +had cost him £200,000.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When Ellerker and Bowes first arrived Chapuys heard that their +articles were:</p> + +<p class='c019'>(1) that their petition might be authorised by Parliament,</p> + +<p class='c019'>(2) that Parliaments might be held in the ancient way, and that all +pensioners and government servants might be excluded,</p> + +<p class='c019'>(3) that the Princess’ (Mary’s) affairs might be dealt with by Parliament,</p> + +<p class='c019'>(4) that the King might not take money from his people except in time +of war.</p> + +<p class='c020'>These articles were said to be signed by all the gentlemen. In the +third particular Chapuys was mistaken, but (1), (2), and (4) were all +points on which the rebels insisted, and later in the letter he mentioned +that he had been mistaken about (3); the rebels had not +ventured to name Mary, for fear the King did her harm.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Chapuys believed that the King would not give way, as he +boasted that the Duke of Orleans (Angoulême) was willing to marry +Mary although she was not legitimate, and that the King of France +would help him with four or five thousand men. Later Chapuys +found that his conjecture was correct. The King would not change +anything that had been determined by Parliament, and told the +rebels that they had no right to meddle with his Privy Council. +Nevertheless the news of the fresh rising might force him to alter +his decision, and Norfolk was using his influence on the Pilgrims’ +side. Finally Bowes and Ellerker were sent back with no better +answer. “The King said he would rather lose his crown than be so +limited by his vassals.” Five or six ships were being prepared, and +Henry boasted that he would go against the rebels in person, but +first he had despatched Norfolk and Fitzwilliam to corrupt them by +secret means if possible. Chapuys, however, thought that it was +more likely that the King’s emissaries would go over to the rebels +themselves.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Chapuys heard that Lord <i>Hussey</i> had sent a message to the King +that the rebels were ready to fight, for they were a third more +numerous than the King’s troops, with provisions and money, and +they expected the Emperor to help them. “Hussey” is probably a +mistake for “Darcy”; Chapuys had great difficulty with English +<span class='pageno' id='Page_331'>331</span>names, and his account of the message seems to be derived from +Darcy’s interview with Somerset Herald.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In a very interesting passage, Chapuys says that “among fifteen +or twenty articles which the northern ambassadors have proposed” +there were two which he thought unreasonable,—(1) that the King +should give an account of his expenditure, showing what had become +of his father’s treasure and of all the money he had obtained from +the Church and by taxation, and (2) that in cases of treason the +criminal’s property should not be confiscated, but should be restored +to his heir, and that the lands of Buckingham and others who had +been executed should be thus restored. Chapuys feared that if the +King yielded on the main points, the rebels might lose all by insisting +on these or similar minor details<a id='r1579'></a><a href='#f1579' class='c016'><sup>[1579]</sup></a>. The interesting point is that +no detailed list of demands had yet been drawn up by the rebels. +They had only sent in the five general articles, and did not think +of going into particulars until the King replied that their demands +were “general, dark and obscure.” The resolution to draw up a +detailed list of grievances was taken at York on 21 November, +and the list was not compiled until the council met at Pontefract. +Moreover, the complete articles do not contain either of the two +demands which Chapuys mentions.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Where then did the ambassador hear of the fifteen or twenty +articles of which these were two? The reference to the Duke of +Buckingham suggests that his informant was one of the Poles. The +northern Pilgrims had no particular interest in Buckingham, and the +clause is not likely to have been inserted in a northern petition, but +if, as is possible, the Poles were the secret friends who communicated +with Aske, they may have drawn up a list of their own complaints, +shown it to Chapuys, and then sent it north. There is one letter +which may possibly be connected with this. John Heliar, the vicar +of East Meon in Hampshire, and rector of Warblington, had fled to +France some time before. Warblington was the home of the Poles, +and Heliar was their friend and dependent; Sir Geoffrey Pole was +accused of having aided his escape<a id='r1580'></a><a href='#f1580' class='c016'><sup>[1580]</sup></a>. On 21 December 1536, after +the second conference at Doncaster, Richard Langgrische, a priest, +wrote from Havant, a town near Warblington, to Mr Heliar beyond +the seas: “I have been so far north since your being beyond sea +that I lacked messengers, but now having your servant ready to bear +my letters, I could no longer use unkind silence. I trust to settle in +my own country among my friends within a few years. Not that +<span class='pageno' id='Page_332'>332</span>I like the north so ill, but mine own country so well. Everyone +desires your prosperous return.”<a id='r1581'></a><a href='#f1581' class='c016'><sup>[1581]</sup></a> There is not much in this, only +the fact that a priest who lived in the same neighbourhood as the +Poles, and knew a self-exiled friend of theirs, had been in the north +at the time of the Pilgrimage, and was in hopes that better times +were at hand. Still the circumstances suggest that he may have +been the messenger to the rebels. This, however, is only a conjecture. +Chapuys derived his information partly from Mary, partly +from a gentleman in the royal army, and partly from someone at +court who had good, but not first-hand, information. For instance +the informant cannot have had direct communication with Bowes +and Ellerker, or he would have known that their articles were not +signed, and that Mary was not mentioned; on the other hand, he +reported the general tone of the articles rightly, and corrected the +mistake about Mary. The identity of this informant, however, cannot +be discovered.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Pilgrims were firmly convinced that they had the sympathy +of Europe, and in particular of the Emperor, who was very popular +in England. In order to trace the impression which the news of the +rising made abroad, it may be as well to recapitulate the various +letters to and from the ambassadors.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Henry was nominally the ally of Francis I, but relations between +them were strained at this time, as James V of Scotland had arrived +in France on 27 August 1536<a id='r1582'></a><a href='#f1582' class='c016'><sup>[1582]</sup></a> with the avowed intention of marrying +a French princess, although Henry was bitterly opposed to such a +marriage. In his letter of 11 October Henry instructed Gardiner +and Wallop to make themselves fully acquainted with the nature +and qualities of the young King<a id='r1583'></a><a href='#f1583' class='c016'><sup>[1583]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On 23 October the Bishop of Faenza, the papal nuncio in France, +wrote to Rome that the rising in England against the suppression of +abbeys was so serious that the King would probably be forced to +yield. The passages from England had been closed, and it was +difficult to get news, but this showed how grave the situation must +be. James V was winning favourable opinions everywhere, and was +to marry Francis’ daughter Madeleine. Cardinal du Bellay suggested +that by means of this marriage Francis might be influenced to act +against Henry, who was very unpopular among the French nobles<a id='r1584'></a><a href='#f1584' class='c016'><sup>[1584]</sup></a>. +Du Bellay had a correspondent in London who on 24 October sent +<span class='pageno' id='Page_333'>333</span>news that the Lincolnshire rebels had dispersed, but that there +was a much more serious rising in Yorkshire<a id='r1585'></a><a href='#f1585' class='c016'><sup>[1585]</sup></a>. After this no further +news reached France for some time. The Bishop of Faenza believed +that Henry was purposely preventing communications for fear the +King of Scotland should learn the extent of the insurrection<a id='r1586'></a><a href='#f1586' class='c016'><sup>[1586]</sup></a>. On +3 November there was a rumour that Henry himself was besieged in +a castle<a id='r1587'></a><a href='#f1587' class='c016'><sup>[1587]</sup></a>. The Pope wrote to Francis I on 7 November to congratulate +him on the Scots marriage and to exhort him not to help +Henry against the rebels<a id='r1588'></a><a href='#f1588' class='c016'><sup>[1588]</sup></a>. It was known in France on 19 November +that Henry was negotiating with the rebels, and James V sent civil +messages to the Pope, promising to serve him if possible<a id='r1589'></a><a href='#f1589' class='c016'><sup>[1589]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The betrothal of Madeleine de Valois to James V took place on +26 November<a id='r1590'></a><a href='#f1590' class='c016'><sup>[1590]</sup></a>. The papal nuncio was delighted. He reported that +Francis and James were both ready and even anxious to act against +Henry. Francis, however, said that the disturbances in England +were now at an end; nevertheless he would let Faenza know when +the time came to move<a id='r1591'></a><a href='#f1591' class='c016'><sup>[1591]</sup></a>. James was very affable to the nuncio, but +treated the English ambassadors with marked coldness. Du Bellay +was in hopes that the time had almost arrived to strike at Henry. +The movement in England had been premature and without a leader, +but though it was now pacified, the malcontents would rise again at +the summons of the King of Scotland<a id='r1592'></a><a href='#f1592' class='c016'><sup>[1592]</sup></a>. On 28 November Faenza +sent to the Pope further professions of James’ goodwill, and his +readiness to act against his uncle<a id='r1593'></a><a href='#f1593' class='c016'><sup>[1593]</sup></a>, and on 29 November he reported +that James was entering into negotiations for a treaty with Denmark +which would be very prejudicial to Henry<a id='r1594'></a><a href='#f1594' class='c016'><sup>[1594]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From all this it appears that Francis was ready to turn against +Henry if he dared, but he was afraid of precipitating an alliance +between England and the Emperor. Faenza suggested that to +prevent this the Pope might excommunicate Henry, and make it +impossible for anyone to become his ally openly<a id='r1595'></a><a href='#f1595' class='c016'><sup>[1595]</sup></a>. The party in the +French court which was hostile to Henry and the papal nuncio +himself built great hopes on James. They did not realise that there +was no other prince in Christendom whose interference in English +affairs would not have been preferred by the most ardent Pilgrim +to that of James V. Of all Henry’s reproaches to the rebels the +one which had most effect was that they were exposing their country +<span class='pageno' id='Page_334'>334</span>to the danger of a Scots invasion<a id='r1596'></a><a href='#f1596' class='c016'><sup>[1596]</sup></a>, and reports were spread by the +royalists that the Scots were mustering on the borders<a id='r1597'></a><a href='#f1597' class='c016'><sup>[1597]</sup></a>. The +Pilgrims professed themselves willing to help the King against +the Scots at any time<a id='r1598'></a><a href='#f1598' class='c016'><sup>[1598]</sup></a>, and an attempt on James’ part would have +strengthened Henry by rallying the whole kingdom to his side +against their ancient enemies.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Imperial ambassador in England watched the progress of +events with no less interest than the French. His reports have +already been quoted, and need only be mentioned briefly. In his +despatch on 7 October Chapuys alluded to the Lincolnshire rising, +which he believed to be more threatening than the King would +admit<a id='r1599'></a><a href='#f1599' class='c016'><sup>[1599]</sup></a>. His despatch was sent to the Emperor at Genoa<a id='r1600'></a><a href='#f1600' class='c016'><sup>[1600]</sup></a>. Next +day he wrote to the Count of Cifuentes, the Imperial ambassador +at Rome, chiefly about Mary’s affairs; at the end of his letter he +alluded to the rising, but thought it might turn out to be nothing +after all<a id='r1601'></a><a href='#f1601' class='c016'><sup>[1601]</sup></a>. On 14 October he reported to the Empress that there +was certainly a rebellion, and from the King’s preparations it seemed +to be a great one, but he still had no certain information<a id='r1602'></a><a href='#f1602' class='c016'><sup>[1602]</sup></a>. The next +day, apparently, he had obtained information, and sent his nephew +with an elaborate account of the whole affair to the Regent of the +Netherlands, advising her to help the rebels<a id='r1603'></a><a href='#f1603' class='c016'><sup>[1603]</sup></a>. By this time negotiations +for peace had been opened between Charles and Francis, but +the project proceeded slowly, though the Pope was very anxious to +reconcile them, in order that they might unite against Henry<a id='r1604'></a><a href='#f1604' class='c016'><sup>[1604]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Regent of the Netherlands sent to Calais for news on +24 October, and professed her willingness to help Henry against the +rebels<a id='r1605'></a><a href='#f1605' class='c016'><sup>[1605]</sup></a>. Lord Lisle, as in duty bound, replied before 28 October +that the disturbances were ended<a id='r1606'></a><a href='#f1606' class='c016'><sup>[1606]</sup></a>, and on 6 November received +congratulations from the Netherlands on the restoration of peace +in England<a id='r1607'></a><a href='#f1607' class='c016'><sup>[1607]</sup></a>. These professions of friendship did not receive much +credit in England. John Hutton, the English agent at Brussels, +wrote to Cromwell on 9 December that “there is large talking +of the rebellions in England.”<a id='r1608'></a><a href='#f1608' class='c016'><sup>[1608]</sup></a> Cromwell ordered him to buy +“500 pair of Almain rivets,” but the Regent’s Council refused to +<span class='pageno' id='Page_335'>335</span>license the export of harness, giving the excuse that the Emperor +needed all that could be procured. Cromwell was afraid that the +rebels were procuring arms from the Low Countries, but Hutton +assured him that they could not obtain much, as the Regent was +favourable to Henry, and the customs officers were so strict that +it would be difficult to smuggle weapons. Three ships had sailed +from Zeeland for Newcastle-upon-Tyne in November which might +have carried arms, but there was only one Newcastle vessel at +Antwerp on 13 December, with some men from Newcastle and +York, and one from Hull. Hutton promised to take care that she +carried nothing for the rebels<a id='r1609'></a><a href='#f1609' class='c016'><sup>[1609]</sup></a>. There is no evidence to prove +that the Pilgrims obtained any armour from the Netherlands, but +when William Morland entered Sir Robert Constable’s service at +Hull his master gave him a pair of Almain rivets, which he wore +when he carried Sir Robert’s banner<a id='r1610'></a><a href='#f1610' class='c016'><sup>[1610]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On 22 November Chapuys despatched from England the full +account of the Pilgrimage which has been described above<a id='r1611'></a><a href='#f1611' class='c016'><sup>[1611]</sup></a>, and on +24 November it was noted on one of the Emperor’s despatches that +the rebels in England had dispersed only after obtaining terms which +were disgraceful to the King<a id='r1612'></a><a href='#f1612' class='c016'><sup>[1612]</sup></a>. Charles V, however, refused to move +at all in the matter, either for or against the Pilgrims<a id='r1613'></a><a href='#f1613' class='c016'><sup>[1613]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The persons to whom the rising was of the greatest importance +were the Pope and Reginald Pole. At the beginning of October +Paul III summoned Pole to Rome, and, in spite of Henry’s positive +prohibition, Pole obeyed. He was at Sienna on his way there on +10 October<a id='r1614'></a><a href='#f1614' class='c016'><sup>[1614]</sup></a>. On his arrival he was lodged at the Vatican, and was +treated most kindly by the Pope<a id='r1615'></a><a href='#f1615' class='c016'><sup>[1615]</sup></a>. It is exceedingly difficult to +calculate how long it took for news to travel from England to Rome, +but it seems probable that when Pole arrived some account of the +Lincolnshire insurrection had been received there, as the Bishop of +Faenza wrote on 1 November to Ambrogio, the Pope’s secretary, +alluding to the rising as something of which they both had knowledge<a id='r1616'></a><a href='#f1616' class='c016'><sup>[1616]</sup></a>, +and on 6 November Dr Pedro Ortiz reported to the Empress +that a letter had come from the Regent of the Netherlands with +news that the rebels numbered 30,000 to 40,000 men<a id='r1617'></a><a href='#f1617' class='c016'><sup>[1617]</sup></a>. This was +probably taken from Eustace Chapuys’ letter of 15 October<a id='r1618'></a><a href='#f1618' class='c016'><sup>[1618]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_336'>336</span>When he heard this news, Reginald Pole cannot have failed to +see that a great opportunity lay before him. The question was how +to use it for the good of the Church. In circumstances not apparently +so favourable Henry of Richmond had invaded England, defeated the +King, married the rightful heiress, and established his dynasty upon +the throne. If Pole had been a man of that type, he would have +procured letters of censure upon Henry from the Pope, together with +all the money he could raise, and would have embarked for England +at once. But Pole’s was no ignoble personal ambition, and, although +he was not yet ordained, all his hopes and interests were bound up +in the Church of Rome. Though he abstained from taking the vows +of celibacy for many years, and was thus free to wed Mary if +necessary, he never seems to have looked upon the hypothetical +marriage as anything but a disagreeable duty which he might +be called upon to perform for the good of the Church. As far as +he himself was concerned he desired no part in the government of +England.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Pole was no adventurer, but he was also no crusader. His heart +did not leap up at the call to arms. He did not say to himself, +“My countrymen are prepared to fight and die for the True Faith. +I must be by their side.” His idea of his own mission was that +of a highly honoured ecclesiastic, returning, fully accredited, amidst +the most respectful enthusiasm, to his native land to reconcile to +a gracious Pope a deeply penitent monarch and a humbly joyful +nation. His dream at last came true, but the Lincolnshire rising +gave no immediate prospect of its fulfilment. In deciding whether +or no to join the rebels, Pole was really forced to choose between his +opinions and his prejudices. He had himself stated in his book that +he believed subjects were sometimes justified in rebelling against +their sovereign, and that Englishmen would in fact be justified in +rebelling against Henry. But that was a strange and terrible +opinion, which he had expressed more to frighten Henry than for +any other reason. The book was kept a dead secret, and only his +most intimate friends knew its contents. It was all very well to +write such things in a book, but if it came to putting his theories +into practice, he would be obliged to steal back to England secretly, +in constant fear of arrest, to go marching about in the mud with +a mob of undisciplined commons, to hold councils with their boorish +leaders in unknown provincial towns; and in doing all this he would +be acting openly and avowedly against Henry, the theologian, the +musician, his own cousin and early patron. The idea was revolting +<span class='pageno' id='Page_337'>337</span>to Pole, who was an aristocrat to his finger-tips. Accordingly he +simply remained in Rome, awaiting developments.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When Paul III first heard of the rebellion he was anxious to take +advantage of it. On 7 November he wrote to exhort Francis I to +unite with other Christian kings against Henry<a id='r1619'></a><a href='#f1619' class='c016'><sup>[1619]</sup></a>, and about the same +time the suggestion was made that Pole should be created a cardinal. +The news of this proposal reached England on 18 November, and +was received by Henry with the utmost indignation. Starkey wrote +to Pole in the King’s name and in the most positive terms forbade +him to accept such promotion<a id='r1620'></a><a href='#f1620' class='c016'><sup>[1620]</sup></a>. But Pole seems to have refused +before the prohibition could have reached him. Perhaps the above +suggestions as to his feelings are not wholly just, and his real +reason for declining to stir may have done his heart more credit. +His mother and brothers were in Henry’s power, and he knew that +any movement on his part might endanger their lives. Accordingly +he declined the honour which the Pope proposed to bestow upon +him expressly on account of his family<a id='r1621'></a><a href='#f1621' class='c016'><sup>[1621]</sup></a>. Pole did not realise that +he had already endangered their lives to such an extent that only +the most vigorous action could save them. Henry would never +forgive “De Unitate Ecclesiastica” and Pole’s journey to Rome. +Henceforward the King would bide his time, but in the end he +would strike. The unfortunate Poles did not perceive this. They +still thought that they had not gone too far for pardon, and thus, +fearing to injure them, Reginald Pole lost the last chance of saving +the lives of his nearest relatives.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On 21 November it was reported in Rome that the insurrection +in England was nearly pacified, and that Henry had marched against +the rebels in person<a id='r1622'></a><a href='#f1622' class='c016'><sup>[1622]</sup></a>. This referred, however, only to the Lincolnshire +rising. Chapuys knew as early as 14 November that the +Pope was thinking of sending Reginald Pole to England, and the +ambassador encouraged the idea warmly<a id='r1623'></a><a href='#f1623' class='c016'><sup>[1623]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On 24 November Cifuentes, the Imperial ambassador at Rome, +told the Pope that according to despatches from England, part of +the rebels had been crushed, and the rest were dispersing for want +of a leader<a id='r1624'></a><a href='#f1624' class='c016'><sup>[1624]</sup></a>. The Pope replied that he had had a letter from France, +dated 3 November<a id='r1625'></a><a href='#f1625' class='c016'><sup>[1625]</sup></a>, from which it appeared that the rebels were +holding their own, and that they had a leader whose name ended in +<span class='pageno' id='Page_338'>338</span>“folc” (Norfolk). The Pope also said that he had sent the rebels +money by means of a secret go-between in Picardy. There is no +further record of this money. Perhaps the secret Picard stole it. +At this time there was a rumour that the bull of privation against +Henry VIII had been printed. It was not published in Rome, but +it was suspected that the Pope intended to send it secretly to +England<a id='r1626'></a><a href='#f1626' class='c016'><sup>[1626]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On 26 November Faenza wrote that the insurrection in England +was appeased, and that Pole could not go there now without manifest +danger, but he ought to be in readiness, for it would be well to send +him as soon as fresh disturbances arose, the people held him in so +much esteem. Faenza proposed that Pole’s writings should be disseminated +in England to encourage people in the true faith<a id='r1627'></a><a href='#f1627' class='c016'><sup>[1627]</sup></a>. The +letter was sent from Paris, and cannot have reached Rome until +at least a week after the date of writing. In the meanwhile, on +29 November a letter arrived at Rome from England which was +dated 10 November. It does not appear who wrote it, but it contained +the news that there were seventy or eighty thousand of the +rebels, that the King’s troops were disaffected, and that the leaders +on both sides had determined to treat. Three honoured persons +were sent from the rebels to the King, hostages being given for +them, and they laid before him their demands:</p> + +<p class='c019'>(1) that the Pope should be acknowledged supreme head of the Church;</p> + +<p class='c019'>(2) that Queen Katharine’s marriage should be declared valid and Mary +proclaimed the legitimate heir to the throne;</p> + +<p class='c019'>(3) that the abbeys should not be suppressed;</p> + +<p class='c019'>(4) that recent statutes should be repealed;</p> + +<p class='c019'>(5) that Parliaments should be held as of old, without pensioners or +placemen.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was believed that the King would be compelled to grant these +demands, although he was very reluctant to do so<a id='r1628'></a><a href='#f1628' class='c016'><sup>[1628]</sup></a>. Naturally this +news caused the greatest rejoicing in Rome. Next day arrived +letters dated 12 November from the Regent of the Netherlands, in +which it was reported that Henry had quelled the first rebellion by +sending the Duke of Norfolk to the rebels with a promise of a +general pardon, but that when the insurgents had dispersed, the +King seized and executed fifty of the ringleaders. This caused a +much greater insurrection all over the island, and the Duke of +Norfolk, indignant at the King’s breach of faith, had joined the +rebels, who had seized several towns and forced the King to fly to +<span class='pageno' id='Page_339'>339</span>London<a id='r1629'></a><a href='#f1629' class='c016'><sup>[1629]</sup></a>. It is interesting to see how distorted the facts at the base of +this spirited narrative have become as they passed from mouth to mouth.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A more sober version of events came from France in a letter +announcing the betrothal of James V and Madeleine de Valois. In +this it was said that the rebels in England were negotiating with +Henry, and that the rising was practically at an end<a id='r1630'></a><a href='#f1630' class='c016'><sup>[1630]</sup></a>. There +was a story afloat on 16 December that the King of England had +consented to James’ marriage while the rebels were in arms, but +that as soon as they dispersed he had written to forbid it, though +his letter did not arrive until after the betrothal had taken place<a id='r1631'></a><a href='#f1631' class='c016'><sup>[1631]</sup></a>. +As a matter of fact Henry’s consent had never been asked, and the +rebels had not interested themselves in the subject. The satisfactory +tidings from England and France encouraged the Pope to make an +effort himself. Pole’s hesitation was overcome, and on 22 December, +1536, he was made a cardinal<a id='r1632'></a><a href='#f1632' class='c016'><sup>[1632]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is clear from these despatches that foreign courts were bewildered +between the English ambassadors’ assurances that the +rebellion was of no importance, on the one hand, and, on the other, +the exaggerated successes attributed to the Pilgrims in the letters +which from time to time eluded Henry’s vigilance.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is plain that neither Francis nor Charles had any real intention +of moving in the matter, Francis because he was still +half-tempted by the marriage between Mary and Orleans, and because +in any case he would only act through Scotland, Charles +because he was afraid of precipitating Mary’s French marriage, and +because he was exhausted by his disastrous Italian campaign.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Pope was half inclined to take action, and any encouragement +from him might really have had a good effect on the rebels, +but there was no one to advise him as to the measures which he +ought to take. Pole, having twice defied Henry, did no more, and +the precious time was allowed to slip away. If Pole had accepted the +Pope’s first offer of the cardinalate he might have been in England +by the time the news of the offer reached the King on 18 November, +for it was easy then to travel as fast as a letter. Pole might have +filled the pulpit at Pontefract in which Archbishop Lee proved so +ignominious a failure. His presence could not, of course, have prevented +the Reformation, but might have altered its whole progress in +England, whether for better or for worse. But these are mere fancies. +He did not come.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_341'>341</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER XIV<br> <span class='c004'>THE COUNCIL AT PONTEFRACT</span></h2> +</div> + +<p class='c015'>At the great council which was now approaching, the Pilgrims +were confronted by the very serious business of stating and justifying +their position. Obedience to the government in the sixteenth +century was not merely a theory or a convenience, as at the present +day; it was a fundamental duty. There were none of the methods +of peaceful opposition which are so common now. To resist the +government meant civil war and social anarchy—cattle driven, +houses burnt, women ravished, men slaughtered. The duty of +non-resistance was the first principle of self-preservation, and the +Pilgrims were not fulfilling that duty. They had risen in arms, +and they were seriously anxious to show that they had sufficient +grounds for this desperate step. Their justification was that the +Church was in danger. The Church had always upheld the duty +of obedience to the secular government, with but one important +reservation, that the Pope had the power to release subjects from +their allegiance if the King’s conduct was such that to obey him +was mortal sin. In the opinion of Pope Paul III, the crisis in +England entitled him to use this extreme power. He had prepared +a bull of deposition against Henry, but he lacked courage to publish +it. Though the people of England had heard rumours of this bull, +they knew nothing with certainty. The Pilgrimage of Grace had +lasted for two months without the smallest sign of approval arriving +from Rome.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was of the utmost importance to the success of the movement +that both gentlemen and commons should be convinced of the justice +of their cause, for it was their unity in faith alone which held them +together. As the Pope made no sign, the leaders resolved to obtain +the sanction of the Church, if possible, from her chief representatives +among themselves.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_342'>342</span>Even before the council at York, it had been proposed that the +clergy of the northern parts should be asked to define clearly +the ancient faith for which the Pilgrims had risen. After the +truce at Doncaster, Aske requested Archbishop Lee to make a +“book of the spiritual promotions,” but Lee did not reply<a id='r1633'></a><a href='#f1633' class='c016'><sup>[1633]</sup></a>. At +York it was resolved that the spiritual men of the north should +be bidden to prepare themselves for an assembly at Pontefract, +where they were requested to declare their opinion touching the +faith<a id='r1634'></a><a href='#f1634' class='c016'><sup>[1634]</sup></a>. William Babthorpe took this order to the Archbishop, who +was very reluctant to obey such a summons. He tried to persuade +Sir Robert Constable to give him leave to remain at home, but Sir +Robert would only agree to this if he would send his opinion to +the council in writing. Shortly before the assembly at Pontefract +Sir Ralph Ellerker, Robert Bowes and William Babthorpe waited +on the Archbishop and told him that he was expected to draw up +articles for the conference with Norfolk; Lee was very much alarmed, +though they explained that they meant articles concerning the faith. +He replied that he must first know on what points the Pilgrims +wished to consult the clergy, and Babthorpe wrote to Aske for a +statement of them, giving his own advice in the letter.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Aske with unsuspecting candour sent the Archbishop an outline +of the articles which he thought should be considered<a id='r1635'></a><a href='#f1635' class='c016'><sup>[1635]</sup></a>. This list of +questions proposed to the clergy may be the one contained in an +existing document, without heading or signature<a id='r1636'></a><a href='#f1636' class='c016'><sup>[1636]</sup></a>. Most of the +subjects mentioned in it were afterwards discussed at Pontefract, but +there was one point of great importance which was not raised there. +“If one oath be made and after one other oath to the contrary, and +by the latter oath the party is sworn to repute and take the first +oath void, whether it may be so by [<i>spiritual</i>] law or not<a id='r1637'></a><a href='#f1637' class='c016'><sup>[1637]</sup></a>?”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This was a pressing question to most of the Pilgrims; nearly all, +even the commons, had taken an oath of allegiance to the King, +and although their new oath had been framed so that it should not +directly contradict the former one, they could not hide from themselves +that its meaning was very different. But this problem did +not confront only the laymen. The English bishops had all taken +an oath of canonical obedience to the Pope on their first installation, +before the breach with Rome. The clergy had sworn to obey the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_343'>343</span>bishops in all lawful and canonical mandates, and to oppose all heresies +condemned by the Church. But in February 1535 the bishops had +made a solemn renunciation of any sort of obedience to the Pope, +and in June of the same year the oath of the clergy had been altered +to include a similar renunciation. In these cases also some attempt +had been made to avoid a direct contradiction of their first oaths. +The form laid before the bishops was not an oath, but a renunciation. +The clergy had not sworn to obey the Pope, but only to obey their +diocesans, who in turn obeyed the Pope<a id='r1638'></a><a href='#f1638' class='c016'><sup>[1638]</sup></a>. The parallel of the Pilgrims’ +case with that of the clergy was obvious, and might be so +inconvenient that it is no wonder they did not choose to argue the +point.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When he sent his list of questions, Aske referred them wholly +to the Archbishop as metropolitan<a id='r1639'></a><a href='#f1639' class='c016'><sup>[1639]</sup></a>, and begged that the clergy +should determine the points “whereupon we may danger battle.” +Lee assured Cromwell that as soon as he read this he resolved to +go to Pontefract, in order that he might explain to the misguided +people that they had nothing to fight for, as the King had taken +pains to have the faith clearly set forth in the Ten Articles, with +the consent of the bishops and clergy<a id='r1640'></a><a href='#f1640' class='c016'><sup>[1640]</sup></a>. It is impossible to avoid the +suspicion that he really went because he found the Pilgrims were +resolved to have either his written or his spoken word, and it was +easier to explain away the latter than the former.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A letter was sent to all the northern clergy “that they should +go a procession every day and send their minds, out of Holy Scripture +and the four doctors of the Church, touching the commons’ petition.” +Lee did not admit that he had anything to do with this letter, +though it was issued in his name<a id='r1641'></a><a href='#f1641' class='c016'><sup>[1641]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The leading north-country divines were summoned in person; +the less important clergy were requested to send their opinions in +writing<a id='r1642'></a><a href='#f1642' class='c016'><sup>[1642]</sup></a>. Grice brought one of these written opinions to Pontefract, +probably from a priest who lived near Wakefield<a id='r1643'></a><a href='#f1643' class='c016'><sup>[1643]</sup></a>. Hallam brought +two others from Watton. The alleged letter from the Archbishop +was brought to Watton by William Horskey, and the curate of +Watton forwarded it to a bachelor of divinity named Wade, who +lived near by. When he received it Wade said that there was not +time before the meeting to deal with such a difficult subject. The +<span class='pageno' id='Page_344'>344</span>other theologians of the neighbourhood were not so diffident. Thomas +Asheton, a young monk of Watton Priory, wrote a paper on the +supremacy “comparing Peter and his apostles.” Dr Swinburne, who +lived thereabouts, also wrote out his opinion on the same subject<a id='r1644'></a><a href='#f1644' class='c016'><sup>[1644]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As early as Tuesday 28 November the Pilgrims had begun to +assemble at Pontefract, and Shrewsbury was alarmed by the report +of their numbers. Sir Anthony Browne was sent by Norfolk to +guard the bridges at Doncaster and Rotherham<a id='r1645'></a><a href='#f1645' class='c016'><sup>[1645]</sup></a>. On 30 November +Darcy wrote from Templehurst to Shrewsbury and Hastings to assure +them that the meeting at Pontefract had no other object than to +draw up articles to lay before Norfolk, that the truce should be +observed, and that no treachery was intended at Doncaster, but all +earnestly hoped for peace<a id='r1646'></a><a href='#f1646' class='c016'><sup>[1646]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The leaders rode into Pontefract on Saturday, 2 December. Lord +Darcy took up his abode at the Castle; Aske went to the Priory, +and Lord Lumley to “Mr Henryson’s, the late mayor,” where he +displayed the banner of the Five Wounds<a id='r1647'></a><a href='#f1647' class='c016'><sup>[1647]</sup></a>. From all the districts +concerned in the Pilgrimage the “worshipful men” had been summoned, +as well as a certain number of yeomen and “well-horsed +commoners.”<a id='r1648'></a><a href='#f1648' class='c016'><sup>[1648]</sup></a> These, with the gentlemen’s servants, formed a picked +force, which Norfolk had some reason to regard with misgiving, +especially as more came than were summoned, a proof that the +Pilgrims’ zeal had not cooled. The towns were also represented. +For York the lord mayor and his council had elected Sir George +Lawson, the sheriff of the city, and six burgesses, with servants. +They were given money for new coats, presumably of the city livery, +ranging in price from 6<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> for Lawson’s to 2<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> for the servants’. +Their expenses were paid by the city which also provided them with +a tent and all other necessaries<a id='r1649'></a><a href='#f1649' class='c016'><sup>[1649]</sup></a>. With them came Richard Bowyer, +who was a burgess but not one of the chosen delegates<a id='r1650'></a><a href='#f1650' class='c016'><sup>[1650]</sup></a>. The companies +marched into Pontefract well harnessed and bringing with +them the latest achievement of military engineering, a bridge “to +shoot over any arm of the sea in this realm.” It was a device +which had been constructed by “one Diamond of Wakefield, a poor +man,”<a id='r1651'></a><a href='#f1651' class='c016'><sup>[1651]</sup></a> and must have been designed to make the Pilgrims independent +of the guarded bridges of the Don.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_345'>345</span>Early on this morning the leaders at Pontefract wrote to Norfolk +and Shrewsbury saying that as yet there were not above a hundred +assembled there, that they intended no treachery, and were awaiting +the safeconduct to treat with Norfolk. They expected the safeconduct +to arrive on Sunday, 3 December<a id='r1652'></a><a href='#f1652' class='c016'><sup>[1652]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Pilgrims’ council at Pontefract seems to have sat only from +Saturday, 2 December to Monday, 4 December, 1536. Aske frequently +remarked that the time was very short for all the work that +had to be done.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Among those present were:</p> + +<p class='c008'><i>Lords.</i> Scrope, Latimer, Conyers, Lumley, Darcy and Neville.</p> + +<p class='c008'><i>Knights.</i> Robert Constable, James Strangways, Christopher +Danby, Thomas Hilton, William Constable, John Constable, Peter +Vavasour, Ralph Ellerker, Christopher Hilliard, Robert Neville, +Oswald Wolsthrope, Edward Gower, George Darcy, William Fairfax, +Nicholas Fairfax, William Mallory, Ralph Bulmer, William Bulmer, +Stephen Hamerton, John Dawnye, Richard Tempest, Thomas +Johnson, Henry Gascoigne.</p> + +<p class='c008'><i>Gentlemen.</i> Robert Bowes, Robert Chaloner, William Babthorpe<a id='r1653'></a><a href='#f1653' class='c016'><sup>[1653]</sup></a>, +John Norton, Richard Norton, Roger Lassells, Mr Place, Mr Fulthorpe, +Richard Bowes, Delariver, Barton of Whenby, Richard Lassells, Mr +Redman, Hamerton, Mr Ralph Bulmer, Rither, Metham, Saltmarsh, +Palmes, Aclom, Rudston, Plumpton, Middleton, Mallory of Wothersome, +Allerton<a id='r1654'></a><a href='#f1654' class='c016'><sup>[1654]</sup></a>, Marmaduke Neville<a id='r1655'></a><a href='#f1655' class='c016'><sup>[1655]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><i>Commons.</i> Robert Pullen, Nicholas Musgrave and six others from +Penrith<a id='r1656'></a><a href='#f1656' class='c016'><sup>[1656]</sup></a>, William Collins and Brown from the borough of Kendal, +Mr Duckett, Edward Manser, Mr Strickland, Anthony Langthorn, +John Ayrey and Harry Bateman from the barony of Kendal<a id='r1657'></a><a href='#f1657' class='c016'><sup>[1657]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The only important captains who did not attend were Sir Thomas +Percy, who was busy in Northumberland, and Sir Thomas Tempest, +who had caught a chill “through being plunged in water in coming +from York”; Tempest sent an apology for his absence, and as the best +proof of his good faith he communicated his opinion on the various +points to be considered to Robert Bowes in writing<a id='r1658'></a><a href='#f1658' class='c016'><sup>[1658]</sup></a>; this was a +length to which few of the gentlemen would go, as it was making +permanent evidence against themselves.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_346'>346</span>It is not certain whereabouts in Pontefract the council was held, +but probably it was at the Priory.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The first business was to choose a certain number of gentlemen, +who should go to the Duke of Norfolk to lay before him the articles +and to bring back the safeconduct for the three hundred who were +to treat with the Duke<a id='r1659'></a><a href='#f1659' class='c016'><sup>[1659]</sup></a>. The procedure was as follows: the Herald +was sent to the Duke with the names of the first party, and brought +back safeconducts for them on Sunday, 3 December<a id='r1660'></a><a href='#f1660' class='c016'><sup>[1660]</sup></a>. The chosen +gentlemen were Sir Thomas Hilton, Sir William Constable, Sir Ralph +Ellerker, Sir Ralph Bulmer, Roger Lassells, Robert Bowes, Nicholas +Rudston, John Norton, William Babthorpe and Robert Chaloner, +each with two servants<a id='r1661'></a><a href='#f1661' class='c016'><sup>[1661]</sup></a>. On Monday, 4 December, they were to +take the articles to Doncaster and bring back the second safeconduct. +On Tuesday, 5 December, the great meeting was to take +place, at which it was hoped the leaders on both sides would be able +to make a satisfactory treaty.</p> + +<p class='c008'>After the gentlemen had been chosen, and the Herald despatched +with their names, it was necessary to agree upon the articles. +These had already been prepared by Aske in consultation with +Darcy and the other leaders from lists of grievances brought in by the +delegates, and from opinions in writing contributed by Sir Thomas +Tempest, Babthorpe, Chaloner and others. Aske copied out the +articles upon which they were all agreed, and returned the writings +to their owners<a id='r1662'></a><a href='#f1662' class='c016'><sup>[1662]</sup></a>. The list thus compiled was laid before the full +assembly. Each article was read aloud, and when it was accepted +the word “fiat” was written against it<a id='r1663'></a><a href='#f1663' class='c016'><sup>[1663]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The articles may be divided into four groups, containing respectively: +I. Religious, II. Constitutional, III. Legal, IV. Economic +Grievances.</p> + +<h3 class='c028'>I. <span class='sc'>Religious Grievances.</span></h3> + +<p class='c018'>Article (1) “To have the heresies of Luther, Wyclif, Husse, Melangton, +Elicampadus, Burcerus, Confessa Germanie, Apologia Melanctonis, the works +of Tyndall, of Barnys, of Marshall, Raskell, Seynt Germayne and other such +heresy of Anabaptist destroyed.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The impressive list of heretics was probably drawn up from books +which Richard Bowyer laid before the council as being heretical<a id='r1664'></a><a href='#f1664' class='c016'><sup>[1664]</sup></a>. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_347'>347</span>This was merely a general article to which the King would certainly +have agreed, and therefore it does not require further discussion.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(2) “The supremacy of the Church touching ‘<i>cura animarum</i>’ to be +reserved to the See of Rome as before. The consecration of the bishops to be +from him, without any first fruits or pensions to be paid to him, or else a +reasonable pension for the outward defence for the Faith.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This was an article of the greatest importance. It was on this +point that the papers brought in by Grice and Hallam had been +written. Two other papers on the same subject were put into +Aske’s hand, as poor men’s petitions. One, written in Latin, he +gave to Archbishop Lee, but he did not receive the other, which +was in English, until the conference was over<a id='r1665'></a><a href='#f1665' class='c016'><sup>[1665]</sup></a>. Sir Francis Bigod +wrote down his views in a paper which was a source of much future +trouble<a id='r1666'></a><a href='#f1666' class='c016'><sup>[1666]</sup></a>. There also remain some fragments of a list of Articles +drawn up in the form of a petition to the King, which was doubtless +brought by some of the representatives to Pontefract, although it +cannot be ascertained from which district it came<a id='r1667'></a><a href='#f1667' class='c016'><sup>[1667]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The number of papers on the question of the Supremacy shows +what deep feeling it aroused. Aske stated that every man grudged +against the Statute of Supremacy because it would cause England to +be divided from the universal Church<a id='r1668'></a><a href='#f1668' class='c016'><sup>[1668]</sup></a>. The council of the Pilgrims +was ready to petition that the Act might be annulled altogether, but +Aske advised them to insert the clause “touching <i>cura animarum</i>.”<a id='r1669'></a><a href='#f1669' class='c016'><sup>[1669]</sup></a> +Even on this point there were differences of opinion among the +Pilgrims. It will be remembered that the commons of Caistor in +Lincolnshire had said that they were ready to take the King for +supreme head of the Church<a id='r1670'></a><a href='#f1670' class='c016'><sup>[1670]</sup></a>. Darcy did not consider that excluding +the Pope from England was against the Faith<a id='r1671'></a><a href='#f1671' class='c016'><sup>[1671]</sup></a>, and Aske made it +appear that both Darcy and Constable agreed to include this among +the articles at his own request<a id='r1672'></a><a href='#f1672' class='c016'><sup>[1672]</sup></a>. The papal scandals of the last +century and the growing spirit of nationality made Henry’s proclamation +of independence not altogether distasteful, and there was +a feeling that the authority of the Pope in England might be limited +in some way, if the King could come to an agreement with him to +preserve the unity of Christendom. The nameless petition accepted +the King’s title of “supreme head of the Church in that it may +<span class='pageno' id='Page_348'>348</span>stand with the law of Christ,” but complained that “heretics, bishops ... +naughtily understanding that term ... enforce your Grace through +flattery and blind fables to grant them commissions and authorities +to exercise all manner of jurisdiction as well against the laws of God +as the authority of those [<i>the Pope’s</i>] councils, and so to make acts in +your parliaments and convocations to annul all laws and the sequel +that by the laws of God, of the Church, and of these councils should +be good throughout all the world approved and admitted for laws.”<a id='r1673'></a><a href='#f1673' class='c016'><sup>[1673]</sup></a> +In the list of questions which may be Aske’s, it is suggested that +“where his Highness is recognised to be the supreme head of the +Church of England,” yet as he is a temporal man and the cure of +souls and administration of sacraments are spiritual, “whereof necessity +must be one head,” and as the Bishop of Rome is the most +ancient bishop and has been admitted in all realms to have such +cure, it may please “our said sovereign lord” to admit him head +of spiritual matters, giving spiritual authority to the archbishops of +Canterbury and York, “so that the said bishop of Rome have no +further meddling<a id='r1674'></a><a href='#f1674' class='c016'><sup>[1674]</sup></a>.”?</p> + +<p class='c008'>In after days a compromise on these lines was long a cherished +dream of the high church party in England, and if Henry would have +allowed the discussion of his title, such an arrangement might have +been effected.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(4)<a id='r1675'></a><a href='#f1675' class='c016'><sup>[1675]</sup></a> “The suppressed abbeys to be restored to their houses, lands and +goods.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Here lay the chief cause of the rebellion. Aske constantly maintained +that the suppression of the abbeys and the divisions among +the preachers were alone sufficient to have made the commons rise, +apart from any other real or imaginary grievances. The case for the +monasteries was set forth by Aske in the answer to an interrogatory +which he wrote in the Tower. The draft is hastily written, in some +parts corrected, in others scarcely grammatical, but the skilful use of +words, and the swing and balance of the sentences show that Henry +had reason to fear Aske’s “filed tongue”:</p> + +<p class='c019'>“[As] to the statute of suppression, he did grudge against the same and so +did all the whole country, because the abbeys in the north parts gave great alms +to poor men and laudably served God; in which parts of late days they had but +small comfort by ghostly teaching. And by occasion of the said suppression +the divine service of almighty God is much minished, great number of masses +unsaid, and the blessed consecration of the sacrament now not used and showed +<span class='pageno' id='Page_349'>349</span>in those places, to the distress of the faith and spiritual comfort to man’s soul; +the temple of God russed<a id='r1676'></a><a href='#f1676' class='c016'><sup>[1676]</sup></a> and pulled down, the ornaments and relics of the +church of God unreverent used, the towns [<i>tombs</i>] and sepulchres of honourable +and noble men pulled down and sold, none hospitality now in those places kept, +but the farmers for the most part lets and taverns<a id='r1677'></a><a href='#f1677' class='c016'><sup>[1677]</sup></a> out the farms of the same +houses to other farmers, for lucre and advantage to themselves. And the profits +of these abbeys yearly goeth out of the country to the King’s highness, so that +in short space little money, by occasion of the said yearly rents, tenths and +first fruits, should be left in the said country, in consideration of the absence of +the King’s highness in those parts, want of his laws and the frequentation of +merchandise. Also divers and many of the said abbeys were in the mountains +and desert places, where the people be rude of conditions and not well taught +the law of God, and when the said abbeys stood, the said people not only had +worldly refreshing in their bodies but also spiritual refuge both by ghostly +living of them and also by spiritual information, and preaching; and many +their tenants were their fee’d servants to them, and serving-men, well succoured +by abbeys; and now not only these tenants and servants want refreshing there, +both of meat, cloth and wages and knoweth not now where to have any living, +but also strangers and baggers of corn as betwixt Yorkshire, Lancashire, Kendal, +Westmorland, and the Bishopric, [for there] was neither carriage of corn and +merchandise [but was] greatly succoured both horse and man by the said abbeys, +for none was in these parts denied, neither horsemeat nor mansmeat, so that the +people were greatly refreshed by the said abbeys, where now they have no such +succour; and wherefore the said statute of suppression was greatly to the decay +of the commonwealth of that country, and all those parts of all degrees greatly +grudged against the same, and yet doth, their duty of allegiance always saved.</p> + +<p class='c019'>“Also the abbeys were one of the beauties of this realm to all men and +strangers passing through the same; also all gentlemen [were] much succoured +in their needs with money, their young sons there succoured, and in nunneries +their daughters brought up in virtue; and also their evidences and money left +to the uses of infants in abbeys’ hands, always sure there; and such abbeys as +were near the danger of sea banks, [were] great maintainers of sea walls and +dykes, maintainers and builders of bridges and highways, [and] such other +things for the commonwealth.”<a id='r1678'></a><a href='#f1678' class='c016'><sup>[1678]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Even more enthusiastic evidence as to the virtues of the +monasteries was given by a Yorkshireman who lived near Roche +Abbey in the reign of Edward VI. He too praised the monks for +repairing the highways, for lending money to the needy, and for their +hospitality and charity. In addition he said that they were good +landlords, who never enclosed the common lands, and when corn was +scarce, would sell it “under the market” to bring down the price<a id='r1679'></a><a href='#f1679' class='c016'><sup>[1679]</sup></a>. +The Pilgrims’ marching song sets forth their praises with the greatest +simplicity:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c014'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_350'>350</span>“Alack, alack!</div> + <div class='line'>For the church’s sake</div> + <div class='line'>Poor commons wake</div> + <div class='line in4'>And no marvel!</div> + <div class='line'>For clear it is</div> + <div class='line'>The decay of this</div> + <div class='line'>How the poor shall miss</div> + <div class='line in4'>No tongue can tell.</div> + </div> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>For there they had</div> + <div class='line'>Both ale and bread</div> + <div class='line'>At time of need</div> + <div class='line in4'>And succour great</div> + <div class='line'>In all distress</div> + <div class='line'>And heaviness</div> + <div class='line in4'>And well entreat.</div> + </div> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>In trouble and care</div> + <div class='line'>When that we were</div> + <div class='line'>In manner all bare</div> + <div class='line in4'>Of our substance.</div> + <div class='line'>We found good bate</div> + <div class='line'>At churchmen’s gate</div> + <div class='line'>Without checkmate</div> + <div class='line in4'>Or variance.”<a id='r1680'></a><a href='#f1680' class='c016'><sup>[1680]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c020'>The anonymous petition is to the same effect, “Our petition is, the +same [<i>the statute of suppression</i>] to be annulled and a new qualified +order commodious to your Grace to be taken, so that the said +monasteries may stand and your commonalty and poor subjects +therein to be relieved, and the prayer for the founders and service +of God maintained.”<a id='r1681'></a><a href='#f1681' class='c016'><sup>[1681]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It will be observed that the monks are praised for their public +virtues. They might have done all this, except the education of +children, even if their private lives were stained with as many vices +as are mentioned in the Comperta. The people judged the monks +by their deeds, and that their deeds were on the whole good is shown +by the very fact that the King attacked them for their private lives, +concerning which it was impossible that there should be very reliable +evidence.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Allowance must be made for the fact that these eulogies were +written by partisans of the monks. Even in Yorkshire all the +monasteries did not attain this high standard, as for instance in +the case of Whitby, where the Abbot lived on his cliff like a robber +baron, in league with the pirates of the coast, and his fee’d men +fought with the townspeople, and carried on feuds with the servants +of the neighbouring gentlemen<a id='r1682'></a><a href='#f1682' class='c016'><sup>[1682]</sup></a>. Nevertheless from the whole evidence +it appears that in the north the abbeys still performed useful +social duties, and that their destruction was therefore a severe blow. +In the south, which was more civilised, their functions had been to +a great extent superseded and consequently their loss was less felt. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_351'>351</span>The wholesale suppression of all the monasteries, without more than +nominal discrimination between the useful and the useless, was +rightly felt by the Pilgrims to be a great injustice to the north.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In addition to the general objections to the suppression, Aske, +being a lawyer, noticed a flaw in the printed version of the statute. +He pointed out to Darcy and Constable that the Act granted to the +King all monasteries under the value of £200, without any definition +as to where the monasteries were situated, whether in England or +abroad. In consequence of this Aske considered the statute in that +form to be void, although he supposed that there might be “another +statute” [i.e. the original] which was fully and legally drawn up<a id='r1683'></a><a href='#f1683' class='c016'><sup>[1683]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(5) “To have the tenths and first fruits clearly discharged of the same +[monasteries] unless the clergy will grant a rent charge in generality to the +augmentation of the Crown.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The arguments against the Act of Annates<a id='r1684'></a><a href='#f1684' class='c016'><sup>[1684]</sup></a>, which granted the +first fruits to the King, were:</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) that no King of England had ever received them before;</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) that it had not been accepted by the Convocation of York;</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>c</i>) that in the case of monasteries it impoverished the monks +unduly, as they had nothing to live on during the first year of a new +abbot;</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>d</i>) that the money was sent out of the north, where there was +too little coin already;</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>e</i>) that ecclesiastical benefices might by death, deprivation, or +resignation become vacant several times in one year, and as the King +demanded first fruits on each new appointment, the value of the +benefice was for the time reduced to nothing, and in the case of +monasteries the brethren were completely ruined<a id='r1685'></a><a href='#f1685' class='c016'><sup>[1685]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This last complaint expresses the origin of the whole trouble. +The King’s argument was that tenths and first fruits had always +been paid to the Pope, and that the clergy were just as well able +to pay them to him. Also it was better that the money should +be kept in the kingdom and spent on the needs of the government +than that it should be sent abroad and nothing received in return. +But the payments to Rome had only fallen due at reasonably long +intervals; even then they had been a grievance, but now that they +were collected by the King at close quarters, and made to yield as +<span class='pageno' id='Page_352'>352</span>much as could possibly be squeezed out of the Church, the grievance +became intolerable.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The clergy themselves naturally wished that all the payments +should be abolished<a id='r1686'></a><a href='#f1686' class='c016'><sup>[1686]</sup></a>, but the laymen were of the opinion that though +the Statute of Firstfruits was “a decay to all religion,” the tenths +“might be borne well enough.”<a id='r1687'></a><a href='#f1687' class='c016'><sup>[1687]</sup></a> They were themselves petitioning +against the heavy taxes, and they did not intend that the clergy +should escape their share of the burden, although the laity were +willing to defend the clergy from extortion. The Pilgrims thought +that the case might be met by a fixed rent charge paid by the +Church to the Crown. The same idea is expressed in two of +the articles attributed to Aske. One complains of the “first fruits, +augmentations and other extortions that the lord Chancellor, lord +Cromwell and their servants yearly collect from all parts of the +realm.” The other, which is mutilated at the beginning, proposes +that a charge should be reserved, probably upon the monastic lands, +“which is thought to be sufficient for defence of the said realm and +maintenance of lawful war, if it be kept for the same use.”<a id='r1688'></a><a href='#f1688' class='c016'><sup>[1688]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c019'>(6) “To have the Friars Observants restored to their houses.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>As this order had been suppressed earlier than the others, by +different means and for different reasons<a id='r1689'></a><a href='#f1689' class='c016'><sup>[1689]</sup></a>, the repeal of the Act +of Suppression would not be sufficient to restore it, and it was +therefore mentioned separately.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(7) “To have the heretics, bishops and temporal, and their sect, to have +condign punishment by fire or such other, or else to try the quarrel with us and +our partakers in battle.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Aske said that this was taken from the Lincolnshire articles<a id='r1690'></a><a href='#f1690' class='c016'><sup>[1690]</sup></a>, +although it differed from them in naming none of the heretics. The +article was probably drawn up in this general form because the question +as to who were heretics was being very carefully discussed. The ten +articles of religion were accepted as being a satisfactory exposition of +the Faith. Archbishop Lee considered that they were all that could +be desired. Reginald Pole found no fault with their contents, which +he held to be in accordance with the Roman standard, although he +was shocked that they should be issued by the King’s authority<a id='r1691'></a><a href='#f1691' class='c016'><sup>[1691]</sup></a>. +The Pilgrims evaded this last difficulty by laying stress on the part +<span class='pageno' id='Page_353'>353</span>which Convocation had taken in drawing up the articles. In the +propositions attributed to Aske, it is desired “that the book of +articles lately commanded, by the advice of the Catholic bishops +and doctors, be taught,” and that those who offended against it +should be punished. Among the supposed offenders are named the +Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Rochester and Dublin, +the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Privy Seal, and probably others whose +names are lost<a id='r1692'></a><a href='#f1692' class='c016'><sup>[1692]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In order that heresy should be clearly defined, Robert Chaloner +laid before Aske, Constable, and the other leaders who drew up the +Pilgrims’ articles, a memorial on the subject. “In that book first +were, as it had been interrogatories to the spirituality, touching our +faith, to prove whose works and books were heresy by their opinion, +and who of the bishops and others preached and maintained these +books, being heresy, and by that means to have proved who, by their +opinion, had been heretics, as then it was said friar Barnes was for +his opinions put in the Tower.”<a id='r1693'></a><a href='#f1693' class='c016'><sup>[1693]</sup></a> Richard Bowyer laid before Aske +certain books which he “articled to be heresy.”<a id='r1694'></a><a href='#f1694' class='c016'><sup>[1694]</sup></a> In the course of +the discussion, Darcy declared that “he would be none heretic in +consenting to the opinions” expressed in “the new preaching of +certain new bishops.”<a id='r1695'></a><a href='#f1695' class='c016'><sup>[1695]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The books and the interrogatories were laid before the council +of divines in order that they might pronounce on their doctrines, +and meanwhile the laity expressed their opinion in this general +resolution.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Although no names were entered in the petition, the commons +“noted the bishops of Canterbury [<i>Cranmer</i>], Worcester [<i>Latimer</i>], +Rochester [<i>Hilsey</i>] and St David’s [<i>Barlow</i>] to be heretics.”<a id='r1696'></a><a href='#f1696' class='c016'><sup>[1696]</sup></a> It was +objected against all of them that they had been named in the +Lincolnshire petition, that they favoured the new learning and +the opinions of Luther and Tyndale, that they preached against the +religious orders and supported the Act of Suppression, disregarded +the customs and ceremonies of the Church, preached against the +Pope, and supported the royal supremacy. In particular it was +alleged against the Bishop of Worcester that “he was before +abjured, or else should have borne a faggot for his preaching,” +<span class='pageno' id='Page_354'>354</span>and against the Archbishop of Canterbury that he had not received +his pall from Rome, and that he had pronounced the divorce between +the King and Queen Katharine<a id='r1697'></a><a href='#f1697' class='c016'><sup>[1697]</sup></a>. It was also said, with a manifest +allusion to the execution of More and Fisher, that the King should +mingle mercy with justice, for though he had the power of life and +death, he could not bring to life a man who had been executed, and +therefore no one should be condemned without the counsel of the +most virtuous bishops, not of those who were mere time-servers<a id='r1698'></a><a href='#f1698' class='c016'><sup>[1698]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is easier to unite in hate than in love; all the Pilgrims may +not have been sound on the question of the papal supremacy, but +none of them had a good word to say for the heretic bishops. Still +the Pilgrims endeavoured to act fairly even by these men, for though +it cannot be denied that they would dearly have liked to burn them, +they referred their case for further consideration to the spirituality.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(11)<a id='r1699'></a><a href='#f1699' class='c016'><sup>[1699]</sup></a> “That Dr Legh and Dr Layton have condign punishment for their +extortions from religious houses and other abominable acts.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>After the council at York, Aske sent orders into Cumberland +and Westmorland that evidence should be collected as to the behaviour +of the monastic commissioners<a id='r1700'></a><a href='#f1700' class='c016'><sup>[1700]</sup></a>. The clergy in those parts +were out of sympathy with the Pilgrims and would determine nothing<a id='r1701'></a><a href='#f1701' class='c016'><sup>[1701]</sup></a>, +but similar orders were probably sent into other districts where the +witnesses were more willing. Only one fragment of their evidence +is preserved, and that not of a very serious character; it was said +that the servants of the commissioners used the vestments from the +suppressed abbeys for saddle-cloths<a id='r1702'></a><a href='#f1702' class='c016'><sup>[1702]</sup></a>. It is not certain what further +accusations were brought against Legh and Layton on this occasion, +but in 1539 one of Bishop Tunstall’s servants told a similar story. +The commissioners stripped the gold and silver from the relics of the +saints and threw the bones contemptuously away. On one occasion +they gave some ornamented relics to a bystander and “bade him +pluck off the silver and garnish his dagger withal,” but he, horror-stricken, +preserved what they gave him intact, and afterwards +gathered up the bones they had dishonoured<a id='r1703'></a><a href='#f1703' class='c016'><sup>[1703]</sup></a>. Such outrages +against popular feeling aroused the greatest indignation and “in +all parts of the realm men’s hearts much grudge ... against the +visitors, especially against Doctors Legh and Layton.”<a id='r1704'></a><a href='#f1704' class='c016'><sup>[1704]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_355'>355</span>(18) “The privileges and rights of the Church to be confirmed by Act of +Parliament. Priests not to suffer by the sword unless degraded. A man to be +saved by his book. Sanctuary to save a man for all causes in extreme need, +and the Church for forty days, and further according to the laws as they were +used in the beginning of the King’s days.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The first clause of this article is one of several which show the +Pilgrims’ respect for constitutional procedure. It was not enough +that the King should promise to grant their petition, the articles +must be ratified by the act of the whole nation.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The later clauses are frankly reactionary, but it may be urged in +their favour that the laws at that time were very severe, and were +enforced with great inequality. Any custom which tended to mitigate +their severity had a certain use, and might serve to give the poor +man a little protection against the rich. The abolition of privileges, +even of those which were open to so much abuse as the right of +sanctuary, made the weak more helpless.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the case of the punishment of priests without degradation, it +might fairly be maintained that a serious subject had been treated +too hastily, as the clause which put an end to this privilege had been +tacked on to the end of a re-enactment of some earlier statutes dealing +with sanctuary and benefit of clergy<a id='r1705'></a><a href='#f1705' class='c016'><sup>[1705]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(19) “The liberties of the Church to have their old customs, as the county +palatine of Durham, Beverley, Ripon, St Peter of York, and such other, by Act +of Parliament.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The policy of the Tudors was centralisation, but while the +central government was still so ineffective, the advantages of +centralisation were not as obvious as they are at present. Local +feeling was very strong, and all of the “liberties of the Church” +keenly resented any interference with their privileges, although with +the passing of the feudal system the reasons for their exemption had +disappeared. While the King was anxious to abolish privileges he +was slow to grant the equivalent rights; for instance, most of the +privileges of the county palatine of Durham were abolished, but +the shire of Durham was not allowed to send representatives to the +House of Commons. This article was included in deference to +the feelings of the men of Durham, Beverley and elsewhere, but the +point was not of much importance in itself.</p> + +<h3 class='c028'>II. <span class='sc'>Constitutional Grievances.</span></h3> + +<p class='c018'>(3) “That the Lady Mary may be made legitimate, and the former statute +therein annulled for the danger of the title that might incur to the crown of +Scotland: that to be by parliament.”</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_356'>356</span>All Henry’s efforts to obtain a legitimate male heir had ended +in plunging the question of the succession into hopeless confusion. +The acknowledgment of Mary was the solution which would be +most acceptable to the nation at large. She was beloved for her +own sake and for her mother’s, she was undoubtedly Henry’s +daughter, she represented the old faith, and she stood between +the crown and the detested Scots claim. The arguments in her +favour were set forth as follows:</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) Mary was legitimate “if any laws in Christendom may have +place.” The process by which her mother’s marriage was declared +void had been hurried through by the King while the cause was +still before the Court of Rome, the authority which both the parties +had acknowledged. “This cannot stand, a man to be both judge +in his own case and party.”<a id='r1706'></a><a href='#f1706' class='c016'><sup>[1706]</sup></a> Although the Archbishop of Canterbury +had pronounced the marriage null, yet he had no power to do so +while the cause was being tried before his superior, the Pope, and +the Archbishop’s own consecration was doubtful, as he had not +received the pall from Rome<a id='r1707'></a><a href='#f1707' class='c016'><sup>[1707]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) The statute which pronounced Mary to be illegitimate was +passed before the Pope’s decision on her mother’s appeal was known +in England<a id='r1708'></a><a href='#f1708' class='c016'><sup>[1708]</sup></a>, and it was unjust to condemn her to the penalty before +the judgment had been delivered<a id='r1709'></a><a href='#f1709' class='c016'><sup>[1709]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>c</i>) If the Pope’s decision was in her favour, she would still be +illegitimate by statute, from which it would appear that the statute +had been made “more for some displeasure towards her and her +friends, than for any just cause.”<a id='r1710'></a><a href='#f1710' class='c016'><sup>[1710]</sup></a> The wording of this objection +shows that the decision of the papal Consistory Court was not +generally known in England, although judgment had been given +in favour of Katharine more than two years before, on 23 March +1534<a id='r1711'></a><a href='#f1711' class='c016'><sup>[1711]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>d</i>) She and her friends did not deserve displeasure; they ought +rather to receive the highest consideration, as through her mother +she was related to the greatest European monarch, whose family had +long been allied with England<a id='r1712'></a><a href='#f1712' class='c016'><sup>[1712]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>e</i>) “The said Lady Mary ought to be favoured for her great +<span class='pageno' id='Page_357'>357</span>virtues then and yet esteemed to be in her ... for the said Lady Mary +is marvellously beloved for her virtue in the hearts of the people.”<a id='r1713'></a><a href='#f1713' class='c016'><sup>[1713]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>f</i>) She ought to be restored to the succession because her +cousin, Charles V, might take up her cause, and prohibit the +valuable trade with Flanders<a id='r1714'></a><a href='#f1714' class='c016'><sup>[1714]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(8) “Lord Cromwell, the Lord Chancellor [Audley] and Sir Richard Riche +to have condign punishment, as subvertors of the good laws of the realm and +maintainers and inventers of heretics.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Aske said little against Cromwell and his underlings except in +the matter of heresy<a id='r1715'></a><a href='#f1715' class='c016'><sup>[1715]</sup></a>. The expressions of less moderate men may +be learnt from the only one of the “books of advice” laid before the +council of Pilgrims which has been preserved. Aske mentioned three +such papers, Chaloner’s, Babthorpe’s and Sir Thomas Tempest’s<a id='r1716'></a><a href='#f1716' class='c016'><sup>[1716]</sup></a>. +Chaloner’s related principally to religion, and Babthorpe’s “touched but +few matters in the petitions;”<a id='r1717'></a><a href='#f1717' class='c016'><sup>[1717]</sup></a> it therefore seems probable that the +extant paper is the one which Sir Thomas Tempest sent to Pontefract +because he was too ill to come himself. In form it is to some extent +a reply to the King’s letter to the gentlemen. The exordium is that +“the King should [condescend to] our petition against the lollard +and traitor Thomas Cromwell, his disciples and adherents, or at least +exile him and them forth of the realm.” The writer begins by +discussing the question whether subjects have a right to appoint +the King’s Council, which Henry angrily denied. The Pilgrims, +however, pointed out that it was essential for the welfare of the +kingdom that the Council should be composed of patriots. If the +King appointed men merely because they were personally pleasing +to him, his subjects for his own sake must take some precaution, +as in the case of “the council of Paris in France,” for if the King +preferred his favourites to the nobles, baronage and commonwealth +of the realm, he would come to a miserable end like Rehoboam, +Edward II, and Richard II. After touching on some other points, +the writer enumerated Cromwell’s offences. He was a traitor to +the King, for he encouraged him to break his coronation oath, and +caused him to lose the love of his subjects by pillaging them, and +to lose the respect of foreign princes by his perjury. Cromwell +had boasted that he would make the King the richest prince in +Christendom, but instead of that he had made him the poorest, for +<span class='pageno' id='Page_358'>358</span>the riches of his kingdom were spent, his subjects were in rebellion, +and his allies abroad had grown hostile. The writer concluded by a +solemn warning that there could be no safety for any of the Pilgrims +until Cromwell was dead. They saw what was the fate of the +Lincolnshire rebels. Cromwell must be executed, and the treasure +which he and his disciples had accumulated might be used for the +good of the realm. If Cromwell were not put out of the way, it +would be better to fight while the rebels’ situation was so promising. +The Duke of Norfolk and the other southern noblemen ought to help +on the destruction of the archtraitor, “for their part is not unlike to +be in after this.”<a id='r1718'></a><a href='#f1718' class='c016'><sup>[1718]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>This invective shows clearly how successful Henry had been in +throwing the whole responsibility for his measures upon Cromwell’s +shoulders. The Pilgrims believed that they were saving both the +King and the country from the power of a wicked man. They did +not realise that Cromwell was the tool, not the principal.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Audley and Riche were not so much considered. They came in +for a share of the hatred excited by Cromwell, because they were +looked upon as his dependents. They had succeeded to the offices +formerly held by the good Sir Thomas More, Audley as Chancellor +and Riche as Speaker of the House of Commons<a id='r1719'></a><a href='#f1719' class='c016'><sup>[1719]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(12) “Reformation for the election of knights of the shire and burgesses, +and for the use among the lords in the parliament house after their ancient +custom.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Henry asserted that Parliament had sanctioned everything which +he had done. The Pilgrims retorted that “these parliaments were +of none authority nor virtue, for if they should be truly named, +they should be called councils of the King’s appointment, and not +parliaments.”<a id='r1720'></a><a href='#f1720' class='c016'><sup>[1720]</sup></a> Sir Thomas Tempest, if it was he, declared that +members were no longer elected, but were appointed by the King. +As an instance he mentioned Sir Francis Brian, who knew nothing +about the affairs of the borough<a id='r1721'></a><a href='#f1721' class='c016'><sup>[1721]</sup></a> which he nominally represented in +the last parliament. His seat was given to him in order that he +might speak against religion and make the grants which the King +demanded. Moreover it was no longer permitted that the King’s +affairs should be discussed in parliament, although the whole realm +suffered for the King’s sin, as Israel did for David’s<a id='r1722'></a><a href='#f1722' class='c016'><sup>[1722]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_359'>359</span>The propositions attributed to Aske mention the same points.</p> + +<p class='c019'>“Such persons as were elected to the said parliament were named in the +King’s letters....</p> + +<p class='c019'>Every burgess of parliament ought to be [an] inhabitant within the borough +he represents; yet many were to the contrary, yea, that of the worst sort.</p> + +<p class='c019'>The old custom was that none of the King’s servants should be of the +Commons’ House; yet most of that house were the King’s servants.</p> + +<p class='c019'>If a knight or a burgess died during parliament his room should continue +void to the end of the same<a id='r1723'></a><a href='#f1723' class='c016'><sup>[1723]</sup></a>; and it is not unknown that—”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Here the manuscript is mutilated, but at the end the writer +seems to be arguing that the acts of this packed House of Commons +were all void<a id='r1724'></a><a href='#f1724' class='c016'><sup>[1724]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Another parliamentary grievance was the insufficient representation +of the north. This was not due to any malice on the +part of the King, but rather to the poverty and indifference of the +Yorkshire boroughs. Members were returned by fifteen boroughs, +besides those for the shire and city of York, in the reigns of +Edward I and Edward III<a id='r1725'></a><a href='#f1725' class='c016'><sup>[1725]</sup></a>, but of these all but two had become +virtually disfranchised long before the reign of Henry VIII. In the +case of Pontefract, it was recorded that in the time of Henry VI a +return had been made for this place, but the inhabitants could not +afford to send a member<a id='r1726'></a><a href='#f1726' class='c016'><sup>[1726]</sup></a>. The other boroughs must have fallen off +in the same way during the Scots wars and the Wars of the Roses. +In 1529 Yorkshire sent to Westminster two knights of the shire, +two members each from the city of York and the borough of +Hull, which were separate counties, and two from the borough of +Scarborough<a id='r1727'></a><a href='#f1727' class='c016'><sup>[1727]</sup></a>. The returns for the parliament of 1536 are lost, +but according to Aske’s statement Scarborough was the only Yorkshire +borough represented in it, apart from York and Hull<a id='r1728'></a><a href='#f1728' class='c016'><sup>[1728]</sup></a>. It is +interesting to see that reawakened interest in political affairs made +the Yorkshire gentlemen regret the loss of their members, which +was due to the indifference of their ancestors.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was suggested at Doncaster that burgesses should be returned +by Beverley, Ripon, Richmond, Pontefract, Wakefield, Skipton and +Kendal<a id='r1729'></a><a href='#f1729' class='c016'><sup>[1729]</sup></a>, but it is not certain whether this point was discussed at +Pontefract<a id='r1730'></a><a href='#f1730' class='c016'><sup>[1730]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_360'>360</span>As for the ancient customs of the House of Lords, Darcy described +to Aske recent innovations. In the first place, matters touching the +spiritual authority had formerly been determined in Convocation and +not by the Lords.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Secondly, it had been usual for the Lords to begin their proceedings +after mass, by reading the first chapter of Magna Carta, +“touching the rights and liberties of the Church,” but this custom +had been discontinued. It seems to be alluded to in the list of +propositions attributed to Aske, “that the Church of England may +enjoy the liberties granted them by Magna Carta, and used until six +or seven years past.”<a id='r1731'></a><a href='#f1731' class='c016'><sup>[1731]</sup></a> The Pilgrims anticipated the “discovery” of +Magna Carta (so far as it affected the Church) by the parliamentary +opponents of the Stewarts<a id='r1732'></a><a href='#f1732' class='c016'><sup>[1732]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Thirdly, when any bill touching the prerogative of the crown +was introduced into the House of Commons, it had been customary +for the Lords to request to have a copy of it, that they might take +counsel’s opinion as to whether the bill was constitutional; but of +late they had had great difficulty in obtaining copies of the bills, +partly through “default in those of the Chancery in the use of their +office amongst the lords,” and partly because the bills were rushed +through both houses without proper warning<a id='r1733'></a><a href='#f1733' class='c016'><sup>[1733]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Thus the twelfth article in the Pilgrims’ petition comprised the +following points:</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) that the King should not interfere in elections;</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) that complete freedom of speech should be enjoyed in the +House of Commons;</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>c</i>) that additional representation should be given to Yorkshire;</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>d</i>) that spiritual matters should be dealt with by Convocation;</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>e</i>) that the House of Lords should be supplied with copies of +the bills laid before the House of Commons.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(15) “To have a parliament at Nottingham or York, and that shortly.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This was the necessary corollary of the last article. The reformed +parliament must meet at once to undo the work of its corrupt predecessors, +and it must be held at some place where it would not be +so completely in the power of the King as it was at Westminster. +The Pilgrims did not believe that there would be freedom of debate +so near the Tower, but at York a brave man might venture to utter +an opinion which it would be mere suicide to whisper in London.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_361'>361</span>This article and the preceding one bear upon the vexed question +of whether there was or was not freedom of speech in Henry VIII’s +parliaments. Without plunging into that controversy, we must +simply note that the Pilgrims believed there ought to be freedom +of speech, but did not believe that it existed. One scrap of evidence +comes from Lord Montague, who used to talk over the business +just transacted in Parliament with the Earl of Huntingdon. They +both “did always grudge and murmur against things determined +there,” and “would say they were but knaves and heretics that gave +over, and that such as did agree to things there did the same for +fear.”<a id='r1734'></a><a href='#f1734' class='c016'><sup>[1734]</sup></a> This may have been merely the peevishness of a defeated +opposition<a id='r1735'></a><a href='#f1735' class='c016'><sup>[1735]</sup></a>, but the Pilgrims had some grounds for their belief, +as Darcy, after opposing a royal measure, had not been allowed to +resume his seat in the House of Lords. In any case this demand +of the Pilgrims is worth noting. Their expedient for securing free +speech appears rather primitive, but it is necessary to bear in mind +what a great difference there was at that period between the home +counties and the more remote parts of England. Henry himself +could not seize a man until he came within his reach, and the King’s +arm was not long. This makes it the more extraordinary that he +was able to lure so many of his victims into his grasp.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(17) “Pardon by Act of Parliament for all recognizances, statutes and +penalties new forfeited during the time of this commotion.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The general act of indemnity was the first work which the new +parliament would be called upon to do.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(16) “The statute of the declaration of the crown by will to be repealed.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This statute aroused great indignation. Among the commons +it was believed to have been framed in order that Cromwell himself +might be brought into the succession<a id='r1736'></a><a href='#f1736' class='c016'><sup>[1736]</sup></a>. Aske and his more enlightened +colleagues were not deceived by this wild fancy, but they +had substantial reasons to urge against the statute:</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) First and most important from an Englishman’s point of +view, there had never been such a law before<a id='r1737'></a><a href='#f1737' class='c016'><sup>[1737]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) Private men did not enjoy the right of bequeathing their +lands as they pleased, although such a right would be very beneficial +to them for the payment of their debts and provision for their +younger children. It was unreasonable to give this power to the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_362'>362</span>King, who required it less than a private man, and thereby to make +a distinction between inheritance of the crown of England and +inheritance of private property in England<a id='r1738'></a><a href='#f1738' class='c016'><sup>[1738]</sup></a>. This is an allusion +to the unpopular Statute of Uses.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>c</i>) Henry IV had made an entail of the crown, but Edward IV +had repealed it, by the advice of his wise men. Henry VII had also +wished to make an entail, but had been prevented, “and King +Henry VII was bruited and called the wisest prince and king of +the world.”<a id='r1739'></a><a href='#f1739' class='c016'><sup>[1739]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>This point was characteristic of all the Lancastrian kings. As +their title to the crown by descent was defective, they sought to +have it confirmed by parliament<a id='r1740'></a><a href='#f1740' class='c016'><sup>[1740]</sup></a>. It is curious that Aske should +have thought that Henry VII did not make such a settlement, for +the first statute of his first parliament confirmed the crown of +England to himself and his heirs, as had been done in the case of +Henry IV<a id='r1741'></a><a href='#f1741' class='c016'><sup>[1741]</sup></a>. There is however a great difference between these acts +and that of Henry VIII. In the earlier measures the crown was +expressly entailed on the King’s heirs according to the law of the +land, whereas Henry was empowered to name his own heir.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>d</i>) If the King willed the crown away from the rightful heir +apparent, i.e. his next of kin, the result would be a war of succession, +as it would be impossible to try the case, because there were no +precedents<a id='r1742'></a><a href='#f1742' class='c016'><sup>[1742]</sup></a>. One of the questions to be put to the clergy, in the +list which is possibly Aske’s, bears on this point,—“If the King +by his last will will his realm after his death, especially out of the +right line of inheritance, whether his subjects are bound by God’s +laws to obey the will?”<a id='r1743'></a><a href='#f1743' class='c016'><sup>[1743]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In this objection Aske goes right to the heart of the position +taken up by the defenders of the act. They are unanimous in +saying that the nation delegated such power to the King in order +to avoid civil war on his death. But it appeared to the Pilgrims +that the act, far from averting a war of succession, made such a +catastrophe almost inevitable. If the King merely named his natural +heir as his successor, the act was pointless, for that person would +have succeeded in any case. The late King’s will might strengthen +his or her position, but could have no material importance. The +<span class='pageno' id='Page_363'>363</span>only object of the statute, they thought, must be to enable the King +to alter the succession “out of the right line of inheritance,” and +there could be no possible guarantee that the disinherited heir by +birth would acknowledge the statute to be binding. The Pilgrims +concluded from these arguments that the statute should either be +annulled altogether, leaving the crown to descend according to the +law of the land, or else that the King’s heir should be named at once +by act of parliament<a id='r1744'></a><a href='#f1744' class='c016'><sup>[1744]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>e</i>) The next objection brought against the statute shows the +direction which the gentlemen’s fears were taking. “If the crown +were given by the King’s highness to an alien, as we doubt not his +grace will not do so, how should this alien by reason have it, for he +in his person was not made able to take it, no more than if I would +give lands to an alien, it is a void gift to the alien, because he is +not born under the allegiance of this crown.”<a id='r1745'></a><a href='#f1745' class='c016'><sup>[1745]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The gentlemen did not believe that Henry could or would make +Cromwell his heir, but they feared that he might bring into the +succession the King of Scotland, or still more probably James V’s +half-sister, Lady Margaret Douglas. The idea of a Scots monarch +sitting on the throne of England was detested in the north, and if +Henry VIII had allowed his bitterness against his daughter Mary to +carry him so far as to alter the succession in favour of her cousins, +there can be no doubt that war would have followed.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>f</i>) Finally it would appear very strange and ridiculous to other +nations that in England there should be one law for the King and +another for the people, and, what was still more inconvenient, that +it should not be known who was the heir to the crown until after the +King’s death<a id='r1746'></a><a href='#f1746' class='c016'><sup>[1746]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>For all these reasons and many more “not necessary to be opened, +unless it were in parliament,” the Pilgrims determined that the +statute ought to be repealed.</p> + +<h3 class='c028'>III. <span class='sc'>Legal Grievances.</span></h3> + +<p class='c018'>(10) “The statute of handguns and crossbows to be repealed, except in the +King’s parks or forests.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This statute was a re-enactment of two earlier statutes, which +prohibited the use of handguns and crossbows to persons whose +income was less than £100 a year. Exceptions from its operation +were made in favour of towns and fortresses on or within seven +<span class='pageno' id='Page_364'>364</span>miles of the coast, or the Scots marches, and also in favour of the +inhabitants of Northumberland, Durham, Westmorland and Cumberland<a id='r1747'></a><a href='#f1747' class='c016'><sup>[1747]</sup></a>. +Its object was to keep up the practice of shooting with +the long bow, which was falling into disuse, but all such attempts +at coercion are inevitably unpopular, and this statute must have +been particularly resented in Yorkshire, by reason of the contrast +with the neighbouring counties which were exempted from its +provisions.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Apart from any such local feeling there was a deeper motive in +the opposition to this statute. The men of England dimly perceived +that in their weapons lay their last hope of freedom. Legislation +even about the nature of their weapons roused their suspicions. +They felt that it would make a distinction between themselves and +the regular soldiers whom the King might employ. The long bow, +still the principal instrument of war in England, was becoming +obsolete and the English bowmen respected if they did not fear +the arquebus men used in the continental wars. The success of the +Pilgrimage up to this point was in fact due to the absence of any +trained soldiers in England. The revolt in Germany was crushed +by the veterans who returned home from Italy after the battle of +Pavia<a id='r1748'></a><a href='#f1748' class='c016'><sup>[1748]</sup></a>. The Norfolk rebellion in 1549 was suppressed by means +of German and Italian mercenaries<a id='r1749'></a><a href='#f1749' class='c016'><sup>[1749]</sup></a>. Henry’s foreign wars had been +too brief to produce bodies of seasoned troopers, and it must be put +to his credit that he had not yet employed mercenaries. But he +might do so whenever he saw fit, and to equalise matters as far as +possible the commons wished to be free to use whatever weapons +they found most effective.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(20) “To have the statute that no man shall not will his lands repealed.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This was the Statute of Uses, which has already been discussed +so fully<a id='r1750'></a><a href='#f1750' class='c016'><sup>[1750]</sup></a> that it is not necessary to do more than recapitulate Aske’s +arguments against it. He seems to have considered that the law +with respect to the inheritance of land held in chief of the King +had been unsatisfactory before the statute was passed, and he said +that this article would not have been included if it had not occurred +in the Lincolnshire petition. When he went to court he declared +his opinion of the old law fully to the King<a id='r1751'></a><a href='#f1751' class='c016'><sup>[1751]</sup></a>. In the propositions +<span class='pageno' id='Page_365'>365</span>attributed to Aske there are two mutilated articles which appear +to suggest that the King should cause inquisition to be made, and +the Exchequer rolls to be searched, in order that it might be clearly +ascertained which were the lands held in chief of the King, as at +present much trouble and expense was caused by uncertainty on +this point<a id='r1752'></a><a href='#f1752' class='c016'><sup>[1752]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But Aske did not consider that the Statute of Uses was rightly +framed to reform the old state of things. In the first place it gave +a man in some ways more opportunity of defeating the royal claims +on his lands; secondly, it altered the old forms of pleading at law +and introduced great confusion; thirdly, it prevented men from raising +money on their lands by making it possible for their sons to repudiate +their debts<a id='r1753'></a><a href='#f1753' class='c016'><sup>[1753]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The first objection roused the interest of his examiners, and +they wanted to know how the King’s rights might now be defeated<a id='r1754'></a><a href='#f1754' class='c016'><sup>[1754]</sup></a>. +Aske replied that it was difficult for him to set forth the matter, +as he had been separated from his books for so long, but the judges +and others deeply learned in the law could explain it, and there was +one case which he himself could give from his own knowledge<a id='r1755'></a><a href='#f1755' class='c016'><sup>[1755]</sup></a>. +“If a man held land of the King as of his duchy or of the crown, +and have licence to alien and do alien to an estranger to the use +of the stranger, upon condition that he shall execute an estatute to +him for term of his life, the remainder thereof to his son or heir +apparent, and to the heirs of his body legitime, the remainder in +fee simple to a younger of his sons or daughters or to an estranger, +in this case his son cannot be in ward, nor the lands, for he comes +in after his father as a purchaser; and collusion it cannot be, because +the remainder of the fee simple is in a stranger.”<a id='r1756'></a><a href='#f1756' class='c016'><sup>[1756]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Aske was expressing the lawyer’s point of view in this. Most +of the gentlemen assembled at Pontefract would object to the +Statute of Uses, not because it could be evaded, but because they +did not for the moment see how to evade it. In the end Aske’s +view proved to be correct, and the effects of the statute were the +very opposite to those which the King expected<a id='r1757'></a><a href='#f1757' class='c016'><sup>[1757]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(21) “The statutes of treasons for words and such-like made since +21 Henry VIII to be repealed.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The chief reason that the people grudged against the treason +<span class='pageno' id='Page_366'>366</span>laws was that they were prohibited from discussing the King’s +title of supreme head of the Church. They “thought it very +strait that a man might not declare his conscience in such a great +case,” for it was a matter that touched the health of their souls<a id='r1758'></a><a href='#f1758' class='c016'><sup>[1758]</sup></a>. +There seem to be one or two allusions to the treason laws in the +paper attributed to Sir Thomas Tempest. One has been noted +above<a id='r1759'></a><a href='#f1759' class='c016'><sup>[1759]</sup></a>. Another may be implied when the writer refers to the +good days of Henry VII, who allowed men condemned to death to +buy their pardons, and “if the faulter had amend[ed] his condition +and grown to be a good man again, when he had amended the King +would have withdrawn his wrath and by one mean or other have +looked so of him that he should have had such a thing as should +help him as much as his fine hindered him.”<a id='r1760'></a><a href='#f1760' class='c016'><sup>[1760]</sup></a> In the propositions +attributed to Aske it is requested that “acts of parliament ... contrary +to the law of God may be avoided [made void] and the acts concerning +high treason reformed.”<a id='r1761'></a><a href='#f1761' class='c016'><sup>[1761]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>On the whole there was little discussion of these terrible laws, +because no one ventured to criticise them. Aske’s reply to a question +on the subject breaks off suddenly, as if even his examiners in the +Tower did not dare to hear all that an outspoken man could say on +the subject<a id='r1762'></a><a href='#f1762' class='c016'><sup>[1762]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(22) “That the common laws may have place as was used in the beginning +of the reign, and that no injunctions be granted unless the matter has been +determined in Chancery.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This and the following article are included in one among the +propositions attributed to Aske: “that the laws may be used as +at the beginning of the King’s reign, and that injunctions, subpoenas, +and privy seals be not granted so commonly and into +countries distant from London as of late time they have been.”<a id='r1763'></a><a href='#f1763' class='c016'><sup>[1763]</sup></a> +In another place Aske accused Audley the Lord Chancellor of +“playing of ambedexter in granting and dissolving of injunctions.”<a id='r1764'></a><a href='#f1764' class='c016'><sup>[1764]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The theory which underlay the Chancellor’s power to grant +injunctions is well known. The Common Law courts administered +justice according to law and precedent, but this, although sufficient +in the average case, might bear hardly on individuals in special +cases. When this happened, the individual had the power to appeal +<span class='pageno' id='Page_367'>367</span>to the Chancellor who, as keeper of the King’s conscience, was able +to grant “grace,” “conscience,” or “equity,” in the form of an injunction +which bound the other party in the suit either to refrain +from prosecuting in a particular court, or to cease from the conduct +which was causing complaint<a id='r1765'></a><a href='#f1765' class='c016'><sup>[1765]</sup></a>. There was no objection to this power +in general, except the universal one that the remedy was in practice +open only to the rich, but in the hands of such a man as Audley the +granting of injunctions was liable to abuse. The Pilgrims’ article +“means that the chancery may interfere with an action at common +law, only if that action is opening a question already decided in the +chancery.”<a id='r1766'></a><a href='#f1766' class='c016'><sup>[1766]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>At this particular period, however, the Chancellor’s power had +another and more dangerous aspect. There is some reason to +believe that England was on the verge of a “Reception” of the +Civil Code of Justinian similar to that which took place in Germany. +Although Reginald Pole was an admirer of the Civil Law<a id='r1767'></a><a href='#f1767' class='c016'><sup>[1767]</sup></a>, yet its +chief advocates were found among Henry’s chosen servants, Gardiner, +Bonner, Layton, Legh<a id='r1768'></a><a href='#f1768' class='c016'><sup>[1768]</sup></a> and others, and “partly by injunctions, as +well before verdicts, judgments and executions as after, and partly +by writs of Sub Poena issuing out of the King’s court of chancery” +the “Common Laws of this realm ... hath not been only stayed of +their direct course, but also many times altered and violated by +reason of Decrees made in the said court of chancery, most grounded +upon law civil and upon matter depending in the conscience and +discretion of the hearers thereof, who being civilians and not learned +in the Common Laws, setting aside the said Common Laws, determine +the weighty causes of this realm according either to the said Law +Civil or to their own conscience; which Law Civil is to the subjects +of this realm unknown, and they not bound nor inheritable to +the same law, and which judgments and decrees grounded upon +conscience are not grounded nor made upon any rule certain or +law written.”<a id='r1769'></a><a href='#f1769' class='c016'><sup>[1769]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The great bulwark of English Common Law against the Civil Law +was the body of lawyers of the inns of court<a id='r1770'></a><a href='#f1770' class='c016'><sup>[1770]</sup></a>, and these champions +were numerously represented among the Pilgrims, in whose ranks +they carried on the struggle with weapons in their hands. Maitland +says, “It will be seen that in 1536 the cause of ‘the common laws’ +<span class='pageno' id='Page_368'>368</span>found itself in very queer company; illiterate, monkish and papistical +company, which apparently has made a man of ‘Anibaptist.’”<a id='r1771'></a><a href='#f1771' class='c016'><sup>[1771]</sup></a> If +the great jurist had gone more deeply into the Pilgrimage of Grace, +he would have been surprised to find how familiar that company was +to him.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(23) “That men north of Trent summoned on subpoena appear at York, +or by attorney, unless it be directed on pain of allegiance, or for like matters +concerning the King.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This article is closely connected with the preceding one. It is +another illustration of the wide separation that there was between +London and the North, when the journey was long, costly and +dangerous, and the countryman in London found himself in a +strange land.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(24) “A remedy against escheators for finding false offices and extorting +fees.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This was one of the grievances connected with the Statute of +Uses, and it is mentioned in the propositions attributed to Aske +under that heading. As the lands held <i>in capite</i> are not certainly +known “certain of the Exchequer for money finds untrue offices +against the King and in like case oftentimes bribes and extortions +the King’s —.” Here the manuscript is mutilated<a id='r1772'></a><a href='#f1772' class='c016'><sup>[1772]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Complaints against escheators are older than the Statute of +Uses, and occur among the grievances of the rebels in almost all +revolts, both before and after the Pilgrimage. The escheators were +the King’s servants, who used their authority to bully and plunder +the provincials. Another of the propositions attributed to Aske +refers to the same injuries; it is against those who obtain “rooms” +and “offices” “for maintenance of their authority and their children’s +blood,” and who have “bribed and extortioned the King’s subjects.” +It is requested that they may be punished and honourable men put +in their places<a id='r1773'></a><a href='#f1773' class='c016'><sup>[1773]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Pilgrims associated all such abuses with Cromwell. The +writer supposed to be Sir Thomas Tempest complained that +Cromwell’s servants and his servants’ servants “thinks to have the +law in every place here ordered at their commandment, and will +take upon them to command sheriff, justices of peace, coram and +of session in their master’s name at their pleasure, witness Brabson +and Dakyns.”<a id='r1774'></a><a href='#f1774' class='c016'><sup>[1774]</sup></a></p> + +<div> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_369'>369</span> + <h3 class='c028'>IV. <span class='sc'>Economic Grievances.</span></h3> +</div> + +<p class='c018'>(9) “That the lands in Westmorland, Cumberland, Kendal, Dent, Sedbergh, +Furness, and the abbey lands in Mashamshire, Kirkbyshire, Netherdale, may be +by tenant right, and the lord to have, at every change, two years’ rent for +gressom, according to the grant now made by the lords to the commons there. +This to be done by Act of Parliament.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The “gressom,” “ingressum” or “gyrsuma” was the fine paid +by a tenant on entering upon his lands. In order to understand +the peasants’ grievances with respect to this fine, it is necessary +to sketch the position of the tenant with regard to his landlord in +these districts.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The commons of the districts named in the article held their +lands by tenant right. “In this mode of tenure, the lord could not +impose his will on the tenant—they were joint owners. The rights +of lord and tenant were determined by the custom of the manor. +When a tenant died, his estate escheated to the lord till the heir +was declared as in tenure in capite. The lord was obliged to admit +the heir, and the fine on admission was not arbitrary, like some +other phases of tenure, but according to the custom of the manor.” +In the thirteenth century a fine of one year’s rent seems to have +been usual<a id='r1775'></a><a href='#f1775' class='c016'><sup>[1775]</sup></a>. After the Black Death, when it was very difficult to +find tenants, the lords of manors were often content with merely +nominal fines; in 1358 at Pittington in Durham a tenant came in +on payment of “one urchinne,” i.e. a hedgehog<a id='r1776'></a><a href='#f1776' class='c016'><sup>[1776]</sup></a>. But with the +increase of enclosure and sheep-farming, the position of the lord +altered completely. The tenant was no longer necessary to him, +and the lord therefore began to disregard the custom of the manor +and to demand much higher fines. If the tenant could pay, it was +so much ready money into the lord’s pocket. If he could not, he +was evicted and the farm was thrown open as part of the lord’s +sheep pastures. This was going on all over the country. In a case +which was brought before the Court of Star Chamber in 1527, the +fine of land at Thingdon in Northamptonshire was raised from +6<i>s.</i> 3½<i>d.</i> to 30<i>s.</i><a id='r1777'></a><a href='#f1777' class='c016'><sup>[1777]</sup></a> The commons of Kendal complained that where +the ingressum had been 4 marks it was now £40<a id='r1778'></a><a href='#f1778' class='c016'><sup>[1778]</sup></a>. When they took +<span class='pageno' id='Page_370'>370</span>up arms the first thing they did was to force their landlord to +promise that he would observe their ancient customs with regard +to the ingressum. From the wording of the article it appears that +such promises had been obtained in other districts also.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The commons of Westmorland demanded that “consernynge ye +gyrsumes for power mens to bee layd aparte bot only penny farm +penny gyrsum.”<a id='r1779'></a><a href='#f1779' class='c016'><sup>[1779]</sup></a> The fixing of the fine at two years’ rent, as requested +in the article, finally became law in 1781<a id='r1780'></a><a href='#f1780' class='c016'><sup>[1780]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The rising in Cumberland and Westmorland bears a much closer +resemblance to the various peasant revolts in Germany than do the +movements in the other counties<a id='r1781'></a><a href='#f1781' class='c016'><sup>[1781]</sup></a>. Thus in the proclamation drawn +up at Penrith by Robert Thompson, the rebels were commanded to +say daily five aves, five paters and a creed, which recalls the Bruchsal +insurgents of 1502, who bound themselves to say five aves and five +paternosters daily<a id='r1782'></a><a href='#f1782' class='c016'><sup>[1782]</sup></a>. There is a striking correspondence between the +petition of the commons of Westmorland dated 15 November 1536<a id='r1783'></a><a href='#f1783' class='c016'><sup>[1783]</sup></a>, +and the Twelve Articles of the Swabian Peasants in 1525<a id='r1784'></a><a href='#f1784' class='c016'><sup>[1784]</sup></a>, despite +the fact that the former were rising, nominally at least, on behalf of +the Church, and the latter against it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The first of the Twelve Articles required “that ministers should +be chosen by the whole congregation,—If they misconducted themselves +their parishioners should be empowered to remove them.” +The commons of Westmorland wished to turn out non-resident +incumbents “ytt we may putt in yair rowmes to serve God oder +yt wald be glad to keep hospytallyte for sum of yam ar no preestes +yt hath ye benefyce in hand and oder of yam is my lord Cr[om]well +chapplaynes.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The second of the Twelve Articles required that “only the great +tithes [of wheat and other grain] ... should be in future exacted, and +not the small tithes [of the produce of animals and the minor crops].” +The commons of Westmorland wished “all ye tythes to remayn to +every man hys owne doynge yerfor accordynge to yair dewtye,” +which must mean that the tithes should be replaced by a voluntary +subscription.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the sixth article the peasants demanded that “no feudal +services were to be exacted beyond those which could be proved +to be of immemorial antiquity.” This is paralleled by the demand +of the Westmorland commons “to haffe nowte Gyelt and sargeant +<span class='pageno' id='Page_371'>371</span>corne layd downe qwyche we thynke war a Great welthe for all ye +power men to bee layd downe.” It is not necessary for the present +purpose to go into the vexed question of the original significance +which belonged to the payment of “nowt geld,” i.e. neat [cattle] +geld or cornage<a id='r1785'></a><a href='#f1785' class='c016'><sup>[1785]</sup></a>. In Henry VIII’s reign the feudal origin of the +payments was forgotten, and the levying of cornage and serjeant +corn, otherwise called bailiff oats, probably did not differ materially +from what it was a hundred years later, when in 1634 the tenants +made another effort to free themselves. The neat geld was a fixed +annual payment made by the townships in the barony of Westmorland +and varying from £5. 5<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> paid by Milburn to 1<i>s.</i> paid by +Croftormount. The serjeant corn was still paid in kind, the oats +being collected by the bailiff between St Andrew’s Day [30 November] +and Candlemas [2 February]; the amount due from each township +was measured in two ancient pecks, one containing 8 and the other +10 quarts. A perpetual quarrel raged between the bailiff and the +tenants as to whether the measures ought to be “striked,” i.e. filled +level with the brim, or upheaped<a id='r1786'></a><a href='#f1786' class='c016'><sup>[1786]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A comparison of the two articles shows how much further the +English had advanced on the road to freedom than the Swabian +peasants. In Germany the actual services were still demanded, and +new ones might be exacted. In England the commons were trying +to free themselves from the mere relics of the ancient services.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the eighth article the Swabians required that “rents, which +were in the majority of cases excessive, should be reduced to +reasonable amounts.” This may be compared with the complaint +against the ingressum.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The tenth article required that “common land on which the +lords had encroached should be restored to the community.” This +grievance was equally felt by the insurgents of both nations. In the +Westmorland petition it is requested that “all the intakes yt [are] +noysom for power men [ought] to be layd downe.” On this point +more will be said below.</p> + +<p class='c008'>One clause in the Westmorland petition has no parallel in the +Twelve Articles, namely that “taxes [be] casten emongst ye benefest +men as well yam in abbett within us as yai yt is nott incumbent.” +The clergy voted their grants of money to the King in convocation, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_372'>372</span>apart from the money bills in the House of Commons, and paid +separately from the laity<a id='r1787'></a><a href='#f1787' class='c016'><sup>[1787]</sup></a>. When the taxes were fixed sums raised +by each district, as in the case of the tenth and fifteenth, it would +be a relief to the small farmer if the clergy of the district shared in +the lay taxes, instead of being assessed separately. The commons +probably did not reflect that if clergy and laity paid together the +King would demand a larger total than if the laity paid alone. +As the subsidy was not levied in Cumberland and Westmorland +all the taxes were paid in the old manner; none were assessed +directly. In Germany the question of taxation cannot have arisen, +as government taxes scarcely existed.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is to be noticed that only two of the articles in the Westmorland +petition, those relating to fines and to enclosures, were included +in the list of articles drawn up at Pontefract. An assembly in which +the knightly and clerical elements were so strong had little sympathy +with demands drawn up entirely from the commons’ point of view. +The clergy could not be expected to acknowledge that parishioners +might dispossess the incumbent, for although those particular incumbents +were very unsatisfactory characters, still the principle, +if once admitted, might easily be carried a great deal too far. +The same argument applies to the question of tithes and taxation. +The gentlemen, indeed, having accepted the great point of the fines, +might have consented to waive the half-obsolete feudal dues, but +the point may not have appeared of sufficient importance to be +included in the Pilgrims’ petition, as it applied only to one district, +and might be settled privately between landlord and tenant.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(13) “The statute for enclosures and intacks to be put in execution and +intacks since 4 Henry VII to be pulled down, except mountains, forests and +parks.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This was a point on which the government was at one with the +labourers, but both were powerless. Acts of parliament had been +passed with a view to remedying the evil, but the King could not +enforce them in the face of the passive resistance of the country +gentlemen. During the rebellion the labourers sometimes took +matters into their own hands, and pulled down the enclosures<a id='r1788'></a><a href='#f1788' class='c016'><sup>[1788]</sup></a>. +It is to be observed that the enclosure movement in the north +was not quite the same as that in the south; “it was not the +characteristic enclosure of the period, that of the open fields, which +<span class='pageno' id='Page_373'>373</span>is most prominent [during the Pilgrimage of Grace], but the much +older and long-continued enclosure of the commons.”<a id='r1789'></a><a href='#f1789' class='c016'><sup>[1789]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The gentlemen and their tenants at Pontefract must have united +to insert this article in their petition, but it is perhaps not unjust to +imagine that each of the gentlemen thought the reform ought to +begin on somebody else’s lands.</p> + +<p class='c019'>(14) “To be discharged of the quinzine and taxes now granted by Act +of Parliament.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Something has already been said about the attitude of all classes +towards taxation<a id='r1790'></a><a href='#f1790' class='c016'><sup>[1790]</sup></a>. Briefly, they did not see why they should be +taxed at all. Instead of looking upon the taxes as a necessary +incident of government, they regarded them as something extraordinary, +which were required only on account of the King’s wilful +extravagance. Therefore in every rising it was usual to demand +that the taxes should be remitted<a id='r1791'></a><a href='#f1791' class='c016'><sup>[1791]</sup></a>. Although the fifteenth is +mentioned by name, the subsidy appears to have been the most +keenly resented, because it was being assessed directly.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The leaders of the Pilgrimage might have been expected to know +that it was absolutely necessary for the government to have money, +and the article may have been included to please the rank and file. +Some of the gentlemen, however, cherished the belief that the King +could obtain what he needed without troubling them. The writer +supposed to be Sir Thomas Tempest, dwells upon the means by +which Henry VII increased his wealth; first, by selling pardons; +secondly, by some rather obscure dealings in bishoprics, described +as follows: “when a bishopric fell he would promote his chaplain, +and thereby by such exchange he would have the profit of the +temporalities of all the sees in the realm and content all his prelates +by the same, for he amended all their lineage thereby, and hurt +none, and yet increased his own riches marvellously”; thirdly, by +encouraging foreign trade<a id='r1792'></a><a href='#f1792' class='c016'><sup>[1792]</sup></a>. It is amusing to see how the gentlemen +now turned fond eyes back to the reign of Henry VII, who while he +lived was so bitterly hated for his extortion.</p> + +<p class='c015'>Such were the articles to be treated upon by the leaders of the +Pilgrimage and the King’s representatives. In reviewing them, it +is evident that they were not the clamour of peasants driven mad +<span class='pageno' id='Page_374'>374</span>by suffering, but ignorant of the remedy for their wrongs; nor were +they the work of blind fanatics who insisted on a complete reaction. +The articles show willingness to accept a reasonable compromise on +every important point.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Pilgrims were ready to acknowledge the Ten Articles of +Religion, as issued by the King. They were prepared to agree to +his possession of all the substantial power attached to his title of +Supreme Head of the Church, if he would lay down the unlimited +pretensions which were implied in it. This was precisely what was +done by his daughter Elizabeth. The Pilgrims suggested that the +King should receive an annual rent charge from the monasteries, +a permanent source of income which the wholesale suppression +destroyed for ever. They asked the King to burn heretics, but he +had never shown himself reluctant to perform that duty. They +asked him to punish Cromwell, but Henry had no sentimental +scruples about destroying a minister who had ceased to be useful. +They desired the repeal of a number of statutes, but they were +willing to refer that to a free parliament, and Henry always declared +that he was glad to summon a free parliament at any time. The +question of the succession was a thorny one, but it was to be solved +next year by the birth of Prince Edward; consequently, if it had +been referred to parliament it would not have proved a permanent +obstacle.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It may be questioned whether it would not have been a wiser as +well as a more honourable course if Henry had entered into serious +negotiations with the Pilgrims, considered their demands, and established +the Church of England on the basis of an agreement +between the opposition and himself. That Church, when at last +it was established, was the result of a compromise, and there seems +to be no vital reason why some compromise should not have been +made at once. No doubt the settlement would have been on more +conservative lines than were adopted later, and therefore it would +have had perhaps less chance of permanence, but it would have been +a rallying-point for the moderate men of all parties in the troubled +reigns which followed, and might have prevented much violent change +and consequent suffering.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The King himself seems to have been swayed for a little while by +this prospect. Stephen Gardiner, in a sermon preached at Paul’s +Cross on 2 December, 1554, said, “When the tumult was in the +north, in the time of King Henry VIII, I am sure the King was +determined to have given over the supremacy again to the Pope; but +<span class='pageno' id='Page_375'>375</span>the hour was not then come, and therefore it went not forward, +lest some would have said that he did it for fear.”<a id='r1793'></a><a href='#f1793' class='c016'><sup>[1793]</sup></a> Gardiner was +on an embassy in France during the rebellion, and therefore cannot +have been speaking from first-hand knowledge, but his opinion +carries a certain weight.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A still more interesting witness to the King’s hesitation is the +draft for an act of parliament, which, it has been conjectured, was +to be submitted to the free parliament which the Pilgrims demanded. +It represents Henry’s idea of a compromise on the subject of the +monasteries. In the first place all the monasteries which had been +suppressed were to remain so; the King would give up nothing +which had come into his hands, but it was to be enacted that the +grantees must reside upon the lands and maintain hospitality as the +monks had done. In the second place, all houses north of Trent +which had not yet been suppressed were to be expressly preserved by +the act. The monks in these houses must observe the new rules for +their conduct which had been drawn up in 1535, and a governor +appointed by the King was to administer the revenues of every house. +No monastery was to be permitted to have an income of more than +1000 marks a year. In the third place, the surplus revenue of the +monasteries was to be made over to a court, to be called the Curia +Centenariorum, presided over by the lord admiral. The funds +belonging to this court were to be devoted to maintaining a standing +army both in peace and war in the towns, castles and fortresses of the +realm<a id='r1794'></a><a href='#f1794' class='c016'><sup>[1794]</sup></a>. This scheme is stamped with Henry’s own peculiar form of +humour. In effect he said to the north:—“You insist on keeping +the monasteries? Very well. But you shall keep a standing army +too.” It was easy to see that the greater part of this army would be +garrisoned in the north. The project is a very striking one, but of no +practical importance, as it was never carried out.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Against these symptoms of yielding, slight as they were, Henry’s +own argument may be used, that it would have been foolish to +take serious notice of demands put forward by the ignorant and +backward north. The policy of the government ought to be controlled +by the more enlightened south. But it is clear that sympathy +was felt for the northern movement all over the country. This was +not a mere fancy of the Pilgrims. Apart from the abortive risings in +other counties<a id='r1795'></a><a href='#f1795' class='c016'><sup>[1795]</sup></a>, there is abundant evidence that many, perhaps most, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_376'>376</span>of the “southern men” would have rejoiced at a compromise of +the kind suggested above<a id='r1796'></a><a href='#f1796' class='c016'><sup>[1796]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In their negotiations with the King, the Pilgrims were handicapped +by having among their leaders no nobleman above the rank of +a baron. It was here that the Earl of Derby’s loss was severely felt. +He would at any rate have made a respectable figure-head for +negotiations. The only ecclesiastical dignitary of importance with +them was the Archbishop of York, whose timid, unstable character +made him worse than useless.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Nevertheless, in spite of these drawbacks, the fact remains that +the King was forced to enter into negotiations with the Pilgrims, +even though they were northern men and lacked representatives in +the peerage. Henry saved his honour, in his own opinion, by the +mental reservation that he would not observe the terms any longer +than he was compelled to do so by force. He was obliged to treat, +but at least he need not do it sincerely. It was bad enough to +be reduced to such an extremity, but he had not fallen so low as +to make a serious treaty and to keep his promises. In this spirit, +therefore, he rejected the opportunity of establishing the Church of +England upon the consent of the people. For the remaining nine +years of his reign his will was absolute in ecclesiastical matters. +The doctrines of the catholic faith were to be accepted by his subjects +not on the authority of “the Holy Church throughout all the +world” but on that of the reigning king. There was therefore no +security for the conservatives that the King would not alter these +doctrines at his pleasure, and in fact there is reason to believe that +Henry contemplated further changes of a more sweeping character +in the doctrine and practice of the Church at the time of his death. +The most probable explanation of his attitude in ecclesiastical +matters seems to be that he overrated his own power. He +believed that he could establish a church upon his own absolute +will, and that yet, after his own death, the church would stand. +The event showed his mistake. On his death religion in England +fell into chaos.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The council at Pontefract had already done a good day’s work, but +it was not yet ended. In addition to agreeing upon the articles, +a list of instructions was drawn up for Sir Thomas Hilton and his +companions<a id='r1797'></a><a href='#f1797' class='c016'><sup>[1797]</sup></a>. One of these alone requires comment here: “That +<span class='pageno' id='Page_377'>377</span>Richard Cromwell nor none of his kind nor sort be at our meeting at +Doncaster.” This was resolved upon because—</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) Norfolk had stated that he was coming to Doncaster +unaccompanied save by Sir Anthony Browne’s band, and the Pilgrims +were annoyed to hear that Richard Cromwell was also with him.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) There was great danger that if the commons knew that +Cromwell’s men were there they would insist upon attacking them.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>c</i>) One of Robert Bowes’ servants, while in London, had +quarrelled with one of the Lord Privy Seal’s servants, and would +pursue the feud if he had the chance.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>d</i>) Richard Cromwell had “spoken extreme words against the +commons of Lincolnshire.”<a id='r1798'></a><a href='#f1798' class='c016'><sup>[1798]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Before the council broke up, Lord Latimer suggested that the +Archbishop and the divines now assembled should be requested to +“show their learning whether subjects might lawfully move war +in any case against their prince.”<a id='r1799'></a><a href='#f1799' class='c016'><sup>[1799]</sup></a> There was no debate on the +question, but Aske undertook to lay it before the clergy, and it +was hoped that the Archbishop would deal with the problem in the +sermon which he was to preach next day<a id='r1800'></a><a href='#f1800' class='c016'><sup>[1800]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Lee had already arrived at Pontefract. The first thing that +he did was to attempt to play the same trick on Darcy which had +succeeded so well with Aske. His chaplain, Dr Brandsby, carried +a verbal message to Darcy that the Archbishop wished to have his +written opinion as to how the divines there assembled should show +their learning. But Darcy was not to be caught. He answered +Dr Brandsby not in writing but by word of mouth, and “like a knight, +and neither as an orator nor lawyer nor dissembler.”<a id='r1801'></a><a href='#f1801' class='c016'><sup>[1801]</sup></a> From this +it may be inferred that his language was forcible, not to say profane. +At any rate he upset Lee’s plan for collecting the treasonable +opinions of the Pilgrims without stating his own.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Meanwhile the other priests were assembling at Pontefract. +Richmond was represented by John Dakyn and the rector of Wycliffe, +who was probably Dr Rokeby<a id='r1802'></a><a href='#f1802' class='c016'><sup>[1802]</sup></a>. The rector of Wycliffe was not +popular with his parishioners, as one of his uncles was a surveyor +of the abbeys. On the outbreak of the rebellion the commons +had threatened Rokeby, calling him a lollard and a puller down +of abbeys<a id='r1803'></a><a href='#f1803' class='c016'><sup>[1803]</sup></a>. It was Sir William Tristram, the warlike chantry priest +<span class='pageno' id='Page_378'>378</span>of Lartington, who told him that he must go to Pontefract with +Dakyn. On this news Rokeby went to consult Dakyn, and they +both appealed to Robert Bowes for advice. He assured them +that the Archbishop wanted their counsel, and they therefore both +went to Pontefract. They arrived in the afternoon on Saturday +2 December, and waited on the Archbishop in his chamber<a id='r1804'></a><a href='#f1804' class='c016'><sup>[1804]</sup></a>. He +seems to have been at the Priory, as he refused to go to the Castle<a id='r1805'></a><a href='#f1805' class='c016'><sup>[1805]</sup></a>. +On seeing Dakyn and Rokeby he expressed some surprise. They +told him that they understood from Bowes that he sent for them. +He denied that he had summoned anyone to a conference, although +the letters had been sent out in his name. He admitted, however, that +he had received a list of articles from the rebels, and had been +requested to pronounce on their truth. Although he would not +acknowledge that he possessed the articles, he sent Rokeby and +Dakyn to Dr Brandsby for a copy. These seem to have been the +articles that Aske had sent to him<a id='r1806'></a><a href='#f1806' class='c016'><sup>[1806]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>After this, the laymen’s conference having broken up, Lord +Latimer came to the Archbishop and asked him to declare next +day in his sermon whether it was lawful for subjects to wage war +against their sovereign, and to do it briefly, as there was to be a +council at the Castle at nine o’clock. Lee felt himself driven into +a corner. With the resolution of despair he promised to obey and +asked Latimer to attend the sermon instead of the council<a id='r1807'></a><a href='#f1807' class='c016'><sup>[1807]</sup></a>. Richard +Bowyer, who seems to have acted as clerk to the council, came to +the Archbishop the same night with the articles which had been +passed by the Pilgrims that day. To him Lee assumed the pose of a +martyr: “Ye do see I cannot better it. How I am entreated ye +know.”<a id='r1808'></a><a href='#f1808' class='c016'><sup>[1808]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It has been said before, and may here be repeated, that it is +incredible that Archbishop Lee should have been allowed to preach at +this critical point if he really uttered all the loyal sentiments and +made all the protests which he afterwards attributed to himself. +There were many prominent divines at Pontefract who were heart +and soul with the Pilgrims. One of these, Friar John Pickering for +example, would have been asked to preach if it had been known that +the Archbishop was such a convinced supporter of passive obedience. +In spite of his subsequent protests, Lee was regarded on all hands as +the ecclesiastical leader of the opposition to Cromwell’s innovations. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_379'>379</span>So long as conservatism was safe, he had been a bigoted conservative<a id='r1809'></a><a href='#f1809' class='c016'><sup>[1809]</sup></a>. +He had vigorously attacked the very moderate reforming tendencies +of Erasmus<a id='r1810'></a><a href='#f1810' class='c016'><sup>[1810]</sup></a>. He is supposed to have burnt a man and +a woman at York for heresy, although the evidence in this case +is defective<a id='r1811'></a><a href='#f1811' class='c016'><sup>[1811]</sup></a>. It was at this very time reported in the host on +the authority of Sir Robert Oughtred that Lee had said “that there +was no way for the commons but battle.”<a id='r1812'></a><a href='#f1812' class='c016'><sup>[1812]</sup></a> His determination to +preach was opposed by three of his chaplains and his suffragan, but it +does not appear whether they knew what he was going to say, or +merely did not wish him to preach at all<a id='r1813'></a><a href='#f1813' class='c016'><sup>[1813]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Service was held in the parish church of Pontefract on the +morning of Sunday 3 December before nine o’clock. Lord Darcy was +not present<a id='r1814'></a><a href='#f1814' class='c016'><sup>[1814]</sup></a>, but everyone else thronged to hear the Archbishop’s +sermon. It seems that the gentlemen and divines filled the body +of the church, and that most of the commons were in a gallery, “up a +height in the church.”<a id='r1815'></a><a href='#f1815' class='c016'><sup>[1815]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Lee afterwards represented himself as coming to the pulpit +“indifferent to live or die,” resolved only to save the bodies and souls +of his flock by telling them at any cost that they did evil in resisting +the King<a id='r1816'></a><a href='#f1816' class='c016'><sup>[1816]</sup></a>. But this was not what his audience anticipated, and +it was some time before the drift of his sermon appeared. His +text unfortunately has not been preserved, but he began his discourse +by speaking of the sacraments of baptism, penance and communion, +and of the creed, which had been set forth in the Ten Articles of +Religion<a id='r1817'></a><a href='#f1817' class='c016'><sup>[1817]</sup></a>. This was non-controversial matter, as the Ten Articles +were accepted by both parties. He next ventured on the rather +bolder assertion that lands which were given to the Church might not +be put to profane uses. This was what the congregation expected, +and they waited eagerly for what followed. The Archbishop continued +that priests ought not to fight in any circumstances<a id='r1818'></a><a href='#f1818' class='c016'><sup>[1818]</sup></a>; as for making +a “peregrynage”—and on this word he paused<a id='r1819'></a><a href='#f1819' class='c016'><sup>[1819]</sup></a>. There was a little +stir and bustle round the door, and Lancaster Herald came into +the church. He had arrived with the safeconduct, and very properly +attended divine service on Sunday morning at the first opportunity<a id='r1820'></a><a href='#f1820' class='c016'><sup>[1820]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_380'>380</span>The appearance of the Herald had a decisive influence on the +Archbishop’s sermon. It either gave him courage to carry out his +purpose of condemning the Pilgrimage<a id='r1821'></a><a href='#f1821' class='c016'><sup>[1821]</sup></a>, as he said, or drove away the +little courage that he had and prevented him from blessing it, as his +audience believed<a id='r1822'></a><a href='#f1822' class='c016'><sup>[1822]</sup></a>. After this little pause he took up his discourse +again and declared that in the King’s Book of Articles the Faith was +sufficiently determined, that the sword was given to none but a prince, +and that no man might draw it but by his prince’s orders.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At this the fury of the commons broke loose. They cried out that +the Archbishop was a false dissembler<a id='r1823'></a><a href='#f1823' class='c016'><sup>[1823]</sup></a>, and in the midst of the +uproar Aske and the other gentlemen hurried Lee away<a id='r1824'></a><a href='#f1824' class='c016'><sup>[1824]</sup></a>. He +afterwards dwelt pathetically on the danger that he had incurred<a id='r1825'></a><a href='#f1825' class='c016'><sup>[1825]</sup></a>, +but it cannot have been very great, as it appears that the commons +were some distance from him in the gallery, and that he was +surrounded by the gentlemen, who, however angry they might be, +would do him no bodily harm. Darcy did not think much of his +peril. He told the Archbishop that he reckoned that the King +and his honourable councillors would accept him after the true +meaning of that and all his sermons, without his seeking the King’s +favour by desiring, in letters, to die for his faith. “Whosoever +desires such high perfection may, with the King’s licence, be sped in +Africa or Turkey.”<a id='r1826'></a><a href='#f1826' class='c016'><sup>[1826]</sup></a> Darcy obtained “such high perfection” much +nearer home, but it was denied to Archbishop Lee.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was natural that the gentlemen should resent Lee’s sermon. +When a man is risking his lands and life for a cause, it is very +annoying to be told by the representative of that cause that he is +acting wickedly, and that the cause has no need of him. Lee dined +with Darcy that Sunday, and begged him to use his influence for +peace<a id='r1827'></a><a href='#f1827' class='c016'><sup>[1827]</sup></a>, but it may be imagined that he was not very warmly received. +He heard many unfavourable opinions of his sermon in the next +few days. Sir Robert Constable used “cruel words far unfitting to be +uttered by his mouth against me that have the cure of his soul,” +complained the aggrieved Archbishop<a id='r1828'></a><a href='#f1828' class='c016'><sup>[1828]</sup></a>. To appease the commons and +perhaps to give vent to his own feelings, Constable had said that the +Archbishop would make amends hereafter. As soon as he was safely +home at Cawood, Lee wrote to remonstrate with Sir Robert for using +<span class='pageno' id='Page_381'>381</span>such words, and declared that he had nothing to make amends for<a id='r1829'></a><a href='#f1829' class='c016'><sup>[1829]</sup></a>. +Robert Aske was reported to have said that if he had known what +the sermon would be he would have pulled Lee out of the pulpit<a id='r1830'></a><a href='#f1830' class='c016'><sup>[1830]</sup></a>, but +what he really said was that if he had known “my lord of York would +preach as he did, he should not have preached.”<a id='r1831'></a><a href='#f1831' class='c016'><sup>[1831]</sup></a> Lee was told that +when Darcy heard that he had said no one might lawfully resist the +King, he exclaimed “By God’s mother that is not true.”<a id='r1832'></a><a href='#f1832' class='c016'><sup>[1832]</sup></a> Lee wrote +to complain of this to Darcy, who denied the words; but the bitterly +contemptuous tone of his letter shows what he thought of the Archbishop<a id='r1833'></a><a href='#f1833' class='c016'><sup>[1833]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>All this chorus of condemnation arouses a certain amount of +sympathy for the Archbishop in the modern mind. The doctrine +of non-resistance at its highest is perhaps the noblest conceivable. +Lee was upholding non-resistance, and there is an odd resemblance +between his position and that of the Tolstoian hero in Zangwill’s <i>War +God</i>. But the likeness breaks down when tested. In order to win acceptance +the professor of non-resistance must be unflinchingly brave +and absolutely consistent. Lee did not fulfil either of these conditions. +He had not dared to proclaim his doctrine, or he would not have been +allowed to preach that day, and he did not protest against all war. +On the contrary, he praised those who fought for the King and +condemned only rebellion. Finally even non-resisters agree that +a body of men may unite to indicate peacefully but firmly that they +disapprove of the government’s action. At this crisis of the Pilgrimage +there was a reasonable hope that the Pilgrims would obtain +all they desired by peaceful means if they stood firmly together. +Lee’s sermon did a great deal to destroy that hope. This was far +from being his intention. Whatever may be thought of his conduct, +it is quite certain that he sincerely desired peace. Yet he had adopted +a very unfortunate method of bringing it about. His sermon not only +exasperated the commons, but increased their constant suspicion of the +gentlemen. After the fiasco in Lincolnshire they naturally feared +that the gentlemen would make their own peace with the King and +abandon the commons to Cromwell’s vengeance. Lee’s condemnation +of the Pilgrimage increased this distrust. It seemed only too +probable that he had been inspired by the leaders, who might already +have secretly come to terms with Norfolk. If this were so, they were +now anxious to dismiss the commons to their homes in order that, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_382'>382</span>disunited and helpless, they might fall into the hands of the royal +troops. On account of these inevitable suspicions Aske deeply +regretted that he had allowed the Archbishop to preach. The +sermon had the air of an official statement, and though Lee might +have made himself safe with the King, he had embarrassed the +position of the leaders. Quarrelling broke out among the commons, +and tumults arose. Aske’s servants cut the red crosses off the coat +of Richard Bowyer, who was in the coat at the time. It does not +appear what he had done to annoy them, but he seems to have been +a meddlesome fellow. Sir George Lawson expressed a wish to know +what the assembly of divines resolved upon, and Bowyer tried to +be present at their meeting. He succeeded in entering the room +while they were at dinner, but when they came back, they declined +his offer to act as secretary and turned him out<a id='r1834'></a><a href='#f1834' class='c016'><sup>[1834]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The convocation of divines met in the Priory on Monday +4 December<a id='r1835'></a><a href='#f1835' class='c016'><sup>[1835]</sup></a>. They were summoned to the Priory church by +Dr William Cliff, chancellor to the Archbishop of York, chaunter +of York and rector of Waverton in Cheshire<a id='r1836'></a><a href='#f1836' class='c016'><sup>[1836]</sup></a>, who was acting for +his master, and were led by the Prior of Pontefract into a private +chamber. The persons present were John Ripley<a id='r1837'></a><a href='#f1837' class='c016'><sup>[1837]</sup></a>, Abbot of Kirkstall; +his chaplain; Dr Sherwood, chancellor of Beverley minster<a id='r1838'></a><a href='#f1838' class='c016'><sup>[1838]</sup></a>; +Dr Cliff; Dr Langrege, Archdeacon of Cleveland<a id='r1839'></a><a href='#f1839' class='c016'><sup>[1839]</sup></a>; Dr Geoffrey +Downes, Chancellor of York; Dr John Brandsby, the Archbishop’s +chaplain and master of the collegiate church of Sutton<a id='r1840'></a><a href='#f1840' class='c016'><sup>[1840]</sup></a>; Dr Cuthbert +Marshall, Archdeacon of Nottingham; James Thwaites, Prior of +Pontefract; Dr Waldby, rector of Kirk Deighton and prebendary +of Carlisle; Dr Pickering the Friar Preacher; Dr Rokeby; a +friar; Dr George Palmes, rector of Sutton-upon-Derwent<a id='r1841'></a><a href='#f1841' class='c016'><sup>[1841]</sup></a>; and +Dr Dakyn, rector of Kirkby Ravensworth and vicar-general of York, +who was requested to sit in the midst and take the minutes. The +Prior of Pontefract and the friar seem to have been the only persons +present who were not doctors either of law or of divinity<a id='r1842'></a><a href='#f1842' class='c016'><sup>[1842]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The divines had before them the questions and propositions which +Aske had originally sent to Lee, but Aske said that they made no +direct reply to his list, and that he could not remember who drew up +<span class='pageno' id='Page_383'>383</span>the questions which they answered<a id='r1843'></a><a href='#f1843' class='c016'><sup>[1843]</sup></a>. These questions may perhaps +have been Chaloner’s interrogatories concerning heresy<a id='r1844'></a><a href='#f1844' class='c016'><sup>[1844]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The divines’ first resolution was:—</p> + +<p class='c019'>“We thynke yt preachynge agaynste purgatory, worshuppynge of Sayntes, +pylgrymage, Images and all bookes set forth agenst ye same or sacramentes +or sacramentallis of ye Churche be worthy to be reproved and condempned by +Convocacion, and ye payne to be executed yt is devysed for ye doars to ye +contrary, and proces to be made herafter in heresye as was in ye dayes of kynge +henry ye 1111 th and ye new statutes wherby heresyes now lately have ben +greatly norysshed to be annolled and abrogated, and yt ye holydaes may be +observed accordyng to ye lawes and lawdable Customes, and yt ye byddynge +of beadys and preachinge may be observed as hath ben used by olde Custume.”<a id='r1845'></a><a href='#f1845' class='c016'><sup>[1845]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Over this there was little debate, for even Archbishop Lee +objected to the abolition of holydays<a id='r1846'></a><a href='#f1846' class='c016'><sup>[1846]</sup></a>, but the second resolution +was that</p> + +<p class='c019'>“ye kynges highnes ne any temporall man may not be supreme hedd of ye +churche by ye lawes of god to have or exercise any jurysdiccons or poer +spirituall in ye same, and all actes of parliamente made to ye contrary to be +revoked.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>There was a long discussion over this. Marshall, Pickering, +Brandsby and Waldby maintained the papal cause, urging the primacy +of St Peter. The three last named had been present in Convocation +when the momentous resolution in the King’s favour was passed. +They took out of their purses protests which had been made then<a id='r1847'></a><a href='#f1847' class='c016'><sup>[1847]</sup></a>, +and complained that the saving clause “in quantum per legem Christi +licet<a id='r1848'></a><a href='#f1848' class='c016'><sup>[1848]</sup></a>” was omitted. Dakyn, Cliff and Rokeby thought that the +question ought to be referred to a General Council. Dakyn was not +opposed to some limitation of the Pope’s authority, for he had been +in the Court of Arches and had learnt there how much trouble +and delay were caused by appeals to Rome. Dr Sherwood was more +inclined to the royal supremacy than the rest. Finally they agreed +that the King might retain the title of “Caput Ecclesiæ,” but that he +might exercise no jurisdiction such as visitation<a id='r1849'></a><a href='#f1849' class='c016'><sup>[1849]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The third question seems to have referred to Mary’s legitimacy, +upon which they resolved</p> + +<p class='c019'>“we be not suffycyently instructed in ye facte ne in ye proces therin made but +we refarre it to ye determynation of ye Churche to whom it was appealed.”</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_384'>384</span>The other resolutions were</p> + +<p class='c019'>“yt no clerke oughte to be put to death withoute degradacyon by ye lawes of ye +Churche.</p> + +<p class='c019'>yt no man ought to be drawen owte of sentuary but in certayne causes +expressed in ye lawes of ye Churche.</p> + +<p class='c019'>To ye vi<sup>th</sup> we saye yt ye clargye of ye northe parties hath not graunted nor +consentyd to ye pamente of ye tenthes or ffyrste frutes of benefices in ye Convocan +and also we may make no suche personall graunte by ye lawes of ye +Churche and we thynke yt no temporall man hathe auctoryte by ye lawes of +god to claym any suche tenthes or ffyrst frutes of any benyfyce or spirituall +promocyon.</p> + +<p class='c019'>To ye vii<sup>th</sup> we thinke yt landis gyven to god, ye churche or relygyouse men +ma not betaken away and put to prophane uses by ye lawes of god.</p> + +<p class='c019'>To ye viii<sup>th</sup> we thynke yt dispensacons upon Iuste causes lawfully graunted +by ye pope of Rome to be good and to be accepted, and pardons have ben allowed +by generall Counsels of lateran and Vyenna and by lawes of ye churche.</p> + +<p class='c019'>To ye ix<sup>th</sup> we thynke yt by ye lawes of ye Churche, Generall counselles, +interpreta [<i>torn</i>] ys of approved doctors and consente of Crysten people ye poope +of Rome hath ben taken for ye hedd of ye Churche and Vycare of Cryste and so +oughte to be taken.</p> + +<p class='c019'>To ye x<sup>th</sup> we thinke yt ye examynacon and Correxion of dedly synne belongith +to ye mynisters of ye Churche by ye lawes of ye same, wch be consonante to +goddes lawes.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This was the conclusion of the interrogatories, which were ten in +number. In the debate Cliff and Palmes were most eager for the +repeal of the various statutes, and Dakyn for the restoration of the +monasteries, as he had been very much shocked by the profanation of +sacred things<a id='r1850'></a><a href='#f1850' class='c016'><sup>[1850]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the afternoon Aske himself brought the laymen’s articles to +the divines. He found them sitting with their books before them, +and with their articles almost ready<a id='r1851'></a><a href='#f1851' class='c016'><sup>[1851]</sup></a>. They read over the laymen’s +petition to the King, but they did not consider the temporal articles +within their province. Aske offered to lend them a book written by +the Bishop of Rochester [Fisher], which would assist them if they +were in any difficulty<a id='r1852'></a><a href='#f1852' class='c016'><sup>[1852]</sup></a>, and besought them to speak their minds +on all points openly and without fear<a id='r1853'></a><a href='#f1853' class='c016'><sup>[1853]</sup></a>. He himself was ready to +fight and die for the old faith and the papal supremacy<a id='r1854'></a><a href='#f1854' class='c016'><sup>[1854]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday 5 December the divines debated on the first eight +articles of the petition, namely (1) the suppression of heresies, (2) the +supremacy of the Pope, (3) the legitimacy of Mary, (4) the restoration +of the abbeys, (5) the abolition of tenths and first fruits, (6) the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_385'>385</span>restoration of the Friars Observants, (7) the punishment of heretics, +(8) the punishment of Cromwell, Audley and Rich.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In this they were going over the same ground as on the day +before, and they had only to confirm the lay articles. In addition to +their answers to the questions which they had received, the divines +passed some resolutions of their own:—</p> + +<p class='c019'>“ffarther we thynke it convenyente yt ye lawes of ye churche may be openly +redde in Unyversyties as hath ben used here to ffore, and yt suche clarkys as +be in pryson or ffledde owte of ye realme for withstandyng ye kynges supporyorite +in ye Church may be set at lybertye and restored withoute danger and yt suche +bookys and workes as do entreate of ye primacye of ye Churche of Rome may be +ffrely kepte and redde notwithstandyng any prohybyssion to ye contrary and yt +ye artycles of praemynire may be declared by actes of parlamente to the entente +no man be in daunger therof withoute a prohibicyon fyrste awarded and yt +suche apostataes as be goon from relygion withoute suffycyente and lawfull +dyspensacyon of ye See of Rome may be compelled to returne to theyre howses, +and yt all Sommes of mony as tenthes fyrste frutes and other Arreragis [<i>torn</i>] +graunted unto ye kynges highnes by parlyamente or convocacyon and dew to be +payed before ye fyrst day of ye nexte parliament may be remytted and forgyven +for ye causes and reasones above expressed.</p> + +<p class='c019'>And we ye saide clargie saye yt for lacke of tyme and instruccyon in thies +artycles and wante of bookys we declare this our opynyon for this tyme +refarrynge our determynacon in ye premysses to ye nexte Convocacyon.</p> + +<p class='c019'>Also we desyre yt ye statute Cammanndynge ye clergye to exhibyte ye +dyspensacons graunted by ye pope byfore ye ffeaste of michelmas nexte +commynge may be revoked at ye nexte parliamente.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>On Tuesday evening the articles were ready, and the assembled +divines carried them to the Archbishop<a id='r1855'></a><a href='#f1855' class='c016'><sup>[1855]</sup></a>. Aske was present<a id='r1856'></a><a href='#f1856' class='c016'><sup>[1856]</sup></a>, as Lee +had been urging him to come to terms with Norfolk, to disclose +everything, and to inquire whether Lee should proceed with the +collection of the tenth<a id='r1857'></a><a href='#f1857' class='c016'><sup>[1857]</sup></a>. The Archbishop read over the articles, but +when he came to the declaration of the papal supremacy, he objected +that it was unnecessary. There was a long debate over this. +Marshall and Pickering defended the article<a id='r1858'></a><a href='#f1858' class='c016'><sup>[1858]</sup></a>. Aske questioned the +Archbishop as to what he really believed on this point. Lee replied +that the supremacy touching the cure of souls did not belong to the +King, but the punishment of sin rested with him as the head of +his people, and therein he was supreme head. Aske was surprised at +the distinction, as he had never before heard anyone make it<a id='r1859'></a><a href='#f1859' class='c016'><sup>[1859]</sup></a>. In +the end Lee permitted the clause to stand, as it expressed the consent +of Christian people<a id='r1860'></a><a href='#f1860' class='c016'><sup>[1860]</sup></a>. The articles were then delivered to Aske<a id='r1861'></a><a href='#f1861' class='c016'><sup>[1861]</sup></a>. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_386'>386</span>That night, probably after they had left Lee’s presence, Aske laid +before the divines the problem which the Archbishop had solved in so +unexpected a fashion. Was it ever lawful for subjects to resist their +sovereign? To this they returned no answer<a id='r1862'></a><a href='#f1862' class='c016'><sup>[1862]</sup></a>, but on the whole +their attitude was much more satisfactory, from Aske’s point of view, +than Lee’s had been. Their resolutions were certainly bold enough; +probably the timid spirits were encouraged and hurried on by the +ardour of Pickering and the more enthusiastic priests. It is true that +afterwards they all represented themselves as having been in terror +of the commons, but the statement of Dakyn, who was a very simpleminded +man, throws some light on that point. He explained that +when he, Marshall and Cliff were summoned to court to account for +their conduct, they agreed together that they would say they had +done everything from fear; and Dakyn innocently goes on to repeat +exactly the words they had agreed upon, that every man came through +fear, and was weary of his part, and doubtful what to do<a id='r1863'></a><a href='#f1863' class='c016'><sup>[1863]</sup></a>. If this +were true, the reason of the Pilgrims’ failure is not far to seek. No +one could drag to victory such very flabby and reluctant upholders of +the Church. But a statement made with such an obvious motive +does not command much belief. No doubt the priests were anxious +and afraid. An assembly of elderly clergymen are very uncomfortably +situated in the midst of a rebel army, and very dangerously employed +in drawing up a manifesto hostile to the government. But it was +the King, not the commons, whom they chiefly feared.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On this point Aske was closely interrogated. After some +questions as to the matters laid before the clergy, he was asked, +“Was it not a double iniquity to fall into rebellion and also after +to procure matter to be set forth to justify that rebellion?”<a id='r1864'></a><a href='#f1864' class='c016'><sup>[1864]</sup></a> To +which he replied with that touch of humour which is sometimes +perceptible in his answers, “If the clergy did declare their minds +contrary to the laws of God, it was a double iniquity,” and again, “as +he thinks, the spiritual men were willing enough of themselves to +declare their minds as they did in those points that they answered +unto, but in that point, whether subjects might fight against their +prince, he thinks they were not willing, because they made no +determination at all touching the same.”<a id='r1865'></a><a href='#f1865' class='c016'><sup>[1865]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In short, it is an injustice to the learned men to say that they did +<span class='pageno' id='Page_387'>387</span>not mean what they resolved. Aske expressed the confidence of all +the Pilgrims when he said, “They thought none other like but that +the said clergy would have showed their minds according to their +learning and conscience, and [they] had no violence offered them in +the world to do the contrary.”<a id='r1866'></a><a href='#f1866' class='c016'><sup>[1866]</sup></a></p> + +<h3 class='c017'>NOTES TO CHAPTER XIV</h3> + +<p class='c027'>Note A. The points which indicate that this paper was drawn up by Aske +are:</p> + +<p class='c008'>(1) The questions are not the same as those which were laid before the +clergy at Pontefract, and Aske said afterwards that his questions were not used +there<a id='r1867'></a><a href='#f1867' class='c016'><sup>[1867]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(2) Several of the questions are on points on which Aske was examined, +e.g. the contradictory oaths, the rights of the Church according to Magna Carta, +and the Statute of Uses. The opinions expressed in the questions agree with +those in Aske’s replies.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(3) The questions were found together with a paper in Latin on the clause +in the Creed “Credo in Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam.”<a id='r1868'></a><a href='#f1868' class='c016'><sup>[1868]</sup></a> This paper would +probably be given to Archbishop Lee, who also had Aske’s questions in his +possession<a id='r1869'></a><a href='#f1869' class='c016'><sup>[1869]</sup></a>. He may have sent both to the King together.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Note B. The Articles of Pontefract are printed in the Letters and Papers, <span class='fss'>XI</span>, +1246, in Speed’s History of Great Britain, Book <span class='fss'>IX</span>, chap. 21, and in Froude’s +History of England, <span class='fss'>II</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>, in a foot-note. In the present work the +articles have been grouped in a new order, but the numbering of the original +order has been retained for convenience of reference.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Note C. Against this article is written “ney,” but it is uncertain when or +by whom the note was made. It is difficult to believe that there was a division +of opinion among the Pilgrims as to the conduct of the notorious commissioners, +and there seems to be no reason to suppose that this article was opposed or +rejected after it was laid before the general council, for Aske stated that “they +all agreed to the Articles and none to the contrary of them.”<a id='r1870'></a><a href='#f1870' class='c016'><sup>[1870]</sup></a> Possibly the +word may have been written when Aske was being examined to indicate that he +had not yet been interrogated on this article, as his reply to it occurs in his last +examination<a id='r1871'></a><a href='#f1871' class='c016'><sup>[1871]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>“Non” is written in the margin against article 9, probably for a similar +reason.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Note D. Bye-elections were not accepted as a constitutional practice even as +late as the seventeenth century<a id='r1872'></a><a href='#f1872' class='c016'><sup>[1872]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_388'>388</span>Note E. The boroughs were Ripon, Doncaster, Tickhill, Ravenspur, Yarm, +Pickering, Hedon, Beverley, Thirsk, Northallerton, Malton, Knaresborough, +Pontefract, Hull and Scarborough<a id='r1873'></a><a href='#f1873' class='c016'><sup>[1873]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The other northern counties had electoral grievances as well as Yorkshire, +for instance, Durham was not represented at all. The members for Cumberland +in 1523 were nominated by the King but this was because no one would volunteer +to stand<a id='r1874'></a><a href='#f1874' class='c016'><sup>[1874]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Note F. The name is illegible in his confession<a id='r1875'></a><a href='#f1875' class='c016'><sup>[1875]</sup></a>, and as he had received his +benefice in August 1536 it cannot be discovered from the Valor Ecclesiasticus. +Dakyn, however, mentions that Dr Rokeby was at Pontefract<a id='r1876'></a><a href='#f1876' class='c016'><sup>[1876]</sup></a>, and the unknown +writer names his uncle William Rokeby. Friar Pickering adds to the list of +divines, Mr Bachelor of Meux and a secular man. He also says that the friar was +an Observant<a id='r1877'></a><a href='#f1877' class='c016'><sup>[1877]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Note G. There are galleries in All Hallows, the parish Church of Pontefract, +at the present day<a id='r1878'></a><a href='#f1878' class='c016'><sup>[1878]</sup></a>, but as the church was almost completely destroyed during +the Civil War it is impossible to say whether there were galleries in the original +building<a id='r1879'></a><a href='#f1879' class='c016'><sup>[1879]</sup></a>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Note H. These articles are printed by Strype, Memorials, <span class='fss'>I</span> (ii), 266, and by +Wilkins, Concilia, <span class='fss'>III</span>, 812, but as neither of these copies is very accurate a fresh +one has been made from the original in the British Museum, Cotton MS. +Cleop. E. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 381 (old numbering), 413 (modern numbering). A very much +condensed summary is printed in the Letters and Papers, <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1245. The +Articles are also printed in “The Acts of the Northern Convocation” (Surtees +Soc.), but they are erroneously represented as being the reply of the Northern +Convocation to the King’s Ten Articles.</p> + +<div class='nf-center-c0'> +<div class='nf-center c003'> + <div>END OF VOLUME ONE.</div> + <div class='c003'><span class='small'>CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS</span></div> + </div> +</div> + +<hr class='c029'> +<div class='footnote' id='f1'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. 28 Hen. VIII, c. 7.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f2'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. L. and P. Hen. VIII, <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 148.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f3'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. Ibid. preface, p. iv, and No. 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f4'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 1134, 1150.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f5'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r5'>5</a>. Cunningham, The Growth of Eng. Ind. and Com. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>, sections 1 and 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f6'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r6'>6</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 121.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f7'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r7'>7</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1244.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f8'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r8'>8</a>. Ibid. 1182.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f9'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r9'>9</a>. Porritt, The Unreformed House of Commons, <span class='fss'>I</span>, pt <span class='fss'>III</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>XVII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f10'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r10'>10</a>. Dictionary of National Biography; Merriman, Life and Letters of Thomas +Cromwell, <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>VI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f11'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r11'>11</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f12'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r12'>12</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f13'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r13'>13</a>. 21 Hen. VIII, c. 13.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f14'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r14'>14</a>. Dixon, Hist. of the Ch. of Eng. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f15'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r15'>15</a>. 28 Hen. VIII, c. 13.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f16'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r16'>16</a>. Dixon, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f17'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r17'>17</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f18'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r18'>18</a>. 22 Hen. VIII, c. 15.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f19'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r19'>19</a>. Gee and Hardy, Doc. illus. of Eng. Ch. Hist. nos. <span class='fss'>XLVI</span>, <span class='fss'>XLVII</span>, <span class='fss'>XLVIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f20'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r20'>20</a>. 23 Hen. VIII, c. 20.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f21'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r21'>21</a>. 25 Hen. VIII, c. 20.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f22'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r22'>22</a>. Gee and Hardy, op. cit. no. <span class='fss'>LVIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f23'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r23'>23</a>. Ibid. no. <span class='fss'>LIX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f24'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r24'>24</a>. 26 Hen. VIII, c. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f25'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r25'>25</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 623.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f26'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r26'>26</a>. Dixon, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f27'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r27'>27</a>. 27 Hen. VIII, c. 28.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f28'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r28'>28</a>. 27 Hen. VIII, c. 14.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f29'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r29'>29</a>. 28 Hen. VIII, c. 10.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f30'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r30'>30</a>. 25 Hen. VIII, c. 21.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f31'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r31'>31</a>. 28 Hen. VIII, c. 16.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f32'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r32'>32</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 148.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f33'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r33'>33</a>. 21 Hen. VIII, c. 2; 23 Hen. VIII, c. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f34'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r34'>34</a>. 28 Hen. VIII, b. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>, 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f35'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r35'>35</a>. Hardwick, Hist. of the Articles, chap. <span class='fss'>III</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f36'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r36'>36</a>. Ibid. App. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f37'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r37'>37</a>. Ibid. chap. <span class='fss'>III</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f38'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r38'>38</a>. Frere and Kennedy, Visitation Articles and Injunctions, <span class='fss'>II</span>, 5, n. 3.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f39'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r39'>39</a>. Frere and Kennedy, Visitation Articles and Injunctions, <span class='fss'>II</span>, 1 et seq.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f40'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r40'>40</a>. Wriothesley, Chronicle (Camden Soc.), <span class='fss'>I</span>, 55, n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f41'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r41'>41</a>. 25 Hen. VIII, c. 22.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f42'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r42'>42</a>. 26 Hen. VIII, c. 2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f43'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r43'>43</a>. 26 Hen. VIII, c. 13.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f44'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r44'>44</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, preface, p. xxxiv, n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f45'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r45'>45</a>. Froude, Reign of Henry VIII, <span class='fss'>II</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>; Cal. of Venetian St. P. <span class='fss'>V</span>, no. 125; +Pollard, Henry VIII, chap. <span class='fss'>XII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f46'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r46'>46</a>. Froude, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f47'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r47'>47</a>. Cunningham, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>, section 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f48'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r48'>48</a>. Dowell, Hist. of Tax in Eng. <span class='fss'>I</span>, Bk <span class='fss'>III</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>, pt <span class='fss'>II</span>, sections 1 and 2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f49'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r49'>49</a>. 27 Hen. VIII, c. 10. See F. Pollock, The Land Laws (The English Citizen +Series), 89–104; Holdsworth, Hist. of Eng. Law, <span class='fss'>I</span>, 241.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f50'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r50'>50</a>. 27 Hen. VIII, c. 12.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f51'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r51'>51</a>. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f52'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r52'>52</a>. 25 Hen. VIII, c. 13.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f53'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r53'>53</a>. 27 Hen. VIII, c. 22.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f54'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r54'>54</a>. Leadam, Select Cases in the Court of Star Chamber (Selden Soc.), <span class='fss'>II</span>, pp. +xxxviii-liv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f55'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r55'>55</a>. 25 Hen. VIII, c. 2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f56'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r56'>56</a>. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f57'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r57'>57</a>. D. N. B., Pole and Courtenay.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f58'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r58'>58</a>. Ibid. Stafford.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f59'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r59'>59</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>III</span> (1) 1293.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f60'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r60'>60</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 92.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f61'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r61'>61</a>. Haile, Life of Reginald Pole.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f62'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r62'>62</a>. Haile, Life of Reginald Pole, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f63'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r63'>63</a>. Ibid. chap. <span class='fss'>X</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f64'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r64'>64</a>. See note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f65'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r65'>65</a>. Pollard, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f66'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r66'>66</a>. D. N. B., Darcy.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f67'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r67'>67</a>. See note B at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f68'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r68'>68</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 667; printed in full, Papers of the Earl of Hardwicke, <span class='fss'>I</span>, 41.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f69'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r69'>69</a>. D. N. B. loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f70'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r70'>70</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f71'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r71'>71</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 805.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f72'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r72'>72</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 901, p. 410.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f73'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r73'>73</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VII</span>, 121.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f74'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r74'>74</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2) 186 (63).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f75'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r75'>75</a>. Tonge’s Visitation of Yorks. (Surtees Soc.), p. 22.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f76'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r76'>76</a>. D. N. B., Hussey.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f77'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r77'>77</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 969.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f78'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r78'>78</a>. D. N. B. loc. cit. J. H. Round, Peerage Studies, Henry VIII and the Peers.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f79'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r79'>79</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VII</span>, 1036; op. cit. vol. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, no. 222.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f80'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r80'>80</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) no. 899; printed in part by Froude, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>XIV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f81'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r81'>81</a>. L. and P. vol. <span class='fss'>VII</span>, no. 1206.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f82'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r82'>82</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 750.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f83'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r83'>83</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>VII</span>, 1206.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f84'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r84'>84</a>. Ibid. 962 (<span class='fss'>X</span>).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f85'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r85'>85</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, Preface, pp. ii-iv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f86'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r86'>86</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 355.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f87'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r87'>87</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>VII</span>, 1206.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f88'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r88'>88</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 272.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f89'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r89'>89</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f90'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r90'>90</a>. Ibid. Preface, pp. i-ii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f91'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r91'>91</a>. See note C at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f92'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r92'>92</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 750.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f93'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r93'>93</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 576.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f94'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r94'>94</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 1018.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f95'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r95'>95</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VII</span>, 1426; ibid. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, Preface, p. iii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f96'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r96'>96</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 776.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f97'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r97'>97</a>. See note D at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f98'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r98'>98</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 861.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f99'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r99'>99</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>VII</span>, 1036.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f100'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r100'>100</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 222.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f101'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r101'>101</a>. Ibid. 7.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f102'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r102'>102</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f103'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r103'>103</a>. Ibid. 219; 220.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f104'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r104'>104</a>. Ibid. 10.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f105'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r105'>105</a>. Ibid. 222.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f106'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r106'>106</a>. Ibid. 969.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f107'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r107'>107</a>. See chap. <span class='fss'>X</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f108'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r108'>108</a>. Lapsley, County Palatine of Durham (Harvard Hist. Studies), p. 259.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f109'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r109'>109</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 186 (38).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f110'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r110'>110</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IV</span> (2), 4336.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f111'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r111'>111</a>. De Fonblanque, Annals of the House of Percy, <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f112'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r112'>112</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f113'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r113'>113</a>. De Fonblanque, Annals of the House of Percy, <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>; cf. Wriothesley, +Chronicle (Camden Soc.), Introduction, vol. <span class='fss'>I</span>, p. xxxviii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f114'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r114'>114</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 80, 255, 1143; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2) 1090.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f115'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r115'>115</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 1, 121.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f116'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r116'>116</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 166.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f117'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r117'>117</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 727; cf. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 1090.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f118'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r118'>118</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 1143.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f119'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r119'>119</a>. De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>; L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 577.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f120'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r120'>120</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 166.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f121'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r121'>121</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 714.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f122'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r122'>122</a>. 27 Hen. VIII, c. 47.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f123'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r123'>123</a>. De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f124'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r124'>124</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 246 (12), (13).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f125'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r125'>125</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 1143 (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f126'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r126'>126</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 491, 393; printed in full, de Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f127'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r127'>127</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 785.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f128'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r128'>128</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1090.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f129'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r129'>129</a>. Dic. of Nat. Biog., Henry Clifford, 1st Earl of Cumberland.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f130'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r130'>130</a>. Star Chamber Proceedings, Henry VIII, Bundle <span class='fss'>XXX</span>, no. 6; and see below.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f131'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r131'>131</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1236; printed in full, State Papers, <span class='fss'>I</span>, 521.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f132'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r132'>132</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 372, and see Dic. Nat. Biog. loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f133'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r133'>133</a>. J. Scott, Berwick-upon-Tweed, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f134'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r134'>134</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 419.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f135'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r135'>135</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 993; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 439.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f136'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r136'>136</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f137'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r137'>137</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 503.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f138'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r138'>138</a>. Foster, Durham Visitation Pedigrees, Bowes.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f139'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r139'>139</a>. Plantagenet-Harrison, Hist. of Yorks., Aske of Aske.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f140'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r140'>140</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>. 1143.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f141'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r141'>141</a>. F. W. Maitland, The Year Books of Edward II (Selden Soc.).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f142'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r142'>142</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 100.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f143'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r143'>143</a>. Tonge’s Visitation of Yorks. (Surtees Soc.), p. 25.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f144'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r144'>144</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 4462.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f145'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r145'>145</a>. Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, vol. <span class='fss'>II</span>, no. 134; L. and P. <span class='fss'>II</span>, 2733.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f146'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r146'>146</a>. Hall, Chronicle, ann. 1519.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f147'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r147'>147</a>. Brewer, Reign of Henry VIII, <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f148'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r148'>148</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>XI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f149'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r149'>149</a>. Halliwell-Phillipps, Letters of the Kings of England, <span class='fss'>I</span>, Hen. VIII to the Earl of +Surrey.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f150'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r150'>150</a>. Raine, Testa. Ebor. (Surtees Soc.) <span class='fss'>VI</span>, 306.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f151'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r151'>151</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>II</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f152'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r152'>152</a>. Raine, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f153'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r153'>153</a>. Tonge, op. cit. 25.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f154'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r154'>154</a>. Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>VI</span>, 306.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f155'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r155'>155</a>. Tonge, op. cit. 25.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f156'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r156'>156</a>. Ord, Hist. of Cleveland, Pedigree of Bulmer; Brenan and Statham, The House +of Howard, <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f157'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r157'>157</a>. Foster, Yorkshire Visitation Pedigrees, Bulmer of Pinchinthorpe.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f158'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r158'>158</a>. Wriothesley, Chron. (Camden Soc.) <span class='fss'>I</span>, 64.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f159'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r159'>159</a>. Grey Friars’ Chron. (Camden Soc.) p. 41; see note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f160'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r160'>160</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 1199 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f161'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r161'>161</a>. Ibid. 236.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f162'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r162'>162</a>. Foster, op. cit., Bulmer of Pinchinthorpe.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f163'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r163'>163</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 66, 236.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f164'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r164'>164</a>. Tonge, op. cit. 25.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f165'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r165'>165</a>. Dur. Cursitor’s Rec. portf. 171, no. 2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f166'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r166'>166</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XIII</span> (1) 366, 707.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f167'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r167'>167</a>. Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>IV</span>, 215 n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f168'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r168'>168</a>. Tonge, op. cit. 67.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f169'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r169'>169</a>. Ibid. 64.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f170'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r170'>170</a>. See above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f171'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r171'>171</a>. Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 306 n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f172'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r172'>172</a>. Archaeologia Aeliana (new ser.) <span class='fss'>III</span>, 214.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f173'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r173'>173</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 135.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f174'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r174'>174</a>. Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>VI</span>, 68 n.; Yorks. Arch. and Top. Journ. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 404.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f175'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r175'>175</a>. Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 55.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f176'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r176'>176</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>VI</span>, 223.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f177'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r177'>177</a>. Dic. Nat. Biog., Francis Bigod; Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 55.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f178'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r178'>178</a>. Dic. Nat. Biog. loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f179'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r179'>179</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 135, 735; <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 23.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f180'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r180'>180</a>. Tonge, op. cit. 67.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f181'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r181'>181</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 271.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f182'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r182'>182</a>. Yorks. Arch. and Top. Journ. <span class='fss'>II</span>, 246–51.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f183'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r183'>183</a>. Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, <span class='fss'>XXVII</span>, no. 131.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f184'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r184'>184</a>. Yorks. Arch. and Top. Journ. <span class='fss'>II</span>, 246–51.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f185'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r185'>185</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 216.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f186'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r186'>186</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 47–49, 238.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f187'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r187'>187</a>. Ibid. 611, 679.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f188'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r188'>188</a>. Ibid. 1167.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f189'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r189'>189</a>. Dic. Nat. Biog. loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f190'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r190'>190</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 849, 854, 869, 1082.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f191'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r191'>191</a>. Ibid. 1025, 1033, 1069.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f192'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r192'>192</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 37.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f193'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r193'>193</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 49.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f194'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r194'>194</a>. Ibid. 742.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f195'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r195'>195</a>. Tonge, op. cit. 68.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f196'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r196'>196</a>. Gentleman’s Mag. 1835 (1), pp. 151–2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f197'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r197'>197</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 851; see note B at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f198'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r198'>198</a>. Froude, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f199'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r199'>199</a>. Dic. Nat. Biog., Robert Constable.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f200'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r200'>200</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>II</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f201'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r201'>201</a>. Arch. Ael. (new ser.), vol. <span class='fss'>III</span>, p. 214.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f202'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r202'>202</a>. Ibid. p. 225.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f203'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r203'>203</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>II</span>, 2735.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f204'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r204'>204</a>. Ibid. 3446.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f205'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r205'>205</a>. Gentleman’s Mag. 1835 (1), p. 153.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f206'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r206'>206</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>III</span> (1), 654–5.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f207'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r207'>207</a>. Ibid. 1236, 1260.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f208'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r208'>208</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>III</span> (2), 3240; cf. Brown, Yorks. Star Chamber Proc. (Yorks. Arch. Soc. +Rec. Ser.), <span class='fss'>I</span>, nos. <span class='fss'>IX</span> and <span class='fss'>LXXXI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f209'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r209'>209</a>. Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, bundle 22 no. 162.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f210'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r210'>210</a>. The Plumpton Letters (Camden Soc.), vol. <span class='fss'>IV</span> (1839), pp. 227–8; Brown, Yorks. +Star Chamber Proc. (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Rec. Ser.) <span class='fss'>I</span>, no. <span class='fss'>XXVII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f211'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r211'>211</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XIII</span> (1) 708.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f212'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r212'>212</a>. A. F. Leach, Beverley Town Documents (Selden Soc.), preface, p. xxxvi, pp. 64, 65.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f213'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r213'>213</a>. Yorks. Arch. and Top. Journ. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, p. 401.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f214'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r214'>214</a>. Archaeological Journ. <span class='fss'>XXV</span>, 170.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f215'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r215'>215</a>. J. Foster, Glover’s Visitation of Yorks. p. 441.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f216'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r216'>216</a>. Tonge, op. cit. 64.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f217'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r217'>217</a>. Raine, Testa. Ebor. (Surtees Soc.) <span class='fss'>IV</span>, 123.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f218'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r218'>218</a>. Tonge, op. cit. 64.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f219'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r219'>219</a>. Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>IV</span>, 257.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f220'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r220'>220</a>. Ibid. <span class='fss'>VI</span>. 21.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f221'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r221'>221</a>. For the marriages of the Askes see Flower’s Visit. of Yorks. (Harl. Soc.), <span class='fss'>XVI</span>, 7; +B. M. Add. MS 38133, fol. 45b–46a.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f222'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r222'>222</a>. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>VI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f223'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r223'>223</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 622; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f224'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r224'>224</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 191.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f225'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r225'>225</a>. Durham Cursitor’s Rec. portf. 177, no. 9.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f226'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r226'>226</a>. Tonge, op. cit. 64.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f227'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r227'>227</a>. Raine, Testa. Ebor. <span class='fss'>VI</span>, 165.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f228'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r228'>228</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XVI</span>, 653; <span class='fss'>XVII</span>, 8, 283 (8).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f229'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r229'>229</a>. Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>IV</span>, 123; L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1186 and 1321.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f230'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r230'>230</a>. Raine, Mem. of Hexham Priory (Surtees Soc.), <span class='fss'>I</span>, App. p. clxii n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f231'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r231'>231</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1321.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f232'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r232'>232</a>. Raine, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f233'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r233'>233</a>. Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, Bundle <span class='fss'>XXVII</span>, no. 143.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f234'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r234'>234</a>. Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, Bundle <span class='fss'>XXVII</span>, no. 135; cf. Bundle <span class='fss'>XVIII</span>, no. +164, printed in full, Yorks. Star Chamber Proc. (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Rec. Ser.), <span class='fss'>II</span>, +no. 15.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f235'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r235'>235</a>. Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, Bundle <span class='fss'>XXX</span>, no. 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f236'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r236'>236</a>. Raine, Mem. of Hexham Priory, <span class='fss'>I</span>, p. clxii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f237'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r237'>237</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1321.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f238'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r238'>238</a>. Raine, op. cit. p. clxii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f239'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r239'>239</a>. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>XIX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f240'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r240'>240</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1186.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f241'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r241'>241</a>. Arch. Journ. <span class='fss'>XXV</span>, 171.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f242'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r242'>242</a>. Ibid.; facsimile in Gentleman’s Magazine, Aug. 1754. See note C at end of +chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f243'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r243'>243</a>. See note D at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f244'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r244'>244</a>. Raine, Testa. Ebor. <span class='fss'>VI</span>, 21; Exch. Inq. ser. 2, 983/4.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f245'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r245'>245</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1223, 1224.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f246'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r246'>246</a>. Notes and Queries, 11th ser. vol. <span class='fss'>IV</span>, p. 441.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f247'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r247'>247</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f248'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r248'>248</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1175.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f249'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r249'>249</a>. Hall, Chronicle, ann. 1536.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f250'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r250'>250</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1103.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f251'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r251'>251</a>. See note E at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f252'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r252'>252</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 475, 892; <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 463.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f253'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r253'>253</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 37.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f254'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r254'>254</a>. Ibid. 463.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f255'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r255'>255</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 404.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f256'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r256'>256</a>. See note F at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f257'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r257'>257</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 457.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f258'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r258'>258</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 369 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f259'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r259'>259</a>. Ibid. 316, 369.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f260'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r260'>260</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f261'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r261'>261</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, J. C. Cox, William Stapleton and the +Pilgrimage of Grace; see note G at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f262'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r262'>262</a>. Yorks. Arch. and Top. Journ. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, p. 403.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f263'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r263'>263</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392, see below, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f264'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r264'>264</a>. Now Hutton Wandesley in Long Marston parish.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f265'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r265'>265</a>. Yorks. Arch. Journ. <span class='fss'>XX</span>, 362.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f266'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r266'>266</a>. Morris, The Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers, 1st Ser., The Bapthorpes.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f267'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r267'>267</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 457; see note F at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f268'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r268'>268</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 330 et seq.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f269'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r269'>269</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1244.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f270'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r270'>270</a>. G. Brenan and E. P. Statham, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>; Foster, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f271'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r271'>271</a>. Raine, Testa. Ebor. (Surtees Soc.), <span class='fss'>IV</span>, 257; B. M. Add. MS 38133, f. 45 b–46 a.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f272'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r272'>272</a>. Printed in full, Yorks. Star Chamber Proc. (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Rec. Ser.), <span class='fss'>II</span>, nos. +xiv, xxiii, xxvii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f273'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r273'>273</a>. Printed in full, Yorks. Star. Proc. (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Rec. Ser.), <span class='fss'>I</span>, no. lxxxii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f274'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r274'>274</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 457. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>IV.</span></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f275'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r275'>275</a>. William Stapleton and the Pilgrimage of Grace, Trans. of the East Riding Rec. +Soc., vol. <span class='fss'>X</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f276'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r276'>276</a>. Gasquet, Hen. VIII and the Eng. Mon. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>VI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f277'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r277'>277</a>. Merriman, Life of Thomas Cromwell, <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f278'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r278'>278</a>. Gasquet, Henry VIII and the English Mon. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f279'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r279'>279</a>. Brand, Newcastle-on-Tyne, <span class='fss'>I</span>, 335 n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f280'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r280'>280</a>. Gasquet, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f281'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r281'>281</a>. See note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f282'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r282'>282</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 626; the document is quoted by Froude, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>XIV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f283'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r283'>283</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 624.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f284'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r284'>284</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VII</span>, 595; <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 480; <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 189, 315.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f285'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r285'>285</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 594; Gasquet, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f286'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r286'>286</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 1118, printed in Latimer’s Sermons and Remains (Parker Soc.), +<span class='fss'>II</span>, 373.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f287'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r287'>287</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 179.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f288'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r288'>288</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 740.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f289'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r289'>289</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 462.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f290'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r290'>290</a>. Ibid. 1027, 1099.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f291'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r291'>291</a>. Ibid. 790.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f292'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r292'>292</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 480; <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 704.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f293'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r293'>293</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 20; <span class='fss'>X</span>, 296.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f294'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r294'>294</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 1130.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f295'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r295'>295</a>. Ibid. 1091.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f296'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r296'>296</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 804, 891.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f297'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r297'>297</a>. Dixon, Hist. of the Church of Eng. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f298'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r298'>298</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 100, <span class='fss'>X</span>, 14.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f299'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r299'>299</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 408.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f300'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r300'>300</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 406.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f301'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r301'>301</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 46; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 518.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f302'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r302'>302</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 1066.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f303'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r303'>303</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 480; <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 789.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f304'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r304'>304</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 589, 770, 776; <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 846; <span class='fss'>X</span>, 1140; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 505.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f305'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r305'>305</a>. Barnes was afterwards (30 July 1540) put to death at Smithfield on the famous +occasion when three heretics, of whom he was one, and three romanists were executed +together.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f306'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r306'>306</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 1059.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f307'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r307'>307</a>. Bradfield St Clare.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f308'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r308'>308</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 196, quoted by Merriman, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>; see note E at end +of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f309'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r309'>309</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 278; quoted by Merriman, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f310'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r310'>310</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XIII</span> (2), 307.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f311'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r311'>311</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f312'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r312'>312</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 844; <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 864, 1123; <span class='fss'>X</span>, 1205.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f313'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r313'>313</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 300 (ii); quoted by Merriman, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f314'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r314'>314</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 883.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f315'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r315'>315</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 722.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f316'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r316'>316</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 74; quoted by Merriman, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f317'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r317'>317</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 407; Merriman, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, nos. 161, 164; L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 109.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f318'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r318'>318</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 693 (ii); see note F at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f319'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r319'>319</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 407.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f320'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r320'>320</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 386.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f321'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r321'>321</a>. See note E at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f322'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r322'>322</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 955.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f323'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r323'>323</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 704, 742; <span class='fss'>X</span>, 172.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f324'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r324'>324</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 1024.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f325'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r325'>325</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 1020.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f326'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r326'>326</a>. Ibid. 1005; printed by Strype, Eccles. Mem. <span class='fss'>I</span> (ii), 274.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f327'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r327'>327</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 135.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f328'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r328'>328</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f329'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r329'>329</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 791.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f330'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r330'>330</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 457. For the date see above, chap. <span class='fss'>III</span>, note F.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f331'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r331'>331</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 863, 970, 984, 991; <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 150, 196, 427.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f332'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r332'>332</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 77.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f333'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r333'>333</a>. Ibid. 733.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f334'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r334'>334</a>. Ibid. 745.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f335'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r335'>335</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VI</span>, 355, 537.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f336'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r336'>336</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f337'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r337'>337</a>. See note B at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f338'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r338'>338</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 1264.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f339'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r339'>339</a>. A. F. Pollard, Henry VIII, chap. <span class='fss'>XII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f340'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r340'>340</a>. Froude, The Dissolution of the Monasteries, Frazer’s Mag. 1857.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f341'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r341'>341</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 1221.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f342'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r342'>342</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span> (1), 70 (xi), 481; <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 854 (ii), 768 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f343'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r343'>343</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 768 (2); printed in State Papers, <span class='fss'>I</span>, 482.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f344'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r344'>344</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f345'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r345'>345</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (vi).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f346'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r346'>346</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f347'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r347'>347</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 768 (2); printed in St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 482.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f348'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r348'>348</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f349'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r349'>349</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f350'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r350'>350</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 768 (2); printed in St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 482.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f351'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r351'>351</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 70 (x), (xi).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f352'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r352'>352</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 405.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f353'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r353'>353</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901; see below, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f354'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r354'>354</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; see below, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f355'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r355'>355</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 841; see below, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f356'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r356'>356</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 331.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f357'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r357'>357</a>. E. B. Bax, The Peasants’ War in Germany, 1524–25, p. 37.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f358'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r358'>358</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 319; printed by Raine, Mem. of Hexham Priory (Surtees Soc.), <span class='fss'>I</span>, +p. clvi, n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f359'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r359'>359</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 434, 470.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f360'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r360'>360</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 543.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f361'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r361'>361</a>. The serving-man’s master, i.e. Cromwell.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f362'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r362'>362</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (vii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f363'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r363'>363</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span>, (1), 481.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f364'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r364'>364</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 841.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f365'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r365'>365</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 590.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f366'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r366'>366</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (xii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f367'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r367'>367</a>. Ibid. 972.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f368'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r368'>368</a>. See below, chaps. <span class='fss'>V</span> and <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f369'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r369'>369</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 70 (viii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f370'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r370'>370</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1120.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f371'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r371'>371</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f372'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r372'>372</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f373'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r373'>373</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 809.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f374'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r374'>374</a>. Ibid. 949.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f375'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r375'>375</a>. Ibid. 771.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f376'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r376'>376</a>. Furnivall, Ballads from MS (Ballad Soc.), <span class='fss'>I</span> (2), 317.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f377'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r377'>377</a>. Bax, op. cit. 59.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f378'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r378'>378</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 736.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f379'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r379'>379</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 911.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f380'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r380'>380</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 841, 3 (ii) and 4. For similar sayings see Furnivall, loc. cit. +and Early Eng. Text Soc., Thomas of Ercildoune, vol. 61, p. 61.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f381'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r381'>381</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 534.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f382'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r382'>382</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XIV</span> (1), 186; Merriman, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>XI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f383'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r383'>383</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 846.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f384'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r384'>384</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 614.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f385'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r385'>385</a>. Ibid. 1207.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f386'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r386'>386</a>. Lansd. MS, 762.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f387'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r387'>387</a>. E. E. T. Soc. 61, p. lix.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f388'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r388'>388</a>. Ibid. 52–61.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f389'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r389'>389</a>. See note C at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f390'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r390'>390</a>. Cf. The Prophecies of Rymour, Beid and Marleyng, E. E. T. Soc. vol. 61, App. 2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f391'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r391'>391</a>. See note D at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f392'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r392'>392</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 318.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f393'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r393'>393</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 1212, 1231.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f394'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r394'>394</a>. The Mirror for Magistrates, <span class='fss'>II</span>, 71. The Legend of Glendour.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f395'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r395'>395</a>. Henry IV, pt. 1, Act <span class='fss'>III</span>, sc. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f396'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r396'>396</a>. Wilfrid Holme, The Fall and Evil Success of Rebellion.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f397'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r397'>397</a>. Longstaffe, Hist. of Darlington, 98, n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f398'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r398'>398</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 501; printed in St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 459.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f399'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r399'>399</a>. E. E. T. Soc. vol. 61, App. 2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f400'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r400'>400</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VI</span>, 1193; M. A. Everett Green, Letters of Royal and Illustrious +Ladies, <span class='fss'>II</span>, no. xcvii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f401'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r401'>401</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 702.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f402'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r402'>402</a>. Ibid. 929 (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f403'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r403'>403</a>. Ibid. 1015 (26).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f404'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r404'>404</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 381 (<span class='fss'>A</span>).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f405'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r405'>405</a>. Wriothesley, Chron. (Camden Soc.), <span class='fss'>I</span>, 61.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f406'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r406'>406</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1194–95; see below, chap. <span class='fss'>XIX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f407'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r407'>407</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 780 (2); printed St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 463.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f408'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r408'>408</a>. Leadam, The Domesday of Inclosures, <span class='fss'>I</span>, pp. 8, 243.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f409'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r409'>409</a>. Ibid. 244.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f410'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r410'>410</a>. Ibid. 245, 251, 255.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f411'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r411'>411</a>. Froude always alludes to Moigne as Mayne. The name is spelt in many +different ways.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f412'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r412'>412</a>. Wriothesley, Chronicle (Camden Soc.), <span class='fss'>I</span>, 61; cf. Inderwick, Cal. of Inner +Temple Records, <span class='fss'>I</span>, pp. 94, 104, 107–8, 110–14.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f413'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r413'>413</a>. Star Chamber Cases, Bundle <span class='fss'>XXVIII</span>, no. 120. As usual the result of the case +is unknown.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f414'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r414'>414</a>. See note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f415'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r415'>415</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, preface, pp. xi-xii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f416'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r416'>416</a>. Ibid. p. <span class='fss'>XV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f417'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r417'>417</a>. Gasquet, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>II</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f418'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r418'>418</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 481, 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f419'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r419'>419</a>. Ibid. 481.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f420'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r420'>420</a>. i.e. Dr Raynes, Chancellor of the Bishop of Lincoln.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f421'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r421'>421</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 975 (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f422'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r422'>422</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 481.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f423'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r423'>423</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 975 (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f424'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r424'>424</a>. Ibid. 854, 828 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f425'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r425'>425</a>. See note B at the end of the chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f426'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r426'>426</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380; extracts are printed by Gasquet, Henry VIII and the +English Mon. <span class='fss'>II</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>II</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f427'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r427'>427</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (iii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f428'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r428'>428</a>. Ibid. (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f429'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r429'>429</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f430'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r430'>430</a>. Ibid. 70 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f431'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r431'>431</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 854.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f432'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r432'>432</a>. Ibid. 828 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f433'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r433'>433</a>. Ibid. 324.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f434'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r434'>434</a>. Ibid. 854.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f435'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r435'>435</a>. Ibid. 135.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f436'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r436'>436</a>. Ibid. 828 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f437'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r437'>437</a>. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f438'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r438'>438</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 567.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f439'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r439'>439</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f440'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r440'>440</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (xii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f441'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r441'>441</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (iii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f442'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r442'>442</a>. Ibid. (xii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f443'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r443'>443</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f444'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r444'>444</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 568, 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f445'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r445'>445</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f446'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r446'>446</a>. Ibid. 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f447'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r447'>447</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f448'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r448'>448</a>. Ibid. 828 (xii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f449'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r449'>449</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f450'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r450'>450</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f451'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r451'>451</a>. Ibid. 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f452'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r452'>452</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f453'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r453'>453</a>. See note E at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f454'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r454'>454</a>. Robert Aske’s brother-in-law, see above, chap. <span class='fss'>III</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f455'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r455'>455</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f456'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r456'>456</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f457'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r457'>457</a>. Ibid. 534, 568.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f458'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r458'>458</a>. Ibid. 568.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f459'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r459'>459</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 534 (St. P. Hen. VIII, vol. 106, p. 250. R. O.)</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f460'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r460'>460</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 568.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f461'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r461'>461</a>. Ibid. 533.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f462'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r462'>462</a>. Ibid. 536.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f463'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r463'>463</a>. Ibid. 563.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f464'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r464'>464</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f465'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r465'>465</a>. Ibid. 532.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f466'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r466'>466</a>. Ibid. 531.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f467'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r467'>467</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f468'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r468'>468</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f469'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r469'>469</a>. Ibid. 852, 973.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f470'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r470'>470</a>. Ibid. 531, 971, cf. 879 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f471'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r471'>471</a>. Ibid. 585.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f472'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r472'>472</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f473'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r473'>473</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f474'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r474'>474</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 967 (xi).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f475'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r475'>475</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f476'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r476'>476</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f477'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r477'>477</a>. Ibid. 539.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f478'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r478'>478</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f479'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r479'>479</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 536.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f480'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r480'>480</a>. Ibid. 828 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f481'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r481'>481</a>. Ibid. 975 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f482'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r482'>482</a>. Ibid. 828 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f483'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r483'>483</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 70 (ix).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f484'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r484'>484</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f485'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r485'>485</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 70 (ix).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f486'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r486'>486</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380, 481.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f487'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r487'>487</a>. See above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f488'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r488'>488</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f489'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r489'>489</a>. Christopher Hales.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f490'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r490'>490</a>. Richard Riche.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f491'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r491'>491</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 70 (iii, vii, x, xi); ibid. 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f492'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r492'>492</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f493'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r493'>493</a>. Ibid. 620.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f494'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r494'>494</a>. Ibid. 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f495'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r495'>495</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f496'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r496'>496</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 969.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f497'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r497'>497</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 70 (iii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f498'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r498'>498</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 620.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f499'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r499'>499</a>. Ibid. 828 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f500'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r500'>500</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f501'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r501'>501</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 563.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f502'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r502'>502</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full by Cox, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f503'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r503'>503</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (v).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f504'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r504'>504</a>. Ibid. (vii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f505'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r505'>505</a>. Ibid.(x).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f506'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r506'>506</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (viii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f507'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r507'>507</a>. Ibid. 593.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f508'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r508'>508</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 331.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f509'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r509'>509</a>. The third was probably Thomas Portington’s eldest son.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f510'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r510'>510</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 6; Eng. Hist. Rev. loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f511'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r511'>511</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f512'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r512'>512</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f513'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r513'>513</a>. Ibid. 828 (i).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f514'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r514'>514</a>. Ibid. 828 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f515'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r515'>515</a>. See description of Lionel Dymmoke’s tomb, G. Weir, Hist. Sketches of Horncastle, +30, and S. Lodge, Scrivelsby, Append. 3.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f516'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r516'>516</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828, iii (2), 585.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f517'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r517'>517</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f518'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r518'>518</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 6, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 333.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f519'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r519'>519</a>. See note C at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f520'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r520'>520</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 805.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f521'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r521'>521</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 576, 714.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f522'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r522'>522</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 576; printed also in Cal. S. P. Spanish, <span class='fss'>V</span> (2), 104; L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 714.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f523'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r523'>523</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 538.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f524'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r524'>524</a>. See note D at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f525'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r525'>525</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 536.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f526'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r526'>526</a>. Ibid. 537.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f527'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r527'>527</a>. Ibid. 860.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f528'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r528'>528</a>. Ibid. 557.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f529'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r529'>529</a>. Ibid. 545; see above chap. <span class='fss'>I.</span></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f530'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r530'>530</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 576.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f531'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r531'>531</a>. Ibid. 552.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f532'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r532'>532</a>. See note E at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f533'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r533'>533</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 561.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f534'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r534'>534</a>. Ibid. 552.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f535'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r535'>535</a>. Ibid. 553.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f536'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r536'>536</a>. Ibid. 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f537'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r537'>537</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 852, 969.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f538'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r538'>538</a>. Ibid. 561.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f539'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r539'>539</a>. Ibid. 578, 561.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f540'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r540'>540</a>. Ibid. 561.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f541'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r541'>541</a>. Ibid. 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f542'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r542'>542</a>. Ibid. 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f543'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r543'>543</a>. Ibid. 828 (xii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f544'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r544'>544</a>. Ibid. 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f545'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r545'>545</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f546'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r546'>546</a>. Ibid. 587 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f547'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r547'>547</a>. Ibid. 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f548'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r548'>548</a>. Ibid. 828 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f549'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r549'>549</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f550'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r550'>550</a>. Ibid. 939.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f551'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r551'>551</a>. Ibid. 805.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f552'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r552'>552</a>. Ibid. 571.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f553'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r553'>553</a>. Ibid. 585.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f554'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r554'>554</a>. See note E at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f555'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r555'>555</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 567.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f556'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r556'>556</a>. Ibid. 587.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f557'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r557'>557</a>. Ibid. 620.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f558'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r558'>558</a>. Ibid. 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f559'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r559'>559</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f560'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r560'>560</a>. Ibid. 854; see note E at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f561'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r561'>561</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f562'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r562'>562</a>. Ibid. 969.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f563'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r563'>563</a>. Ibid. 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f564'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r564'>564</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f565'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r565'>565</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 853, 854.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f566'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r566'>566</a>. Ibid. 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f567'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r567'>567</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f568'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r568'>568</a>. Ibid. 587.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f569'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r569'>569</a>. Ibid. 589.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f570'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r570'>570</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f571'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r571'>571</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f572'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r572'>572</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f573'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r573'>573</a>. Ibid. 828 (v).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f574'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r574'>574</a>. Ibid. (vii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f575'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r575'>575</a>. Ibid. 828 (2); <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 70 (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f576'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r576'>576</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f577'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r577'>577</a>. Ibid. 828 (v).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f578'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r578'>578</a>. Ibid. 780 (2); 828 (5).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f579'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r579'>579</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f580'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r580'>580</a>. Holinshed, Chronicle, <span class='fss'>III</span>, 800.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f581'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r581'>581</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f582'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r582'>582</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 536.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f583'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r583'>583</a>. Ibid. 537.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f584'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r584'>584</a>. Ibid. 562.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f585'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r585'>585</a>. Ibid. 612; printed by Merriman, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, 33.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f586'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r586'>586</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 715–16.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f587'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r587'>587</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 436.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f588'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r588'>588</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 579, 580.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f589'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r589'>589</a>. Ibid. 584; printed in part by Froude, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f590'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r590'>590</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 576.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f591'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r591'>591</a>. Ibid. 558, 560, 562, 581, 590.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f592'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r592'>592</a>. Ibid. 590.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f593'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r593'>593</a>. Ibid. 576, 714.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f594'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r594'>594</a>. Ibid. 593.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f595'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r595'>595</a>. Ibid. 585.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f596'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r596'>596</a>. Ibid. 584.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f597'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r597'>597</a>. Ibid. 714; printed in “The Pilgrim,” ed. Froude, p. 113.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f598'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r598'>598</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 568.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f599'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r599'>599</a>. Ibid. 587.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f600'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r600'>600</a>. Ibid. 563.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f601'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r601'>601</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 592.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f602'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r602'>602</a>. Ibid. 587 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f603'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r603'>603</a>. Ibid. 581, 587.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f604'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r604'>604</a>. Ibid. 714.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f605'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r605'>605</a>. Ibid. 600.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f606'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r606'>606</a>. Ibid. 607.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f607'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r607'>607</a>. Probably Monday, 16 Oct.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f608'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r608'>608</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 579 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f609'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r609'>609</a>. Ibid. 576.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f610'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r610'>610</a>. Ibid. 615.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f611'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r611'>611</a>. Ibid. 601.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f612'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r612'>612</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f613'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r613'>613</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 603.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f614'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r614'>614</a>. Ibid. 625.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f615'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r615'>615</a>. Ibid. 626.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f616'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r616'>616</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f617'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r617'>617</a>. Ibid. 605.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f618'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r618'>618</a>. Ibid. 662.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f619'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r619'>619</a>. Ibid. 598.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f620'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r620'>620</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 611.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f621'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r621'>621</a>. Ibid. 714.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f622'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r622'>622</a>. Ibid. 621.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f623'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r623'>623</a>. Ibid. 615.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f624'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r624'>624</a>. Ibid. 569.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f625'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r625'>625</a>. Ibid. 616.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f626'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r626'>626</a>. Ibid. 615.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f627'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r627'>627</a>. Ibid. 617.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f628'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r628'>628</a>. Ibid. 658.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f629'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r629'>629</a>. Ibid. 638.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f630'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r630'>630</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 650.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f631'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r631'>631</a>. Ibid. 658; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>V.</span></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f632'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r632'>632</a>. Ibid. 658.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f633'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r633'>633</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 888.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f634'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r634'>634</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f635'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r635'>635</a>. Ibid. 70 (x).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f636'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r636'>636</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (xi).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f637'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r637'>637</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 70 (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f638'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r638'>638</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>V.</span></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f639'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r639'>639</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 70 (xi).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f640'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r640'>640</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f641'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r641'>641</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 70 (x).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f642'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r642'>642</a>. See note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f643'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r643'>643</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (viii), 969.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f644'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r644'>644</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f645'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r645'>645</a>. See note B at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f646'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r646'>646</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f647'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r647'>647</a>. Ibid. 975 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f648'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r648'>648</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f649'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r649'>649</a>. Ibid. 939.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f650'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r650'>650</a>. Ibid. 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f651'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r651'>651</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f652'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r652'>652</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 969.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f653'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r653'>653</a>. Ibid. 828 (<span class='fss'>V</span>).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f654'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r654'>654</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f655'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r655'>655</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 658.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f656'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r656'>656</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f657'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r657'>657</a>. Ibid. 661.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f658'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r658'>658</a>. Ibid. 694.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f659'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r659'>659</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 971; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f660'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r660'>660</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f661'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r661'>661</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 694 (2); printed in St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 462.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f662'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r662'>662</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 854.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f663'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r663'>663</a>. Ibid. 690, 718; printed St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 468.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f664'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r664'>664</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 971.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f665'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r665'>665</a>. Ibid. 843.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f666'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r666'>666</a>. Ibid. 828, i, (2); <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 70 (xiii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f667'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r667'>667</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 672.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f668'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r668'>668</a>. Ibid. 680.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f669'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r669'>669</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 672.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f670'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r670'>670</a>. Ibid. 854, 691.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f671'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r671'>671</a>. Ibid. 854 (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f672'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r672'>672</a>. Ibid. 828, i, (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f673'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r673'>673</a>. Ibid. 808.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f674'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r674'>674</a>. Ibid. 694.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f675'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r675'>675</a>. Ibid. 587.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f676'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r676'>676</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 625.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f677'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r677'>677</a>. Ibid. 584.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f678'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r678'>678</a>. Ibid. 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f679'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r679'>679</a>. Ibid. 620.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f680'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r680'>680</a>. Ibid. 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f681'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r681'>681</a>. Lincolnshire Pedigrees (Harl. Soc.), Ped. of Carr of Sleaford.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f682'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r682'>682</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 969.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f683'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r683'>683</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 975 (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f684'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r684'>684</a>. Ibid. 852.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f685'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r685'>685</a>. Ibid. 969.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f686'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r686'>686</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 656; printed by Tierney, Dodd’s Church Hist. of Eng. <span class='fss'>I</span>, Append.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f687'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r687'>687</a>. See note C at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f688'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r688'>688</a>. See note D at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f689'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r689'>689</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 714; the translation of another copy is printed by Froude, The +Pilgrim, p. 113.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f690'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r690'>690</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 720–1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f691'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r691'>691</a>. Ibid. 808.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f692'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r692'>692</a>. Ibid. 717.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f693'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r693'>693</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 718; printed in St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 468.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f694'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r694'>694</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 717.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f695'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r695'>695</a>. Ibid. 756.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f696'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r696'>696</a>. Ibid. 854.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f697'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r697'>697</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 780 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f698'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r698'>698</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 780 (2); printed in St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 463.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f699'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r699'>699</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f700'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r700'>700</a>. Bax, op. cit. 108.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f701'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r701'>701</a>. Bax, op. cit. 137–41.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f702'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r702'>702</a>. Ibid. 141–2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f703'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r703'>703</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 842; printed in St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 490.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f704'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r704'>704</a>. Bax, op. cit. 44, 108.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f705'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r705'>705</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 330 et seq.; see chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f706'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r706'>706</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1186.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f707'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r707'>707</a>. Ibid. 6, printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 331.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f708'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r708'>708</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 333.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f709'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r709'>709</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f710'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r710'>710</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f711'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r711'>711</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f712'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r712'>712</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 563.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f713'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r713'>713</a>. See chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f714'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r714'>714</a>. See chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f715'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r715'>715</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 760.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f716'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r716'>716</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f717'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r717'>717</a>. L. and X. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 605.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f718'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r718'>718</a>. Ibid. 563.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f719'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r719'>719</a>. Ibid. 605.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f720'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r720'>720</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1186.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f721'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r721'>721</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 841.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f722'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r722'>722</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, J. C. Coxe, William Stapleton and the +Pilgrimage of Grace (Trans. of the East Riding Antiq. Soc. <span class='fss'>X</span>).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f723'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r723'>723</a>. See chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f724'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r724'>724</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 841.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f725'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r725'>725</a>. Ibid. 647; append. 10.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f726'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r726'>726</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 370; <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 841.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f727'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r727'>727</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 370.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f728'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r728'>728</a>. Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f729'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r729'>729</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 841.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f730'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r730'>730</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f731'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r731'>731</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 333.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f732'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r732'>732</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, J. C. Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f733'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r733'>733</a>. See chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f734'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r734'>734</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 628; printed by Russell, Kett’s Rebellion, 33, n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f735'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r735'>735</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f736'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r736'>736</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>III</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f737'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r737'>737</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>III</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f738'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r738'>738</a>. See map no. 3.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f739'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r739'>739</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, J. C. Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f740'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r740'>740</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 334.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f741'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r741'>741</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 622. Copied from original at R. O.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f742'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r742'>742</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 334.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f743'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r743'>743</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f744'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r744'>744</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1186.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f745'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r745'>745</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 841.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f746'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r746'>746</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f747'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r747'>747</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 841.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f748'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r748'>748</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f749'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r749'>749</a>. Ibid. 1186.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f750'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r750'>750</a>. Ibid. 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f751'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r751'>751</a>. Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f752'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r752'>752</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1021.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f753'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r753'>753</a>. Ibid. 370, 1018.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f754'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r754'>754</a>. Ibid. 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f755'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r755'>755</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f756'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r756'>756</a>. See chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f757'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r757'>757</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 201, pp. 89–90.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f758'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r758'>758</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 201, p. 90.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f759'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r759'>759</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (xii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f760'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r760'>760</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 201, p. 90.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f761'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r761'>761</a>. Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f762'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r762'>762</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f763'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r763'>763</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f764'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r764'>764</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 201, p. 94.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f765'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r765'>765</a>. Ibid. 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f766'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r766'>766</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 334.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f767'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r767'>767</a>. Ibid. 852 (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f768'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r768'>768</a>. Ibid. 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f769'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r769'>769</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f770'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r770'>770</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f771'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r771'>771</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 201, p. 85.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f772'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r772'>772</a>. Ibid. 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f773'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r773'>773</a>. Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 334.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f774'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r774'>774</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f775'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r775'>775</a>. Ibid. 901 (28); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 560.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f776'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r776'>776</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f777'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r777'>777</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 828 (xii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f778'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r778'>778</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f779'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r779'>779</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 818.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f780'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r780'>780</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f781'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r781'>781</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 818.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f782'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r782'>782</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f783'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r783'>783</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f784'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r784'>784</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1103.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f785'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r785'>785</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f786'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r786'>786</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f787'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r787'>787</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 789; copied from the original at the R. O.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f788'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r788'>788</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f789'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r789'>789</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 819 and 820.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f790'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r790'>790</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 658, 672.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f791'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r791'>791</a>. Ibid. 627.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f792'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r792'>792</a>. Ibid. 1086; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f793'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r793'>793</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 646.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f794'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r794'>794</a>. Ibid. 663.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f795'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r795'>795</a>. Ibid. 664.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f796'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r796'>796</a>. Ibid. 635; see below, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f797'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r797'>797</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 678; see below, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f798'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r798'>798</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f799'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r799'>799</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1402; see note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f800'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r800'>800</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f801'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r801'>801</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1225.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f802'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r802'>802</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>VI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f803'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r803'>803</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 692; see note B at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f804'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r804'>804</a>. Ibid. 687.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f805'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r805'>805</a>. Ibid. 1086.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f806'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r806'>806</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 702.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f807'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r807'>807</a>. Ibid. 695.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f808'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r808'>808</a>. Ibid. 694; copied from the original at the R. O.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f809'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r809'>809</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>VI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f810'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r810'>810</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 783.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f811'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r811'>811</a>. Ibid. 1087 (p. 497); see note C at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f812'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r812'>812</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 706.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f813'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r813'>813</a>. Ibid. 715.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f814'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r814'>814</a>. Ibid. 723; printed in full, St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 468.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f815'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r815'>815</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 729; see below, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f816'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r816'>816</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 739.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f817'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r817'>817</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f818'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r818'>818</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 749.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f819'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r819'>819</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 306.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f820'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r820'>820</a>. Ibid. 1018.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f821'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r821'>821</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 729.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f822'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r822'>822</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1018.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f823'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r823'>823</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 729.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f824'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r824'>824</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 331.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f825'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r825'>825</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 705 (3); copied from the original at the R. O., T. R. Misc. Bk. 118, +p. 41; St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 466.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f826'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r826'>826</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 334.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f827'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r827'>827</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f828'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r828'>828</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 306.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f829'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r829'>829</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 705; see note D at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f830'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r830'>830</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (21); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 551 et seq.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f831'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r831'>831</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 306.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f832'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r832'>832</a>. Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 334.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f833'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r833'>833</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 759.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f834'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r834'>834</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1018.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f835'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r835'>835</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 784 (ii); printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby +(Chetham Soc.), p. 51.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f836'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r836'>836</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 335.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f837'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r837'>837</a>. Wilfred Holme, The Downfall of Rebellion.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f838'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r838'>838</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1319.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f839'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r839'>839</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1018.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f840'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r840'>840</a>. Ibid. 1320.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f841'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r841'>841</a>. See note E at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f842'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r842'>842</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1402.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f843'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r843'>843</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 762.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f844'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r844'>844</a>. Ibid. 1402; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 852 (iii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f845'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r845'>845</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 335.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f846'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r846'>846</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 852 (iii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f847'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r847'>847</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 762.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f848'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r848'>848</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6 and 901 (28); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 336 and 560.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f849'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r849'>849</a>. See below chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f850'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r850'>850</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 945 (68).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f851'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r851'>851</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 705 (4); printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby +(Chetham Soc.), p. 50; Tierney, Dodd’s Church Hist. of Eng. <span class='fss'>I</span>, Append. no. <span class='fss'>XLIII</span>; +Stowe, Chron. ann. 1536; Speed, Hist. of Gt Britain, Bk <span class='fss'>IX</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>XXI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f852'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r852'>852</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1021, 1034.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f853'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r853'>853</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 945 (65).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f854'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r854'>854</a>. Ibid. 6, 945 (67).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f855'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r855'>855</a>. See below chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f856'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r856'>856</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1018.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f857'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r857'>857</a>. Ibid. 1264.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f858'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r858'>858</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1372.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f859'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r859'>859</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1018.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f860'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r860'>860</a>. Ibid. 1264.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f861'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r861'>861</a>. Ibid. 1018.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f862'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r862'>862</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 774.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f863'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r863'>863</a>. Ibid. 1402.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f864'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r864'>864</a>. See note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f865'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r865'>865</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 760.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f866'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r866'>866</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f867'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r867'>867</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1086.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f868'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r868'>868</a>. Ibid. 774.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f869'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r869'>869</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f870'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r870'>870</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 759.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f871'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r871'>871</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 852 (iii); L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1402.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f872'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r872'>872</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f873'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r873'>873</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, Append. 11.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f874'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r874'>874</a>. See note F at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f875'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r875'>875</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 335–6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f876'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r876'>876</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f877'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r877'>877</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6, 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f878'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r878'>878</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1086.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f879'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r879'>879</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f880'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r880'>880</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f881'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r881'>881</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1086.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f882'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r882'>882</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f883'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r883'>883</a>. Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 336.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f884'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r884'>884</a>. See below chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f885'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r885'>885</a>. Bates, Border Holds, Introduction, pt <span class='fss'>V</span>; Arch. Ael. (new ser.) <span class='fss'>I</span>, 87; Gasquet, +op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>X</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f886'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r886'>886</a>. See below chap. <span class='fss'>XIV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f887'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r887'>887</a>. See below chap. <span class='fss'>XX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f888'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r888'>888</a>. Dowell, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, Bk <span class='fss'>III</span>, chap, <span class='fss'>I</span>, pt <span class='fss'>II</span>, section 2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f889'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r889'>889</a>. Raine, Mem. of Hexham Priory (Surtees Soc.) preface p. cxxii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f890'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r890'>890</a>. Ibid. Append. p. cxxvi; Wright, Suppression of the Monasteries (Camden Soc.), +123; Burnet, Hist. of Reformation, <span class='fss'>VI</span>, 139; L. and P. <span class='fss'>X</span>, 716.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f891'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r891'>891</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 689.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f892'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r892'>892</a>. Ibid. 449.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f893'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r893'>893</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 689.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f894'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r894'>894</a>. Ibid. 504; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, p. cxxvii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f895'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r895'>895</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 689.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f896'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r896'>896</a>. Ibid. 535.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f897'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r897'>897</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 544, 760 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f898'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r898'>898</a>. See below.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f899'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r899'>899</a>. Ibid. 689.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f900'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r900'>900</a>. Bates, Border Holds, 316.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f901'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r901'>901</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1090; printed in full in Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, Append. p. cxl +et seq.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f902'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r902'>902</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1090; printed in full, Raine, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f903'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r903'>903</a>. Ibid.; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. p. cxxxvi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f904'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r904'>904</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1090; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. p. cxlv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f905'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r905'>905</a>. Ibid.; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. p. cxxxvi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f906'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r906'>906</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 68.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f907'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r907'>907</a>. Ibid. 736.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f908'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r908'>908</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f909'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r909'>909</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1090; Raine, op. cit. p. cxxxvi. Also printed by De Fonblanque, +Annals of the House of Percy <span class='fss'>I</span>, App. lii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f910'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r910'>910</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 351, 467; printed by De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, App. liv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f911'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r911'>911</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1090; Raine and De Fonblanque, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f912'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r912'>912</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, 1143 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f913'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r913'>913</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XIII</span> (1), 1253.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f914'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r914'>914</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 85, 219.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f915'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r915'>915</a>. Ibid. 1090; printed in full, Raine, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f916'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r916'>916</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f917'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r917'>917</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 677.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f918'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r918'>918</a>. Ibid. 729.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f919'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r919'>919</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 788.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f920'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r920'>920</a>. Ibid. 789.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f921'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r921'>921</a>. Ibid. 775.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f922'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r922'>922</a>. Ibid. 789.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f923'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r923'>923</a>. Ibid. 1035. The Abbot says “the Wednesday after Michaelmas,” i.e. 4 October, +but he seems to have made a week’s error in his reckoning.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f924'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r924'>924</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1035.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f925'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r925'>925</a>. Ibid. 369, 789.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f926'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r926'>926</a>. Ibid. 786 (11).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f927'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r927'>927</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1284.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f928'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r928'>928</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 369; printed in full by Milner and Benham, Records of the +House of Lumley, 32–45.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f929'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r929'>929</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 22.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f930'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r930'>930</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, Append. 14.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f931'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r931'>931</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 381 (B).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f932'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r932'>932</a>. Ibid. Append. 14.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f933'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r933'>933</a>. Ibid. 1271.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f934'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r934'>934</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 22.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f935'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r935'>935</a>. Ibid. 789.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f936'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r936'>936</a>. Ibid. 29.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f937'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r937'>937</a>. Ibid. 369; <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 945.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f938'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r938'>938</a>. D.N.B.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f939'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r939'>939</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 369; see note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f940'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r940'>940</a>. Ibid. 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. 43.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f941'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r941'>941</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1035.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f942'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r942'>942</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. 33, 43.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f943'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r943'>943</a>. Fowler, Dur. Acct. Rolls (Surtees Soc.), <span class='fss'>II</span>, 483.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f944'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r944'>944</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 536; Greenwell, Boldon Buke (Surtees Soc.), vii-viii; Lapsley, +Co. Pal. of Durham, App. iii, 327.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f945'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r945'>945</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 578.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f946'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r946'>946</a>. Ibid. 789.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f947'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r947'>947</a>. Ibid. 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. 34, 35.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f948'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r948'>948</a>. Leadam, Select Cases from the Court of Star Chamber (Selden Soc.), pref. +p. xcv; p. 75 et seq.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f949'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r949'>949</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. 43.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f950'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r950'>950</a>. Ibid. 788.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f951'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r951'>951</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1207, 1372.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f952'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r952'>952</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 259.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f953'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r953'>953</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1372.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f954'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r954'>954</a>. Dep. and Eccles. Pro. at York Castle (Surtees Soc.), 45.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f955'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r955'>955</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f956'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r956'>956</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 841.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f957'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r957'>957</a>. Ibid. 563, 742.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f958'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r958'>958</a>. See above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f959'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r959'>959</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 604.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f960'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r960'>960</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1186.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f961'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r961'>961</a>. See above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f962'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r962'>962</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 712.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f963'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r963'>963</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f964'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r964'>964</a>. Ibid. 927.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f965'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r965'>965</a>. Ibid. 760.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f966'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r966'>966</a>. Ibid. 759.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f967'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r967'>967</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1269.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f968'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r968'>968</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1269.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f969'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r969'>969</a>. Ibid. 698 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f970'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r970'>970</a>. Sharp, Mem. of the Reb. of 1569, pp. 275, 277.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f971'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r971'>971</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>III</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f972'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r972'>972</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1186.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f973'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r973'>973</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 892; Hist. MSS. Com. Report <span class='fss'>VI</span>, 446; Correspondence of the +3rd Earl of Derby (Chetham Soc.), 47 et seq.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f974'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r974'>974</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1034.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f975'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r975'>975</a>. Ibid. 1014; printed in Yorks. Arch. Journ. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 251.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f976'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r976'>976</a>. Yorks. Arch. Journ. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 261–2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f977'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r977'>977</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1034.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f978'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r978'>978</a>. See above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f979'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r979'>979</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1186; printed in part by Froude, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f980'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r980'>980</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 698 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f981'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r981'>981</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 927.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f982'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r982'>982</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 787, 789.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f983'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r983'>983</a>. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>X</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f984'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r984'>984</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 331 et seq.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f985'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r985'>985</a>. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>XI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f986'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r986'>986</a>. Eure, Ewer, Ewers, Evers, Ewry, Ivers, Yevars, and many other forms.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f987'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r987'>987</a>. Hamilton Papers (Scot. Rec. Soc.), <span class='fss'>II</span>, 565.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f988'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r988'>988</a>. Sir Walter Scott, The Eve of St John.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f989'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r989'>989</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 535.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f990'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r990'>990</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 760 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f991'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r991'>991</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f992'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r992'>992</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 1212 (vi).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f993'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r993'>993</a>. Lord Herbert of Cherbury, Reign of Henry VIII (ed. 1672), 478.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f994'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r994'>994</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 989.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f995'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r995'>995</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XIII</span> (1), 45.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f996'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r996'>996</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 331 et seq.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f997'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r997'>997</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f998'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r998'>998</a>. Also spelt Salley.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f999'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r999'>999</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1000'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1000'>1000</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 784.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1001'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1001'>1001</a>. Ibid. 786 (3); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 331; J. Horsfall Turner, Yorkshire +Anthology, 143; The Antiquary, November 1880.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1002'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1002'>1002</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 786 (2); cf. 1421.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1003'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1003'>1003</a>. Gasquet, Hen. VIII and the Eng. Mon. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap, <span class='fss'>III</span>; L. and P. <span class='fss'>IV</span> (1), 1253.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1004'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1004'>1004</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 849 (29).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1005'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1005'>1005</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 635.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1006'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1006'>1006</a>. See note B at end of chapter; cf. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 486.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1007'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1007'>1007</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 681, 787, 1019, 1212; Gasquet, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>II</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1008'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1008'>1008</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 859.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1009'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1009'>1009</a>. Ibid. 635.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1010'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1010'>1010</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 578.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1011'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1011'>1011</a>. Ibid. 518; printed in Yorks. Arch. Journ. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 261–2; see note D at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1012'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1012'>1012</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1013'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1013'>1013</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 634; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby +(Chetham Soc.), 18.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1014'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1014'>1014</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 783; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby, 28.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1015'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1015'>1015</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 807.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1016'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1016'>1016</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 807.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1017'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1017'>1017</a>. Ibid. 804.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1018'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1018'>1018</a>. Ibid. 1155 (1), 1251; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby +(Chetham Soc.), 67.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1019'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1019'>1019</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 914.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1020'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1020'>1020</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 783.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1021'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1021'>1021</a>. Ibid. 894.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1022'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1022'>1022</a>. See above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1023'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1023'>1023</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 947 (2); printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of +Derby, 38.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1024'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1024'>1024</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 652.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1025'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1025'>1025</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>, note B.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1026'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1026'>1026</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 841 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1027'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1027'>1027</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 947 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1028'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1028'>1028</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 698 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1029'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1029'>1029</a>. Ibid. 914.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1030'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1030'>1030</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 947 (2); printed in full, Correspondence, 38.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1031'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1031'>1031</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 914.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1032'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1032'>1032</a>. Yorks. Arch. Journ. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 253 and L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1034.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1033'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1033'>1033</a>. Yorks. Arch. Journ. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 256.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1034'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1034'>1034</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1034.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1035'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1035'>1035</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 947 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1036'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1036'>1036</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 914.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1037'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1037'>1037</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 947.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1038'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1038'>1038</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 900, 901, 922; nos. 901 and 922 are printed in full in Correspondence +of the 3rd Earl of Derby, 36 and 37.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1039'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1039'>1039</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 947.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1040'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1040'>1040</a>. Yorks. Arch. Journ. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 256.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1041'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1041'>1041</a>. See note C at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1042'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1042'>1042</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 319; printed in full, Raine, Priory of Hexham, <span class='fss'>I</span> Append, p. clvi n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1043'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1043'>1043</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, The Monasteries of +Cumberland and Westmorland, no. <span class='fss'>XXII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1044'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1044'>1044</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (1); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. <span class='fss'>XXI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1045'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1045'>1045</a>. See above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1046'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1046'>1046</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. <span class='fss'>XXII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1047'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1047'>1047</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1048'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1048'>1048</a>. V. C. H. Cumberland, <span class='fss'>II</span>, 48.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1049'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1049'>1049</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1259; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. nos. <span class='fss'>XXIV-XXVII</span> and +Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, p. cliv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1050'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1050'>1050</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1051'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1051'>1051</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1052'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1052'>1052</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 742; see above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1053'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1053'>1053</a>. Ibid. 927.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1054'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1054'>1054</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (1), (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. nos. <span class='fss'>XXI</span> and <span class='fss'>XXII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1055'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1055'>1055</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 927.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1056'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1056'>1056</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (1), (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1057'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1057'>1057</a>. Ibid. 1090; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, Append, p. cxxx et seq.; De Fonblanque, +op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, Append. <span class='fss'>LII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1058'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1058'>1058</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 647, 846.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1059'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1059'>1059</a>. Ibid. 1331.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1060'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1060'>1060</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1061'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1061'>1061</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1062'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1062'>1062</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 993; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (1); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. <span class='fss'>XXI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1063'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1063'>1063</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1096, 1331.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1064'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1064'>1064</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1080; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1065'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1065'>1065</a>. Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, <span class='fss'>V</span>, 343, quoted by Bax, op. cit. 109.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1066'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1066'>1066</a>. Bax, op. cit. 61.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1067'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1067'>1067</a>. Ibid. 88.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1068'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1068'>1068</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, 183; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2) 597.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1069'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1069'>1069</a>. Nicholson and Burn, Westmorland and Cumberland, <span class='fss'>I</span>, 11–12.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1070'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1070'>1070</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 343.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1071'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1071'>1071</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1072'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1072'>1072</a>. Ibid. 901 (41); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 568. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>III</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1073'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1073'>1073</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 807.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1074'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1074'>1074</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (1), (28); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 560. See +above, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1075'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1075'>1075</a>. See note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1076'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1076'>1076</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 336.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1077'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1077'>1077</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 826 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1078'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1078'>1078</a>. See notes B and C at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1079'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1079'>1079</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>; +L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1080'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1080'>1080</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 393.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1081'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1081'>1081</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 792.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1082'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1082'>1082</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1018.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1083'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1083'>1083</a>. Ibid. 1090; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit., <span class='fss'>I</span>, App. <span class='fss'>LII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1084'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1084'>1084</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Bentham, Records of the +House of Lumley, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1085'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1085'>1085</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 393, printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1086'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1086'>1086</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1019.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1087'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1087'>1087</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 369; Milner and Bentham, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1088'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1088'>1088</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (41); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 568.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1089'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1089'>1089</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 852 (iv).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1090'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1090'>1090</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 879.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1091'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1091'>1091</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1175.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1092'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1092'>1092</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>VI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1093'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1093'>1093</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 879.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1094'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1094'>1094</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1095'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1095'>1095</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1320.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1096'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1096'>1096</a>. Ibid. 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1097'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1097'>1097</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 784. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>, for the message from Halifax to +Lincoln.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1098'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1098'>1098</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1099'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1099'>1099</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 369 (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1100'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1100'>1100</a>. Star Chamber Cases, vol. <span class='fss'>XX</span>, fol. 9.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1101'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1101'>1101</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6, printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. vol. <span class='fss'>V</span>, p. 340.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1102'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1102'>1102</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1103'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1103'>1103</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 698 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1104'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1104'>1104</a>. Ibid. 946 (118).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1105'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1105'>1105</a>. Fowler, Rites and Monuments of Durham (Surtees Soc.), 26.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1106'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1106'>1106</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (73); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 571.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1107'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1107'>1107</a>. Hall, Chronicle, ann. 1536; see note D at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1108'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1108'>1108</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1109'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1109'>1109</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1110'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1110'>1110</a>. Ibid., see below, chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1111'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1111'>1111</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 946 (118).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1112'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1112'>1112</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1113'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1113'>1113</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 900 (73–87); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 554–5. See +above, chap, <span class='fss'>II</span>, and note D at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1114'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1114'>1114</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (73).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1115'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1115'>1115</a>. Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1116'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1116'>1116</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 826 (2), (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1117'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1117'>1117</a>. Spanish Chron. of King Henry VIII (ed. M. A. S. Hume), chap. <span class='fss'>XVII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1118'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1118'>1118</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1119'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1119'>1119</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 625.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1120'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1120'>1120</a>. Ibid. 626.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1121'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1121'>1121</a>. Ibid. 642.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1122'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1122'>1122</a>. L. & P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 671.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1123'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1123'>1123</a>. Ibid. 659.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1124'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1124'>1124</a>. Ibid. 671.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1125'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1125'>1125</a>. Ibid. 642.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1126'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1126'>1126</a>. See above, ch. <span class='fss'>VI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1127'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1127'>1127</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 670, 720, 721.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1128'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1128'>1128</a>. Ibid. 642.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1129'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1129'>1129</a>. Ibid. 659.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1130'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1130'>1130</a>. Ibid. 726.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1131'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1131'>1131</a>. Ibid. 715, 717.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1132'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1132'>1132</a>. See above, ch. <span class='fss'>VI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1133'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1133'>1133</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>. 726.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1134'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1134'>1134</a>. Ibid. 716.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1135'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1135'>1135</a>. Ibid. 723; see above, ch. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1136'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1136'>1136</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 726.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1137'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1137'>1137</a>. Ibid. 716.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1138'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1138'>1138</a>. Ibid. 749.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1139'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1139'>1139</a>. Ibid. 704.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1140'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1140'>1140</a>. Ibid. 768.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1141'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1141'>1141</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1142'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1142'>1142</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 768.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1143'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1143'>1143</a>. Ibid. 834.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1144'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1144'>1144</a>. See above, ch. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1145'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1145'>1145</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 879.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1146'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1146'>1146</a>. Ibid. 738.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1147'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1147'>1147</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span> 727; printed in full, E. Bapst, Deux Gentilshommes-poètes de la +Cour de Henri VIII, 220 n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1148'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1148'>1148</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 738.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1149'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1149'>1149</a>. Ibid. 800.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1150'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1150'>1150</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>VI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1151'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1151'>1151</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 694.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1152'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1152'>1152</a>. Ibid. 758.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1153'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1153'>1153</a>. Ibid. 772.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1154'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1154'>1154</a>. Ibid. 758.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1155'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1155'>1155</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 772.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1156'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1156'>1156</a>. Ibid. 774; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1157'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1157'>1157</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 776.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1158'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1158'>1158</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 793.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1159'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1159'>1159</a>. Ibid. 803.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1160'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1160'>1160</a>. Ibid. 800, 803.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1161'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1161'>1161</a>. Ibid. 800.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1162'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1162'>1162</a>. Ibid. 803.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1163'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1163'>1163</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 799, 823, 824, 825, 835 etc.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1164'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1164'>1164</a>. Ibid. 831; copied from the original at the R. O.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1165'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1165'>1165</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 771.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1166'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1166'>1166</a>. Ibid. 826; see above, ch. <span class='fss'>X</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1167'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1167'>1167</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 840.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1168'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1168'>1168</a>. Ibid. 816, 822; printed in full, St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 488.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1169'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1169'>1169</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 816.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1170'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1170'>1170</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 845.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1171'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1171'>1171</a>. See above, ch. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1172'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1172'>1172</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 846; see note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1173'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1173'>1173</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 854.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1174'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1174'>1174</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 846, 909.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1175'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1175'>1175</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 854.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1176'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1176'>1176</a>. Ibid. 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1177'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1177'>1177</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 29.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1178'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1178'>1178</a>. Ibid. 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1179'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1179'>1179</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1175.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1180'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1180'>1180</a>. Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 337.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1181'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1181'>1181</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 393.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1182'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1182'>1182</a>. Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1183'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1183'>1183</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1184'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1184'>1184</a>. Duff, Eng. Provincial Printers to 1557, Lecture <span class='fss'>II</span>, York.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1185'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1185'>1185</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6, 392, 1175.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1186'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1186'>1186</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 846; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 337.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1187'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1187'>1187</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 337.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1188'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1188'>1188</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1189'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1189'>1189</a>. Ibid. 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1190'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1190'>1190</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 946 (117).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1191'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1191'>1191</a>. Ibid. 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1192'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1192'>1192</a>. Ibid. 29, (2), (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1193'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1193'>1193</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1194'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1194'>1194</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1195'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1195'>1195</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 393.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1196'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1196'>1196</a>. Ibid. 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1197'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1197'>1197</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (73); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 571–2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1198'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1198'>1198</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 29, 393, 946 (118), 1175 (ii) (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1199'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1199'>1199</a>. Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>. 337.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1200'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1200'>1200</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392, 1175 (ii) (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1201'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1201'>1201</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 887; printed in full, State Papers, <span class='fss'>I</span>, 495.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1202'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1202'>1202</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1175 (ii) (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1203'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1203'>1203</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 909; 1319; extracts printed in Froude, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1204'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1204'>1204</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1175 (ii) (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1205'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1205'>1205</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1319; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6, 29, 1175 (ii) (5).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1206'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1206'>1206</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1207'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1207'>1207</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1241.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1208'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1208'>1208</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1175 (ii) (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1209'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1209'>1209</a>. Ibid. 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1210'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1210'>1210</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1175 (ii) (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1211'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1211'>1211</a>. Ibid. 900 (72); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 554.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1212'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1212'>1212</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (21); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 559.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1213'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1213'>1213</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 916 (2), (118).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1214'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1214'>1214</a>. Ibid. 1175 (ii) (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1215'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1215'>1215</a>. Ibid. 946 (2), (118).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1216'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1216'>1216</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 864; copied from the original at the R. O.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1217'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1217'>1217</a>. Ibid. 884; printed in full, State Papers, <span class='fss'>I</span>, 493; L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 909.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1218'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1218'>1218</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1175 (ii) (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1219'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1219'>1219</a>. Ibid. 201 (p. 90).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1220'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1220'>1220</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 909.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1221'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1221'>1221</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 29, (2), (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1222'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1222'>1222</a>. Ibid. loc. cit.; 900 (74), (87); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 554, 555.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1223'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1223'>1223</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 786; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 344.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1224'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1224'>1224</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1402.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1225'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1225'>1225</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; 1175 (ii) (3), (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1226'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1226'>1226</a>. Ibid. 29.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1227'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1227'>1227</a>. Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 336–7.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1228'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1228'>1228</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1175 (ii) (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1229'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1229'>1229</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span>, 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1230'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1230'>1230</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 902; printed in full, State Papers, <span class='fss'>I</span>, 496.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1231'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1231'>1231</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1232'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1232'>1232</a>. Thomas, The Pilgrim (ed. Froude).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1233'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1233'>1233</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 900 (93); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 555.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1234'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1234'>1234</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 337.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1235'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1235'>1235</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1300.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1236'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1236'>1236</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1237'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1237'>1237</a>. Ibid. 1315.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1238'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1238'>1238</a>. Ibid. 456.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1239'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1239'>1239</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1319; extracts printed in Froude, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1240'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1240'>1240</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1241'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1241'>1241</a>. Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 338.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1242'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1242'>1242</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1086.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1243'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1243'>1243</a>. clee, <i>claw</i> or <i>hand</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1244'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1244'>1244</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1086.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1245'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1245'>1245</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 778.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1246'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1246'>1246</a>. Herbert, op. cit. 628.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1247'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1247'>1247</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1162.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1248'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1248'>1248</a>. Ibid. 1192.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1249'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1249'>1249</a>. Herbert, loc. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1250'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1250'>1250</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1086.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1251'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1251'>1251</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 424.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1252'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1252'>1252</a>. E. Bapst, op. cit.; see note B at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1253'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1253'>1253</a>. Herbert, op. cit. 492.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1254'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1254'>1254</a>. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>XX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1255'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1255'>1255</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 946 (118).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1256'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1256'>1256</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 338.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1257'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1257'>1257</a>. He was an usher of the King’s Privy Chamber.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1258'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1258'>1258</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 909; copied from the original at the R. O.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1259'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1259'>1259</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 928, 1045.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1260'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1260'>1260</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 899; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1261'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1261'>1261</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 900, 901; 901 printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of +Derby (Chetham Soc.), 36.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1262'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1262'>1262</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 928; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 338.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1263'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1263'>1263</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 902; printed in full, St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 496.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1264'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1264'>1264</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 910, printed in full, St. P. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 497; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6, printed in full, Eng. +Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 338.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1265'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1265'>1265</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1266'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1266'>1266</a>. Arch. Ael. (N. S.) <span class='fss'>XVI</span>, 351 et seq.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1267'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1267'>1267</a>. Bapst, op. cit. p. 227 n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1268'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1268'>1268</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 944.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1269'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1269'>1269</a>. Ibid. 885, 886, 906.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1270'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1270'>1270</a>. Ibid. 955.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1271'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1271'>1271</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 956.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1272'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1272'>1272</a>. Latimer’s Remains (Parker Soc.), p. 29. The sermon is misdated 1535.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1273'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1273'>1273</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 909.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1274'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1274'>1274</a>. Ibid. 914.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1275'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1275'>1275</a>. Ibid. 1009.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1276'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1276'>1276</a>. Ibid. 921.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1277'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1277'>1277</a>. Ibid. 1009.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1278'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1278'>1278</a>. Ibid. 979.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1279'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1279'>1279</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 957, 995.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1280'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1280'>1280</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 957; printed in full, State Papers, I, 506.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1281'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1281'>1281</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 985.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1282'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1282'>1282</a>. Ibid. 986.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1283'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1283'>1283</a>. Ibid. 995, see below.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1284'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1284'>1284</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1009.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1285'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1285'>1285</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 536, 1163; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>VIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1286'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1286'>1286</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1009.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1287'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1287'>1287</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1002, 1003, 1005, 1032, 1037.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1288'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1288'>1288</a>. Ibid. 1027, 1077, 1120.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1289'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1289'>1289</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1021 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1290'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1290'>1290</a>. Ibid. 1019, 1207 (8).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1291'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1291'>1291</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1021 (5); printed in full, Longstaff, A Leaf from the Pilgrimage +of Grace; see note F at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1292'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1292'>1292</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1049, 3 (3), (6), (7); 1058 (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1293'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1293'>1293</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 909.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1294'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1294'>1294</a>. Ibid. 990, 1075, 1077.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1295'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1295'>1295</a>. Ibid. 966.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1296'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1296'>1296</a>. Ibid. 960.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1297'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1297'>1297</a>. See below.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1298'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1298'>1298</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 992, 1010, 1022, 103; printed in full, Correspondence of the third +Earl of Derby (Chetham Soc.), pp. 53, 55, 56.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1299'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1299'>1299</a>. See above and L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 902.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1300'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1300'>1300</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1301'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1301'>1301</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 841 (2), (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1302'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1302'>1302</a>. Ibid. 789 (i).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1303'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1303'>1303</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 924, 1048.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1304'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1304'>1304</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 338.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1305'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1305'>1305</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 698.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1306'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1306'>1306</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span>, 392; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>; and Coxe, +op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1307'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1307'>1307</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1090; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, App. p. cxxxvii; see +note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1308'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1308'>1308</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1309'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1309'>1309</a>. Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, App. p. cxxxiv n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1310'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1310'>1310</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1048.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1311'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1311'>1311</a>. Ibid. 1039.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1312'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1312'>1312</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 849 (53); printed in full, De Fonblanque, <span class='fss'>I</span>, App. no. liii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1313'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1313'>1313</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1062.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1314'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1314'>1314</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 338–9.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1315'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1315'>1315</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 966, 990, 998.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1316'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1316'>1316</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 339.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1317'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1317'>1317</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 990; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1318'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1318'>1318</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 998; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1319'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1319'>1319</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1070.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1320'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1320'>1320</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 698 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1321'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1321'>1321</a>. Ibid cf. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 997.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1322'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1322'>1322</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1169.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1323'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1323'>1323</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span>(1), 698(2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1324'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1324'>1324</a>. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>XVII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1325'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1325'>1325</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1039.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1326'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1326'>1326</a>. Ibid. 1069.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1327'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1327'>1327</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1328'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1328'>1328</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1195.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1329'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1329'>1329</a>. Holme, The Downfall of Rebellion.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1330'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1330'>1330</a>. Speed, Hist. of Great Britain, Book <span class='fss'>IX</span>, chap. 21.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1331'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1331'>1331</a>. Froude, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1332'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1332'>1332</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1017.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1333'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1333'>1333</a>. Ibid. 1059.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1334'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1334'>1334</a>. Ibid. 960, cf. 1139.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1335'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1335'>1335</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 339.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1336'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1336'>1336</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 996.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1337'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1337'>1337</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1338'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1338'>1338</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 481.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1339'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1339'>1339</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1004.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1340'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1340'>1340</a>. Ibid. 1075.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1341'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1341'>1341</a>. Ibid. 1095.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1342'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1342'>1342</a>. Ibid. 1075.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1343'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1343'>1343</a>. Ibid. 1103.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1344'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1344'>1344</a>. Ibid. 1104–5.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1345'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1345'>1345</a>. Ibid. 1120; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>VI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1346'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1346'>1346</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1120.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1347'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1347'>1347</a>. Ibid. 1009.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1348'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1348'>1348</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1013.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1349'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1349'>1349</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 339.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1350'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1350'>1350</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1039.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1351'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1351'>1351</a>. Ibid. 995.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1352'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1352'>1352</a>. Ibid. 1007.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1353'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1353'>1353</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1013.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1354'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1354'>1354</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1046 (3); cf. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392 (p. 193).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1355'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1355'>1355</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1046 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1356'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1356'>1356</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1045.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1357'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1357'>1357</a>. See note B at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1358'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1358'>1358</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 339.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1359'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1359'>1359</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1017.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1360'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1360'>1360</a>. Ibid. 1016.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1361'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1361'>1361</a>. Ibid. 1026.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1362'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1362'>1362</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1027.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1363'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1363'>1363</a>. Ibid. 1028.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1364'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1364'>1364</a>. Ibid. 1029.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1365'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1365'>1365</a>. Ibid. 1063.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1366'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1366'>1366</a>. Ibid. 1022, 1031; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby +(Chetham Soc.), p. 56.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1367'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1367'>1367</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1037, 1038.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1368'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1368'>1368</a>. Ibid. 1042. The letter is endorsed in Darcy’s hand. See note C at end of +chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1369'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1369'>1369</a>. See above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1370'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1370'>1370</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1040.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1371'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1371'>1371</a>. Ibid. 1042.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1372'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1372'>1372</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1186.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1373'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1373'>1373</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1006, 1035, 1036.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1374'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1374'>1374</a>. Ibid. 1066, and see above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1375'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1375'>1375</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1087, 1094.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1376'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1376'>1376</a>. Ibid. 1048.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1377'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1377'>1377</a>. Ibid. 1056.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1378'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1378'>1378</a>. Ibid. 1059.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1379'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1379'>1379</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 853.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1380'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1380'>1380</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1044, 1050, 1056.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1381'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1381'>1381</a>. Ibid. 1059.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1382'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1382'>1382</a>. Ibid. 1049.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1383'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1383'>1383</a>. Ibid. 960, 1051.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1384'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1384'>1384</a>. Ibid. 1117.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1385'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1385'>1385</a>. Ibid. 1049.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1386'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1386'>1386</a>. Ibid. 1050.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1387'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1387'>1387</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1049.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1388'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1388'>1388</a>. Ibid. 1058, 1068.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1389'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1389'>1389</a>. Ibid. 1067.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1390'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1390'>1390</a>. Ibid. 1059.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1391'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1391'>1391</a>. Ibid. 1067.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1392'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1392'>1392</a>. Ibid. 1078.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1393'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1393'>1393</a>. Ibid. 1088.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1394'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1394'>1394</a>. Ibid. 1060, 1092; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby +(Chetham Soc.), pp. 59, 61.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1395'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1395'>1395</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1097, cf. 1178; printed in full, loc. cit. p. 65.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1396'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1396'>1396</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1090; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, pp. cxxxi-cxxxiv; +De Fonblanque, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, App. no. lii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1397'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1397'>1397</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1331.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1398'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1398'>1398</a>. Ibid. 1080.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1399'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1399'>1399</a>. Ibid. 1095.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1400'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1400'>1400</a>. Ibid. 1075, 1078, 1095.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1401'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1401'>1401</a>. Ibid. 1077.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1402'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1402'>1402</a>. See note D at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1403'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1403'>1403</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1059.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1404'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1404'>1404</a>. Ibid. 1005.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1405'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1405'>1405</a>. See note E at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1406'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1406'>1406</a>. See note F at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1407'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1407'>1407</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1059.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1408'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1408'>1408</a>. Ibid. 1230; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby (Chetham +Soc.), p. 70.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1409'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1409'>1409</a>. Hamilton Papers, <span class='fss'>I</span>, no. 242.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1410'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1410'>1410</a>. Wilfred Holme, The Downfall of Rebellion.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1411'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1411'>1411</a>. Froude, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>XIV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1412'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1412'>1412</a>. Wilfred Holme, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1413'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1413'>1413</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1346, 1370.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1414'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1414'>1414</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1061.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1415'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1415'>1415</a>. Ibid. 1088, cf. 1168.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1416'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1416'>1416</a>. Ibid. 1096.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1417'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1417'>1417</a>. Ibid. 1103.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1418'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1418'>1418</a>. Ibid. 1107.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1419'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1419'>1419</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (42–3); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 569.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1420'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1420'>1420</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1064 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1421'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1421'>1421</a>. Ibid. 1065.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1422'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1422'>1422</a>. Ibid. 1107, cf. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (44), printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 570.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1423'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1423'>1423</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1115, 1116.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1424'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1424'>1424</a>. Ibid. 1077.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1425'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1425'>1425</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (43); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 569.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1426'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1426'>1426</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1186.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1427'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1427'>1427</a>. Ibid. 1081; ibid. (2), 268; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>II</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1428'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1428'>1428</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1080; cf. ibid. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 292 (<span class='fss'>III</span>).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1429'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1429'>1429</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1080.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1430'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1430'>1430</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1115.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1431'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1431'>1431</a>. Ibid. 1114.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1432'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1432'>1432</a>. Ibid. 1113.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1433'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1433'>1433</a>. Ibid. 1112.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1434'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1434'>1434</a>. Ibid. 1122, 1123, 1141.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1435'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1435'>1435</a>. See above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1436'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1436'>1436</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1139.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1437'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1437'>1437</a>. Ibid. 1120.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1438'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1438'>1438</a>. M. A. Everett Green, op. cit. <span class='fss'>III</span>, no. lxxi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1439'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1439'>1439</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1126.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1440'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1440'>1440</a>. Ibid. 1121.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1441'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1441'>1441</a>. Ibid. 1126.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1442'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1442'>1442</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1116.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1443'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1443'>1443</a>. Ibid. 1115.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1444'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1444'>1444</a>. Ibid. 1135; Yorks. Arch. Jour. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 260; L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1127; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392, 698 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1445'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1445'>1445</a>. Ibid. 466, 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xxii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1446'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1446'>1446</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1259 (2), (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1447'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1447'>1447</a>. Ibid. 29.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1448'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1448'>1448</a>. Ibid. 466, 536, 687; printed in full, Raine, Hexham Priory (Surtees Soc.) <span class='fss'>I</span>, +Append. p. cliv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1449'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1449'>1449</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1171.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1450'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1450'>1450</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 698 (3), 1186.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1451'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1451'>1451</a>. Ibid. 466.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1452'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1452'>1452</a>. Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1453'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1453'>1453</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 760 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1454'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1454'>1454</a>. Ibid. 883.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1455'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1455'>1455</a>. Ibid. 989.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1456'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1456'>1456</a>. Ibid. 1032; printed in full, Merriman, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, no. 169.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1457'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1457'>1457</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1106, 1162.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1458'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1458'>1458</a>. Ibid. 1103, 1106.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1459'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1459'>1459</a>. Ibid. 1088, 1116; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 201 (ii) (iv), 202.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1460'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1460'>1460</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1128.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1461'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1461'>1461</a>. Ibid. 1032; printed in full, Merriman, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, no. 169.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1462'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1462'>1462</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 466.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1463'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1463'>1463</a>. See above.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1464'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1464'>1464</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1465'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1465'>1465</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1127; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 29.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1466'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1466'>1466</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1139.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1467'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1467'>1467</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 339.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1468'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1468'>1468</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (25); and 945 (88–90); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, +570, 573; cf. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1127; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1175 (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1469'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1469'>1469</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1155, (1), (2), (4).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1470'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1470'>1470</a>. Ibid. 1127.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1471'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1471'>1471</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 698 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1472'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1472'>1472</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1127.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1473'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1473'>1473</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 29.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1474'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1474'>1474</a>. Ibid. 946 (118).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1475'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1475'>1475</a>. Yorks. Arch. Journ. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 260–1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1476'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1476'>1476</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1118; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby +(Chetham Soc.), p. 128.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1477'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1477'>1477</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1478'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1478'>1478</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1134, 1140, 1153, 1154.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1479'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1479'>1479</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1135.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1480'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1480'>1480</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (28); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 560.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1481'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1481'>1481</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1162.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1482'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1482'>1482</a>. Ibid. 1127.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1483'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1483'>1483</a>. Ibid. 1174.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1484'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1484'>1484</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1485'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1485'>1485</a>. Ibid. 1175.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1486'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1486'>1486</a>. Ibid. 1135 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1487'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1487'>1487</a>. Yorks. Arch. Journ. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 261.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1488'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1488'>1488</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 41.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1489'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1489'>1489</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 533.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1490'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1490'>1490</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1170.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1491'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1491'>1491</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. <span class='fss'>XXII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1492'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1492'>1492</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1171.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1493'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1493'>1493</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (107); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 570.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1494'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1494'>1494</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1155, (1) (ii), (2) (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1495'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1495'>1495</a>. Ibid. 1166.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1496'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1496'>1496</a>. Ibid. 1169.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1497'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1497'>1497</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1230; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby +(Chetham Soc.) 70–75.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1498'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1498'>1498</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1232.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1499'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1499'>1499</a>. Ibid. 1095.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1500'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1500'>1500</a>. Ibid. 1136.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1501'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1501'>1501</a>. Ibid. 1155, (5) (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1502'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1502'>1502</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1503'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1503'>1503</a>. Ibid. 1087, 1094, 1103.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1504'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1504'>1504</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1155, (5), (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1505'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1505'>1505</a>. Ibid. 1136.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1506'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1506'>1506</a>. Ibid. 958, 1093, 1124, 1152, 1163.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1507'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1507'>1507</a>. Ibid. 1180.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1508'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1508'>1508</a>. Ibid. 1268.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1509'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1509'>1509</a>. Ibid. 1061.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1510'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1510'>1510</a>. Ibid. 1103.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1511'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1511'>1511</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1139.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1512'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1512'>1512</a>. Ibid. 1167.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1513'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1513'>1513</a>. Ibid. 1147.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1514'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1514'>1514</a>. Ibid. 1170.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1515'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1515'>1515</a>. Ibid. 1174.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1516'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1516'>1516</a>. Ibid. 1162.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1517'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1517'>1517</a>. Ibid. 1174.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1518'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1518'>1518</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1175.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1519'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1519'>1519</a>. Ibid. 1174.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1520'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1520'>1520</a>. Ibid. 1176; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>XI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1521'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1521'>1521</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1162.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1522'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1522'>1522</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1176.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1523'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1523'>1523</a>. Ibid. 1170.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1524'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1524'>1524</a>. Wriothesley, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 58; cf. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 876.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1525'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1525'>1525</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1097, and note p. 718; cf. 1424.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1526'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1526'>1526</a>. Ibid. 1111.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1527'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1527'>1527</a>. Ibid. and 1487.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1528'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1528'>1528</a>. Ibid. 1110 (1), (2); (3) printed in full, Halliwell-Phillipps, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 354.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1529'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1529'>1529</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 780 (2), 936, 987, 988, 1215, 1405–6, 1409, 1420, 1422–3.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1530'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1530'>1530</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, preface, p. <span class='fss'>X</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1531'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1531'>1531</a>. Ibid. 656; printed in full, Tierney, ed. Dodd, Church Hist. of Eng. vol. <span class='fss'>I</span>, Append. +no. xlii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1532'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1532'>1532</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 984; extracts printed by Tierney, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, Append. no. xliv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1533'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1533'>1533</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1143; Cal. S. P. Spanish, <span class='fss'>V</span> (2), 114, 116.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1534'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1534'>1534</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1008.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1535'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1535'>1535</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 30.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1536'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1536'>1536</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1177; printed in full, Merriman, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, no. 171.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1537'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1537'>1537</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 920.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1538'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1538'>1538</a>. Ibid. 841 (iv); 1111; cf. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1318.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1539'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1539'>1539</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1133.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1540'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1540'>1540</a>. Ibid. 876.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1541'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1541'>1541</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 275.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1542'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1542'>1542</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1265.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1543'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1543'>1543</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 572.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1544'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1544'>1544</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 790; printed in full, Latimer’s Remains (Parker Soc.), <span class='fss'>II</span>, 375; cf. +Merriman, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, no. 168.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1545'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1545'>1545</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1546'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1546'>1546</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 809.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1547'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1547'>1547</a>. Ibid. 1328; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 515.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1548'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1548'>1548</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 879.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1549'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1549'>1549</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>XII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1550'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1550'>1550</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1124; printed in full, State Papers, <span class='fss'>I</span>, 510.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1551'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1551'>1551</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1128.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1552'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1552'>1552</a>. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>XIX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1553'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1553'>1553</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1260.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1554'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1554'>1554</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1555'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1555'>1555</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1286, 1292.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1556'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1556'>1556</a>. Ibid. 1406.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1557'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1557'>1557</a>. Ibid. 1405.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1558'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1558'>1558</a>. Ibid. 1406.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1559'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1559'>1559</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (2), 952.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1560'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1560'>1560</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1406.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1561'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1561'>1561</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1231.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1562'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1562'>1562</a>. Ibid. 1406.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1563'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1563'>1563</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 86.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1564'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1564'>1564</a>. Ibid. 237.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1565'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1565'>1565</a>. Cal. S. P. Spanish, <span class='fss'>V</span> (2), 114, 116, 122; L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1143, 1159; Cal. Venetian +S. P. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 125, 126.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1566'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1566'>1566</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 909.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1567'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1567'>1567</a>. Ibid. 1195.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1568'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1568'>1568</a>. Ibid. 726; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>XI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1569'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1569'>1569</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 737, 750, 751, 769, 776, 788, 803, 825, 834, 845, 850.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1570'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1570'>1570</a>. Ibid. 793.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1571'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1571'>1571</a>. Ibid. 776.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1572'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1572'>1572</a>. Ibid. 822.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1573'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1573'>1573</a>. Ibid. 842.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1574'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1574'>1574</a>. Ibid. 887.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1575'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1575'>1575</a>. Ibid 1143.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1576'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1576'>1576</a>. Ibid. 860.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1577'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1577'>1577</a>. Ibid. 1217 (6).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1578'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1578'>1578</a>. Ibid. 580 (1), (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1579'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1579'>1579</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1143.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1580'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1580'>1580</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XIII</span> (2), 797.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1581'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1581'>1581</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1350.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1582'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1582'>1582</a>. Ibid. 631.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1583'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1583'>1583</a>. Ibid. 656; printed in full, Tierney, ed. Dodd, Church Hist, of Eng. <span class='fss'>I</span>, Append. +no. xlii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1584'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1584'>1584</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 848.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1585'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1585'>1585</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 860.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1586'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1586'>1586</a>. Ibid. 953.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1587'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1587'>1587</a>. Ibid. 976.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1588'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1588'>1588</a>. Ibid. 1012.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1589'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1589'>1589</a>. Ibid. 1119.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1590'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1590'>1590</a>. Ibid. 1172, 1183.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1591'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1591'>1591</a>. Ibid. 1173.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1592'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1592'>1592</a>. Ibid. 1183.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1593'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1593'>1593</a>. Ibid. 1194.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1594'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1594'>1594</a>. Ibid. 1203.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1595'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1595'>1595</a>. Ibid. 1173.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1596'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1596'>1596</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 826 (2), 955, 1064 (2); <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 1175 (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1597'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1597'>1597</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1044, 1170.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1598'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1598'>1598</a>. Ibid. 1086, see above, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1599'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1599'>1599</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 576; see Cal. S. P. Spanish, <span class='fss'>V</span> (2), 104.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1600'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1600'>1600</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 779.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1601'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1601'>1601</a>. Ibid. 597; Cal. S. P. Spanish, <span class='fss'>V</span> (2), 105.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1602'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1602'>1602</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 698; Cal. S. P. Spanish, <span class='fss'>V</span> (2), 110.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1603'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1603'>1603</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 713, 714; Froude, “The Pilgrim,” p. 113.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1604'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1604'>1604</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 744, 779.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1605'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1605'>1605</a>. Ibid. 861.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1606'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1606'>1606</a>. Ibid. 905.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1607'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1607'>1607</a>. Ibid. 1000.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1608'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1608'>1608</a>. Ibid. 1275.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1609'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1609'>1609</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1296.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1610'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1610'>1610</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 380.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1611'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1611'>1611</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1143; Cal. S. P. Spanish, <span class='fss'>V</span> (2), 114, 116.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1612'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1612'>1612</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1159 n.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1613'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1613'>1613</a>. Ibid. 1159.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1614'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1614'>1614</a>. Ibid. 654.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1615'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1615'>1615</a>. Ibid. 1100.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1616'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1616'>1616</a>. Ibid. 953.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1617'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1617'>1617</a>. Ibid. 1001; Cal. S. P. Spanish, <span class='fss'>V</span> (2), 115.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1618'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1618'>1618</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>VI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1619'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1619'>1619</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1012.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1620'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1620'>1620</a>. Ibid. 1100, 1101.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1621'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1621'>1621</a>. Haile, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>X</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1622'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1622'>1622</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1131.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1623'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1623'>1623</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1143; Cal. S. P. Spanish, <span class='fss'>V</span> (2), 114, 116.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1624'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1624'>1624</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1159; Cal. S. P. Spanish, <span class='fss'>V</span> (2), 120, 122.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1625'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1625'>1625</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 976; cf. Cal. S. P. Venetian, <span class='fss'>V</span>, 125.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1626'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1626'>1626</a>. Cal. S. P. Venetian, <span class='fss'>V</span>, 125; L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1160; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1627'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1627'>1627</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1173.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1628'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1628'>1628</a>. Ibid. 1204; Cal. S. P. Spanish, <span class='fss'>V</span> (2), 124.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1629'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1629'>1629</a>. Cal. S. P. Venetian, <span class='fss'>V</span>, 126.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1630'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1630'>1630</a>. Ibid. 127.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1631'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1631'>1631</a>. Ibid. 129.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1632'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1632'>1632</a>. Haile, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>X</span>; L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1353.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1633'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1633'>1633</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1634'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1634'>1634</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1635'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1635'>1635</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022; 698 (3); 901 (107), printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 570.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1636'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1636'>1636</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (2); see note A at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1637'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1637'>1637</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1638'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1638'>1638</a>. Dixon, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1639'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1639'>1639</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (107); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 571.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1640'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1640'>1640</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1641'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1641'>1641</a>. Ibid. 201 (3), (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1642'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1642'>1642</a>. Ibid. 853, 1011.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1643'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1643'>1643</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1644'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1644'>1644</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 201, p. 99.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1645'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1645'>1645</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1187.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1646'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1646'>1646</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1209, 1210.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1647'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1647'>1647</a>. Ibid. 1253.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1648'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1648'>1648</a>. Ibid. 1155 (1) and (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1649'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1649'>1649</a>. York City Records. House Book Vol. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>, 23 Nov. 1536.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1650'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1650'>1650</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 306.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1651'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1651'>1651</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 946 (119).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1652'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1652'>1652</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1223.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1653'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1653'>1653</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (25); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 560.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1654'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1654'>1654</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 340.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1655'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1655'>1655</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 29.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1656'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1656'>1656</a>. Ibid. 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. <span class='fss'>XXII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1657'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1657'>1657</a>. Ibid. 914.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1658'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1658'>1658</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1211.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1659'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1659'>1659</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1246; printed in full, Speed, op. cit. bk <span class='fss'>IX</span>, ch. 21.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1660'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1660'>1660</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (p. 409); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 566; cf. L. and P. +<span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1223.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1661'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1661'>1661</a>. Ibid. 1243 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1662'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1662'>1662</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (25); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 560.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1663'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1663'>1663</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; 29.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1664'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1664'>1664</a>. Ibid. 901 (30); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 560.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1665'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1665'>1665</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 565.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1666'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1666'>1666</a>. See below, chap. <span class='fss'>XVI</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1667'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1667'>1667</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1668'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1668'>1668</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (19); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 559.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1669'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1669'>1669</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (17); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 559.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1670'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1670'>1670</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 853; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1671'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1671'>1671</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1086.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1672'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1672'>1672</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (44); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 570.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1673'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1673'>1673</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1674'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1674'>1674</a>. Ibid. (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1675'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1675'>1675</a>. See note B at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1676'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1676'>1676</a>. <i>injured.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1677'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1677'>1677</a>. <i>leases.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1678'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1678'>1678</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 561–2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1679'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1679'>1679</a>. Cunningham, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, bk. <span class='fss'>V</span>, section 5.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1680'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1680'>1680</a>. Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 345.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1681'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1681'>1681</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1682'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1682'>1682</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>III</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1683'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1683'>1683</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (44); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 569.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1684'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1684'>1684</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1685'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1685'>1685</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 562–3.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1686'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1686'>1686</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1245.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1687'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1687'>1687</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (19); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 559.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1688'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1688'>1688</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1689'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1689'>1689</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1690'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1690'>1690</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (30); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 560.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1691'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1691'>1691</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 376.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1692'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1692'>1692</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1693'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1693'>1693</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (107); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 570.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1694'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1694'>1694</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (30); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 560.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1695'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1695'>1695</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 945 (48); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 572.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1696'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1696'>1696</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (31); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 560–1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1697'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1697'>1697</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (32); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 567.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1698'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1698'>1698</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1244.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1699'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1699'>1699</a>. See note C at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1700'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1700'>1700</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1701'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1701'>1701</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. <span class='fss'>XXII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1702'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1702'>1702</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span>. (1), 786 (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1703'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1703'>1703</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XIV</span> (2), 750.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1704'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1704'>1704</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 342.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1705'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1705'>1705</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1706'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1706'>1706</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1707'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1707'>1707</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (32); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 562.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1708'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1708'>1708</a>. Froude, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1709'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1709'>1709</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 562.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1710'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1710'>1710</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1711'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1711'>1711</a>. Pollard, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>XII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1712'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1712'>1712</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 562.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1713'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1713'>1713</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 562.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1714'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1714'>1714</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1715'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1715'>1715</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (54); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 571.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1716'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1716'>1716</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (25); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 560.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1717'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1717'>1717</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (27 misprinted 107); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 570.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1718'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1718'>1718</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1244.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1719'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1719'>1719</a>. Dict. Nat. Biog. arts. Audley and Riche.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1720'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1720'>1720</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1244.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1721'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1721'>1721</a>. Its name is illegible.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1722'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1722'>1722</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1244.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1723'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1723'>1723</a>. See note D at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1724'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1724'>1724</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1725'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1725'>1725</a>. See note E at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1726'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1726'>1726</a>. Park, Parliamentary Representation of Yorkshire, Pontefract.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1727'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1727'>1727</a>. Ibid. York, Hull, Scarborough.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1728'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1728'>1728</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6 (ii); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 343.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1729'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1729'>1729</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1730'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1730'>1730</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (37); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 567.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1731'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1731'>1731</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1732'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1732'>1732</a>. Pollard, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>II</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1733'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1733'>1733</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (39) and (40); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 568.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1734'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1734'>1734</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XIII</span> (2), 804 (6).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1735'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1735'>1735</a>. Pollard, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>X</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1736'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1736'>1736</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1737'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1737'>1737</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 563–4.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1738'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1738'>1738</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23, 2, 5); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 564.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1739'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1739'>1739</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1740'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1740'>1740</a>. Stubbs, Constit. Hist, of Eng. <span class='fss'>III</span>, chap, <span class='fss'>XVIII</span>, sect. 310, 313, 358.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1741'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1741'>1741</a>. Pollard, The Reign of Henry VII from Contemporary Sources, <span class='fss'>II</span>, no. 8.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1742'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1742'>1742</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 564.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1743'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1743'>1743</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1744'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1744'>1744</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23, 2, 5); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 564.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1745'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1745'>1745</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1746'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1746'>1746</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1747'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1747'>1747</a>. 25 Hen. VIII, cap. 17.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1748'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1748'>1748</a>. Bax, op. cit. 50, 322–4.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1749'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1749'>1749</a>. Russell, op. cit. 91, 121, 141.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1750'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1750'>1750</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1751'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1751'>1751</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 563.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1752'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1752'>1752</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1753'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1753'>1753</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 563.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1754'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1754'>1754</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 945 (4); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 566.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1755'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1755'>1755</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1756'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1756'>1756</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1757'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1757'>1757</a>. Pollock, op. cit. 98.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1758'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1758'>1758</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (44); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 570.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1759'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1759'>1759</a>. See article 7.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1760'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1760'>1760</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1244.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1761'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1761'>1761</a>. Ibid. 1182 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1762'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1762'>1762</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 565.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1763'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1763'>1763</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1764'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1764'>1764</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 343.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1765'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1765'>1765</a>. Baildon, Select Cases in the Court of Chancery (Selden Soc.), preface.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1766'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1766'>1766</a>. Maitland, English Law and the Renaissance, note 51.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1767'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1767'>1767</a>. Maitland, op. cit. ibid. note 11.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1768'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1768'>1768</a>. Ibid. note 33.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1769'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1769'>1769</a>. Acts of the Privy Council, 1547–50, pp. 48–50.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1770'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1770'>1770</a>. Maitland, op. cit.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1771'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1771'>1771</a>. Maitland, op. cit. note 51; see above, art. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1772'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1772'>1772</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1773'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1773'>1773</a>. Ibid.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1774'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1774'>1774</a>. Ibid. 1244.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1775'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1775'>1775</a>. Information supplied by the Rev. J. Wilson; cf. Leadam, Select Cases in the +Court of Star Chamber, <span class='fss'>II</span>, pp. lxiii-lxv; Cunningham, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, bk. <span class='fss'>V</span>, chap. 5, section +152, and references there; Tawney, The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century, +47, 50, 146–50, 297, 301.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1776'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1776'>1776</a>. Booth, Halmota Prior. Dun. (Surtees Soc.), p. 21.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1777'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1777'>1777</a>. Leadam, op. cit. pp. lxii-iii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1778'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1778'>1778</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 914; cf. Ibid. 478 and 687.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1779'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1779'>1779</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1080.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1780'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1780'>1780</a>. Leadam, op. cit. p. <span class='fss'>XC</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1781'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1781'>1781</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1782'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1782'>1782</a>. Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 73.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1783'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1783'>1783</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1080.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1784'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1784'>1784</a>. Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 72.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1785'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1785'>1785</a>. See V. C. H. Dur. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 272, art. Boldon Book, by T. G. Lapsley, and references +there; V. C. H. Cumberland, <span class='fss'>I</span>, 313, art. Domesday Book, by J. Wilson, and references +there.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1786'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1786'>1786</a>. Nicolson and Burn, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, 292–4.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1787'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1787'>1787</a>. Dowell, op. cit. <span class='fss'>I</span>, book <span class='fss'>III</span>, chap. 1, part 2, section 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1788'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1788'>1788</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 960, 1155 (2) (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1789'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1789'>1789</a>. Royal Hist. Soc. Trans, <span class='fss'>XVIII</span>, 196; cf. Tawney, op. cit. 88, 239–43, 322–7, 334–5, +360–1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1790'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1790'>1790</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1791'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1791'>1791</a>. Royal Hist. Soc. Trans, <span class='fss'>XVIII</span>, 199.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1792'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1792'>1792</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1244.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1793'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1793'>1793</a>. Foxe, Book of Martyrs (ed. Milner), p. 597.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1794'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1794'>1794</a>. Cotton MSS. Cleopatra E 4, fol. 215. B.M.; quoted by Froude, op. cit. <span class='fss'>II</span>, +chap. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1795'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1795'>1795</a>. See chap. <span class='fss'>XIX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1796'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1796'>1796</a>. See chaps. <span class='fss'>III</span> and <span class='fss'>XIII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1797'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1797'>1797</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1244; printed in full, Speed, Hist. of Great Britain, bk. <span class='fss'>IX</span>, +chap. 21.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1798'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1798'>1798</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1175.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1799'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1799'>1799</a>. Ibid. 945 (100–1); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 573.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1800'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1800'>1800</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1) 901 (102); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 572.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1801'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1801'>1801</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1336.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1802'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1802'>1802</a>. See note F at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1803'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1803'>1803</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1011; see above, chap. <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1804'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1804'>1804</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1011.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1805'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1805'>1805</a>. Ibid. 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1806'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1806'>1806</a>. Ibid. 1011.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1807'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1807'>1807</a>. Ibid. 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1808'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1808'>1808</a>. Ibid. 306.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1809'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1809'>1809</a>. Dic. Nat. Biog. art. Edward Lee.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1810'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1810'>1810</a>. Seebohm, The Oxford Reformers, chap. <span class='fss'>XVI</span>, sections <span class='fss'>IV</span>, <span class='fss'>IX</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1811'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1811'>1811</a>. Duff, op. cit. p. 45.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1812'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1812'>1812</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 532, 533.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1813'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1813'>1813</a>. Ibid. 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1814'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1814'>1814</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1336.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1815'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1815'>1815</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1021; see note G at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1816'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1816'>1816</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1300.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1817'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1817'>1817</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1021.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1818'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1818'>1818</a>. Ibid. 786 (ii, 2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1819'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1819'>1819</a>. Ibid. 1021.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1820'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1820'>1820</a>. Ibid. 901 (102); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 572.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1821'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1821'>1821</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1822'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1822'>1822</a>. Ibid. 901 (102); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 572.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1823'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1823'>1823</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1011, 1021.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1824'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1824'>1824</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1300; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1021.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1825'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1825'>1825</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1300; <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1826'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1826'>1826</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1336.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1827'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1827'>1827</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1828'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1828'>1828</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1300.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1829'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1829'>1829</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 33.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1830'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1830'>1830</a>. Ibid. 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1831'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1831'>1831</a>. Ibid. 786 (ii, 2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1832'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1832'>1832</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1300.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1833'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1833'>1833</a>. Ibid. 1336.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1834'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1834'>1834</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 306.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1835'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1835'>1835</a>. Ibid. 786 (ii, 1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1836'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1836'>1836</a>. Valor Eccles. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 207.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1837'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1837'>1837</a>. Baildon, Monastic Notes (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Rec. Ser.), <span class='fss'>I</span>, 107.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1838'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1838'>1838</a>. Valor Eccles. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 132.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1839'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1839'>1839</a>. Ibid. 95.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1840'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1840'>1840</a>. Ibid. 110.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1841'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1841'>1841</a>. Ibid. 140.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1842'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1842'>1842</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 786 (ii, 1); 1021.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1843'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1843'>1843</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 945 (97); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 573.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1844'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1844'>1844</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 901 (107); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 570.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1845'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1845'>1845</a>. See note H at end of chapter.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1846'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1846'>1846</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 786 (6).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1847'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1847'>1847</a>. Ibid. 786 (ii, 2), 1021.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1848'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1848'>1848</a>. See above, chap. <span class='fss'>I</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1849'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1849'>1849</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 786 (ii, 2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1850'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1850'>1850</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 786 (ii, 2).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1851'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1851'>1851</a>. Ibid.; and 698 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1852'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1852'>1852</a>. Ibid. 1021.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1853'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1853'>1853</a>. Ibid. 698 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1854'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1854'>1854</a>. Ibid. 786 (ii, 2), 1021.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1855'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1855'>1855</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 786 (ii, 3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1856'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1856'>1856</a>. Ibid. 698 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1857'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1857'>1857</a>. Ibid. 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1858'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1858'>1858</a>. Ibid. 786 (ii, 3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1859'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1859'>1859</a>. Ibid. 698 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1860'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1860'>1860</a>. Ibid. 786 (ii, 3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1861'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1861'>1861</a>. Ibid. 698 (3).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1862'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1862'>1862</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 945 (100–5); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 573.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1863'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1863'>1863</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 789 (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1864'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1864'>1864</a>. Ibid. 900 (93); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 555.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1865'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1865'>1865</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 945 (93, 104, 105); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 573.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1866'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1866'>1866</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 945 (94, 95); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 573.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1867'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1867'>1867</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 945 (97); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 573.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1868'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1868'>1868</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XI</span>, 1182 (1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1869'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1869'>1869</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1022.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1870'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1870'>1870</a>. Ibid. 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. <span class='fss'>V</span>, 566–7.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1871'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1871'>1871</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1175 (ii).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1872'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1872'>1872</a>. Pollard, op. cit. chap. <span class='fss'>XII</span>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1873'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1873'>1873</a>. Park, op. cit. under the respective boroughs.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1874'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1874'>1874</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>III</span>, 2931.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1875'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1875'>1875</a>. L. and P. <span class='fss'>XII</span> (1), 1011.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1876'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1876'>1876</a>. Ibid. 786 (ii, 1).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1877'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1877'>1877</a>. Ibid. 1011; 1021.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1878'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1878'>1878</a>. Yorks. Arch. Journ. <span class='fss'>XIII</span>. 390.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1879'> +<p class='c008'><a href='#r1879'>1879</a>. Boothroyd, Pontefract, 346.</p> +</div> + +<div class='pbb'> + <hr class='pb c002'> +</div> +<div class='tnotes x-ebookmaker'> + +<div class='chapter ph2'> + +<div class='nf-center-c0'> +<div class='nf-center c001'> + <div>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES</div> + </div> +</div> + +</div> + + <ul class='ul_1 c003'> + <li>Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained. + + </li> + <li>Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last chapter. + + </li> + <li>Did not make the "Additions and Corrections" to the document. + </li> + </ul> + +</div> + +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77706 ***</div> + </body> + <!-- created with ppgen.py 3.57e (with regex) on 2025-12-24 00:43:27 GMT --> +</html> diff --git a/77706-h/images/cover.jpg b/77706-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..f6ee9f1 --- /dev/null +++ b/77706-h/images/cover.jpg diff --git a/77706-h/images/i_colophon.jpg b/77706-h/images/i_colophon.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..58075d9 --- /dev/null +++ b/77706-h/images/i_colophon.jpg diff --git a/77706-h/images/i_map_i.jpg b/77706-h/images/i_map_i.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..cef17b0 --- /dev/null +++ b/77706-h/images/i_map_i.jpg diff --git a/77706-h/images/i_map_ii.jpg b/77706-h/images/i_map_ii.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..8b86fb5 --- /dev/null +++ b/77706-h/images/i_map_ii.jpg diff --git a/77706-h/images/i_map_iii.jpg b/77706-h/images/i_map_iii.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..8614e30 --- /dev/null +++ b/77706-h/images/i_map_iii.jpg diff --git a/77706-h/images/i_map_iv.jpg b/77706-h/images/i_map_iv.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..71a37c4 --- /dev/null +++ b/77706-h/images/i_map_iv.jpg diff --git a/77706-h/images/i_map_v.jpg b/77706-h/images/i_map_v.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..d9dd9f0 --- /dev/null +++ b/77706-h/images/i_map_v.jpg |
