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diff --git a/77706-0.txt b/77706-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ee87c5e --- /dev/null +++ b/77706-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,23053 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77706 *** + + + + + THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE + 1536–1537 + + AND + + THE EXETER CONSPIRACY + 1538 + + + IN TWO VOLUMES + VOL. I + + + CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS + + C. F. CLAY, MANAGER + + =London=: FETTER LANE, E.C. + =Edinburgh=: 100 PRINCES STREET + +[Illustration: Black-and-white woodcut colophon showing a heraldic +shield divided into four quarters with rampant lions, separated by +vertical panels of ermine spots; a small rectangular cartouche sits at +the center.] + + =New York=: G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS + =Bombay, Calcutta and Madras=: MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD. + =Toronto=: J. M. DENT AND SONS, LTD. + =Tokyo=: THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA + + + _All rights reserved_ + + + + + THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE + 1536–1537 + AND + THE EXETER CONSPIRACY + 1538 + + + BY + + MADELEINE HOPE DODDS + + (Historical Tripos, Cambridge) + + AND + + RUTH DODDS + + + VOLUME I + + + Cambridge: + at the University Press + 1915 + + + Cambridge: + PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. + AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS + + + PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN + + + + + NOTE + + +The authors wish to express their most sincere gratitude to Miss Myra +Curtis, Professor A. F. Pollard, Mr I. J. Bell of the British Museum, Mr +H. R. Leighton, the Rev. J. Wilson, and Mr T. C. Hodgson for their kind +and valuable help in the preparation of this book. + +The documents transcribed by the authors from the originals have been +given in the original spelling; in those which have been taken from +printed copies the spelling has been modernised. + +The spelling of proper names of persons and places is that used in the +Index to the Letters and Papers of Henry VIII. + + M. H. D. + R. D. + + _July 1915._ + + + + + CONTENTS + + + CHAPTER PAGE + I THE TURNING-POINT 1 + II PLOTS AND TOKENS 14 + III AFFINITY AND CONFEDERACY 28 + IV FACTS AND RUMOURS 63 + V THE RISING IN LINCOLNSHIRE 89 + VI THE FAILURE OF LINCOLNSHIRE 117 + VII THE INSURRECTION IN THE EAST RIDING 141 + VIII THE PILGRIMS’ ADVANCE 168 + IX THE EXTENT OF THE INSURRECTION 192 + X THE MUSTERS AT PONTEFRACT 227 + XI THE FIRST APPOINTMENT AT DONCASTER 241 + XII THE FIRST WEEKS OF THE TRUCE 273 + XIII THE COUNCIL AT YORK 308 + XIV THE COUNCIL AT PONTEFRACT 341 + + + MAPS + + I MAP OF ENGLAND SHOWING THE AREAS OF DISAFFECTION _To face p._ 1 + II CENTRAL LINCOLNSHIRE „ „ + III THE MAIN ROADS FROM LONDON TO THE NORTH „ „ + IV THE EAST RIDING OF YORKSHIRE „ „ + V THE NORTHERN COUNTIES „ „ + + + + + ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS + + + PAGE + + =3= For influence on elections in the King’s favour, see “History,” + October 1914, A. F. Hattersley, “The Real Position of the Duke + of Norfolk in 1529–30.” + + =50= _For_ Thomas Monkton _read_ William Monketon. + + =79= The church plate of Hull. This method of securing the value of + the church plate to the parish became fairly common in the + later part of Henry VIII’s reign and during the reign of Edward + VI. See Cox, “Churchwardens’ Accounts” (the Antiquary’s Books), + pp. 133, 140–1. + + =91= For the commission to the clergy see Usher, “The Rise and Fall of + the High Commission,” pp. 15–21. + + =116= Note E. The Sir Marmaduke Constable mentioned was Sir Robert’s + brother, not his cousin. + + =123= Composition of the royal and the rebel forces. See Cox, + “Churchwardens’ Accounts” (the Antiquary’s Books), pp. 325–7, + for the parish soldier and the parish armour. + + =145= “Four docepyers.” Not “deceivers,” as suggested, but “douzepers,” + great men. See New English Dictionary, and Lydgate, “Minor + Poems” (Percy Society), p. 25:— + + “Where been of Fraunce all the dozepiere, + Which in Gaule had the governaunce?” + + =149= The commons of Howdenshire attacked the house of Sir Marmaduke + Tunstall, the Bishop of Durham’s nephew, but “some more + sober than the residue” prevented any serious damage. See + “Richmondshire Wills” (Surtees Society), p. 288 n. + + =184= Spoiling of Blytheman’s house. Colins was afterwards accused of + being the chief plunderer. See L. and P. XII (1), 1264. + + =203= Oxneyfield is close to Darlington, where it seems that the + townspeople rose and joined the rebels. The dean of the + collegiate church commended one of his servants who “was the + safeguard of my life, for else I had been betrapped by the + commons ere I had known.” “Richmondshire Wills” (Surtees + Society), p. 40 n. Cf. below, vol. II, p. 94. + + =208= The lordship of Middleham, which had belonged to Warwick the + Kingmaker, on his death and attainder was granted by Edward IV + to Richard Duke of Gloucester, afterwards Richard III. + (Gairdner, “Richard III,” p. 22.) It is well known that Richard + married Warwick’s daughter Anne, co-heiress with her sister + Isabel, and thus obtained a claim to the lordship not only by + grant but also by inheritance. He and his wife were very + popular at Middleham, which he called his home (ibid. pp. 28, + 259). When Richard in his turn was killed and attainted, + Middleham escheated to the crown, but, Anne and her only child + being dead, Warwick’s line was now represented by the Countess + of Salisbury, the daughter of Anne’s sister Isabel, who was + married to the Duke of Clarence. This expression of affection + for the old line may therefore be a reference to the Poles. + + =209= “Merlione.” This is a misreading of “Meliore,” i.e. Mallory. The + leader of the siege of Skipton was not a peasant with a feigned + name, but a member of the family of Mallory. + + =213= _For_ Guisburn _read_ Guisborough, as on p. 71. It is not quite + clear whether this incident happened at Guisburn or at + Guisborough, but the latter seems the more probable. + + =233= “St Saviour’s of Newburgh.” The Priory of Newburgh was dedicated + to the Virgin Mary, but the canons possessed “the girdle Sancti + Salvatoris, which, as it was said, was good for those in child + birth.” (L. and P. X, p. 137.) This relic was kept in St + Saviour’s chapel at the Priory, where many pilgrims resorted. + (L. and P. XII (2), 1231.) Probably Newburgh was called St + Saviour’s after the most famous relic which it possessed, + though it was really St Mary’s, just as Durham was called St + Cuthbert’s, though it also was dedicated to the Virgin. + + =233= The message to Darcy from Shrewsbury’s camp. After the rebellion + was over, when even the executions were almost at an end, + Christopher Lassels, who was imprisoned in the Tower with Aske, + was heard to say that Aske had told him “very sure tokens” by + which the man who sent the warning might be recognised. This + remark of Lassels was reported to Cromwell on 22 July 1537, but + there is no record to show whether any arrest was made on + Lassels’ information. (L. and P. XII (2), 321.) + + =237= _For_ “Sir Robert Bowes of Barnard Castle, and his sons” _read_ + “Robert Bowes and his brothers.” + + =266= The deposition against Hogon is printed in full, with + illustrative notes by Furnivall, in “Ballads from MSS,” vol. I, + pt 2, p. 310 (Ballad Society). + + =273= Hutton of Snape, probably a misreading of Snaith. + + =281= Pickering’s poem is printed by Furnivall in “Ballads from MSS,” + vol. I, pt 2, p. 301 (Ballad Society). The editor states that + it was published at Ripon in 1843, with a preface by J. R. W. I + have not seen this last version, but it appears that neither + Furnivall nor J. R. W. knew the author of the poem and its + occasion, though they conjectured correctly that it referred to + the Pilgrimage of Grace. + + =317= Henry VIII and the letter. Cf. Chapuys’ despatch of 3 November + 1533:—“On 25 October Henry had received Gardiner’s letter of + the 17th, in which the bishop reported that Clement had refused + to dispose of the matrimonial cause in the offhand manner that + had been suggested. Henry became pale with anger and crushed + Gardiner’s letter in his hand, exclaiming that he was betrayed, + and that the King of France was not the true friend he had + thought. He continued for some time to swear at the pope, and + could not regain his equanimity.” (L. and P. VI, 1392.) + + =364= As late as 1596 it was maintained that the long bow was superior + to firearms (Sir H. Knyvet, “Defence of the Realme,” 1596), but + on the other hand as early as 1515 in a paper relating to + Ireland it was stated that “the wild Irish and English rebels + of all the land doth dread more and feareth the sudden shot of + guns much more than the shot of arrows or any other shot of + kind of weapon in this world.” (L. and P. II (1), 1366, printed + in full Furnivall, “Ballads from MSS,” I, pt 1, p. 38 [Ballad + Society].) + +[Illustration: + + _Cambridge Univ. Press_ +] + +[Illustration: + + _Cambridge Univ. Press_ +] + +[Illustration: + + _Cambridge Univ. Press_ +] + +[Illustration: + + _Cambridge Univ. Press_ +] + +[Illustration: + + _Cambridge Univ. Press_ +] + + + + + CHAPTER I + THE TURNING-POINT + + +In order to see the rebellion of 1536–7 in its true perspective it is +necessary to make a preliminary survey of the political position in +England before the first rising took place. At the end of July 1536 +Henry VIII’s domestic relations were more settled than they had been for +the last ten years. The execution of Anne Boleyn on 19 May had been +followed by his marriage with Jane Seymour, who was indisputably his +lawful wife. The parliament which met on 8 June declared the two +children of the King’s former wives, Mary and Elizabeth, illegitimate, +and settled the succession to the crown upon the issue of the King’s +latest marriage: that failing, the King was empowered to determine his +heir himself either by will or by letters patent[1]. It was believed +that the object of this statute was to bring into the succession Henry’s +illegitimate son, Henry Duke of Richmond, who, however, died on 23 +July[2]. After his death the situation with regard to the succession was +practically the same as it had been before the divorce of Katherine of +Arragon was proposed. The King was legally married, but it was +considered unlikely that Queen Jane would have a child, and unless he +acknowledged Mary, his heir by blood was the King of Scotland, whose +claim was exceedingly unpopular in England. If the King died it was +certain that Mary would be chosen by the nation as their queen, whether +she was legitimate or illegitimate. Moreover the power to offer her hand +in marriage might be useful to her father in foreign affairs. + +A reconciliation between the King and his daughter was effected in +July[3], and the greater part of England would have rejoiced if the +matter had gone still further[4],—if Henry had acknowledged Mary, +beheaded Cromwell, burnt Latimer and the heretic bishops, and reconciled +himself with the Pope, who in return would certainly have been willing +to recognise Queen Jane and her possible children. Apart from all other +objections to this change of policy, however, there was one fatal +obstacle; the King could not afford it. + +The characters of the Tudor Kings have made so deep an impression on +English history that it is easy to explain the events of their reigns by +attributing everything to their personal traits, but Henry’s need of +money was due to something that lay deeper than his own extravagance and +rapacity. The whole of Europe was undergoing great economic changes, in +consequence of the discovery of new trade routes and the importation of +gold and silver from America, which depreciated the value of the +coinage. Prices rose and the spending power of any fixed sum of money +diminished. As the royal revenues were almost entirely customary and +therefore fixed, it followed that the King was growing poorer while the +expenses of government were constantly increasing as the nation emerged +from feudal into modern life[5]. + +One of the most deeply-rooted feudal theories was that “the King should +live of his own,” that is, that the ordinary revenues derived from the +crown lands, the customs and feudal dues, should serve for the ordinary +needs of the government, and that taxes should be levied only in time of +war, or to meet extraordinary need. This theory had seldom corresponded +to facts, and it was now quite untenable, but the tax-payer naturally +cherished it. Henry’s taxation had already aroused great discontent, but +the need for a sufficient revenue did not grow less, and the King could +not afford to give up the money which, as supreme head of the Church of +England, he diverted from the Pope, or the still more considerable sum +that he hoped to derive from the suppression of the monasteries. But +while the great mass of the nation desired nothing so much as the +remission of all taxes, the educated classes were beginning to realise +that this would not be such a very desirable state of affairs. The idea +was just beginning to emerge that if the King did not need money he +would never call a parliament, and that the liberties of the nation +depended on its control of taxation. When the King declared that if only +the wealth of the monasteries were in his hands he would never ask his +people for money again, there were a few who saw that the King’s wealth +was a much more serious danger than the King’s poverty[6]. + +The state of affairs on the continent permitted Henry to do as he +pleased, for Francis I had again attacked Charles V, and the Pope could +do nothing while his two champions were cutting each other’s throats. +Henry therefore continued to carry out the policy expressed in the acts +of his two last parliaments, the long parliament which met in December +1529 and was dissolved in March 1536, and its brief successor which met +in June and was dissolved in July 1536. + +A word must be said about the composition of these parliaments. A Tudor +House of Commons was not, of course, representative in the modern sense +of the word, for it consisted exclusively of country gentlemen and +wealthy merchants, who were in most cases appointed by a small close +body rather than popularly elected. The influence of the crown, +exercised through the sheriff or through some local magnate, was +paramount at the nomination of members, and it does not seem to have +been resented, so long as the chosen candidate was a well-known man in +the district for which he was appointed. The electors were willing that +the King should choose the man most pleasing to himself among perhaps a +dozen equally eligible persons, but gentlemen and burgesses alike +resented the “carpet-bagger,” the stranger sent down from the court, who +knew nothing of the place and despised the provincials whom he nominally +represented[7]. They also objected to members who held government posts, +and, curiously enough, bye-elections were considered an abuse, as it was +maintained that when a member died his seat ought to remain vacant until +the next general election[8]. + +The parliament of 1529–36 violated even these elementary conditions of +representation; Cromwell, who came into power during these seven years, +gradually developed the art of managing the House of Commons to an +extent which had never been known before, and the electors were +powerless in his hands, because they could not understand what was +happening[9]. It must also be noticed that the electors in 1529 had very +little means of knowing what measures would be brought before the +parliament. They knew of course that the King would want money, and they +knew also that the question of the divorce would be dealt with, but even +the best-informed can hardly have foreseen the act for the dissolution +of the smaller monasteries. It must, therefore, be borne in mind that +the acts of this parliament were not passed with the consent, or even +with the knowledge, of the nation. Their true originator was believed to +be Thomas Cromwell. Whether his rise had been slow or rapid, this +remarkable man was now (1536) at the height of his power[10], and the +greater number of this parliament’s acts were stages in the progress of +his policy. By birth Cromwell came of the English lower middle class, +but part of his early manhood was spent in Italy[11], and his character +was an illustration of the proverb “An Englishman Italianate is a devil +incarnate.” He belonged to the new school of political thought which had +for its exponents Philip de Commines and Machiavelli, and for its heroes +Louis XI and Caesar Borgia. Thomas Cromwell, clothier, solicitor and +moneylender, seems genuinely to have believed that it was the duty of +any man who by birth, luck or skill became a prince, to make himself +absolute, and to guard against any breath of opposition at home as +carefully as he did against any hint of attack from abroad. He was +really convinced that an absolute autocracy was the best form of +government for any country, and that it was the duty of a good subject +to do everything in his power to strengthen the hand of the King. +Religion meant nothing at all to him. He conformed to the existing +usages, whatever they might be, but distinctions between creeds only +interested him in so far as they might be used politically. Honour, +mercy, conscience, were simply the prevailing weaknesses of mankind, +which might be employed for his advantage, just as he might take +advantage of drunkenness or stupidity. It was not so much that he +disregarded as that he never felt them. With all this moral +insensibility he was a singularly efficient administrator. Instead of +fearing and slighting the houses of parliament, he manipulated them for +his own ends, while his spy system was unrivalled. But this was the +darker side of his labours; it was also part of his policy to promote +trade, to put the kingdom in a state of defence, to repress crime and +violence as well as rebellion. His faults as a statesman were rapacity +and a too great desire to interfere in every department of life. It was +now six years since his celebrated promise “to make Henry the richest +king that ever was in England”[12]; at last the treasures of the +monasteries were within his grasp, and his promise seemed on the point +of fulfilment. + +Cromwell’s low birth exposed him to the scorn of his contemporaries, and +has been brought up against him even by modern historians; nevertheless +if it were necessary to make a choice between his moral character and +that of his high-born opponent, Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, it could +scarcely be denied that Norfolk was the greater scoundrel of the two. He +was simply a courtier and politician, with not a tenth of Cromwell’s +ability. By inclination he was conservative and favoured the Old +Learning, but if he could advance himself by denying his politics or his +faith he was quite ready to abandon either. Cromwell at least had a +political end in view; Norfolk merely wished to aggrandise himself and +had no other object. + +It goes without saying that the two regarded each other with the +bitterest hatred. After the fall of Anne Boleyn Cromwell managed to +procure Norfolk’s banishment from the court, but they were in constant +correspondence with each other. Among all the records of misery, crime +and brutality in the Letters and Papers of the time there is perhaps +nothing more horrible than Norfolk’s letters to Cromwell; the sickly +expressions of goodwill, the filthy jokes, the grimaces of thankfulness, +make them vile reading. But not many letters were written in the summer +of 1536, for Norfolk had just been worsted, and Cromwell was completely +master of the situation. + +The general course of Cromwell’s systematic attack on the Church is so +well known that it is necessary only to recapitulate those features +which chiefly aroused popular indignation. + +In 1529, the first year of Henry’s long parliament, a very sweeping +measure was passed to regulate the clergy. They were prohibited from +holding any land by lease. All leases held by ecclesiastics must be +transferred to laymen before the next Michaelmas. Spiritual persons were +prohibited from trading, except in the case of monasteries selling the +produce of their own lands for their own needs. No priest was henceforth +to hold more than one benefice of value above £8 yearly, but existing +pluralists might retain four; members of the King’s Council, chaplains +of the royal family or of peers, and brothers of peers and knights, were +permitted to hold three, and Doctors of Divinity might hold two. Every +priest was required to reside on one of his benefices, but exceptions +were made in favour of pilgrims, persons on the King’s service, scholars +at universities, and royal chaplains. Spiritual persons were prohibited +from keeping breweries and tan-yards[13]. The chief object of this +statute was probably to facilitate the transference of ecclesiastical +property to laymen[14]. It must have caused great indignation among the +clergy. They may have hoped at first that it would not be strictly +enforced, but in 1536 it was re-enacted with still more stringent +residentiary clauses[15]. + +In 1530 the clergy of England were called upon to face the overwhelming +charge that they had all offended against the Statute of Praemunire by +acknowledging Wolsey’s legatine authority. In order to buy their pardon +from the King they were compelled to pay a heavy fine. In addition to +this the King demanded that they should acknowledge him “the only +Protector and Supreme Head of the Church and clergy of England,” and +that cure of souls was committed to him, “curæ animarum ejus majestati +commissæ et populo sibi commisso debite inservire possimus.” He made +other demands, but these were the most important points. The clergy +would only accept the title qualified by the phrase “quantum per Christi +leges licet,” “as far as the laws of Christ will allow.”[16] They +applied the same qualifications to the phrase about the cure of souls +“ut et curæ animarum populi ejus majestati commissi _dehinc_ servire +possimus,” “and so far (as the laws of Christ will allow) we are able to +agree that the cure of the souls of his people has been committed to his +Majesty.” This acknowledgment was made, as far as can be discovered, +only by the southern convocation. The questions were not put to the +northern convocation, and it seems that at least three of the northern +bishops, Tunstall being one, protested against the new title, even with +the modification[17]. However the King was satisfied for the moment by +the compromise, and the clergy were solemnly pardoned[18]. + +It is not necessary to go into the complicated questions of the Petition +of the Commons, the Answer of the Ordinaries, and the Submission of the +Clergy in 1532, as they were not understood by the people at large[19]. +Passing over the anti-papal legislation of the following years, those +acts which were protested against by the rebels are the only ones which +need be mentioned. The first of these was the Act which conditionally +restrained the payment of Annates or First Fruits to Rome in 1532[20], a +prohibition which was made absolute in 1534[21]. The fault found with +this statute was not that the payments were no longer made to Rome, but +that they were still levied by the King. + +In 1534 Henry attacked the Church of Rome at a vital point. On 31 March +of that year the question was put to the Convocation of Canterbury, +“Whether the Roman pontiff has any greater jurisdiction bestowed on him +by God in the Holy Scripture in this realm of England than any other +foreign bishop?” Only four of those present voted for the Pope’s +authority, and it was consequently resolved by a large majority that he +had no such power[22]. On 5 May the same resolution was passed by the +Convocation of York without a dissenting vote[23]. Following on this, +Henry caused the Supremacy Act to be passed in November 1534. This +measure conferred upon the King and his heirs for ever the title of +“Only supreme head on earth of the Church of England.” The saving clause +“quantum per Christi leges licet” was quietly ignored[24]. + +It must always be remembered that behind this brief summary the great +drama of the rival queens, Katherine of Arragon and Anne Boleyn, had +been running its course. The anti-papal acts so far had been diplomatic +moves. In the more remote country districts they were probably hardly +known and not at all understood. But at this point Henry resolved to +make the whole nation realise their altered relation to Rome. + +In April 1535 Henry issued a mandate which declared that “sundry persons +both religious and secular, priests and curates, daily set forth and +extol the jurisdiction and authority of the Bishop of Rome, otherwise +called Pope, sowing their pestilential and false doctrine, praying for +him in the pulpit, making him a god, illuding and seducing our subjects, +and bringing them into great errors, sedition and evil opinions, more +preserving the power, laws and jurisdiction of the said bishop than the +most holy laws and precepts of Almighty God.” Any person offending in +this way was to be apprehended at once and committed to prison without +bail until the King’s pleasure in his case was known[25]. Royal letters +were sent out on 1 June 1535 to all the bishops to command them to +declare the King’s new title in their sermons every Sunday, and to cause +their clergy to do the same. The name of the Bishop of Rome was to be +erased from all services and mass books. This was followed on the 3rd by +an “Order for preaching and bidding of the beads in all sermons to be +made within the realm.” The Pope and the Cardinals of Rome were no +longer to be named in the bidding of the beads. The prayers were to be +“for the whole Catholic Church and for the Catholic Church of the realm; +for the King, only Supreme Head of the Catholic Church of England, for +Queen Anne and the Lady Elizabeth, for the whole clergy and temporality, +and especially for such as the preacher might name of devotion; for the +souls of the dead, and specially of such as it might please the preacher +to name.” Every preacher was ordered to preach against the usurped power +of the Bishop of Rome, and they were to abstain for one year from any +reference to purgatory, honouring of saints, marriage of priests, +pilgrimages, miracles[26]. The shock which this measure gave to the +nation will be to some extent illustrated in the following chapters. It +struck at the very foundations of the existing creed. The papal +authority was not always popular in England,—men grumbled at the Pope, +sneered at him, criticised him,—but that he was the only supreme head of +Christianity was as firmly believed and as confidently accepted as that +the sun rose in the east. When simple country priests were called upon +to deny weekly a proposition which they had never before dreamed of +questioning, they and their congregations might well think that the +foundations of society were giving way, and their worst fears seemed to +be realised by the Act for the Suppression of the Smaller Monasteries, +passed in the following year[27]. It is not necessary to repeat the +well-known story of Henry’s dealings with the monasteries, and the whole +of the following work is a commentary on it. + +In the same year the privileges of the palatinate of Durham and other +exempted districts were abolished[28]. + +In the short parliament of June-July 1536 two Acts were passed of +considerable importance. By one all bulls, breves, dispensations and +faculties from the Pope now within the realm were declared void[29]. In +1534 the clergy had been prohibited from obtaining dispensations, etc. +from Rome[30], but those obtained before 12 March 1533 had been +expressly declared valid. Now, however, they were required to surrender +their papal licences, etc. to the Archbishop of Canterbury before +Michaelmas 1537[31]. The Imperial ambassador, Chapuys, reported that +this was the statute which the parliament was most reluctant to pass, as +it involved serious questions of legitimacy, “but in the end everything +must go as the King wishes.”[32] The other statute dealt with the +question of sanctuary and benefit of clergy. Already several statutes +had been passed limiting this much abused privilege[33]. In this statute +benefit of clergy was denied to any ecclesiastic who committed the +crimes specified in former statutes as those for which no layman might +claim benefit. The offending priest was to be punished like a layman, +without degradation from his holy orders[34]. + +By the time that this mass of legislation was completed there were very +few people in England who knew what they were really intended by the +government to believe. In order that the new state of things might be +understood, the King as Supreme Head of the Church of England, with the +advice and assent of Convocation, published Ten Articles about Religion. +They were issued in June 1536, when the year’s prohibition of +controversy about purgatory, pilgrimages, etc. was at an end[35]. The +first five articles stated those points in belief which were necessary +to salvation. They were the grounds of faith, as set forth in the Bible, +the Creeds as interpreted by the patristic traditions not contrary to +Scripture, and by the Acts of the Four Councils; Justification; Baptism; +Penance, which included confession and good works; and the Sacrament of +the Altar. Thus only three of the seven sacraments were named as +essential. The other five Articles dealt with such points “as have been +of a long continuance for a decent order and honest policy, prudently +instituted and used in the churches of our realm, and be for that same +purpose and end to be observed and kept accordingly, although they be +not expressly commanded of God, nor necessary to our salvation.” These +were paying honour to saints, placing their images in churches and +praying to them; the rites and ceremonies of the Church; and the belief +in purgatory, which involved prayers for the dead[36]. + +The Ten Articles received the assent of the southern, but not of the +northern convocation, although they were signed by the Archbishop of +York and the Bishop of Durham[37]. They were supplemented in July by an +order of the Supreme Head and Convocation that no holy days should be +observed in harvest time, 1 July–29 September, except the feasts of the +Apostles, the Virgin Mary, and St George; or in the law terms, except +Ascension Day, the Nativity of St John the Baptist, All Hallows and +Candlemas; all feasts of the Dedication should be observed on the first +Sunday in October, and no “church holidays,” which were the feasts of +the patron saints of churches, should be observed unless they fell on an +authorised holy day[38]. + +In the same month these new regulations were enforced by the first Royal +Injunctions of Henry VIII[39]. The publication of these injunctions “was +the first act of pure supremacy done by the King, for in all that had +gone before he had acted with the concurrence of Convocation.”[40] The +Ten Articles were a compromise between the Old and the New Learning, but +the Injunctions, which were issued in Cromwell’s name, went further in +the way of innovations. The clergy were ordered to preach every Sunday +for the next quarter, and afterwards twice a quarter, on the subject of +the King’s Supremacy, setting forth the abolition of the Bishop of +Rome’s pretended authority. They were also to expound and enforce the +Ten Articles and to declare the new order for holy days. They were to +discourage superstitious ceremonies, and to exhort all men to “apply +themselves to the keeping of God’s commandments and fulfilling of His +works of charity, rather than to make pilgrimages or bestow money on +saints and relics.” In this the Injunctions went further than the +Articles, in which pilgrimages were not mentioned. Another innovation +was the order that all servants and young people must be taught the +Lord’s Prayer, the Creed and the Ten Commandments in English. The +remaining injunctions directed the clergy to study, give alms, lead +sober lives, etc. + +In addition to these measures, any one of which was sufficient to arm +all the forces of tradition and religious conservatism against the King, +several important political Acts had been passed, which were scarcely +more likely to be popular. Among these the three Succession Acts were +the most important. The first declared the Princess Mary illegitimate +and entailed the succession on the heirs male of the King and Anne +Boleyn, or failing heirs male, on the Princess Elizabeth. All were to +swear to maintain this act, under penalty of high treason[41]. The +second Succession Act confirmed the first and supplied a form of oath to +be taken[42], but this was superseded by the third, which has been +described above. The Treason Act gave a new definition of high treason. +It was declared to be high treason “if any person ... do _maliciously_ +wish, will or desire by words or writing, or by craft imagine, invent, +practise, or attempt any bodily harm to be done or committed to the +King’s most royal person, the queen’s or their heir’s apparent, or to +deprive them of their dignity, title or name of their royal estates, or +_slanderously and maliciously_ publish and pronounce, by express wri. +ting or words, that the King our sovereign lord should be heretic, +schismatic, tyrant, infidel or usurper of the crown.”[43] This act was +passed only after prolonged debate in the House of Commons, and the King +was forced to permit the word “maliciously” to be inserted; this was +done in the hope of saving those who could not conscientiously call the +King Supreme Head of the Church, but did and said nothing to prevent +others from giving him the title[44]. + +It was for offences against these statutes, the second Succession Act +and the Treason Act, that Sir Thomas More and Cardinal Fisher were put +to death in July 1535. Pope Paul III, roused at last by this deliberate +defiance of his authority, prepared a bull of interdict and deposition +against Henry in the autumn of the same year[45]. But he had not +sufficient faith in his own curses to launch them at Henry without +adequate secular support. If he had had the courage of a medieval pope, +he would have published the bull with perfect confidence that it would +accomplish its own work, without earthly aid; what is more, it would +very likely have been effective, as will be shown hereafter. Paul III, +however, endeavoured to back up his supernatural threats by physical +force, and failed. Francis I protested vigorously against the +publication of the bull, as he was Henry’s ally, while Charles V was not +in a position to lend his aid, and the Pope suspended it for the +time[46]. + +Returning to the unpopular statutes of the long parliament, the +financial situation must be briefly considered. Henry’s money troubles +have already been mentioned. The usual levies by direct taxation, the +Fifteenth and the Tenth, had originally been the actual fraction of the +tax-payer’s possessions, but since 1334 they had become fixed payments +levied from each county without reassessment, and therefore did not +represent the wealth of the nation[47]. In addition to the usual +Fifteenth and Tenth, the long parliament granted to the King a general +subsidy of 1_d._ in the £ on incomes above £20 a year, levied by +commissioners who were sent into every shire to discover through the +constables the amount which each person ought to pay[48]. In Henry’s +reign at any rate a real assessment was made, and the measure was +consequently exceedingly unpopular. + +Another act which was designed to increase the revenue was the Statute +of Uses[49]. The object of this statute was to preserve intact to the +King the feudal dues from estates which were held directly from him in +chief. Such estates might not be given by will, but their holders +usually provided for their families by leaving a rent charge on the +estate to the use of their younger children or other dependents. The +statute abolished such uses entirely, and thus deprived the whole +family, except the eldest son, of any income from an estate held in +chief from the King. + +These statutes were all passed at the direct instance of the King, and +chiefly for his profit, but statutes of a more disinterested character +were not more popular. Tudor statesmen were firmly convinced that it was +their duty to regulate the trade of the nation in every possible way. +Their constant interference in minute points must have been most +exasperating to tradesmen, and although their object was always the +common good, such unwise meddling produced bad results more often than +good ones, and therefore was detested not only by the sellers, but also +by the buyers, whose interests it was supposed to protect. Moreover the +common people had no confidence in the government, and were always ready +to believe rumours that these acts would turn out to be new forms of +taxation. + +A statute which aroused great indignation in the eastern counties was +passed in 1535. Clothiers were ordered to weave into their cloth their +respective trade marks, and to specify the length of each piece of cloth +on a seal attached to it. Until this was done the aulnager was not +permitted to seal the goods. At the same time the legal breadth of +various kinds of cloth, which had been regulated by previous statutes, +was increased, except in the case of Suffolk set cloths. The provisions +of the statute did not apply to the county of Worcester[50]. + +In order, to check the evils of enclosures, which were increasing +rapidly[51], it was enacted that no grazier might keep a flock of more +than 2,000 sheep[52], and by another statute landowners who had +abandoned husbandry for sheep-farming since 1515, were ordered to +re-erect or repair the houses of husbandry on their lands under penalty +of forfeiting half the land to the crown[53]. These two statutes were +intended to check the depopulation caused by sheep-farming enclosures, +and were therefore popular in intention, but they were naturally +resented by the landowners, and rumours spread that both cattle and +sheep were to be taxed or confiscated. + +Other measures with an equally good object had equally unfortunate +results. Ever since 1529 the government had been endeavouring to keep +down the price of meat. As all prices were rising rapidly during this +period, owing to causes beyond the control of legislation, these efforts +had exasperated the butchers, while they left the purchasers in a rather +worse case than before[54]. In 1534 by one of several statutes dealing +with the subject the Lords of the Council were empowered to issue +proclamations “from time to time as the case shall require to set and +tax reasonable prices of all such kinds of victuals” as “cheese, butter, +capons, hens, chickens,” etc.[55] It seems possible that this statute, +together with the ineffective regulations which accompanied it, gave +rise to the rumour that all poor men were to be prohibited from eating +“white meat” unless they paid a tax to the King on every chicken, capon +or such-like[56]. But whether the rumour may be traced to this statute +or not, it will be seen in what follows that the butchers sought their +revenge on the King by taking an active part in the insurrection. + +From this brief review it is obvious that the government had been +pursuing a remarkably daring policy in all departments of national life. +In the following chapters an attempt will be made to show how the +different classes were affected by this varied mass of legislation, and +what their feelings were towards its originators, the King and Thomas +Cromwell. + + + + + CHAPTER II + PLOTS AND TOKENS + + +Before the Act dissolving the Lesser Monasteries was passed, in March +1536, the opposition to Henry’s policy was too much broken up by class +distinctions to be very formidable; nor did the chief of the +conservative nobles ever encourage the popular movement. Henry was able +to crush his opponents separately, when a united attack might have +shaken even his weight from the throne. + +In the first place he was opposed by the party of the Old Nobility. By +this we do not mean Norfolk and other time-servers of his opinion, but +another and weaker faction, the remaining members of the Yorkist +nobility, who had survived the Wars of the Roses. The religious problems +of Henry’s reign somewhat obscure its connection with the history of the +century before it. The days of Cranmer and Pole seem so far removed from +those of Warwick the Kingmaker and Richard Crookback that it requires an +effort to realise that Henry had to deal with a legacy of trouble from +the earlier period, as well as with his own share of the difficulties of +the new age. The previous storm had not yet passed away when the new +cloud appeared on the horizon and the two broke in full fury upon the +unfortunate house of Pole. + +Margaret, Countess of Salisbury, the only living child of George, Duke +of Clarence, was chief among the old aristocracy, who were now sometimes +called the party of the White Rose. Katherine of Arragon had been warmly +attached to the Countess and her family. The tender-hearted queen +believed that Margaret’s brother was sacrificed in order to bring about +her marriage with Prince Arthur. The Countess’ eldest son, Henry, Lord +Montague, married Jane Neville, daughter to Lord Abergavenny, while her +daughter Ursula became the wife of Lord Stafford, the Duke of +Buckingham’s son. It was even whispered that higher honours awaited the +Poles. The Countess became governess to the Princess Mary, and Queen +Katherine would gladly have seen a marriage between her daughter and her +friend’s son Reginald, who was a promising lad of sixteen when Mary was +born in 1516. The family was closely connected by blood and friendship +with Edward Courtenay, Marquis of Exeter, and his wife Gertrude. The +Marquis was the son of Katherine, the youngest daughter of Edward IV, +and therefore heir to the throne, after the Tudors: a very dangerous +position[57]. + +Henry had learnt his lesson from his father too well to allow this state +of things to continue. For the last hundred years the nobles had kept +the kingdom in a turmoil. Northumberland, Warwick, the second Duke of +Buckingham, had in turn made and unmade kings at their pleasure; now the +day of reckoning had come. The two Henrys performed in England the work +that Richelieu was to achieve in France a century later; they made the +nobles realise at the cost of much bloodshed, that there was to be one +king in the country, not half-a-dozen. No one can deny that they +triumphed only by means of cruelty and injustice, and that their motives +were selfish. But when it is considered how greatly the nation +benefited, and when the fate of countries like Poland where the work was +never carried out is remembered, it seems ungrateful to abuse the kings +who did so much for their country at the cost of their reputation. + +Buckingham was executed in 1521 and his son was ruined[58]; Montague and +Abergavenny were thrown into prison[59] and made to pay heavy fines. The +reason was simply that they were powerful enough to be dangerous, and +Henry was powerful enough to crush them. + +So far the King had acted from the old motives and guarded against the +old dangers; with the divorce of Katherine new factors came into play. +The Pole family was devoted to the Queen, and would in any case have +opposed the divorce. In addition to this motive the Countess was a very +devout woman and had brought up her sons to be pillars of the +Church[60]. In 1532 Reginald Pole with some difficulty obtained leave to +go abroad, to escape acquiescence in the divorce. + +Reginald Pole was a man of quiet, amiable and studious disposition. He +had been educated at the King’s expense, and was genuinely fond of his +patron. There seems to be little doubt that if he had been left alone he +would have been content to live peacefully in Italy with his friends and +his studies. There he could have deplored the misfortunes of his country +without attempting to remedy them by any more dangerous means than the +vague, ineffectual plots at which legitimists always excel. But he was +shaken out of his tranquillity by Henry himself. Early in 1535 Starkey, +the King’s chaplain, who was a friend of Pole’s, sent him a royal +command to state in writing his opinion on the royal title of Supreme +Head of the Church of England. Henry wished to force Pole to take up a +definite position. If he was friendly he might be useful; if hostile, he +was dangerous, and the King was determined to know how to regard him. +Pole was at first reluctant to undertake the task, but once he embarked +on it he worked hard, and indulged to the full in the dangerous +satisfaction of giving the King a piece of his mind. The book “De +Unitate Ecclesiastica” was finished by the end of the year, but it was +not despatched until Pole received the news of Anne Boleyn’s fall. Then, +imagining, that the King might now be induced to change his policy, he +sent it to England, at the end of May 1536, by the hands of his trusted +servant Michael Throgmorton. It was, as its name implies, a vigorous +defence of the one and indivisible Catholic Church under one supreme +head, the Pope. The language of the book does not exceed the bounds of +controversy as then observed; though, considering the King’s figure, the +comparison between Henry and an unclean barrel was rather tactless. But +Pole stated with perfect frankness his very strong disapproval of the +King’s proceedings. From that time forth there was no hope that Henry +would ever be reconciled to his kinsman[61]. + +The interest of the book to a modern reader lies in its revelation of +Pole’s point of view. He had an essentially medieval mind; throughout +his writings he assumes the political ideal of the middle ages, which +pictured the Pope and the Emperor as the spiritual and secular heads of +Europe. If any lesser king withdrew his allegiance from the Pope it was +the Emperor’s duty to make him return to the fold. Hence it was the +obvious duty of Charles V to reduce Henry to obedience. It never seems +to have occurred to Pole that any life which there might once have been +in this theory was now extinguished, and that the condition of affairs +in medieval Europe had passed away for ever. After Katherine’s death +Charles had no more justification for invading England simply because he +disapproved of the English government than England had for invading +France because she disapproved of Napoleon. Besides, what with Francis +I, the Turks and the German Reformers, Charles had so many +embarrassments that it was in the highest degree improbable he would +ever be free to attempt the subjugation of England. But Pole was blind +to all this, and he and his English friends continued to put their trust +in foreign princes with disastrous consequences to themselves. + +Pole had written his book at the King’s express request, stating his +opinions quite honestly; he believed his country was going to perdition, +and that a patriot’s only hope lay in force. From the point of view of +the English government the book was certainly treasonable. It clearly +and expressly urged all Englishmen to take up arms against the King, and +exhorted two foreign princes to invade the country and help the rebels. +Pole, however, was very careful that the manuscript should not be copied +or printed, and its contents were only known to three or four of his +friends[62]. It is unnecessary to describe the King’s anger on receiving +the book, or the letters of remonstrance which he forced the Countess of +Salisbury and Lord Montague to write to the offending author. He himself +dissembled his anger, and summoned Pole to return home and there confer +with wise men on the subject, about which he was misinformed. Pole was +too prudent to accept this royal invitation[63]. + +The policy of the White Rose party is embodied in “De Unitate.” The plan +at the root of all their scheming was that Charles V should invade +England, marry Mary to Reginald Pole[64], force Henry to acknowledge +Katherine, and establish a sort of regency, leaving Henry only the title +of King. There were two serious flaws in this scheme. First, the +conspirators overlooked the fact that an invasion was sure to cause a +violent reaction in favour of Henry, who was at least an Englishman: +they were, indeed, hopelessly out of touch with the feeling of the +nation at large. Secondly, nothing was more unlikely than that Charles +would consent to a marriage between Mary and Pole, for he regarded her +as his property and would be sure, if he had the opportunity, to bestow +her hand on some dependant of his own. Ruling, as he did, over so many +different countries, he could not realise how strong national feeling +was in such an isolated kingdom as England, and how desirable therefore +an English husband would be for Mary, if she was ever to become Queen. + +Thus the White Rose party was following quite the wrong path, intent on +will-o’-the-wisp hopes of the Emperor’s help when they should have +turned to the mass of the nation for assistance. After Katherine’s death +the prospect that Charles would interfere in English politics was very +distant. King Henry did not “wear yellow for mourning” for nothing[65]. +But Exeter and the Poles looked only to the Emperor, and while they did +this Henry had little to fear from them. Other members of the party saw +their mistake after a while. First among these was Lord Darcy. + +Thomas, Lord Darcy, was the son of Sir William Darcy by his wife +Euphemia, daughter to Sir John Langton[66]. On his father’s death (1488) +he came into the lands in Lincolnshire which had belonged to the Darcys +since Doomsday Book was compiled, and also those lands in Yorkshire, +including the family seat of Templehurst, which had come to the family +by marriage in the reign of Edward III. He was already over twenty-one +and had probably married Dousabella[67], daughter to Sir Richard Tempest +of the Dale, who was the mother of his four sons, George, Richard, +William and Arthur. Darcy was raised to the peerage in 1505. In the same +year he was made steward of the lands of the young Earl of Westmorland. +This young man became Earl in 1523. The Earl’s character has left few +traces upon history. Norfolk described him as “of such heat and +hastiness of nature as to be unmeet” to hold the office of Warden of the +Marches[68]. He was connected with the White Rose party by his marriage +with Katherine, daughter to the unfortunate Duke of Buckingham. His +mother was Edith, sister to William, Lord Sandes. + +Darcy’s great influence in the north was in part owing to this +connection with the Nevilles which was strengthened by his second +marriage, to Lady Neville, the young Earl’s mother. Darcy held various +offices of trust on the Borders during the reign of Henry VII. The King +kept a watchful eye on his powerful servant, and in 1496 he was indicted +at Quarter Sessions in the West Riding for giving various people his +badge, “a token or livery called the Buck’s Head.” However, Henry by his +well-known system of compensation created him Deputy Warden of the East +and Middle Marches (16 Dec., 1498) and later Warden of the East Marches +(1 Sept., 1505). On the accession of Henry VIII his offices were +confirmed to him[69]. + +Early in the new reign occurred the strangest adventure of Darcy’s +life—his expedition to Spain. Ferdinand had asked his son-in-law for the +aid of 1500 English archers in his war against the Moors. Darcy at his +own request was appointed leader of this force. The troops were mustered +on 29 March, 1511. The expedition, consisting of five companies of 250 +men each, sailed from Plymouth in May and arrived at Cadiz on 1 June. +There was in Darcy something of the spirit of his crusading ancestors; +but the time for a crusade had passed. The English were unruly and +quarrelled with the Spaniards so much that Ferdinand was only too glad +to seize the excuse of a truce with the Moors to pack them off home +again. They were in Spain little more than a fortnight, and on 17 June +reembarked without having loosed a shaft against the enemy. Darcy was +bitterly disappointed and to add to his troubles the voyage home was +long and stormy: on 3 August they had only reached St Vincent and he was +obliged to spend large sums on victualling the ships and paying his men. +His life-long friend, Sir Robert Constable, was one of the five captains +under him who shared the humiliation and expense of it all. Such an +experience might have made him shun all further dealings with Spain, but +on his return to England the Spanish ambassador dealt liberally with him +in the matter of money and overcame his resentment. The archers who went +out to fight for a Christian prince against the Moors wore as their +badge a curious device called the “Five Wounds of Christ.”[70] + +Darcy took no part in the war with Scotland in 1513. He was not on the +glorious field of Flodden, where the future Duke of Norfolk, then Lord +Admiral, won such fame that for long years he was beloved through all +the north. Darcy had gone with the King to France, where at the siege of +Terouanne some accident caused the rupture from which he suffered for +the rest of his life. He returned to the strenuous work of governing the +Borders, of which more will be said hereafter. During the period of +Cardinal Wolsey’s power, Darcy was on good terms with him; but in July +1529 he drew up an indictment of the falling favourite. This, in the +form of articles, was signed by the Peers in Parliament, on 1 Dec. of +the same year. Exactly how much discredit attaches to him for thus +acting against a man for whom he had long professed friendship, must be +decided by others. The case against Darcy is made rather worse by the +fact that he was at first ready to forward the divorce of Katherine of +Arragon. He signed the Memorial of the Lords to Clement VII, and even +appeared as a witness at the Queen’s trial, although he had no evidence +of any importance to give. On the other hand, he must have disapproved +of Wolsey’s policy for some time, and the tie between the two men never +seems to have been very close. Like others he was slow to realise the +lengths to which Henry was prepared to go in order to get what he +wanted. He did not foresee that Wolsey’s policy might lead to a policy +of still more daring innovation. But when the situation was plain to him +he fully declared himself. In January 1532 Norfolk made an appeal to a +private meeting of persons of importance to defend the Royal Prerogative +against foreign interference, with the suggestion that matrimonial +causes, i.e. the divorce of Katherine, ought to be considered a matter +of temporal jurisdiction. Darcy answered. In his speech he maintained +that such causes were undoubtedly spiritual, and therefore the Pope was +the supreme judge in them. He further insinuated that the King’s Council +were trying to escape the responsibility of deciding on a course of +action by dragging others into the matter[71]. He also addressed the +Lords on the fitness of parliament to deal with matters touching the +Faith, but the date and purport of this declaration are uncertain[72]. +The result of his boldness was that he was informed that his presence +was not required at the succeeding sessions[73] of the parliament. + +Nevertheless he was not allowed to return to the north, but was kept in +London, much against his will, from the winter of 1529[74] till at least +as late as July 1535. The King would have been well advised to remember +the proverb about idle hands. Darcy, the statesman and warrior, was kept +some five years with nothing to do but brood over the changes which were +taking place around him, and over the violation of his deepest and most +honourable feelings. Cromwell and the King might have foreseen the +result. Darcy had a strong sentiment of personal loyalty to the King; he +could not bear it to be thought that “Old Tom had one traitor’s tooth in +his head.” But as an honest man and a good Christian he felt he could +not stand by and see the Queen and her daughter dishonoured, the Church +destroyed, and the land brought under an absolute despotism, without +making an effort to save them. The doctrine of the responsibility of the +minister salved his conscience; it was easy to believe that if only +Cromwell could be removed, Henry would turn back from the strange and +dangerous road along which he was being led. + +Darcy was on intimate terms with Lord Hussey, a member of one of the new +official families which sprang up so plentifully under the Tudors. Sir +William Hussey, father to John, Lord Hussey, was Lord Chief Justice of +the King’s Bench in 17 Edward IV[75]; his parents are unknown. John +Hussey assisted in putting down Lovell’s Rebellion in 1486, and obtained +a footing at Court. He was partner to the exactions of Empson and +Dudley, and on the accession of Henry VIII was obliged to obtain a +pardon, but he did not lose favour with the King. He received large +grants of land in Lincolnshire, where his seat was at Sleaford[76]; +there he was unpopular with his neighbours, who accused him of arrogance +and ostentation[77]. He served in France in 1513, and was employed on +diplomatic missions until in 1529 he was summoned to the House of Lords +as Baron Hussey of Sleaford. Through the whole of his career he had been +a loyal and unquestioning supporter of the government as it was. His +promotion was probably due to the King’s desire to strengthen his party +in the House of Lords. He did what was required of him; he signed the +document requesting the Pope to sanction the divorce of Katherine, and +gave evidence for the King at the Queen’s trial. But Darcy, who was +really opposed to the divorce, had done as much as this. There is no +doubt, however, that Henry believed Hussey to be a man whom he could +safely trust, for in 1533 he was appointed chamberlain to the King’s +daughter Mary, who had just been declared illegitimate[78]. It was to +his tender care she was confided for the time of insult and desolation +her father had in store for her. Unfortunately for Hussey a warm +friendship sprang up between Mary and his wife Lady Anne, the daughter +of George Grey, Earl of Kent[79]. Hussey himself, though fairly +hard-hearted, seems to have been touched by the sufferings of his +helpless charge. It must have been this sympathy which drew him into +communication with the White Rose party. + +About midsummer 1534 Darcy dined with Hussey at his London house, and +his old friend Sir Robert Constable was there as well. They talked of a +sermon preached by Sir Francis Bigod’s priest; Bigod was a young man of +great lands in the north, who inclined to the New Learning; his father +had been among Darcy’s friends. In the sermon under discussion the +chaplain had “likened our Lady to a pudding when the meat was out.” Not +unnaturally shocked by such an expression, they all declared they would +be “none heretics” but die Christian men. There by Hussey’s account the +matter ended; but in September of the same year he was in communication +with the Imperial ambassador[80]. + +Hitherto one of the King’s most unfaltering supporters, Hussey at this +time unquestionably indulged in treasonable practices. All the +disaffected nobles carried on secret correspondence with Chapuys, and +Hussey among the rest begged him to urge the Emperor to invade +England[81], where everyone was ready to welcome him. Chapuys’ +correspondence reveals the fact that the nobles, at least, were at that +time thoroughly out of sympathy with the King’s policy. Sir Geoffrey +Pole, the younger brother of Lord Montague and Reginald, was anxious to +leave England, and offered to enter the Emperor’s service in Spain. He +gave up the plan when Chapuys pointed out that he would leave his +friends in the greatest danger; they were already regarded with enough +suspicion[82]. + +Meanwhile Darcy was making every effort to obtain permission to quit the +Court and go home[83]. But this was steadily refused. In July (1534) he +was upon the jury of peers which acquitted Lord Dacre from a charge of +high treason[84]. + +In September he was the most considerable of all the peers who were +secretly urging on Charles V an invasion of England[85]. This is the +most indefensible part of Darcy’s conduct. To attempt to change the +policy of the government, even by force if no other way is possible, may +be justifiable. But it was very different to invite a foreign prince to +invade England, and it was a pity that Darcy was so much swayed by the +prevailing policy of the White Rose party as to consent to the scheme. +Doubtless the excuse he would have offered was the position of Katherine +and Mary. They were helpless in the King’s hands. They were inconvenient +to him, and people who inconvenienced Henry seldom lived long. A +national rising would only add to the danger of their situation; but if +Charles joined the rebels the Princesses would at worst be held as +hostages while a sudden raid might snatch them from Henry’s grasp[86]. +With this object Darcy requested Charles to send a small force to the +mouth of the Thames, for Mary was at Greenwich. Katherine at Kimbolton +was so much further from the Court that the rebels might hope to rescue +her themselves. For the rest, the old lord only asked the Emperor to +come to some understanding with the King of Scots, and to send to the +North some money, which was very scarce there, and a small number of +arquebus men[87]. Both he and Hussey believed the discontent to be so +widespread that a national rising would soon effect all that was +required without any further assistance from abroad. But Charles was too +busy to send even this slight aid. He instructed his ambassador to hold +out vague hopes to the White Rose party and to do nothing[88]. + +For some time this policy succeeded. There was much passing up and down +of messages and tokens, and nothing at all was done. Darcy gave Chapuys +“a gold pansy, well enamelled” during the autumn. The pansy was the +badge of the Poles and was to prove a sign of doom to that unhappy +house. At Christmas he presented him with a handsome sword, which +Chapuys supposed to indicate indirectly that the times were ripe “pour +jouer des couteaulx.” His brother-in-law, the brave Lord Sandes, sent +expressions of sympathy; and even the Earl of Northumberland, who was +believed to be the most loyal of the nobles, sent his physician to +Chapuys to assure him that the King was on the brink of ruin[89]. But +time wore on; winter drew to spring and spring to summer—the bloody +spring and summer of the executions under the Supremacy Act[90]. The +Carthusians fell, Sir Thomas More and the gentle Fisher. Still Darcy was +detained in London. Nor was he suspected without good reason, for he had +long since told Chapuys that once back in the north he would secretly +prepare for a general rising. In May he sent an elderly relative of +his[91] to the Imperial ambassador, whom the latter described quaintly +as “of more virtue and zeal than appears externally.” This man proposed +to go in person to the Emperor to discover whether he really meant to +send help, for if he was only deluding the English they were determined +to act for themselves. Chapuys warned him that he would bring Darcy into +danger, but he replied that once his master was in the north he would +not care a button for any suspicions[92]. + +Hussey, who was still trusted by the government, was at his house in +Sleaford about midsummer 1535. A Yorkshire gentleman, Thomas Rycard, +came to visit him. He found Hussey walking in his garden, and they +talked about the spread of heresy in Yorkshire. Rycard said that as yet +there was little of it, “except a few particular persons who carried in +their bosoms certain books.” He prayed that the nobles might “put the +King’s Grace in rememberance for reformation thereof.” Hussey answered +that there was no hope of their suppression unless the two counties, +Yorkshire and Lincolnshire acted together, and he himself thought it +would be necessary to fight for the Faith[93]. + +In July (1535) Chapuys reported that he had seen Darcy’s cousin again, +and that “the good old lord” (his by-name among the Imperialist party) +was about to go home at last[94]. It appears from a letter to Cromwell, +dated at Templehurst, that he was at home by 13 Nov. The year date is +not given but it must have been 1535[95]. + +It is not necessary to describe the character of “Old Tom” at length, +for it stands out from the records so vividly that more than any of his +contemporaries he seems a living man; we learn to know his +out-spokenness, his grim humour, his high sense of honour at a time when +the very meaning of honour was almost forgotten. It was a very cruel +fate which placed him in an age when it was impossible to live according +to his motto, “One God, One King, One Faith.” From the day on which +Darcy rode north there was something stirring in the land far more +serious than any court intrigue, or any wild scheme of the Emperor’s +interference. + +To do the White Rose party justice they were less concerned with hopes +of their own advancement than with anxiety for Katherine and Mary. On 6 +Nov. 1535, Chapuys wrote to the Emperor: “The Marchioness of Exeter has +sent to inform me that the King has lately said to some of his most +confidential councillors that he would not longer remain in the trouble, +fear and suspense he had so long endured on account of the Queen and the +Princess, and that they should see at the coming Parliament, to get him +released therefrom, swearing most obstinately that he would wait no +longer. The Marchioness declares that this is as true as the Gospel, and +begs me to inform your Majesty and pray you to have pity upon the +ladies.”[96] A few days later he related the sequel: “The personage who +informed me of what I wrote to your Majesty on the 6th about the Queen +and Princess[97]—came yesterday to this city (London) in disguise to +confirm what she had sent to me to say, and conjure me to warn your +Majesty, and beg you most urgently to see a remedy. She added that the +King, seeing some of those to whom he used this language shed tears, +said that tears and wry faces were of no avail, because even if he lost +his crown he would not forbear to carry his purpose into effect.”[98] + +It is evident that Henry had purposely alarmed and distressed some of +Katherine’s friends by threats of an outrage which even he could +scarcely have ventured to commit. Was the Marquis of Exeter himself one +of the councillors who wept? Someone must have told the Marchioness +about the King’s threats of getting rid of the Queen and Princess, +either her husband or another of the confidential councillors. And she +herself, if not her informant, was deliberately communicating the +“secrets of the realm of England” to a foreign power. If the King knew +this he was quite justified in regarding the Courtenays with suspicion +and expelling the Marquis from the Council. The Marchioness acted +treasonably, though she did only what any good woman would have done +under the circumstances. But Henry could not be expected to see that. +Katherine soon gave her friends no more care, for she died in January +1536. In the same month Henry’s long parliament met for its last +session, that in which the Act for the Suppression of the Lesser +Monasteries was to be passed. + +Lord Hussey begged to be excused attendance, pleading ill-health, but +really, in all probability, because he knew it would be expected to pass +acts against the Church. He came joyfully to the new parliament in June, +assembled on the fall of Anne Boleyn. Mary was now safe and would +probably be restored to the succession; and, on the fall of the late +queen, it was universally hoped that a reaction would take place in +ecclesiastical matters. Here Hussey’s inclination to treason seems to +have ended, and his after connection with the rebellion appears to have +been sheer bad luck. Or perhaps his wife, an ardent rebel, is to be +blamed. She came up with him to London, and at Whitsuntide went to visit +her former mistress, the Lady Mary, with whom she had exchanged tokens +from time to time since they parted. While she was with the disowned +princess on Whit Monday (5 June) she was overheard to call for a drink +for “the Princess,” and on Tuesday she said “the Princess” had gone +walking[99]. As Mary’s only legal title was “the Lady Mary,” Lady Hussey +was arrested and sent to the Tower[100]. The charge must have been that +“the Princess” meant the Princess of Wales; Mary never was created +Princess of Wales, but the title was sometimes informally given to her +before 1529. In England the daughters of Kings were not called +“princesses” until later times. Chapuys, writing on the first of July, +said that the real reason of her imprisonment was the King’s suspicion +that she had encouraged Mary in her refusal to acknowledge the Acts of +Supremacy and the Succession. When he heard that Mary had refused “he +made the most strict inquiries, and the Chancellor and Cromwell visited +certain ladies at their houses, who, with others, were called before the +Council and compelled to swear to the statutes; one of them, the wife of +her chamberlain (Lady Hussey), a lady of great house, and one of the +most virtuous in England, was taken to the Tower, where she is at +present.”[101] + +The question naturally arises, how much did Lady Hussey know of all that +was brewing in the North, and what did she tell Mary? But it can never +be answered, though it is certain that whatever her husband’s views Lady +Hussey was strongly in sympathy with the rebels. Mary’s refusal to +subscribe to the Acts caused an immense sensation at Court. The King was +furious and swore in a passion that she should suffer the extreme +penalty. Exeter and Fitzwilliam were excluded from the Council, because +they were suspected of sympathy for her. Even Cromwell was not safe, for +since Anne’s fall he had been bidding for Mary’s goodwill, in +anticipation of her return to Henry’s favour. Chapuys assured Mary that +she was in immediate danger[102], and that any oath she took under the +circumstances would not be binding. Much against her will she yielded to +his entreaties, and signed the form her father sent her, without reading +it. The result was an almost immediate return to her father’s favour and +she consented to dissemble in future, whenever it was necessary[103]. +Lady Hussey remained in the Tower throughout July, and her health +suffered from the confinement[104]. On 3 August she was examined[105], +and by the beginning of October she had been released and had gone home +to Sleaford[106]. + + + NOTES TO CHAPTER II + + Note A. Although Pole was created a Cardinal in 1536, he was not + ordained until 1556, after Mary’s marriage with Philip of Spain. + + Note B. The Dictionary of National Biography makes Edith his first + wife and Dousabella his second, but see Letters and Papers XII (2) + Index under Darcy, Dousabella and Edith. + + Note C. He was possibly Dr Marmaduke Walby, a prebendary of Carlisle, + who was closely connected with Sir Robert Constable. After the + rebellion had broken out, Darcy proposed to send Walby to the + Netherlands for help, because he knew the Imperial ambassador[107]. + From this it seems probable that Walby had communicated with the + ambassador on the present occasion. + + Note D. The cautious language is characteristic of the Chapuys + correspondence. The ambassador never mentioned a name when a + substitute was to be had. “He of whom I told you” is a very common + phrase; Darcy is almost invariably “the good old lord.” This may show + that Chapuys feared his letters might fall into the wrong hands, or it + may be merely a diplomatic habit. Letters of such vital importance + must have been sent by the most reliable messengers, but there was + always a risk of miscarriage. Yet if they were discovered it does not + seem likely that the thin veil of anonymity could have saved those who + were compromised. + + + + + CHAPTER III + AFFINITY AND CONFEDERACY + + +Between the nobles of the Court and the husbandmen in the fields stood +that great and influential class “the gentlemen.” On it the Tudor +government in the main depended. The gentlemen had no more sympathy with +the out-of-date dynastic dreams of the White Rose party than with the +economic grievances of the commons, but they had their own grudges +against the government. They were hard-worked, and gained little thanks, +as Henry went on the truly royal principle that it was honour enough to +be allowed to serve him. They were worried by clumsy legislation, such +as the Statute of Uses; they were angry at the interference with the +House of Commons; and their better nature was outraged by the +suppression of the monasteries founded by their ancestors, of which they +were themselves the pupils and patrons. But the guiding principle of the +country gentlemen was their devotion to landed property. They hated +rebellion, because, sooner or later, it was followed by confiscation of +property. They feared a rising of the lower classes because it +endangered their property, even when it was not originally directed +against themselves. The German peasants in 1524–5 had risen against the +monasteries and the Church; but out of that movement had developed a +bloody civil war between the rich and the poor. If fear of loss deterred +the English gentlemen from opposing the government, no less did hope of +gain. When they realised that the dissolution of the monasteries meant a +general scramble for more property, most of them forgot their religious +scruples; but this realisation did not come all at once. + +So much can safely be said, but there is very little evidence as to the +discontent among the gentlemen. It is possible to discover the attitude +of the discontented nobles from the letters of Chapuys, which often give +us a delightful feeling of eavesdropping across four centuries. Nor is +there any doubt as to the feelings of the commons—scores of informers +bear witness to their disaffection. But there is no key to the +confidence of the gentlemen. They were more cautious than the labourers, +less easily watched than the nobles. Their private opinions were known +only to their friends, who would not, of course, inform against them. In +the few cases (all after the rising) when gentleman did inform against +gentleman, there was generally a feud of some standing between them. We +are reduced to arguing backward, as Henry did. The gentlemen, especially +in Yorkshire, were the leaders of the Pilgrimage of Grace. We cannot +really accept their own subsequent explanation that they acted against +their will in fear of their own tenants. There is abundant evidence that +risings of the commons alone were very easily put down. + +In this chapter we attempt to sketch the histories of half-a-dozen +northern families of gentle or noble blood, in order to give some idea +of the state of the north at the time and to outline the lives and +antecedents of the leaders of the rebellion. + +Local government in Henry VIII’s reign depended to a great extent on the +peers. Each nobleman was responsible for the behaviour of his own +district or “country” as it was called; under his supervision the +gentlemen kept order, each on his own lands. The lord’s private +friendships, feuds and marriages had a widespread influence on the lives +of all whom he ruled. North of Trent the gentlemen naturally grouped +themselves into three clans round the three great houses of Clifford, +Percy, and Neville, the heads of which were respectively the earls of +Cumberland, Northumberland, and Westmorland. It is necessary to know +something of genealogy in order to understand the history of a period +when marriages were arranged to suit family politics rather than the +inclination of the parties, and consequently a man was born to an +hereditary friendship with one family, a feud with another, and perhaps +depended on a third for all hope of advancement. + +All the noblemen of the northern counties took part in the strenuous +task of governing the Borders. The border counties, Northumberland, +Cumberland, Westmorland and the Bishopric of Durham, formed a district +totally different from the rest of England. Scotland was a troublesome +neighbour, and the men of these counties were a hardy race, famed for +their soldier-like qualities and especially for their skill as scouts +and skirmishers. Then again these counties were exempted from taxation +on account of the Scots’ ravages and their own special burdens of +defence. Finally a state of lawlessness frequently prevailed, which in +peaceful times never even threatened the south. The Wardens of the +Marches were usually noblemen such as Lord Darcy, Lord Dacre, and the +Earl of Northumberland. The power entrusted to them was regarded with +much suspicion by the King, while it was quite insufficient to maintain +order. As early as 1522 a secret council, under the presidency of a +royal lieutenant, was organised on the Borders. In 1525 it was +re-organised and placed under the presidency of Henry’s natural son the +Duke of Richmond[108]. The powers of the Council naturally roused much +opposition in the north. Among Lord Darcy’s papers there is a draft of a +petition complaining of its authority. The petitioners protested their +loyalty, and declared their willingness to prove it against any +insinuations. Seeing that they were so loyal, and that the country was +quiet, with no rufflings as in the days of King Henry and King Edward, +“but both the titles and all lovings to God (joined) in your Grace,” the +petitioners begged they might be left under the ordinary jurisdiction of +the Westminster Courts, which extended all over the kingdom except in +the county palatine of Durham, instead of being at the mercy of the +members of the Council, who might call any man before them on the +slightest pretext. They complained that so long as things went well the +Council alone was praised, and if affairs went badly, wheresoever the +fault might be, the whole blame was laid on the gentlemen. Moreover, the +petition continued, the Council was composed of spiritual men, who were +not fit to judge murders and felonies, suppress sedition, or see to the +defence of the realm, “and as great clerks report, there is no manner of +state within this your realm that hath more need of reformation, nor to +be put under good government, than the spiritual men.” If this were +true, it was not meet that they should rule under the commission they +now possessed “for surely they and other spiritual men be sore moved +against all temporal men.” The petition ends with protestations of +loyalty, after which Darcy wrote in a note that the like commission had +been tried by “my Lady the King’s grandam,” and proved greatly to the +King’s disadvantage in stopping the lawful processes at Westminster +Hall. From this petition it appears that Darcy, and probably other +northern gentlemen, was ready to make use of the King’s anti-clerical +policy for his own ends, arguing, perhaps, that though he was as loyal a +son of the Church as any man, yet priests ought not to meddle in secular +matters[109]. This draft was drawn up in the year 1529, before any of +the acts aimed at the clergy had been passed, and before Darcy himself +had chosen his side in the struggle between King and Pope. It was +probably never presented. + +Some such body as the Council of the North was absolutely necessary if +any approach to law and order was to be maintained on the Borders. In +proof of this it is only necessary to describe one case out of a dozen. +Humphry Lisle, whose father Sir William Lisle of Felton, had led a brief +but crowded career as a freebooter in 1527–8, was run down and condemned +to death with his father and most of their band in 1528, when he was +only thirteen. He subsequently confessed that he had assisted in an +attack on Newcastle gaol, by which nine persons were liberated; that he +had taken part in four cattle raids, the burning and spoiling of five +farms and villages, and four highway robberies; that he had helped to +capture a number of prisoners to be held to ransom, and had been present +at the murder of a priest[110]. His life was spared by the Earl of +Northumberland, who had captured and hanged his father, but Humphry was +sent to the Tower. In 1532 he was back on the Borders and a knight, but +almost immediately afterwards he was outlawed and fled to Scotland[111]. + +Careers of this sort being rather the rule than the exception on the +Borders, the office of Warden of the Marches called for a strong man. +But one could seldom be found, and the quarrels of the northern nobles +among themselves embroiled matters still further. The divisions of the +house of Percy, for instance, caused infinite trouble. The fifth Earl of +Northumberland, surnamed the Magnificent, died in 1527, leaving numerous +large debts. He had three sons by his wife Katherine, daughter and +heiress of Sir Robert Spencer[112]. The heir, Henry, born about 1503, +was feeble in body and, like all such men in that hurrying age, was +constantly the creature of those in power. From his earliest years he +was either led or bullied, first by his father and Cardinal Wolsey, in +whose household he was educated, later by Cromwell and Cromwell’s +dependent, Sir Reynold Carnaby. When Henry Percy was a page in the +Cardinal’s service the incident occurred by which he is best known, his +poor little love affair with Anne Boleyn. He seems to have offered to +marry her; but the King had already shown the maid of honour favour. The +Earl of Northumberland forbade his son to foster so dangerous a passion +and hastened on his marriage with the Lady Mary Talbot, daughter to the +Earl of Shrewsbury[113]. + +In 1527 Henry Percy became Earl of Northumberland, and on the fall of +Cardinal Wolsey he was freed from the man who had exercised most +influence over him. It is characteristic of Cromwell’s methods that he +worked the Earl as he wished by means of the young nobleman’s own +favourite, Sir Reynold Carnaby[114]. While this man retained his +position the King could rely on Northumberland, who was reputed to be +one of the most loyal of the peers. He was at one time in secret +communication with Chapuys, but this was probably a mere freak. Darcy +described him as “very light and hasty” and not to be trusted[115]. His +loyalty seems to have sprung from abject fear of Henry, and he probably +would have been glad enough of the King’s overthrow, though he would +rather die than venture to assist in it. + +The Percy estates were rich, though burdened with debt, and the castles +were very strong. With them in his hands the King could keep the north +in subjection and even hope to abate the confusion on the Borders. But +if they were used against him by some capable commander, such as the +Earl’s brother, Sir Thomas Percy, the results were sure to be serious; +if foreign help were sent to the rebels, perhaps fatal. Cromwell, with +Sir Reynold Carnaby to forward his plans, saw the chance of enriching +the crown by the whole of the Percy lands. The Earl’s life was +uncertain; his marriage turned out unhappily and there was no prospect +of an heir; he was on bad terms with his brother Sir Thomas, and Carnaby +took care that he should not forget the quarrel[116]. It was not +surprising that the brothers should disagree, for Sir Thomas had all the +conspicuous vices and virtues of his race, which were completely absent +in the invalid Earl. An instance of their constant disputes occurred in +1532, when the Earl appointed Lord Ogle Deputy Warden of the Marches. +Ogle was allied to Carnaby, and Sir Thomas together with his younger +brother, Sir Ingram Percy, refused to recognise his authority and +forbade their tenants to do so. Sir Thomas issued proclamations +declaring that he was the true Warden, and Lord Ogle postponed his first +Warden’s court for fear that the brothers would break it up[117]. + +Sir Thomas on his side complained that the Earl had not given him the +lands left to him in his father’s will until he was on the eve of +marriage[118]. His wife was Eleanor, daughter and co-heiress to +Harbottle of Beamish; by her he had two sons, Thomas and Henry, and a +daughter. Their home was generally at Prudhoe Castle on the Tyne[119]. + +It does not appear that the breach between the brothers was irreparable +until about 1535, in which year the King gave the childless Earl licence +to appoint any one of the Percy name and blood heir to all his +lands[120]. But when Sir Thomas, his natural successor, was proposed, +the King raised objections[121]. The result was that in February 1535 +the Earl made the King his sole heir, and an Act of Parliament was +passed “concerning the assurance of the possessions of the Earl of +Northumberland to the King’s Highness and his heirs[122].” Nothing could +have made the Earl more unpopular, and it was probably this alienation +of the family property rather than his personal extravagance and +inherited debts that earned him his surname “the Unthrifty.”[123] Sir +Thomas was provided for in the Act, but he could hardly be grateful for +a pension when he felt himself heir by right to an earldom and the +broadest lands in the north[124]. No appeal was possible when the King +gained by his loss. A petition which he sent to Cromwell in July 1535 +shows his helplessness. In this he related how the lands at Corbridge so +tardily allowed him, which he “with great labour” had defended from the +Scots, had now been granted by his brother to Sir Reynold Carnaby. Sir +Thomas naturally refused to give them up, and went to remonstrate with +his brother in person. But he was not allowed even to see the Earl and +was rudely turned from his house. He concluded by begging that Carnaby +might be removed from the Earl’s service, as he was the cause of his +master’s quarrels with his wife, brothers and nearest relatives[125]. +Cromwell was not likely to remove Carnaby from the place where he had +been of so much use; and it was Cromwell and Carnaby whom Sir Thomas +secretly denounced as the authors of his wrongs when he, with Sir +Ingram, swore to be revenged on the Earl’s favourite as “the destruction +of all our blood.” + +Perhaps the most curious part of the whole matter is the Earl’s hatred +of his brother. The reason may lie in some long-forgotten offence, but +as far as can be known there were wrongs on both sides in their early +quarrels. Sir Thomas was the more deeply injured when his brother set +aside his claim and that of his young sons to inherit his lands; yet he +seems to have felt a kind of personal loyalty to the Earl as head of his +house, while the Earl constantly refused even to speak with his brother. +Easily swayed in most matters, he had all a weak man’s unreasoning +obstinacy when driven to desperation. To modern eyes he seems a +pathetically frail figure; but it was an age of strong men, and he +inspired more curses than pity then. Sir Thomas Percy was the darling of +the people, always sympathetic to the disinherited; he was the favourite +of his mother, the dowager countess, to whom he was much attached[126]; +it was to him rather than to the Earl that the helpless appealed in +times of trouble[127]. Like his father, the Magnificent Earl, he +delighted in gorgeous array and warlike adventures[128]; he was fearless +and honest as Hotspur himself. But he was as lawless as the Border +thieves who were often his followers and allies. Feuds were still +pursued with great earnestness in the north, but his methods were rather +out of date. On the first opportunity he followed the rude old plan of +spoiling his enemy’s goods, laying waste his lands, and chasing him into +his fastnesses with blood-curdling threats. + +Whatever may be thought of the Percys’ habits, they were no worse than +those of the Cliffords, the staunch supporters of the government. Henry +Clifford, first Earl of Cumberland, was the son of Henry Lord Clifford, +the “Shepherd Lord,” by his wife Anne, daughter of Sir John St John of +Bletsoe. The future Earl was born in 1493, and brought up with the sons +of Henry VII. He married first Margaret, daughter of the Earl of +Shrewsbury, and second another Margaret, daughter of the fifth Earl of +Northumberland, the Magnificent Earl; his second wife was the mother of +his children. In disposition the Earl of Cumberland resembled his +grandfather “the Butcher”—the Black Clifford of “Henry VI”—rather than +his father, “the Shepherd.” In his youth he was extravagant, and +supplied his need of money by robbery and violence[129]. After he +succeeded his father, he followed the same course of action. Several +cases were brought against his unruly servants in the Court of Star +Chamber[130]. The Earl himself was too great a man to be touched, and +the local courts were powerless to supply any remedy for his +aggressions. He was a hard landlord and well hated in his own county, +but he enjoyed the King’s favour without interruption, and his son +Henry, Lord Clifford, was permitted to marry Eleanor the daughter of the +Duke of Suffolk and Mary Tudor, the King’s sister, a somewhat dangerous +honour[131]. + +In 1534 the Earl of Cumberland accused Lord Dacre of high treason, +having seized his goods long before the trial. This was merely the last +move in a feud of some standing. Dacre was tried, but acquitted[132]. He +was the only nobleman acquitted on a charge of high treason during Henry +VIII’s reign; but he was heavily fined, which was presumably all that +the government wanted. It was, however, rather shortsighted policy, for +something between shame and suspicion prevented the King from employing +Dacre again. The Earl of Cumberland succeeded him in his office of +Warden of the Western Marches, but he was hampered in the execution of +his office both by his personal unpopularity and by the embittered feud +with the Dacres and their allies among the Cumberland gentlemen. The +Cliffords were the most powerful family on the western borders after the +disgrace of the Dacres. The Earl’s brother, Sir Thomas Clifford, was +deputy captain of Berwick-upon-Tweed[133]; the Earl’s illegitimate son +Thomas Clifford held the same office in Carlisle[134]. If the younger +Percys were in league with the mosstroopers of North Tynedale, so were +the Cliffords with the broken men of Esk and Line[135]. The thieves of +the Borders were used for or against the King simply as the noblemen who +bought their services pleased. It is necessary to bear this in mind in +order to understand the position not only of the King but also of his +opponents. + +Southward from the Borders lay the county of Durham, always spoken of as +“the Bishopric.” For centuries it had enjoyed the privileges of a county +palatine within which the Bishop reigned supreme. But in 1535 all such +extraordinary jurisdictions were abolished, and Durham was reduced in +many respects to the rank of an ordinary shire[136]. Bishop Tunstall was +not a man who could in any circumstances have opposed such a King as +Henry VIII. He was timid, gentle and studious, and wins our affection by +the quiet persistence with which he refused to burn heretics. To their +shame be it said, his moderation irritated alike the Protestants and the +Romanists. He seems to have taken the change in his estate with perfect +equanimity, but the abolition of the ancient palatinate was resented by +the people of Durham, who had been used to pride themselves on their +position as “haliwerfolk,” the people of the holy man, St Cuthbert[137]. + +The Hiltons and the Lumleys were the principal families in Durham, and +their influence extended to the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, which, +lying on the north bank of the Tyne, was a county in itself. In the +south of Durham the chief gentlemen were Conyers of Hornby and Bowes of +Streatlam near Barnard Castle on the Tees. + +The Bowes family had acquired their estates by marriage with an heiress +of the house of Balliol early in the fourteenth century. After the fall +of Warwick the Kingmaker they became the chief family in the +neighbourhood. Old Sir Ralph Bowes, living in 1508, was sheriff of +Durham for twenty years. He married Margaret daughter of Sir Richard +Conyers; we are concerned with two of their large family, Richard the +fourth son who married Elizabeth daughter and co-heiress of Roger Aske +of Aske; and Robert, the third son, who married Alice daughter of Sir +James Metcalfe[138]. In 1511 Robert Bowes was mentioned as a suitable +bridegroom for Elizabeth Aske, aged seven, if his brother Richard should +die[139]. Failing the income to be derived from marriage with an +heiress, Robert became a lawyer[140], and no doubt made the acquaintance +of Robert Aske, William Stapleton, Thomas Moigne, and the other young +lawyers who played an important part in the rebellion. They were +carrying on the tradition of those lawyers of an earlier age, concerning +whom it is written: + + “We see at Westminster a cluster of men which deserves more attention + than it receives from our unsympathetic, because legally uneducated + historians. No, the clergy were not the only learned men in England, + the only cultivated men, the only men of ideas. Vigorous intellectual + effort was to be found outside the monasteries and universities. These + lawyers are worldly men, not men of the sterile caste,—they marry and + found families, some of which become as noble as any in the land; but + they are in their way learned, cultivated men, linguists, logicians, + tenacious disputants, true lovers of the nice case and the moot point. + They are gregarious, clubable men, grouping themselves in hospices, + which become schools of law, multiplying manuscripts, arguing, + learning and teaching, the great mediators between life and logic, a + reasoning, reasonable element in the English nation.”[141] + +The attitude of these men—intelligent, well-educated, unlikely subjects +for wild hopes and popular enthusiasms—is one of the most striking +features of the rebellion. Robert Bowes, though probably one of the +youngest, was not the least brilliant, while, unlike the others, he came +through safely and even with credit. Norfolk said of him, “Bowes has no +equal in the north both for law and war.”[142] His appointment on the +Council of the North after the rising was the beginning of a long career +in the government service, during which he justified the Duke’s +estimate. + +In the North Riding of Yorkshire the influence of the three northern +Earls was about equal. + +Wilton, near the mouth of the Tees, was the seat of the Bulmers, who +were allied to all the neighbouring great families, the Hiltons, the +Evers, the Tempests. Sir William Bulmer of Wilton married Margery +daughter of Sir John Conyers, by whom he had three sons, John, Ralph and +William[143]. He was present at the battle of Flodden, where he +distinguished himself by attacking and routing with a much inferior +force the Scots troops under Lord Hume[144]. In November 1519 he was +summoned before the Court of Star Chamber on a charge of rioting, +together with Sir William Conyers and others[145]. The King presided in +person at the trial, and was very much enraged because it appeared from +the evidence that Sir William Bulmer “being the King’s servant sworn, +refused the King’s service and became servant to the Duke of +Buckingham.” Henry exclaimed “that he would none of his servants should +hang on another man’s sleeve, and that he was as well able to maintain +him as the Duke of Buckingham; and what might be thought by his +departing, and what might be supposed by the Duke’s retaining him, he +would not then declare.... The knight kneeled still on his knees crying +the King’s mercy, and never a nobleman there durst intreat for him, the +King was so highly displeased with him.”[146] Buckingham was as angry as +the King. He saw that he himself was in danger of imprisonment, and he +was afterwards accused of having sworn to stab the King to the heart if +the order was given to commit him to the Tower[147]. Sir William, +however, was pardoned[148], and in the following year his son, Sir John +Bulmer, served under the Earl of Surrey, afterwards Duke of Norfolk, in +Ireland[149]. + +On October 6, 1531, Sir William Bulmer made his will, a long, elaborate +document, full of tragic irony considering the later history of the +family. The gold chain weighing 100 pounds which was to be an heirloom +for the children of his eldest son must have disappeared into the King’s +coffers when that son was attainted; the chantry of St Ellen where four +poor bedesmen and one woman were to pray for ever for the founder’s soul +can only have stood a few years. The supervisors of the will were “my +especial good lord, my lord of Westmorland, my lord Conyers, and my son +Sir Thomas Tempest.”[150] Westmorland had married the Duke of +Buckingham’s daughter[151], and the Bulmers may have transferred their +allegiance to the Earl on the Duke’s execution. Sir William made his +three sons, who were all knighted by this time, his executors, but at +the end of the will he added another clause: “Also, as I have named my +son, Sir John Bulmer, to have been one of my executors, I will that he +be none of them, but he to suffer his two brothers lovingly to occupy +and minister all and every my goods favourably without any interruption +of him and he to have for his so doing and suffering £300 and my chain +and household stuff at Wilton, which before I have bequeathed him; and +in like manner he to suffer his brothers to have melling at my chantry +at Wilton, and to see the priests and bede men there to have that they +should have, and all other my servants, according as I have bequeathed +them.”[152] + +Sir John Bulmer, the heir, married Anne daughter of Sir Ralph Bigod, and +their eldest son Ralph married before 1530 Anne daughter of Sir Thomas +Tempest[153]. On 11 June 1532 it was stated that Sir John was forty +years old and upwards[154]. Some examples have already been given of the +marriage customs which prevailed at that time. In the case of heirs and +heiresses, the contract was often drawn up while the parties concerned +were still in their cradles, and the marriage was consummated as early +as possible, before the young people acquired sufficient independence to +upset the arrangements of their guardians. Much of the domestic +unhappiness of the time may be traced to these child marriages, +concluded without any regard for the character and feelings of the +parties. It may be inferred that Sir John Bulmer’s was such a one, as +five of his six children were married before 1530[155], when he was not +much above forty years old. His conduct requires the excuse of this bad +custom. His father’s position in the service of the Duke of Buckingham +must have brought Sir John into contact with a girl named Margaret, who +is frequently described as the illegitimate daughter of Buckingham +himself[156]. But her son in 1584 stated that she was the illegitimate +daughter of Henry Stafford[157]; if he could have glozed over the stain +on her birth by the rank of her father he would probably have done so, +and it is safer to conclude that Henry Stafford was some relative of the +Duke. Margaret herself was “a very fair creature and a beautiful,” as +even her enemies were forced to confess[158]. She was married to William +Cheyne of London, but Sir John Bulmer bought her from her husband and +made her his mistress[159]. Two daughters were the offspring of this +connection, but about 1536 Lady Bulmer and William Cheyne[160] seem both +to have been dead and Sir John married Margaret. In January 1536–7 was +born their son John[161], afterwards John Bulmer of Pinchinthorpe, who +declared in 1584 that he was born in lawful matrimony[162]. The marriage +was recognised by Sir John’s relatives[163], which may indicate the low +state of morality in the north, or the power of Margaret’s charms, or +the existence of extenuating circumstances. + +Sir Ralph Bulmer, one of Sir John’s brothers, married Anne, daughter and +co-heir of Roger Aske of Aske[164], and was thus brother-in-law to +Richard Bowes. + +The other brother, Sir William Bulmer, was, like Sir John, unfortunate +in his matrimonial experience. His wife Elizabeth, daughter and heiress +of William Elmedon of Elmedon, Durham, was married to him in 1505, when +she was eleven years old and he probably not much older[165]. The +marriage turned out unhappily; Sir William squandered his own estates +and involved his wife’s by his extravagance, and the couple usually +lived apart[166]. It will be shown hereafter how the lady revenged +herself on her husband. + +The Bigods of Settrington, though their seat near Malton was between +thirty and forty miles south of Wilton, were none the less neighbours of +the Bulmers, for they had both lands and influence on the north coast of +Yorkshire, especially about Whitby. This family might well seem to be +under a curse. Two Bigods, father and son, fell at Towton Field in +1461[167]; the son, Sir John Bigod, had married Elizabeth daughter of +Henry Lord Scrope of Bolton, and left a son, Ralph Bigod, who was thrice +married. His family seem to have been the children of his second wife, +Margaret, daughter of Sir Robert Constable of Flamborough[168] and aunt +of Lord Darcy’s friend Sir Robert Constable. One of these children, +Elizabeth, married Sir John Aske, of Aughton and was the grandmother of +Robert Aske[169]—another, Anne, married Sir John Bulmer[170]. + +Sir Ralph Bigod’s eldest son, Sir John Bigod, married Joan, daughter of +Sir James Strangeways[171]. He was probably killed at the battle of +Flodden in 1513[172], and his eldest son died with him in the war +against Scotland[173]. He left three children; Elizabeth, who was +afterwards the wife of Sir Stephen Hamerton[174], Francis, and Ralph. + +Two years after Flodden old Sir Ralph Bigod died; his will was proved 7 +April 1515. He made several charitable and religious bequests, and left +a yearly rent of £5 to his younger grandson Ralph[175], who died +unmarried in 1551[176]; but there is no mention of Francis who, at the +age of seven, was heir to his manor of Seton and all his lands in +various parts of Yorkshire[177]. The executors of the will were Agnes, +Sir Ralph’s third wife, Sir Ralph Evers, and Thomas and William +Constable of Settrington. The supervisor was Lord Darcy. + +In 1529 Francis Bigod came of age and had livery of his lands; shortly +afterwards he was knighted[178]. Before his coming of age he had been in +the service of Cardinal Wolsey, and when, on coming into his estates, he +found himself in financial difficulties, he applied to his +fellow-servant, Thomas Cromwell, for assistance[179]. + +Sir Francis Bigod married Katherine, daughter of William, first Lord +Conyers, and in 1530 they had one daughter, Dorothy[180]. Their home was +at Mulgrave Castle in Blackmore, on the coast about three miles north of +Whitby. Sir Francis was made the Steward of Whitby Strand by the Earl of +Northumberland[181], and in the execution of this office he must soon +have come into conflict with the Abbot of Whitby, John Hexham or +Topcliffe, who began his career as a Canon of Hexham and became Abbot of +Whitby in 1527[182]. Some account of the Abbot’s doings may not be out +of place; they are not only interesting in themselves but also give a +most spirited picture of the more turbulent phases of life in a little +seaport town, and of the feuds and intrigues which agitated a great +monastery. + +The first story is gathered from a fragment of a Star Chamber case; it +is undated, and the Abbot of Whitby may have been one of John Hexham’s +predecessors. This Abbot lodged a complaint against certain poor +mariners and artificers of the town of Whitby for making a riot. Only +the townsfolk’s side of the case remains. It had been the custom “tyme +out of mans remembrance” in Whitby and all the other haven towns +thereabouts, for the fishermen and mariners to keep the feasts of +Midsummer Even, St Peter’s Even, and St Thomas’ Even with the following +rites. “All maryners and masters of ships accompanied with other yong +peple have used to have carried before them on a staff half a tarbarell +brennyng and the maryners to follow two and two having such weapons in +their hands as they pleased to bring, and to sing through the streets to +resort to every bonefire and there to drink and make merry with songs +and other honest pastimes.” + +But one St Peter’s Even (31 July) as they went singing through the +streets “entending no harm nor displeasure to the said Abbot” and “being +in good peace of our sovereign lord the King,” about twenty of the +Abbot’s servants set upon the merrymakers and “did shamefully and +cruelly beat and hurt” divers of them. They thought this must be by the +Abbot’s command, though, as they declared, he had no cause to use them +so. When they complained to him, he assured them he knew nothing of the +matter, which was not of his will, and asked them all to come up to the +Abbey on St Thomas’ Even (20 December) “and there he would give to them +half a barrel of beer to drink and make good cheer.” But when on the +appointed evening they came singing through the town and began to go up +the “great hill having a very narrow way towards the said Abbey,” the +Abbot’s servants from the top of the hill “riotously cast down a great +number of great stones as much as they could lift” upon the mariners. +They “entreated in good and gentle manner the said servants of the Abbot +to keep the King’s peace and cease their strokes,” and seeing they were +not welcome, they turned back to a friend’s house, to help him with his +bonfire and brood upon the lost half-barrel of beer. Here their enemies +attacked them again. The cautious mariners admitted that some of the +Abbot’s servants might have been hurt in the second fray. Some of the +mariners themselves certainly were injured. The defence ends with the +usual protestation that the defendants had done nothing wrong, and in +any case had a pardon for it[183]. + +In 1528 it was the Abbot of Whitby, John Hexham, who had to defend +himself in the Star Chamber. He was accused of being in league with +William and John Loder, two French pirates, who on 10 July 1528 seized a +Dantzig vessel, the “Jesus,” Hans Ganth master, while she lay in the +Humber, took her to Whitby, and there sold her to the Abbot, John +Conyers, Gregory Conyers, John Ledam and John Pecock, who bought her +“perfectly knowing the same ship and goods to be the proper goods of +your suppliant,” and who refused to give her up when claimed by her +rightful owners[184]. The Abbot’s defence is lost, and he may have been +able to clear himself, but the circumstances look awkward. Gregory +Conyers, of whom more will be heard, was the servant and close ally of +the Abbot. It is uncertain how he was related to the great family of +Conyers to which Sir Francis Bigod’s wife belonged, but there is no +doubt about the deadly feud which he waged with Sir Francis until he +hunted his enemy to death. In 1536 the Abbot of Whitby accused Sir +Francis of a great riot committed against the convent of Whitby, and in +revenge Bigod and his servants quarrelled with Gregory Conyers and other +servants of the Abbot at Whitby Fair on 25 August, St Hilda’s Day, and +would have killed him had not some of the other gentlemen +interfered[185]. The Abbot begged that Conyers and Bigod might be +reconciled, but naturally no formal reconciliation had any effect. As in +the matter of the piracy we do not know the Abbot’s defence, so in this +case we do not know Bigod’s, but it is certain that Sir Francis was in +debt to the Abbot, which would probably aggravate the young knight still +further, whatever the original rights and wrongs may have been. + +In 1535 Sir Francis Bigod by persuasion or threats induced Abbot Hexham +to resign his office to his young kinsman, William Newton, a monk of +Whitby. This did not at all suit Gregory Conyers or the other monks, and +they insisted that he must withdraw his resignation. Both sides appealed +to Cromwell, to whom Bigod wrote on 7 January 1535–6 that “the monks +watch him (the Abbot) like crows about a carrion, and will not suffer +the monk (Newton) or me to speak with him alone.”[186] Cromwell, as +usual, was ready to settle the matter in favour of the highest bidder, +who in this case seems to have been the Abbot[187]. Sir Francis was +examined in Hilary term and warned to trouble the monks no more. +Nevertheless on 19 June 1536 the Abbot wrote to Cromwell to ask that +Bigod might not occupy the office of under-steward, or, if he must +surrender it to him, that the condition might be made “that he make no +use of it to revenge himself on us, as we hear he intends.... If Sir +Francis occupy that office, and James Conyers the bailiwick, the two +being so maliciously bent against us, we shall be brought into continual +trouble. The bailly is a very uncharitable and angry man, and so aged +that he is almost past reason.”[188] + +Bigod was better educated than most men of his age. He had spent some +time at Oxford, and although he did not take a degree he was something +of a scholar. He had leanings towards the reformers; his first book was +an attack on the monasteries, and he corresponded with Bale, Latimer, +and other advanced thinkers[189]. In June 1535 he was employed in taking +down to the northern bishops the King’s letters of admonition for the +declaration of his title as Supreme Head of the Church of England[190], +and he reported the pains that he took to see that the statute was +“preached sincerely” and understood by the people. At the same time he +informed Cromwell of the suspicion he entertained concerning the loyalty +of the monks of Mountgrace Priory, and he procured the arrest of a +“traitorous monk” at Jervaux, who saw visions of St Anne[191]. This man +was executed at the next York Assizes, for which it is hard to forgive +Sir Francis, as the evidence against the monk was very slight[192]. + +In 1536 Bigod wrote to Cromwell about two priests and a man named +Anthony Heron, whom he had caused to be imprisoned at York for their +Popish opinions. The letter incidentally reveals the horrible state of +York prison; Sir Francis observes that as Anthony Heron was walking in +the yard in the open air, he was able to speak longer with him than with +the priests who were within. He showed some humanity, however, by giving +alms to his prisoners, and he tried to obtain their release as soon as +he was convinced that they repented of their errors[193]. Later in the +year he wrote a very curious letter to Cromwell, which throws much light +on his character. He begged that he might be given a licence to preach, +or, if that was impossible, that he might become a priest, in order to +utter the truth to the ignorant people of the north[194]. Yet he was now +a married man with children! + +Sir Francis Bigod appeared to have been in every way a convinced +supporter of Cromwell’s policy; by birth, by interest, by conviction he +was not merely inclined to acquiesce passively, but to promote actively +“the innovations.” How did such a man come to die a traitor’s death? +Froude curtly dismisses him as a fool and a pedant, but such a summary +judgment does not dispose of a peculiar character. It may be more just +to look upon Sir Francis as a portent of a rising power,—in short, as +the first of the Puritans. He hated the Church of Rome, but he hated +equally the Erastianism of Henry and Cromwell; what he sought was the +Presbytery, and had he been gifted with genius, he might have been the +forerunner of Calvin and Knox. Religious liberty was as intolerable to +his exact, legal mind, as it was to most of his contemporaries; he must +have church, priesthood, dogma, all down in black and white, and all +distinct from the state. When it came to choosing between church and +state, any church, even a thoroughly bad one, seemed to him better than +a purely state religion. Born out of his time, with no power to mould +the time to his needs, his baffling figure shows half-seen among the +more strenuous leaders of revolt, perplexing others because he was +himself perplexed. + +Passing southward down the coast from Whitby, we find that the next +great family was that of Evers. Young Sir Ralph Evers was the keeper of +the King’s castle of Scarborough. Later the family was raised to the +baronage, but at this time they were not so influential as their +neighbours, the Constables of Flamborough. + +Sir Marmaduke Constable, surnamed the Little, was the head of this house +from 1488 to 1518. He served under two kings in France, and won fame on +the Scots Marches. His wife was Joyse, daughter of Sir Humphry Stafford +of Grafton; by her he had four sons, Robert, Marmaduke, William, and +John, and two daughters, Agnes and Eleanor[195]. Agnes’ second husband +was Sir William Percy, the Earl of Northumberland’s uncle. + +Robert, Little Sir Marmaduke’s son and heir, was born about 1478. He +seems to have spent a wild youth before he succeeded to his estates. The +minster of Beverley was held in great veneration, having been founded by +the local saint, St John of Beverley. It enjoyed many privileges, and +the neighbouring gentlemen were quite in the habit of having feuds about +their places in the procession on St John’s Day (25 October)[196]. One +of these privileges was “granted ... unto the church of Beverley by Our +Holy Father the Pope of old time and since many times confirmed, that +whosoever doth infringe or break or interrupt any liberties of the +church of Beverley he is on so doing accurst without any further +sentence of any judge.” This was no mere nominal power, but had been +executed on “divers transgressors.” An unknown accuser addressed Sir +Robert Constable thus: “You yourself in times past, violating and +breaking the said liberties by your hunting there, and knowing yourself +to have fallen into the sentence of excommunication for so doing, did +resort to the Archbishop of York then being, to be absolved thereof, and +so as you have reported were also absolved.”[197] But more serious +charges can also be brought against him. Froude says, “he was a bad, +violent man. In earlier years he had carried off a ward in Chancery, +Anne Grysanis, while still a child, and attempted to marry her by force +to one of his retainers.”[198] + +Whatever his early shortcomings, Robert Constable was ready to fight for +the King on the first opportunity. In 1497, when the Cornishmen rose and +marched on London, he was with the royal army, and so distinguished +himself at Blackheath that he was knighted on the field of battle. He +married Jane, daughter of Sir William Ingleby[199]. In 1511 he sailed +with Lord Darcy’s expedition to Spain[200]. + +At Flodden Field Sir Marmaduke Constable appeared surrounded by his +“seemly sons.”[201] Accounts of the battle give no details of their part +of the fighting, but two of Sir Robert’s brothers, Marmaduke and +William, and William Percy, who fought beside them with the tenants of +the Earl of Northumberland, were all knighted by the Earl of Surrey +after the day was won[202]. + +Sir Robert Constable was Knight of the Body to Henry VIII[203], and he +was in attendance on the King at a gorgeous banquet at Greenwich in +1517[204]. But the following year Sir Marmaduke the Little died, and his +son Robert succeeded to his lands and position. Sir Marmaduke’s +tombstone is still to be seen in Flamborough church, the inscription is +an irregular ballad on the vanity of earthly honours, telling of his +battles and prowess, with the refrain: + + “But now, as ye see, he lieth under this stone.”[205] + +A more terrible fate awaited his son. + +When Lord Darcy resigned his offices as steward of the lordship and +constable of the castle of Sheriffhutton, in 1520, they were bestowed on +his friend Sir Robert Constable. Darcy bade his servant in charge +deliver the castle and all within it to his “brother,” the new +constable, and to “do this favourable and lovingly.”[206] About the same +time the hand of Elizabeth, the only child of Darcy’s second marriage, +was given to Sir Robert’s eldest son Marmaduke. Darcy told his steward +to hasten the payment of her dowry to Sir Robert, on account of his +“dangerous” disposition[207]. He must have meant that his friend was +hasty tempered, and there is abundant evidence that Sir Robert was +fierce and quarrelsome. + +The Earl of Surrey (afterwards Duke of Norfolk), who was sent to the +north in 1523 to inspect the administration of justice, described to +Wolsey how, while sitting with the justices of York, he “found the +greatest dissensions here among the gentlemen, who would have fought +together if they had met.” By the advice of the judges he sent for all +the parties, and insisted on a promise that they would compose their +disputes and keep the peace. Among the rest, Sir Robert Constable and +his adherents were almost at war with young Sir Ralph Ellerker and Sir +John Constable of Holderness[208]. The latter may have been Sir Robert’s +younger brother, but was more probably a cousin. + +In 1533 Sir Robert Constable’s differences with his brother-in-law, Sir +William Percy, developed into a Star Chamber case. The feud was a +long-standing affair, in spite of the intermarriage, which may have been +a fruitless effort to put an end to the ill-will. It was well known in +the county of York that the families had been in great displeasure with +one another, even before the death of the late Earl of Northumberland. +Sir William Percy presented before the Court a list of accusations +against Sir Robert, beginning with a string of petty wrongs about +pasture and impounding cattle, through which he worked up to the chief +quarrel. This began in a quaint manner. A traveller picked up a buckler +on the King’s highway, and sold it to one of Percy’s servants, Simon +Banister, called Simon Burdythe. Simon wore the buckler at Driffield +Assizes, where Christopher Constable, one of Sir Robert’s nephews, +claimed it as his own. Banister refused to give it up, though Sir +Robert, who had given it to his nephew, offered to identify it. After +this the servants of the two houses never met without quarrelling. If +Italians were as touchy as Englishmen, the feud of the Montagues and the +Capulets is certainly no exaggeration, as this story proves. The affair +came to a definite issue in March 1534, when the Justices of Assize were +sitting at York and the rival families were both in the city in full +strength. After preliminary abuse and violence in a tavern, Banister, +who had offered considerable provocation, and a party of his +fellowservants were attacked by the Constables in the street. Banister +was slain in the fray, and several were wounded on both sides, including +Sir Robert Constable’s son Thomas. After some scattered street fighting, +the Constables escaped through a friend’s house into the White Friars +and there took sanctuary. They were presently removed to the town gaol, +where all their kinsmen and allies flocked to visit them. Public +sympathy was on their side, but it had been obtained, said Sir William +Percy, by bribes to the mayor and citizens. The coroner was so corrupted +that a murder could not be found against them, and the high sheriff was +no more incorruptible, for when he appointed a jury to inquire into the +case, most of the men on it were kinsmen of the Constables and the rest +had seen the colour of their money. Unless the King could find a remedy, +the murder and mayhems were like to go unpunished: so Sir William Percy +concluded his case. The details of Sir Robert’s defence, which has for +once been preserved, are too long for repetition here. His accuser +himself admitted that Sir Robert took no part in the fray, and it was +not proved that he had inspired it[209]. But the principals were equally +to blame for encouraging the quarrels of their kinsmen and servants, +instead of putting an end to the dispute at the very beginning. + +In 1535 Sir Robert Constable was more respectably engaged in befriending +the widowed Lady Rokeby against their common opponent Gervase +Cawood[210]. This dispute probably brought him into displeasure with +Robert Aske, as Cawood was Aske’s friend and acted as his secretary +during the rebellion[211]. + +Among the ghosts of the records—the names without men—Sir Robert +Constable stands out as a substantial figure; he was a worthy head of a +warlike house, fierce and reckless, versed in the ways of war and of +courts, full of the wild, independent spirit of the north, but none the +less a true son of the Church (in spite of all lapses), a strong and +just ruler, above all a good enemy, and a better friend, true to his +motto, “Soyes Ferme.” + +Young Sir Ralph Ellerker of Risby, with whom Sir Robert Constable was at +feud, was one of the captains of Hull, his father, old Sir Ralph +Ellerker, being the other. It was no wonder that the Constables and the +Ellerkers quarrelled, for they were the most influential families in the +sea-board districts of the East Riding. Old Sir Ralph Ellerker also +contended with the Archbishop of York for supremacy in Beverley. In May +and June 1535 there was trouble over the appointment of the Twelve Men +of Beverley, who were the aldermen of the town. The burgesses themselves +had very little to do with the matter, and on this occasion the +Archbishop appointed one body of twelve and old Sir Ralph Ellerker +another. It is not easy to discover which side had the popular sympathy +in the contest which followed, but as the people of Beverley always +opposed the Archbishop on principle, they probably supported Sir Ralph’s +selection. On 30 November 1535 an order was made in the Court of Star +Chamber for the government of Beverley. It was a triumph for the +Archbishop. Old Sir Ralph Ellerker and certain of his adherents were +prohibited from ever again seeking election to places among the Twelve +Men, and an injunction was sent to him never to meddle again in the +matter on pain of a fine of five hundred marks[212]. + +The Askes of Aughton on the Derwent were friends and allies of the +Ellerkers. They had long been settled in the county, but were rather +esteemed for piety and quiet respectability than noted for any brilliant +qualities. The founder of the family was Richard, a cadet of the Askes +of Aske[213]. He married the heiress of Aughton, and in 1363 built and +endowed the chantry at Howden which bore his name. A love of building +and beautifying seems to have run in the family. Nothing remains now of +the manor house at Aughton but the site surrounded by traces of a +moat[214]; in 1584 the house had stained-glass windows, in which were +blazoned twenty-six shields of the arms of the Askes and their +relations[215]. From Richard Aske sprang a flourishing branch of the +family tree, which begins to concern us in 1497, when Sir Robert Aske, +the eldest son of Sir John Aske and Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Ralph +Bigod, succeeded to Aughton on the death of his father[216]. Sir +Robert’s two elder sons, John and Christopher, were born before that +date, for their grandfather bequeathed a gold spoon to John and a horse +to his brother,—though neither was much more than three years old[217]. +Sir Robert’s wife was Elizabeth, daughter of John Lord Clifford[218]. +Probably they were married after 1485, when her brother, the “shepherd +lord,” was restored to his lands and titles. Her children were thus the +first cousins of the Earl of Cumberland. Nine of these children survived +their parents—three sons and six daughters. + +Early in 1507 Sir Robert Aske’s sister Dame Katherine, widow of Sir John +Hastings of Fenwick, died at her brother’s house at Aughton and was +buried among the Askes in Aughton Church. She was childless and +bequeathed most of her worldly possessions to her own kin. To her +sisters and nieces she left beads of coral and white jasper, “hooks of +silver and gilt,” and other bits of finery; her best gowns of velvet, +black damask and tawny chamlet were to become altar cloths in certain +churches; but for each of her kinsmen she had made a shirt, and among +these fortunate legatees Robert Aske is mentioned for the first +time[219]. Dame Katherine’s brother-in-law, Sir George Hastings, the +father of Sir Brian Hastings, who was to be sheriff of Yorkshire in +1536, refused to give up her money to Sir Robert Aske, her +executor[220]. + +The children of Sir Robert Aske may be treated in some detail, less +because his third son Robert was the captain of the Pilgrimage, than +because they are good examples of ordinary men and women of their class. +Though their share in the rising was nothing compared to their +brother’s, their history shows how a great event affected private lives +in the days when a change of ministry could only be forced on the +government by an effective appeal to arms. Julian, the eldest daughter, +married Thomas Portington of Sawcliff, Lincolnshire[221]; when those of +her Yorkshire nephews who were studying the law set out for London after +their vacations, they spent the first night of their journey under her +roof[222]. Anne, the second daughter, seems to have married slightly +below her station, for her husband, Thomas Monkton, was the constant +companion of her brother Robert, and seems to have acted as a kind of +superior servant[223]. At a time when compromising letters might fall +into an enemy’s hands, men naturally entrusted the most important parts +of their communications verbally to a messenger; consequently it was +necessary to have reliable servants, bound by the strongest ties to keep +faith with their master; poor relations were often put to this use, with +varying degrees of success. This reason for the constant use of credence +applied more to noblemen such as Darcy and Cumberland than to private +gentlemen, but another motive for it was the fact that many of the +Yorkshire gentry could write and read very little[224]. Private affairs, +which seemed to them very difficult to express in writing, could easily +be explained by an intelligent servant, and as a servant had to carry +every message, he might as well communicate it by word of mouth. The +result of this was the habit, so irritating to the historian, of sending +the very kernel of the message by credence, with the consequence that it +is now lost for ever. + +Agnes Aske formed an important alliance by her marriage with William +Ellerker, one of old Sir Ralph’s younger sons. The Ellerkers always +contrived to maintain an appearance of loyalty, and they rose when the +fortunes of the Askes declined. Margaret Aske married Sir Robert +Bellingham, a Cumberland knight about whom little is known. + +John Aske, Sir Robert Aske’s eldest son, succeeded his father in +1531[225]. His wife was Eleanor, daughter of Sir Ralph Ryther, and in +1530 he had a family of five sons and three daughters[226]. His eldest +son Robert was a law student in 1536, but he was destined never to be +lord of Aughton, and died before his father in 1542[227]. John Aske +suffered from ill-health, which was probably the reason why he was never +knighted. Like most country gentlemen he had only two ideas—his lands +and his family. He was indifferent to the Reformation, as it did not +injure either of these objects, but he strongly disapproved of the +rebellion which endangered both. His brother’s sympathy for the +monasteries did not affect him; on the contrary he took advantage of +their fall to consolidate his Yorkshire estates, and in 1541 exchanged +certain manors which he owned in Sussex for the priories of Ellerton and +Thicket and other church lands in Yorkshire[228]. + +Christopher Aske, Sir Robert’s second son, was only a year or two +younger than John[229]. He was in the household of his cousin, the Earl +of Cumberland, with whom he was in high favour. His will, dated 1538, +gives a pleasant picture of the easy bachelor life of a cultured +gentleman. His room in Skipton Castle was well furnished with books on +genealogy, the Scriptures, and the noble art of hunting, as well as +French romances; while in his room at the “new lodge,” the building of +which he was superintending for the Earl, was his “cloth of the great +mappa mundi” and a tapestry embroidered with the history of St Eustace. +The chase, like the right to bear arms, was the special privilege and +study of the gentry; his horses, his falcons, his “best beagle called +Oliver” were worthy of his most honoured friends, his noble cousins the +Earl and Countess. He bequeathed keepsakes to all his family, and +mentions his black velvet gown, richly furred, and his gold chain and +crucifix. Most of the Askes were short-lived, and Christopher died in +1539, willing a priest to pray for his soul for seven years, and also +for the souls of all his “benefactors and predecessors,” especially +certain of his dead friends[230]; among these was one of the Hamertons. +Sir Stephen Hamerton, his friend and fellow in the Earl’s service, had +died a traitor’s death little more than a year before[231]. Christopher +Aske’s sister Dorothy had married Richard Green of Newbury, and +Christopher bequeathed “to my brother Greene my falcon in his keeping, +and to my sister his wife a silver spoon of the Apostles.”[232] Green +was also in Cumberland’s service, and it must be frankly admitted of his +followers that if + + “On Sundays they were good, + On week-days they were minions.” + +The Earl of Cumberland was at feud with John Norton of Norton. The +quarrel seems to have begun with some dispute about the manor of +Rylston, which Norton held in right of his wife. At some time in 1528 a +band of the Earl’s servants broke into the warren at Rylston and hunted +Norton’s deer. They beat and shot arrows at two keepers who dared to +oppose them, and carried off one of them to Skipton Castle, where he was +imprisoned for two months. The other keeper was afraid to stay in that +part of the country and fled because his life was threatened in the +Earl’s name. As to the deer park, no one dared to go near it but +Cumberland’s servants, who hunted there at will; the chief among them +was called by John Norton “Richard Grame,” but possibly this is a +misspelling of “Richard Green.” Norton took his complaint to the Court +of Star Chamber because “the said Erle is a noble man and of great +possessions gretly alied with the most parte of the noble men of ȝt +Cuntry and your seid subiect (John Norton) a pore man and of small power +and not abell to meynteyn his sute nor the tryall of the trouth in the +premisses by the common law in the same cuntie for the records of his +damage.”[233] Two years later he was obliged to resort to the Star +Chamber again. John Norton had farmed in the most legal manner the +lordship of Kirkby Malzeard in Netherdale, where it was agreed that he +should hold the manor court. But on the day of the first court (17 April +1531) Christopher Aske and Richard Green, at the head of about sixty +armed servants of the Earl’s, appeared at the place where the court was +held and declared that the Earl would have all rule within the lordship +and that any man who attended a court which the Earl had not appointed +would do so at his peril. After breaking up the court, they carried away +the court rolls[234]. Unfortunately it is impossible to discover how +this case ended, but the Earl and his servants certainly did not mend +their ways. + +In 1535 John Proctor, whose offence against the Earl is not known, was +carried off and imprisoned in Skipton Castle, while “his goods were +spoyled destroyed and lost by brute beasts, and also not so contentyd +but they drove away his cattle and beasts.”[235] In this case the Earl +seems to have sent inferior servants; only a really serious piece of +lawlessness, such as stealing the court rolls, called for the presence +of gentlemen. Thomas Blackborne, who was the chief defendant against +Proctor, must have been some relation to William Blackborne, the vicar +of Skipton, to whom Christopher Aske left in his will a horse rejoicing +in the name of Grey Hodgeson[236]. + +Christopher Aske’s friendship with Sir Stephen Hamerton involved him in +a very curious affair. Sir Stephen’s mother, Dame Elizabeth Hamerton, +after the death of John Hamerton her first husband, married again; her +second husband, Edward Stanley brother to Lord Monteagle, had carried +his father’s banner at Flodden. He was lame, perhaps from wounds +received there, and seems to have expected to provide for a comfortable +old age by his marriage, for Dame Elizabeth, as he said, was enfeoffed +of Hellifield Peel. Unfortunately his wife did not agree with him. +Hellifield had always belonged to the Hamerton family, and it is +difficult to see how Dame Elizabeth could have had more than a life +interest in it. In September 1536, when Stanley rode home after a visit +to his brother, he found the door of the Peel barred against him. His +wife, who was watching his approach, ordered stones to be thrown down +from the upper windows, and one struck his servant’s horse. Having made +it plain that he was not welcome, “she dared him to enter her son Sir +Stephen’s house and bade him go to the Earl of Cumberland.” Not knowing +what to do he obeyed her, though as he believed her son and Christopher +Aske to have counselled his wife to defy him, he had little hope of help +there. The Earl refused to interfere. By this time the rebellion had +broken out, and Stanley, seeing that resistance was useless, entered +into a bond with Hamerton and Aske by which he undertook to leave his +wife in undisturbed possession of Hellifield during her life, while she +allowed him a share in the rents. After Sir Stephen Hamerton’s execution +Stanley petitioned Cromwell that he might have the Peel granted to him, +but his petition had no effect[237]. In 1538 Christopher Aske bequeathed +his goods at Hellifield Peel, after the death of Dame Elizabeth, to +Roger Hamerton, one of Sir Stephen’s nephews[238]; Sir Stephen’s only +son had died of grief after his father’s execution[239]. + +In spite of his lawless exploits, Christopher Aske was a gentleman,—the +English gentleman of Henry VIII’s reign. It is he, rather than the timid +and colourless John, rather than Robert, who was too ardent and too +honest for success, who seems to embody the very spirit of his age. He +wrote a dashing account of his fortunes during the rebellion[240], and +in it he is revealed, brave, clever, well-educated, faithful to his +cousin, a lover of gallant and daring adventures, and, as became a man +when Cromwell ruled England, worldly, unscrupulous, a believer in +blowing his own trumpet. He evidently inherited the family love of +bricks and mortar. Not only did he supervise the Earl of Cumberland’s +new buildings at Skipton, but he added to Aughton Church a tower in +Perpendicular style, adorned with shields bearing the Aske quarterings +and his own rebus[241]. One inscription on this tower rouses a curiosity +that can never be satisfied. It is in black letter and runs as follows: +“Christofer le second fitz de Robart Ask ch’r oblier ne doy Ao Di +1536.”[242] No one can tell what may be implied by the words. Perhaps +they quaintly express the gratitude of the steeple itself to the man who +built it, or “oblier ne doy” may be the motto of the Askes, fitly placed +above the church where they lie; or are the words a memorial of that +Aske who does not lie among his kinsfolk? Whatever they meant so long +ago, to those who know the story of the Pilgrimage of Grace they will +always speak of Robert Aske and the year in which he triumphed and +failed. + +Robert Aske, the youngest of the three sons[243], was born about the +beginning of the century. From his father’s will it appears that an +estate at Empshot in Hampshire had been settled on him for the term +of his life[244]. This property must have been valuable, as he paid +a yearly rent of £8 to his brother John, and was in good +circumstances[245]. Part of his early life was spent in the service +of the Earl of Northumberland[246], which he probably entered +through the influence of the Countess of Cumberland, the Earl’s +sister. He was with Northumberland in 1527, the year in which he was +admitted at Gray’s Inn[247]. He must have left the Earl some years +before the rebellion, as there is no reference during it to the fact +that he had been one of the Earl’s followers, while it is quite +clear that he was a practising barrister. His enemies called him “a +common pedlar in the law,”[248] and though he had studied to other +purposes besides making money, he speaks of his “great businesses” +in London. He had the lawyer’s gift of words—the “filed tongue” that +wins the heart of lord and commoner alike; even in his answers and +manifestos, written in times of stress, on horseback or in prison, +and couched in a language now so changed, there are many passages +that stir the heart. While the conservative lords were in +correspondence with the Emperor’s ambassador, the commons binding +themselves by secret oaths, and the most steadfast of the religious +dying on the gallows, things must have passed among the young +lawyers of the Inns of Court that had much to do with the Pilgrimage +of Grace; but Aske, Moigne, Stapleton, even Bowes, kept their +counsel, and nothing more of their secrets will ever be known. + +The home of Robert Aske was always his brother’s house at Aughton, where +he was born and brought up, but he spent much of his vacation visiting +his sisters and other friends in Yorkshire. In 1536 he was about five +and thirty years of age and unmarried, although even younger sons +generally found wives long before that time of life. Marriage in those +days had very little to do with favour, otherwise Aske’s confirmed +bachelorhood might be attributed to the plainness of his personal +appearance. The Court chronicler, Hall, declared in an outburst of loyal +indignation that “there lived not a verier wretch as well in person as +in conditions and deeds,”[249] and this hostile testimony is to some +degree confirmed by the fact that Aske had only one eye. Sir Francis +Brian during the insurrection protested his loyalty to the King in these +words, “I know him (Aske) not, nor he me, but I am true and he a false +wretch, yet we two have but two yene; a mischief put out his +t’other!”[250] Whatever his personal disadvantages, he was certainly a +man of great physical strength, able to spend day after day in the +saddle with little time for food or sleep. It is not necessary to +describe his character in detail. In the following pages his own words +and actions shall speak for themselves. + +The attitude of the northern gentlemen to the Church is one of the +greatest interest. It was love of the monasteries which caused them so +far to forget their fear of the lower classes that they made common +cause with their tenants on behalf of the monks. One result of the +immense influence of the Church was that priests were continually +involved in the quarrels of laymen. In the complicated case of Sir +Richard Tempest and the vicar of Halifax, Tempest, a supporter of the +old religion, accused his enemy the vicar of treasonable practices, and, +when the rebellion broke out, forced him to fly to the King. This is a +chapter of digressions, and at the cost of another we will relate the +story, which at least gives a picture of the manners of the times. + +Sir Richard Tempest was the King’s steward of Wakefield. His feud with a +neighbour, Sir Henry Saville, led to an almost endless string of Star +Chamber cases, as one or other of them was constantly oppressing the +unfortunate inhabitants of that town[251]. Robert Holdesworth, the +wealthy and influential vicar of Halifax, was Sir Henry Saville’s +staunch ally. He was in trouble with the government in 1535, but he +obtained a free pardon, and boasted that he had “cast such a flower into +the Queen’s lap,” that he would be heard as soon as Sir Richard +Tempest[252]. He had scarcely returned to Yorkshire, when the judges of +assize were informed that he had found £300 in the wall of an old house +which he was rebuilding at Blackley, co. Worcester, another of his +benefices[253]. Meanwhile Sir Richard Tempest was still busy against +him. Sir Richard had assisted in arresting the vicar when he was sent to +London, and on his triumphant return Holdesworth delivered to Tempest +and his supporters injunctions to keep the peace and not to burn his +house under penalty of 500 marks. In revenge for these injunctions, +which they regarded as an insult, certain of his parishioners who +belonged to Tempest’s party drew up a petition accusing the vicar of +being a fomenter of quarrels in the parish, and also charging him with +neglect of his duties, with false returns about his tenths and +firstfruits, and with an attempt to sell his lands, implying that he did +this with a view to flight. This petition was presented to Sir Richard +Tempest, who caused about a hundred persons to sign it, and sent it to +Cromwell with a letter warning him that Holdesworth and others of the +spiritualty had “full hollow hearts” towards him[254]. Tempest enclosed +a further accusation, from which it appeared that the vicar had said he +had lost 80 marks in mortuaries taken by the King from that one +benefice, and that if the King reigned much longer he would take all +from the Church. Holdesworth had also repeated a sort of proverb, “A pon +Herre all Yngland mey werre” (upon Harry all England may war?)[255]. + +Sir Richard Tempest’s letter was written on 28 September 1535. At the +York Assizes in March 1536[256] Holdesworth was accused of shameful and +treasonable words, “for which, if true, he deserves imprisonment for +life.”[257] While the vicar was away defending himself against this +charge, John Lacy, Sir Richard Tempest’s son-in-law, raided the vicarage +and carried off all the cattle and spoil he could find[258]. The vicar +must have been acquitted, for in April he returned to his plundered +vicarage, bringing with him over £800 of money. Part of this may have +been treasure trove, but some at least was his own savings[259]. To keep +this treasure, all in gold, safe from his enemies, he determined to bury +it. He put the money into “a brass pot with little short feet,” in which +he also placed a little box containing a strip of parchment with the +amount written on it. In the hall of the vicarage, under the stairs, was +a patch of naked earth, and here the vicar dug a hole just deep enough +to hide the brim of the pot when the earth was put back and stamped +down. Then he heaped firewood over the place, and shortly afterwards +left for London. He had some cause for anxiety as several people were in +the secret, his sister and her son, who had helped him to bury the +treasure, his parish priest, Alexander Emett, and his friend Sir Henry +Saville[260]. The fortunes of the brass pot during the rebellion will be +afterwards related. The point to be noticed here is that to some of the +gentlemen private feuds were of more importance than any question of +religion. The vicar of Halifax and Sir Richard Tempest were both opposed +to Cromwell’s policy, but no political sympathy could bring them to take +the same side. + +When the influence of the religious was exercised against the government +it produced great results, as in the following case. The Stapletons of +Wighill, near Tadcaster, were a family of position, followers of the +Earl of Northumberland. Christopher Stapleton, the head of the family, +was a chronic invalid, who passed the summer of 1535 at Beverley, for +the sake of his health. He stayed in the house of the Grey Friars, and +there he met Thomas Johnson, otherwise called Brother Bonaventure, one +of the Observant Friars, who had been sent from York to Beverley when +the houses of the Order were made conventual. The friar easily acquired +influence over the sick man and his childless wife, and when they went +home to Wighill he visited them there[261]. Next summer, 1536, +Christopher came to Beverley again, bringing with him Sir Brian +Stapleton, his eldest son by his first wife[262], and his brother +William Stapleton. William, Christopher’s brother, was a lawyer of +Gray’s Inn, and a friend of Robert Aske; he spent his vacation with his +brother, and at the beginning of October, when he was about to return to +London for the Michaelmas term, Beverley became the headquarters of the +rebellion, and William Stapleton, at Brother Bonaventure’s suggestion, +was chosen captain of the commons[263]. It is beyond doubt that the +influence of chaplains and confessors was used to encourage the +gentlemen to join the Pilgrimage, though it is not so certain that the +whole agitation can be attributed to them. + +While the conservative priests were using persuasion the reformers often +unwittingly helped them by provoking violence. Religious differences may +lie at the bottom of a mysterious affair which took place at Marston. +Leonard Constable, the parson of Heyton Wansdale, otherwise called +Marston[264], brought a complaint before the Court of Star Chamber in +either 1525, 1531, or 1536. Unfortunately it is impossible to discover +which of these dates is correct, as the case is undated. Constable +stated that on 25 April Sir Oswald Wolsthrope and Sir Robert Waid, +clerk, procured that he should be attacked as he was performing the +service in the parish church by Sir Thomas Applegarth, clerk, and eight +other armed and riotous persons. They “violently came and took the +chalice from the Altar, where your said subject (Constable) was +standing, and said, ‘Thou horson polshorne priest, thou shalt not say +mass here, and therefore get thee out of the church, or we shall make +thee repent it’.” Afterwards the rioters broke into the parsonage and +“put in a certain person into the same to the intent to keep your said +subject out of the same, and said he should dwell there whether he would +or no.” On Sunday 30 April, Sir Oswald came to the parish church himself +with sixteen armed men. “And then and there the said Wolsthrope, your +said subject being at mass, and had almost celebrated the same, said +with a high voice these words following, that is to say, ‘You horson +priest, if I had come betime I would have nailed thy coat to thy back +with my dagger.’ And after that your said subject had finished his mass, +and kneeled down at the Altar, saying his orations and prayers, the said +Sir Oswald Wolsthrope ... came riotously to your said subject and +plucked him down by the hair backward, and gave him many opprobrious and +unfitting words, and put him in fear and jeopardy of his life.” The +cause of this behaviour on the part of Sir Oswald is not explained. It +cannot have been a dispute over the patronage of the rectory, for +Constable had been instituted in 1518, seven years before the earliest +date to which the dispute can be assigned[265]. If Constable had +provoked Sir Oswald by innovations and heretical practices, it is +surprising that he did not mention Sir Oswald’s disloyalty, unless +perhaps his own opinions were not those imposed by the government. But +although this riot cannot with certainty be attributed to religious +differences, it possibly gives the other side of the picture drawn by an +admiring martyrologist of a contemporary Yorkshire gentleman, Sir +William Mallory, who “was so zealous and constant a Catholic, than when +heresy first came into England, and Catholic service commanded to be put +down on such a day, he came to the church, and stood there at the door +with his sword drawn, to defend that none should come to abolish +religion, saying that he would defend it with his life, and continued +for some days keeping out the officers so long as he possibly +could.”[266] + +A powerful bond between gentlemen, priests and commons was their intense +hatred of Cromwell. He was above all else detested as a heretic, but the +gentlemen also shared the contemptuous feelings of the nobles for an +upstart of low birth, and the northern gentlemen had a special grievance +against him, for which, doubtless, parallel cases could be found in +other parts of the kingdom. One of the most onerous duties of the +landowners was the administration of justice. Cromwell was anxious to +strengthen the hands of the judges against local anarchy, in pursuit of +his policy that England should have only one tyrant, but he was by no +means scrupulous as to the quality of the justice administered in the +royal courts. In March 1536 a case occurred at York Assizes which roused +helpless anger throughout the county. A certain William Wicliff was +charged by Mrs Carr of Newcastle-upon-Tyne with the murder of her +husband, Ralph Carr. The sheriff assured Christopher Jenney, one of the +judges, that the jury had been chosen by Carr’s friends, all except one +man “who was thought indifferent,” yet even this jury acquitted Wicliff. +The names of the jurors were sent up to Cromwell, and they were bound +under a recognizance of £100 each to appear before the Court of Star +Chamber on 20 May. Wicliff remained in prison, as Mrs Carr sued an +appeal for murder against him[267]. The jury were fined. This excited +general indignation in the north; Aske said that “the Lord Cromwell ... +for the extreme punishment of the great jury of Yorkshire, and for the +extreme assessment of their fines, was and yet is, in such horror and +hatred with the people of those parts, that in manner they would eat +him, and esteems their griefs only to arise by him and his +counsel.”[268] Another gentleman declared that “the said traitor +(Cromwell) constrains men to be perjured by extreme fines as Sir George +Conyers, Sir Oswald Wolsthrope and their fellows were if they would have +consented and esteemed their goods above the truth and worship.”[269] +Although Wicliff is not mentioned in the latter instance, it is probably +a reference to the same case. + +The affair of Wicliff is typical of the crimes which were familiar to +the King, but almost incomprehensible in the north. A northern gentleman +did not hesitate to attack and kill his enemy in the street, but he +would not perjure himself and condemn an innocent man to death “for four +of the best dukes’ lands in France.” Abundant evidence has been given of +the lawlessness which prevailed in the north, but some virtues +flourished there also, which were absolutely necessary in the absence of +law. A gentleman spoke the truth and held his word sacred. It was +unthinkable that the King, the greatest gentleman of all, did not +observe the same code. + +In the uncivilised north the Church still performed her old functions, +and religion was accepted with a childlike faith which, although tending +to superstition, was a decided influence for good. The simple moral and +religious principles of the northern gentlemen are not altogether +unworthy of respect, but they formed a poor preparation for a conflict +with Henry VIII. + + + NOTES TO CHAPTER III + + Note A. The authors of “The History of the House of Howard” say of + Lady Bulmer “her character (was) foully, and, as has since been shown, + lyingly, attacked by the King’s lawyers,” but we have failed to + discover the defence of her character. Her own son did not deny that + his sisters were born before his parents’ marriage[270]. + + Note B. The document which accused Sir Robert Constable of breaking + the liberties of Beverley is undated. Among the Letters and Papers it + is placed with the evidence given at his trial. The reference to “Our + Holy Father the Pope” shows that it must have been drawn up at least + some years earlier. + + We have been unable to discover the case of Anne Grysanis, and it is + possible that this Sir Robert Constable may not have been the villain. + There were so many Constables. + + Note C. Possible translations of the inscription on Aughton church + tower:— + + (1) “I (the tower) ought not to forget Christofer, second son of + Robert Aske, knt, A.D. 1536.” + + (2) “Christofer, the second son of Robert Aske, knt. I ought not to + forget, A.D. 1536.” + + Note D. Robert Aske is called Sir Robert’s third son in Tonge’s + Visitation of 1530, but in 1507 he had a brother Richard, who seems to + have come between Christopher and Robert, but died in childhood[271]. + + Note E. Star Chamber Proceedings. + + Bundle XVIII, 252. Sir H. Saville v. Sir R. Tempest. + „ „ 153. „ v. „ [272]. + „ XVII, 256. Sir R. Tempest v. Sir H. Saville[273]. + „ XXII, 58 and „ v. „ + 147. + „ XXI, 174. Robert Holdesworth v. John Lacy, Thomas Saville, + Richard Holdesworth, Nic. Brodly. + „ XXII, 201. Sir H. Saville v. Sir R. Tempest. + „ „ Sir Thomas Tempest v. Sir H. Saville. + „ XXIII, 86. Isabel Jepson v. Sir R. Tempest and Sir T. + Tempest and others for murder of her husband. + „ XXIV, 238. Sir R. Tempest v. Sir H. Saville. + „ „ 380. Rex v. Sir R. Tempest. + „ XXV, 37. Sir H. Saville v. Sir Thomas Tempest. + „ „ 45, 55. Inhabitants of various places v. Sir H. Saville. + + Note F. Christopher Jenney’s letter[274], dated 27 March but without + the year, is placed in 1535 by the editor of the Letters and Papers, + but from the reference in it to Thwaites the vicar of Londesborough, + who was examined in November 1535, it seems that the letter more + probably belongs to 1536. + + Note G. J. C. Cox in his transcript of William Stapleton’s + Confession[275] identifies Thomas Johnson, Brother Bonaventure, with + Thomas Johnson one of the monks of the London Charterhouse, but this + identification is very improbable for the following reasons:— + + (_a_) It rests only on the name, which is too common to be a proof + of identity. + + (_b_) William Stapleton evidently knew Brother Bonaventure well and + would not be likely to mistake his Order. + + (_c_) It was contrary to the rules of the Charterhouse for any monk + to wander about the country alone, but this was the usual practice + of the friars. + + (_d_) Dom Thomas Johnson was not one of the four monks who were sent + from London to the Hull Charterhouse in May 1536, but was still in + London on 18 May 1537. In June that year he died in Newgate[276]. As + the monks of the London Charterhouse had been under close + supervision since May 1536, it is incredible that one of them should + have escaped to the north in October, remained there for some time, + and then returned again to prison. + + + + + CHAPTER IV + FACTS AND RUMOURS + + +The great events of the year 1535 were the executions of the +Charterhouse monks and of More and Fisher in June and July, followed by +the visitation of the monasteries by Cromwell’s commissioners in the +autumn. There is no need to retell these stories, for the object of this +chapter is neither to extol the martyrs nor to defend Cromwell’s +visitors, but rather to try to discover the feeling of the nation at +large, manifested by the words of numberless forgotten men and women, +who often paid for their devotion to the religion of their fathers with +their lives[277]. + +All up and down the land the friaries were storm-centres of revolt, and +the King’s first attack upon them only increased their influence. The +Friars Observant were the most recently reformed branch of the +Franciscan Order. They had been introduced into England by Henry VII, +and had only six houses in the country, Greenwich, Richmond in Surrey, +Cambridge, Southampton, Newark, and Newcastle-on-Tyne[278]. Their house +at Newcastle had formerly belonged to the conventual brothers of the +Order until Henry VII replaced them by the Observants[279]. It was +natural that this Order, newly established in England, should contain +the most uncompromising enemies of Henry VIII’s policy, and they +denounced the divorce so resolutely that their houses were suppressed in +1534[280]. The friars were transferred to the conventual houses of the +Order, but the result of this was that they infected the whole body with +their own discontent. But the other friars, though as yet not directly +attacked, were not ready to accept the new state of affairs quietly. On +the contrary, of all Cromwell’s opponents, they most hated the Act of +Supremacy. This was passed in the autumn of 1534, and throughout the +following year popular indignation grew and grew, as the agitation +against the new laws was secretly carried on. A friar who had embraced +the New Learning[281], hot against all “superstitious and popish +remembrances,” described the methods of his unconverted brethren to +Cromwell. In many church windows was pictured the story of St Thomas of +Canterbury, and he had heard the pardoners relate how the martyr was +slain for resisting the King, in defence not only of the liberties of +the Church, but also of the rights of the poor; for he would not grant +the King that “whosoever set his child to school should pay a tribute, +nor that no poor man should eat certain meats except he paid a +tribute.... These words and divers others remaining in the people’s +heads, which they call the articles of St Thomas.” Then the preacher +would point to the window where the penitent king knelt naked before the +martyr’s shrine, and leave the listeners to draw their own moral. The +friars mendicant “living by the alms of the King’s subjects” were +received everywhere by the poor as friends and teachers, although +Cromwell’s correspondent declared them to be all “unlearned and without +discretion.” They would seek out the “aged and simple” and “drive them +into admiration with such words as—Oh, father or sister, what a world is +this! It was not so in your father’s days. Ye may see it is a parlous +world. They will have no pilgrimage. They will not we should pray to +saints, or fast, or do any good deeds. Our Lord have mercy on us! I will +live as my forefathers have done, and I am sure your fathers and friends +were good.... Therefore I pray you continue as you have done, and +believe as your friends and fathers did; whatsoever the new fellows do, +say and do for yourself while ye be here.” The reformer considered that +these friars “do much hurt and will do, except they be otherwise +provided for, that they may no more so scatter abroad.” He concluded by +asking for a dispensation from his habit that he might “preach God’s +word.”[282] It may be imagined that his sermons would little please his +old brethren, and as a commentary on them or their like may be quoted +the words of a certain White friar, who said “that we should see a new +turn of the Bishop of Rome if we lived; that we were a many wretches of +this realm, without any charity, thus to blaspheme him, seeing that he +does not write against us, but we, malicious wretches, write and rail +against him without any charity; and though some of his predecessors +were evil, he is a good man.”[283] The Pope referred to was Paul III. +The friars were above all wandering preachers, and reports of seditious +sermons by Black, White, or Grey brethren were sent to Cromwell from +Norwich, Canterbury, Bristol, Kingswood in Wiltshire[284], and +Newcastle-on-Tyne, where the prior of the Black friars preached a series +of Lenten sermons in 1536 against the Royal Supremacy and then fled to +Scotland[285]. Some of the friars were simple and ignorant enough, but +no less powerful among the people for all that; others were more like +one of whom Latimer complained,—“wilily witted, Dunsly learned, Morely +affected, bold not a little, zealous more than enough,”[286] i.e. +learned in the lore of Duns Scotus and holding the opinions of Sir +Thomas More. + +As an instance of the sort of conversation that went on within the +friaries there is the case of the Grey Friars of Grantham, which was +remarkable as being the northernmost house in which there was a +treacherous brother. Friar John Colsell, in his deposition of 23 August +1535, tried to fasten a charge of treason upon the Warden and other +brethren, though his motive was rather private malice than any love of +the New Learning. The Warden stated in his defence that he had rebuked +two unruly friars, who threatened to complain to the general visitor, +whereupon he said, “Well, this fashion will not last always. I trust we +shall have the correction of our own religion again, for it hath done a +hundred pounds worth of hurt since it was otherwise; for now, if they be +checked for their misorder they will threat a man to complain of him, +and yet in the end, after he know the truth, I trust the same visitor +will take them as they be.” Another of the accused friars had remarked, +concerning the erasure of the Pope’s name from the service books, “If +every Act were as well executed as this, we should have a merry world.” +One of the refractory friars asked, “Be they not so?” “No, for there was +an Act made concerning the Statute of Array, that no man should wear +satin, velvet nor damask unless he were a man of lands or a burgess, +which be now broken.” The aldermen of Grantham and other men of +influence in the town gave evidence in favour of the Warden, among them +Gervase Tyndale, the master of the free school. Tyndale was by no means +inclined to favour friars in general[287], for in November 1535 he wrote +to Cromwell asking for money, as he was employed in the business of +certain friars who were about to practise necromancy. In the same letter +he complained of a “doctor” who had preached in the town on All Souls’ +Day about purgatory, saying that earthly fire was to the fire of +purgatory as a picture is compared to a man, and that one penny given to +a priest would release souls from purgatory. Tyndale remonstrated with +him, but the preacher had the support of the congregation. He called +Tyndale a Saxon heretic behind his back, and drove away all the boys +from the free school, lest their master should infect them with his +opinions[288]. + +The preaching, however, was not all one way, for there were a few +“heretics” wandering up and down the country, friars of a new creed. +These poor men were greatly to be pitied, standing as they did between +two fires. Henry and Cromwell were willing to use them, but regarded +them with the utmost suspicion, and were always ready to pounce upon +them if they transgressed the very narrow limits allowed. The ordinary +clergy and the mass of the people regarded them with hatred and +contempt. Their acts at first seem simply to have stirred up opposition, +though here and there are signs that their teaching was beginning to +produce an effect[289]. Any earnest soul simply and honestly trying to +find a satisfying religion must have been much confused by the laws +provided for his guidance. The parson of Staunton in Gloucester was in +trouble for saying that “if the King our sovereign did not go forth with +his laws as he began, he would call the King Anti-Christ;”[290] while +Wotton-under-Edge in the same county was full of discord “by reason of +divers opinions”; and one John Plummer was accused of saying “there +shall be a new world or Midsummer Day,” by which he meant, as he +explained, that he hoped “the King in his Parliament would make some +order of punishment for those who neither fast nor pray.”[291] + +The questing soul would have found that it was just as dangerous to +speak for as against purgatory[292]; and if he dared to call images +idols he was not only likely to be attacked by his indignant neighbours, +but was also within reach of the law[293]. The law indeed permitted the +reading of the Scriptures in English, but public opinion was so much +against it that a layman complained of being set in the stocks for +having an English psalter[294], and the Prior of Haverfordwest appealed +to Cromwell against the Bishop of St David’s, who had forced him to give +up his English testament “as if to have a testament in English were +horrible heresy.”[295] So strong was this feeling that even the Bishop +of Lincoln, Longland, who was accounted a heretic, complained to +Cromwell of “Sir Swinnerton” and other preachers who were bad characters +and encouraged people to read English books; the men of Lincolnshire +“much grudged” against them[296]. + +But wandering preachers, whether heretic or papist, were only the +skirmishers of the religious fray; the reformers were weak in numbers, +but they poured their books and tracts, like an unceasing fire of heavy +artillery, from their foreign batteries; also they had an immensely +powerful, though suspicious, ally in the King. The romanists, on the +other hand, always hoped for but never received reinforcements from the +Pope. But they had numbers and tradition on their side, and their army +was very efficiently officered by the parish priests. The steady, quiet +opposition of these men was much the most effective defence attempted +against the King’s ecclesiastical policy. They had been ordered to blot +out the name of the Pope in all prayer and service books, and to repeat +a collect for the welfare of the King and Anne Boleyn[297], but +Cromwell’s informers continually reported cases of disobedience[298]. +The vicar of Stanton Lacy, Salop, was accused of covering the Pope’s +name by a piece of paper fastened down with balm, instead of erasing the +words[299]. All the religious were very loath to reform their mass +books. They could not believe that the quarrel with Rome was more than a +passing cloud. “When the King is dead all these fashions will be laid +down,” was the general belief[300]. Richard Crowley, curate of +Broughton, Oxford, was accused of calling the Bishop of Rome Pope, and +of comparing him to the sun, the King to the moon and the people to the +stars, with the application that “the moon takes her light from the sun +and as the light of the sun is taken from us, so the world is dark and +the people in blindness.” He offered his parishioners pardon “during the +utas” at the feast of the Name of Jesus (7 August), declared that the +power of the Pope was as great as ever, and professed himself ready to +die for the true faith, like More, Fisher, and the fathers of Zion[301]. +Only a few were as bold as he; others, who “would rather be torn with +wild horses than assent or consent to the diminishing of any one iote of +the bishop of Rome his authority, of old time and always holden and kept +in this realm,”[302] were content to speak their minds and then seek +safety overseas[303]; but the greatest number were like the curate of +Rye, who, though he had taken the oath to the King, had “done the +contrary,” and spread tracts against the Royal Supremacy[304]. + +So few people as yet favoured the New Learning that most of our +knowledge of the discontent is due to local disputes. If a priest +quarrelled with his parishioners, they would bring accusations against +him which, however true in themselves, would never have been laid +against a popular man. An example of this occurred at Harwich, Essex, at +the end of the year 1535, when thirty-two of his flock brought a variety +of charges against the priest, Thomas Corthrop, such as that he had not +erased the Pope’s name from his mass book, that he had called Dr Barnes +“false knave and heretic,”[305] that he had preached Anti-Christ and not +shown who Anti-Christ was, and so forth. He had also said in a sermon at +Bethlehem without Bishopgate, London, that “these new preachers nowadays +that doth preach their three sermons a day have made and brought in such +divisions and seditions among us as never was seen in this realm, for +the devil reigneth over us now.” The root of the complaint, however, +lies in the last two articles:—“That when the young men of the parish +entered the church on December 26 to chose them a Lord of Misrule with +minstrels to solace the parish and bring youths from cards and dicing, +the said priest had taken the pipe out of the minstrel’s hand, and +struck him on the head with it, and did next day preach a sermon that +the Children of Israel came dancing and piping before idols”; and that +he falsely accused his parishioners of hunting and bowling instead of +coming to church[306]. If it had not been for his puritanism in these +respects, most likely nothing would have been heard of his conservatism +in others. + +The preachers were chiefly concerned with the relations between England +and the Pope, but the commons looked at the matter from a more personal +point of view. Queen Katherine was universally beloved, while Queen Anne +was detested. It was the divorce and the slaughter of the monks that +roused popular indignation rather than the abstract question of the +supremacy. A woman of “Senklers Bradfield,”[307] Suffolk, was accused of +rejoicing because Anne’s child was still-born (February 1535), and of +calling her “a goggle-eyed whore,” adding, “God save Queen Katherine for +she was righteous queen, and she trusted to see her queen again, and +that she should warrant the same.”[308] + +Henry himself fully shared the ill-will showered upon his new wife. A +Buckinghamshire man declared “the King is but a knave and liveth in +adultry, and is an heretic and liveth not after the laws of God,” and +also “I set not by the King’s crown, and if I had it here I would play +at football with it.”[309] A yeoman named Adam Fermour, of Waldron in +Sussex, had just returned from London. His friends asked what the news +was. “What news, man?” said he. “By God’s blood! evil news, for the King +will make such laws that if a man die his wife and his children shall go +a-begging. He fell but lately and brake one of his ribs, and if he make +such laws it were pity but he should break his neck.”[310] The act that +roused his indignation must have been the Statute of Uses[311]. A few +laymen, perhaps, took exception to the Royal Supremacy, but most +contented themselves with abusing the King and Queen[312]. Others again +reviled the King’s favourites, and, of course, Cromwell first of all. +The vicar of Eastbourne said to an unreliable friend, while walking in +the churchyard, “They that rule about the King make him great banquets +and give him sweet wines and make him drunk,” and then “they bring him +bills and he putteth his sign to them, whereby they do what they will +and no man may correct them.” He lamented the execution of the Bishop of +Rochester (Fisher) and of Sir Thomas More, saying that they would be +sorely missed, for they were the most profound men of learning in the +realm[313]. + +As time went on, disloyalty steadily increased. At Coventry in November +1535 the royal proclamations were torn down from the market cross[314]. +At Chichester in April 1536 a seditious bill was posted up[315]. + +From Crowle in Worcestershire came several reports of treasonable +speeches. In August 1535 Edmund Brocke, an aged husbandman, walking home +from Worcester market in the rain, was heard to say, “It is ’long of the +King that this weather is so troublous and unstable, and I ween we shall +never have better weather whiles the King reigneth, and therefore it +maketh no matter if he were knocked or patted on the head.”[316] A year +later accusations were brought against James Pratt, the vicar of Crowle. +Witnesses deposed that on the Sunday before St Bartholomew’s Day (24 +August) he had said in an ale-house “that the church went down and would +be worse until there be a shrappe made, and said that he reckoned there +were 20,000 nigh of flote, and wished there were 20,000 more, so that he +were one, and rather tomorrow than the next day, for there shall never +be good world until there be a schrappe. And they that may escape that +shall live merry enough.” Statistics were very roughly calculated in +those days, but the 20,000 men whom the vicar believed to be “nigh of +flote” appear again and again in the report of the rebels’ forces, and +perhaps he had some grounds for his prophecy, though he was probably +drunk when he made it. If not strictly temperate he was at any rate +brave and loyal to his friends; when examined by torture, he would +confess nothing but that he had heard divers persons, whom he would not +name, say the Church was never so sore handled[317]. Earlier in the same +year (1536) Thomas Sowle, a priest of Penrith in Cumberland, had +wandered south to Tewkesbury, where he said in an ale-house, “We be kept +bare and smit under, yet we shall rise once again, and 40,000 of us will +rise upon a day.”[318] By degrees the mutterings of discontent became +more definite. Thomas Toone, parson of Weeley, Essex, came home from a +visit to the north at the beginning of September 1536 in harvest time. +Two of his parishioners went with him one day into the fields called +“Lambeles Redoon” and “Wardes” to gather tithe sheaves. “There shall be +business shortly in the north,” said the priest, “and I trust to help +strength my countrymen with 10,000 such as I am myself, and that I shall +be one of the worst of them all.” The labourer answered quietly, “Little +said is soon amended.” The priest added hastily, “Remember ye not what I +said unto you right now, care ye not for that, for an Easter come, the +King shall not reign long.” The priest went on up the furrow gathering +the tithe sheaves, and the two countrymen agreed together to say nothing +of the matter for the present[319]. They waited, like hundreds of +others, ready to applaud the priest if he succeeded, or to accuse him if +he failed. + +Such was the state of the south on the eve of the rebellion. The general +opinion was that “the new laws might be suffered for a season, but +already they set men together by the ears and in time they would cause +broken heads.”[320] In the north the discontent was all the more +dangerous because less is heard of it[321]. It was by no means less +active than in the south, but there were fewer informers. In 1535, +Layton, one of Cromwell’s hated visitors, wrote to his master on the +religious state of the northern counties, where he was about to begin +his visitation of the monasteries: “There can be no better way to beat +the King’s authority into the heads of the rude people of the north than +to show them that the King intends reformation and correction of +religion.” He described them as “more superstitious than virtuous, long +accustomed to frantic fantasies and ceremonies, which they regard more +than either God or their prince, right far alienate from true +religion.”[322] And there are a few indications of the trend of popular +sympathy. + +Edward Lee, the Archbishop of York, though usually entirely subservient +to the King, once or twice protested against the granting of licences to +heretic preachers, who spoke against purgatory, pilgrimages, and so +forth “wherewith the people grudge, which otherwise all the King’s +commandment here obey diligently, as well for the setting forth of his +title of supreme head as also of the abolition of the primate of +Rome.”[323] In spite of this assertion, when the parish priest of +Guisborough, Yorkshire, was reading the articles of the King’s Supremacy +in church on 11 July 1535, John Atkinson, alias Brotton, “came violently +and took the book forth of the priest’s hands, and pulled it in pieces, +and privily conveyed himself forth of the church.” A search was made for +him, but perhaps not a very exhaustive one; at least he was not +found[324]. + +Very touching are the words of the priest of Winestead, who on Midsummer +Day 1535 begged his people to pray for him, “for he had made his +testament and was boune to such a journey that he trowed never to see +them again. And it is said there is no Pope, but I say there is one +Pope.” He was committed to the Archbishop’s prison at York and his fate +is unknown[325]. + +The Royal Supremacy was attacked in books as well as by action and +example. On 7 July 1535 Bishop Tunstall wrote to tell Cromwell that a +book called “Hortulus Animae,” but printed in English, had been brought +to him from Newcastle, and that he found in the calendar at the end of +it “a manifest declaration against the effect of the act of parliament +lately made, for the establishment of the King’s succession ... which +declaration is made ... upon the day of the decollation of St John +Baptist, to show the cause why he was beheaded.”[326] It was easy to +draw a sufficiently trenchant parallel between Herod, Herodias, and St +John on the one hand, and Henry, Anne, and the Catholic martyrs on the +other. Later in the same year other books were “taken up,” which treated +of purgatory and magnified the power of the Pope[327]. + +The depositions against William Thwaites, parson of Londesborough, form +the fullest case remaining against a Yorkshire parish priest, and they +are especially interesting because the circumstances must have come +under the notice of Robert Aske. His brother Christopher had lands in +Londesborough, and John Aske was the magistrate who heard the second set +of depositions on 13 November 1535. John Nesfield, the bailiff of +Londesborough, was the principal witness. He charged the vicar with +saying “about the Invention of Holy Cross last” (3 May 1535) that he was +glad to hear of the subsidy “for now shall ye temporal men be pilled and +polled as well as the spiritual men be.” He also said that England had +now no allies but the Lutherans, and that an interdict on the realm lay +at Calais and other foreign ports. If it were brought into the country, +there would be no more Christian burial for men than for dogs, “howbeit +the King will not obey it.” He had refused to attend when summoned to +appear before Archdeacon Magnus on 29 June 1535 at Warter Priory, when +the other curates of the deanery were given briefs to declare every +Sunday; these must have been the briefs for the Royal Supremacy[328]. +Thwaites never published his copy until the Sunday before Holyrood Day +(14 September), when his parishioners began to murmur. There were three +other witnesses who had heard him say that the King would be destroyed +by the most vile people in the world “and that he should be glad to take +a boat for safeguard of his life and flee into the sea, and forsake his +own realm; and, masters, there hangs a cloud over us, what as it means I +know not.” He also spoke much of prophecies about future battles[329]. + +Thwaites was tried at the York Assizes in March 1536, and was acquitted +on the grounds that the charge was malicious. Nevertheless he was sent +up to London to appear before Cromwell next term[330]. + +Although all classes were to a certain extent hostile to the religious +changes, a sharp line was drawn between the disaffection of the +gentlemen on account of the new laws, and the unrest of the lower orders +under social conditions. The troubles of the commons may be summed up in +the one word—change. Everything was changing,—the relations of the +landlord to the tenant, of the labourer to the land, of the buyer to the +seller, of the layman to the church,—and in most cases the change bore +heavily on the poor man. It was all this changing that he resented so +profoundly; he disliked to see the abbeys pulled down and the monks +turned out, just as he disliked raised rents and sheep-farming +enclosures, and an English service in the parish church. About an +abstract question like that of the Supremacy he cared little, and if the +King had been content with his new title and spared the monasteries, +there would probably have been no rebellion, but only a series of +isolated disturbances raised by the commons and easily put down by the +gentlemen, such as the Craven riots of June 1535. The rioters tore down +the enclosures made by the Earl of Cumberland, the most ill-beloved of +the northern nobles. Their grievances were the usual ones: fields which +when tilled had supported families were turned into pasturage for the +lord’s profit, and the common lands were shamelessly stolen. The +authorities had no difficulty in finding and punishing a suitable number +of offenders[331]. In December there was rioting in Galtres Forest by +York, but here the sympathy of the gentlemen was with the rioters, for +in spite of the evidence the inquest which the Earl of Northumberland +appointed to deal with the affair refused to “find a riot,” at the +instigation of Thomas Delaryver, one of the jurors[332]; and in April +1536 Sir Arthur Darcy appealed to Cromwell on behalf of the people of +Galtres Forest, who were being troubled by Mr Curwen and Sir Thomas +Wharton about an alleged riot although it was barley-seed time and they +were in great poverty[333]. + +The people about Snape assembled in April 1536 to attack the +commissioners for the subsidy, but when they reached the place they only +found the spiritual officers holding a court, and so they +dispersed[334]. This assembly must have been promoted by the yeomen +farmers, who, being the poorest class included in the subsidy, naturally +resented it most. + +At the end of 1535, commons, yeomen, and gentlemen were as yet far from +forgetting their contending economic grievances in their common +religious ones. Darcy himself was involved in a quarrel with his tenants +at Rothwell about enclosures[335], and parties with interests so +different might never have united, if the dissolution of the lesser +monasteries had not welded them into one. + +The Act was passed in March 1536[336], and the suppression began in May. +News travelled so slowly, and the proceedings of the government were so +little understood, that the first intimation of the coming change must +often have been the arrival of the commissioners who were to suppress +the monastery. The effect on the people may be imagined when they saw +the monks turned out, their alms stopped, their lands given to an +absentee landlord, their buildings pulled down, or unroofed and left to +fall to ruin. + +When the idea of dissolving the monasteries was throwing the whole +kingdom into a turmoil, it may well be asked how it was received in the +monasteries themselves. There is strangely little information on this +point. As early as February 1536, that is, a month before the act was +passed, Thomas Duke[337], the vicar of Hornchurch, Essex, had been heard +to say that “the King and his council hath made a way by wiles and +crafts to pull down all manner of religious, and thus they go about to +abbots and priors and possessioners and agree with them to deliver up +their rights and promise them a sufficient living, a hundred marks or +more, and when they have given all over, all other must needs give over, +but an they would hold hard for their part, which be their rights, the +King could not pull down none, nor all his council.”[338] From this and +other evidence it is clear that Cromwell had taken steps to ensure the +peaceful surrender of houses[339]. In the majority of cases the monks +must have felt very bitterly against those who forced them from their +chosen life, and numbers of abbots and abbesses spared neither trouble +nor gold in vainly trying to save their houses from the general spoil. +Others again simply could not believe that such an order would really be +carried out; such a one was the Abbot of Woburn, whose ruthful story +Froude has told[340]. In June 1536 the Abbot of Tavistock was heard to +say at table, “Lo, the King sends about to suppress many houses of +religion, which is a piteous case; and so did the Cardinal (Wolsey) in +his time, but what became of him and what end he made for his so doing, +I report me unto you; all men knows.”[341] + +It has often been said that if all the religious had borne themselves as +did the Carthusian martyrs, the Reformation would have been impossible. +This is perfectly true, and perhaps, religiously speaking, the monks +ought to have been prepared to die to a man rather than give way, +especially as their training was supposed to be the best possible +preparation for martyrdom. But they were handicapped. The King struck so +suddenly that they had no time, even if they had the necessary +determination, to agree on any common action. There were no positive +orders from the Pope, and the immediate superiors whom the monks were +bound to obey were often either bribed by Cromwell or turned out to make +way for government servants. Then there were discontented monks, and +monks who inclined to the New Learning, in many of the houses. +Nevertheless there was nothing that could have stayed real enthusiasm if +it had swept through the monasteries. The monks of the Charterhouse +could die, and the canons of Hexham could take up arms. Others might +have done as they did, instead of going forth sadly and lamenting their +hard lot. It was not that the religious did not care, but that they did +not care quite enough. And yet it is scarcely fair to blame them for +lack of zeal. It is impossible, humanly speaking, that a large and +scattered class of men and women, united only by the common aim of their +lives and schooled in implicit obedience, should be able to defy in +solid and unbroken ranks the law under which they live. The case of the +romanist priests who suffered during the Elizabethan persecution is not +to the point. They were enthusiasts who were eager for martyrdom, like +the leaders of a forlorn hope. The religious of Henry VIII’s reign were +peaceful votaries, and however well the monastic life may have fitted +them to praise God, feed the poor, and teach the children, it could not +produce men capable of resisting constitutional authority. People +grumbled as much then as now at acts of parliament, and thought of +resisting them as little. The monks were not as a class capable of +refusing to acknowledge Henry’s supremacy, but they were eminently +suited to carry on a long passive resistance, and this was one of the +reasons which moved the King to rid himself of them. Having once +recognised Henry as Head of the Church of England, they were helpless +against the further attack. Morally they had admitted themselves +absolutely at his mercy; actually they might perhaps have made a better +fight than they did, for the people were almost everywhere on their +side; but as the whole aim of their way of living had been to cut them +off completely from the world, the better they were from the +ecclesiastical point of view, the more helpless they were to take any +action in practical life. They were not even convinced that any action +on their part was necessary. + +The fall and execution of Anne Boleyn in May 1536 was received with +universal rejoicing, and conservative people expected the longed-for +reaction in ecclesiastical affairs. But in the very month that rid them +of the cause of their troubles the suppression began. Before the end of +July they realised that their hopes were not to be fulfilled, and within +the next month the country was alive with “rumours,” as the royal spies +said, though it was really a secret political agitation. The King was at +great pains to trace out these rumours after the rebellion, because he +wished to represent that such of them as he had no present intention of +carrying out were the only cause of the rising. Consequently, when the +poor, deluded commons discovered how false the tales were, they would at +once return to their allegiance, without making any inconvenient +demands. Nevertheless the rumours were usually based on fact, or +anticipated measures which were afterwards taken, and the outstanding +facts of the Treason Act, the Succession Acts, the subsidy, the Royal +Supremacy and the Dissolution of the Monasteries were undeniable and +gave colour to the rest. When the King was actively engaged in robbing a +church, what hope was there that he would spare his subjects? The +commonest rumours were as follows: + +(_a_) All the jewels and vessels of the parish churches were to be taken +away, and such as were necessary were to be replaced by tin or +brass[342]. This report was the natural sequel of the pillaging of the +monasteries and the destruction of the shrines. Though Henry himself did +not make such a confiscation, it occurred in his son’s reign. + +(_b_) All gold, coined and uncoined, was to be taken to the mint to be +tested, and every man would be obliged to pay for the testing[343]. + +(_c_) One of the rumours which had least foundation in fact was that +parish churches were to be at least five miles apart. Where they stood +nearer together, the separate parishes were to be united into one, and +the unneeded churches were to be pulled down[344]. Even now there is +great local rivalry between parish and parish. At that time it often +rose to a positive feud. The idea that the ancient landmarks would be +removed and that men would be compelled to worship with their +neighbouring enemies was enough to make some parishes take up arms. + +(_d_) A tax was to be levied on all horned cattle. Those on which it had +been paid would be marked, and any found unmarked would be +confiscated[345]. This rumour probably originated in the legislation +concerning graziers[346]. + +(_e_) In anticipation of Cromwell’s parish registers, it was said that +all christenings, marriages, and burials were to be taxed[347]. + +(_f_) No poor man was to be permitted to eat white bread, goose or capon +without paying a tribute to the King[348]. The probable source of this +rumour has already been mentioned[349]. It is a reminder that though the +Tudor sumptuary laws seem very quaint now, they must have been a real +hardship at the time. + +(_g_) Finally, it was said that every man would be sworn to give an +account of his property and income. If he falsified the return all his +goods would be forfeited[350]. This was simply a complaint against the +subsidy in rather an exaggerated form. + +Such were the more fantastic of the stories which were passing from +mouth to mouth. It is evident that they were no wider of the truth than +many political agitations in our own time, and with them were united the +real grievances which have already been mentioned They passed through +the country from market to market[351], and can be traced as far south +as Devon, where on 5 September a “somner” was accused of spreading +them[352]. They circulated chiefly in the midland and eastern counties. +Aske declared that they were never heard in Yorkshire until after Guy +Kyme brought them with the Lincolnshire articles[353]. Stapleton however +heard at Beverley that several parishes were to be made into one and the +church jewels taken away[354]; and Breyar was told of the tax on horned +cattle and on every “child and chymley” at Sturley and Retford[355]. It +is natural that rumours should spread from the south to the north bank +of the Humber, and Aske first heard them from the ferryman as he was +crossing at Barton[356]. It would be difficult to find a better way of +spreading news than by enlisting ferrymen to repeat it to their fares. +But though the rumours were certainly known in Yorkshire after the +rising began, they do not seem to have spread very far, or to have had +much influence there. The newsbearers who carried them need not be +accused of ill-faith; in all probability they really believed what they +said, and this gave their words all the more weight. Their work may be +compared to that of the Evangelical Brotherhood in Germany, formed in +1524, whose members each contributed a small weekly sum “to defray the +expenses of the bearers of the secret despatches which were to be +distributed far and wide throughout Germany, inciting to amalgamation +and a general rising.”[357] The effect of their propaganda was soon +seen. + +Early in August 1536 riots broke out in Cumberland, and the Bishop of +Carlisle was accused of promoting them[358]. In Norfolk there were +stirrings at the beginning of September. An organ-maker “intended to +make an insurrection” at Norwich, but he was arrested by the Duke of +Norfolk, who also took up another “right ill person” who spoke lewd +words[359]. Men from Lincolnshire were reporting in other counties that +“anyone who would go thither at Michaelmas should have honest living, +for diking and fowling,” and there were several who took the hint and +set out for Lincolnshire as soon as the harvest was over[360]. The +commissioners and their servants were by no means careful to allay the +unrest. On St Matthew’s Day (21 September) a tall serving-man in Louth +church declared that the silver almsbowl was “meeter for the King than +for them.” Whereupon one of the congregation “fashioned to draw his +dagger, saying that Louth and Louthesk should make the King and his +master[361] such a breakfast as they never had.”[362] It was said at +Grimsby that the people of Hull had sold their church plate and jewels +and paved the town with the proceeds, in order that the King might not +get them[363]. In the Yorkshire dales the people had taken an oath and +were on the verge of rebellion, openly speaking treason[364]. + +It was impossible that rumours should circulate and oaths be taken +without some human agency, but the men who were conducting the agitation +are difficult to discover. The King’s pardon to the rebels only covered +the period of the actual rebellion; any treasonable word or action +before that time was to be punished. In consequence very little can be +learned about the time of preparation. The prisoners naturally declared +that they had been taken unawares and knew nothing of the business until +they were compelled to join the insurgents. In such a situation a little +prevarication is pardonable, and it is scarcely wronging Aske, +Stapleton, and others to say that they probably knew more than they +would admit about the origin of the rebellion. Sometimes there is a +glimpse of a friar or a vicar, such as the priest of Penrith and the +vicar of Crowle, and sometimes it is some person indirectly +ecclesiastical, a summoner or an organ-maker, who may be suspected of +knowing the secret; but of the laymen engaged in the agitation only two +can be identified, and very little can be discovered about even these +two. + +One of them was Guy Kyme of Louth, who was executed at Lincoln after the +rebellion[365]. On Saturday 30 September and Sunday 1 October 1536 he +was at Grimsby. He said that his business was “about the conveyance of +certain suspected pirates of a ship of Feversham to Lincoln,”[366] but +several people believed he was already in communication with the +disaffected in Yorkshire[367], and during the rising he was sent as a +messenger from the insurgents to Beverley[368]. Anthony Curtis, the +other agent, is a still more problematic character. He lived in +Grimsby[369], and was connected with the Askes[370], though the +relationship cannot now be traced. He was a fellow-lawyer of Robert +Aske’s at Gray’s Inn[371]. Like Kyme he was concerned in carrying news +from Lincolnshire to Yorkshire[372]. Both these men, it is to be noted, +were from the north of Lincolnshire, and several details seem to point +to the fact that this country was the headquarters of the agitation. + +In addition to the definite rumours about new taxes and changes, there +was the vaguer but perhaps no less influential mass of wandering +prophecies. As early as 1535 a certain hermit of Bristol, returning home +after a visit to Lincolnshire, called Katherine of Arragon “the Queen of +Fortune,” and declared that when the time came she would make ten men +against the King’s one[373]. During May and June of the same year it +rained continually, and it was murmured that this was God’s vengeance +for the death of monks[374]. In London a prophecy went about that there +would be a month “rainy and full wet, next month death, and the third +month war,”[375] and another that “the floods flowing in Britain shall +cause a great insurrection.”[376] The connection between floods and +rebellion was obvious; when the rain spoiled the harvest the people +starved, and were ready for any mischief. Before the Peasants’ Revolt in +Germany it was prophesied that there would be a second Flood in the +summer of 1524[377]. Prophecies almost as vague and quite as likely to +come true can be found to-day in any newspaper; now, as then, the +weather and politics are the two subjects on which mankind always +listens to the seer, however often misled. + +The story of one of the strangest prophecies was told by a Dorsetshire +justice on 20 May 1535. A servant of his was overheard lamenting first +the stormy weather, and then the state of the kingdom, “saying it was a +heavy world and like to be worse shortly, for he heard say that the +priests would rise against the King.” Inquiries were made, and the +servant admitted that one of the tenants had told him some such words, +which he had from an old man living but three miles from Chideock. The +justice set out to see the prophet, who was too aged to come before him. +When questioned he said it was true he had told several neighbours that +“the priests should make a field”; he knew this from his master, a very +wise man, who had been dead fifty years. The rest of the prophecy ran, +“that the parish priests should rule England three days and nights, and +then the White Falcon should come out of the North-West and kill almost +all the priests, and they that should escape should be fain to hide +their crowns with the filth of beasts, because they would not be +known.”[378] The White Falcon was the badge of Anne Boleyn, and these +very adaptable phrases suggest the brief reign of Mary and the Catholic +persecutions under “the White Falcon’s” daughter. + +Anne Boleyn’s reign and fall were said to have been foretold by +Merlin[379]. “A.B. and C.” are of frequent occurrence in the prophecies, +even after her death, probably standing for Anne Boleyn and Cromwell. +The monks of Furness had a saying “that A B and C should sit all in one +seat, and should work great marvels,” and that afterwards “the decorate +rose shall be slain in his mother’s belly.” It does not appear how long +this saying had been known in the house, but during the winter of 1536 +they interpreted it to mean that Henry should be slain by the hands of +the priests, for the Church he oppressed was his mother[380]. The +prophecies circulated chiefly in the monasteries and among the priests +and friars. The Prior of Malton in Rydale described a picture drawn on +parchment which he had seen fifteen years before (1512) at Rostendale +(Ravenstonedale) in Westmorland; it showed a moon waxing and waning, +each moon with the date of the year beneath. Over the full moon was +drawn a Cardinal, and under the old moon two headless monks; in the +midst was a child “with axes and butchers’ knives and instruments about +him.”[381] This recalls another prophecy of 1512, which made a deep +impression on the mind of Cromwell, “that one with a Red Cap brought up +from low degree to high estate should rule all the land under the +King ... and afterwards procure the King to take another wife, divorce +his lawful wife Queen Katherine, and involve the land in misery ... that +divorce should lead to the utter fall of the said Red Cap ... and after +much misery the land should by another Red Cap be reconciled or else +brought to utter destruction.”[382] + +Dr Maydland, a Black friar of London, had discovered by necromancy in +November 1535 that the New Learning should be suppressed, and the Old +restored by the King’s enemies beyond the seas. He was in hopes that the +King would die a violent death, and that he would see the Queen (Anne) +burnt, and the head of every maintainer of the New Learning on a +stake[383]. + +It was treason to possess copies of such prophecies. On 2 April 1536 the +parson of Wednesborough was accused of possessing one; other accusations +against him were that he was a Scot, and “if well handled” could +“declare a multitude of papists[384].” In June the canons of Tortington +in Sussex were accused of reading prophecies[385], and, as mentioned +above, the vicar of Londesborough repeated them. In spite of the danger, +scrolls of prophecies were often circulated by the owner among his +friends, who took copies or committed the striking parts to memory; some +made regular collections, borrowing or learning all they could find to +add to the rolls, and so, as sayings or writings, the verses spread +through a whole district. One of these collections is preserved among +the Lansdowne MS[386]; it seems to have been compiled about 1531 as a +whole, but contains later entries[387]. In it is a version of the +prophecies of Thomas the Rymer, and it concludes with an account of the +great deeds to be done by “a child with a chaplet,”[388] who shall reign +for fifty-five years, and after restoring peace in England shall recover +the Holy Cross from Jerusalem and bring it back in triumph to Rome, +where his bones will finally be buried in great honour. As long as the +King remained a faithful son of the Church there was no harm in this +ordinary ballad conclusion, but once Henry had quarrelled with the Pope +it wore a very different aspect, and men began to think that the King +who was such a welcome guest at Rome could not be Henry himself, or one +of Henry’s heirs, but his conqueror[389]. + +The vicar of Mustone was accused before the Council of the North in 1537 +of spreading seditious prophecies. This man, John Dobsone by name, was +like nearly all the northern clergy secretly in favour of the Pope. +Doubtless most of his parishioners agreed with him, but three of them, +disliking either his opinions or himself, accused him of relating in the +ale-house and the church porch that the King would be driven out of his +realm, and then return and be content with a third part of it; that the +Eagle “which is the Emperor ... shall rule all the land at his +pleasure”; that the Dun Cow “which is the bishop of Rome ... shall come +into England jingling with her keys and set the church again in the +right faith”; also that “When the Crumme (Cromwell) is brought low Then +shall begin the Christ’s Cross row.” The vicar denied the charge that he +had any such writings in a book, though he admitted he had seen such a +collection. He also denied that he had ever repeated them in public, and +all the witnesses whom his accusers cited bore him out in this, and +declared he was an honest man denounced from private malice. The +Council, though they committed him to gaol and wrote to the King for +instructions, were inclined to take a lenient view of his case. But they +energetically set to work to hunt out the originators of such dangerous +sayings. The result is like an Arabian story, tale following tale in +endless sequence. Dobsone had first heard of the prophecies at the White +Friars at Scarborough in October 1536. The Warden of the Grey Friars, +who was visiting there, spoke of a prophecy that was going about, +whereupon the Prior of the White Friars produced a roll of paper on +which a number were written. It was in fact a collection that he had +been making for some years. He lent it to Dobsone, who justified his +confidence by returning it in a fortnight. Another friend of the prior’s +was not so particular. He borrowed the roll and it was stolen from his +house during the insurrection, but several accounts of the contents +remain. The prophecies were said to be declared by “Merlion,” St Bede, +and Thomas of Ercildoune, but they were copied from many sources[390]. +The earliest told how “when the Black fleet of Norway was comed and +gone, after in England war shall be never,” and other things equally +harmless[391]. Others were given the prior in May 1536 by a priest of +Beverley, whom he never saw before or after. They began “France and +Flanders shall arise” and perhaps included the Eagle and the Cow, as +well as some obscure forebodings of battles where “the clergy should +stand in fear and fight as they seculars were,” with which a “long man +in red” would have something to do. The most interesting relate to the +great northern families, which were indicated by their badges, as is +usual in sayings and ballads. The cock was the crest of the Lumleys, and +one prophecy runs “the cock of the north shall be plucked and pulled, +and curse the time that ever he was lord,” but after his misfortunes “he +shall busk him and brush his feathers, and call his chickens togethers +and after that he shall do great adventures.” “The moon shall lose her +light, and after shall take light of the sun again” refers to the +crescent badge of the Percies, and the Tudor crest of a rose surrounded +by the rays of the sun. The scallop shells of the Dacres “shall be +broken and go to wreck.” At the end of the roll “Thomas demandeth of +Merlion and Bede saying when shall these things be? About the year of +Our Lord God 1537.” The Council of the North thought the rhyme about +Cromwell the most serious, and made every effort to find the author. +There were numberless versions, the best lines being: + + “Much ill cometh of a small note + As (a) Crumwell set in a man’s throat + That shall put many other to pain, God wote; + But when Crumwell is brought a-low,”[392] etc. + +The gentleman who gave it to the prior had learnt it from a priest, who +heard it from a brother priest about Michaelmas 1536 “in the buttery at +Ayton.” The second priest had it from the clerk of a remote parish as +they walked together in a country loaning. The investigators might have +traced its journey from mouth to mouth all round the country without +finding anyone definitely responsible for it; but they gave up the +hopeless quest at this point[393]. + +There lived at this time at Huntington in Yorkshire one Wilfrid Holme, a +man with poetical leanings and a favourer of the New Learning. After the +rebellion he set to work to write an account of it, or rather he +included an account of it in a poem entitled, “The Fall and Evil Success +of Rebellion from Time to Time.” It is interesting as being the only +contemporary history of the Pilgrimage, but Holme gives few details, and +though many facts are correct he throws little new light on the subject. +His last canto is headed “Of the Mouldwarp,” and concerns a prophecy of +Merlin’s which the rebels applied to the King. Holme never repeats this +prophecy, but it seems to have been that the Mouldwarp, “the sixth +king,” should be coward and caitiff, and have a skin like a goat. Holme +states (without giving a reason) that the reckoning must be made from +Henry III, and accordingly Henry IV was the sixth king and Henry VIII +the twelfth, as he does not reckon Richard III. Therefore the Mouldwarp +could not be Henry VIII,— + + “... Except ye skip at pleasure + To take here one and there one your purpose to defend.” + +Moreover Henry VIII is neither caitiff, coward, nor hairy. Holme never +says what was to happen to the Mouldwarp. That Henry IV was believed to +be that monster by Owen Glendower and his fellow conspirators is a +tradition preserved in “The Mirror for Magistrates”: + + “And for to set us hereon more agog, + A prophet came (a vengeance take them all!) + Affirming Henry to be Gogmagog, + Whom Merline doth a mouldwarp ever call, + Accurst of God, that must be brought in thrall + By a wolf, a dragon and a lion strong, + Who should divide his kingdom them among.”[394] + +After such a string of doubtful fables the excellent good sense of +Hotspur is a pleasing change, + + “... Sometimes he angers me + With telling me of the moldwarp and the ant, + Of the dreamer Merlin and his prophecies, + And of a dragon and a finless fish, + A clip-wing’d griffin and a moulten raven, + A couching lion and a ramping cat, + And such a deal of skimble-skamble stuff + As puts me from my faith.”[395] + +Yet one more must be mentioned—the Pilgrims’ own prophecy, which was +commonly repeated in their host throughout the rising, + + “Forth shall come a worm, an aske with one eye, + He shall be chief of the meiny; + He shall gather of chivalry a full fair flock, + Half capon and half cock, + The chicken shall the capon slay, + And after that there shall be no May.”[396] + +The interpretations of this must have varied at the time, and now they +can only be guessed. The lines about the capon and the cock seem to +predict disunion among the insurgents themselves such as brought about +the failure of the Lincolnshire rising. It has been suggested[397] that +in the last line, foretelling the end of the rebellion, the “May” means +the badge of Henry VII, the crown of England hanging on a hawthorn tree, +and so anticipates the fall of his dynasty. Reading it after the event, +it has rather the sense of spring without summer and fair promises +unfulfilled. + +From amid the prophecies, rumours and travellers’ tales which were +agitating the country during the summer of 1536 one point looms up,—that +great events might be expected at Michaelmas. The government was only +half aware of what was going on. But the army of the discontented, the +starving labourers, the homeless monks, the sincere believers in the old +religion, knew that when Michaelmas Day had come and gone they might +expect news from the north. The King was at Windsor in September, and on +the 27th he bade Ralph Sadler send word to the Lord Privy Seal to summon +the Privy Council and attend the King at once. Sadler suggested there +might be some delay as the command would not reach Cromwell until late +on the following afternoon, and the day after was Michaelmas. “What +then?” quoth his Grace, “Michaelmas Day is not so high a day.”[398] When +so many saints’ days had given way to his pleasure, why should the King +heed Michaelmas Day? Yet that Michaelmas Day came near to mastering the +King. + + + NOTES TO CHAPTER IV + + Note A. Throughout this book the “New Learning” is used in the sense + of protestant or anti-papal opinions, not as another name for the + classical revival. + + Note B. One of his parishioners, John Bird, tried to lay information + against him, but Duke had sufficient influence to stop him, and the + accusation was not made until after the rebellion, for Bird mentions + witnesses to whom he spoke “a month before the rising.” There is + another deposition by Bird against a priest in L. and P. XII (1), 301, + too much mutilated to be intelligible. Cf. XI, 1495. + + Note C. Other prophecies of about the same period are printed by + Furnivall, op. cit. pp. 316–20, but they are unintelligible. + + Note D. The Prophecies of Rymour, Beid and Marleyng[399]: + + “When the black fleet of Norway is comen and gone + And drenched in the flood truly + Mickle war hath been beforne + But after shall none be. + + Holy Church shall harnes hent + And III years stand on stere, + Meet and fight upon a bent, + Even as they seculars were.” + + Note E. A curious illustration of the feelings with which the north + regarded the King’s family arrangements is given by the fragmentary + story of Mary Baynton, a girl of eighteen, the daughter of Thomas + Baynton of Birlington, i.e. Bridlington in Yorkshire. The only + document relating to her adventures is undated, but probably belongs + to the year 1533. She made her appearance at Boston in Lincolnshire, + and represented herself as the Princess Mary fleeing from her father’s + cruelty. Although she must eventually have been arrested, she seems to + have been received with respect and sympathy. Her fate is unknown, and + it is impossible to say whether she was a deliberate impostor or a + self-deluded lunatic. There is nothing to show that she had any + accomplices, but it is interesting to observe that she was connected + with Bridlington and Boston, which were two centres of the rebellion. + Her story was “that the French queen was her aunt and her godmother, + and upon a time the said French queen, being of her pleasure in a + bath, and she with her there, looked upon a book and said to her, + ‘Niece Mary, I am right sorry for you, for I see here that your + fortune is very hard; you must go a-begging once in your life, either + in your youth or in your age.’ And therefore I take it upon me now in + my youth, and I intend to go beyond the sea to mine uncle the emperor, + as soon as I may get shipping.”[400] + + Note F. In April 1536 there was a disturbance in Somersetshire about + which little is known. On 21 April 1536 John Py informed Cromwell that + he had arrested Thomas Towghtwodde of Bridgewater. The prisoner had + attempted to fly the country because his apprentice “was one of those + who made the business in Somerset.” The apprentice was three days with + “those who made the business ... till my lord Fewaryn sent him + home.”[401] + + In May Cromwell noted among his remembrances “the poor men of Somerset + for their pardon,”[402] and on 26 May 140 persons were pardoned for + making unlawful assemblies in Somerset[403]. Others were executed for + the same offence, and £50 were allowed for expenses to “Serjeant Hinde + the King’s Solicitor and others that went for the executing of the + rebels in the west.”[404] + + It is probable that this rising was due to social discontent, and not + to religious grievances, as the Act for the Suppression of the + Monasteries was passed only in March and was not enforced until June, + while the rising was early in April. + + It is curious that, according to Wriothesley’s Chronicle, there was + also a rising in Somersetshire in April 1537[405]. The only allusion + to this second rising in the Letters and Papers occurs on 13 May 1537, + when Sir John St Lo requested Cromwell to contradict the report that + the King was displeased with John Horner for “his taking the men + imprisoned at Nunney” and causing them to be executed at Taunton[406]. + + It is probable that there were two risings in Somerset, one in April + 1536, the other in April 1537. But it is possible that there was only + one rising, that in April 1536. After that rising some prisoners were + executed and others pardoned, but some may have remained in prison at + Nunney, either because they were condemned to perpetual imprisonment + or because they were never tried. In April 1537, when there were + rumours of a rebellion in Devonshire and Cornwall, the magistrates may + have become alarmed and executed the unfortunate prisoners out of + hand. It is evident that the execution in April 1537 was hasty and + irregular. If this second hypothesis were correct, Wriothesley must + have misdated the entry in his Chronicle, or, hearing of the + executions in Somerset in April 1537, he may have concluded that there + had been a rising. It is simpler and involves less guessing to assume + that there were two risings. + + + + + CHAPTER V + THE RISING IN LINCOLNSHIRE + + “How presumptuous then are ye, the rude commons of one shire, and that + one of the most brute and beastly of the whole realm ... to find fault + with your Prince?”[407] + + +So wrote Henry VIII to the men of Lincolnshire, and it must be confessed +that they were deservedly held in ill repute. The number of cases +relating to this county preserved among the Star Chamber Papers clearly +shows how little order was kept or justice regarded. There was less +excuse for lawlessness there than on the Borders, but the people seem to +have lived, among the great tracts of undrained fen, almost as wild a +life as the marchmen on their fells and mosses. On the other hand the +men of Lincolnshire were not trained to arms so strictly as the +mosstroopers. They were rather given to riots than to raiding, which +demands a certain amount of discipline. They were very poor and +ignorant, and regarded the gentlemen, their landlords and magistrates, +with suspicious dislike. In 1517 royal commissioners were appointed in +Lincolnshire to enforce the Inclosure Act of 1515[408]. It is rather +surprising that the county should have been included in the commission, +as the report showed that the enclosures were insignificant in extent +and had caused but little eviction[409]. The commission was probably +appointed in consequence of the shire’s turbulence, and it is to be +observed that such enclosure as there was had taken place in the +district which was the centre of the rising, the parts of Lindsey, +including Scrivelsby, Bolingbroke and Horncastle[410]. + +The gentlemen were quite as lawless as, and only a little better +educated than, the commons. The feuds of such noble families as the +Willoughbys not only caused endless discord among their friends and +enemies, but fomented dozens of petty hatreds among their dependents. A +good thriving feud, fairly rooted in disputed lands, would in the course +of years scatter as many seeds as would afforest half Lincolnshire. An +example of such a minor feud occurs in a complaint brought before the +Star Chamber by Thomas Moigne[411], of the Inner Temple[412], a +gentleman and lawyer of Lincolnshire. He was seised of the manor of +Wyfflingham, but his right to it was disputed by another gentleman, +George Bowgham of Haynton. On 20 Sept. 1534 Bowgham assembled about +forty people at his house. They seem to have been collected haphazard, +anyone who wanted a fight being welcome, and included a pardoner, a +weaver, and several husbandmen. They were armed and set out for +Wyfflingham, summoning others to join them by the way. Moigne was away +from home at the time, and when they reached his house they found no one +but his wife and one of his servants. They cried out that they would +seize all in the place, but as it does not appear that they carried out +their purpose it may be concluded that the lady of the house +successfully defended it against their attack[413]. The characteristic +feature of this outwardly pointless affair is that the rioters assaulted +Wyfflingham when the master was away. If a man could never leave home +without the fear that he might return to find his house in flames and +his wife abused, he would be likely to come to terms about the land. The +frequency of this sort of intimidation does not speak well for the men +of Lincolnshire. The story of the rising is even less pleasing. +Lincolnshire might have been expected to take the lead all through the +rebellion. The movement began there, and such signs of preparation as +can be discovered almost all concern Lincolnshire. The rumours +circulated there most freely, and may even have originated there. But if +it rose first, it was the first shire to lay down arms, and this at +discretion, without making any terms. So divided were the insurgents +among themselves by class-hatred, private feuds and mutual suspicion +that their host was never once in a state to offer battle to the most +feebly organised troops. In Lincolnshire alone were serious outrages +committed[414], but the rebels showed none of the determined enthusiasm +in the field which might have explained their ferocity. The gentlemen +were neither true to the King nor to the cause with which they really +sympathised. The commons showed all the worst qualities of an armed +mob,—they were savage, always swayed by the last speaker, and incurably +suspicious of their leaders, whom they seldom obeyed even when they had +chosen them themselves. The whole affair of Lincolnshire leaves the +impression that the men of the fens were loud speakers but poor +fighters, and almost confirms the King’s description. No doubt this +feeling is partly unjust. As will soon appear, they had many +disadvantages to face, and in particular had no such excellent boundary +to defend as the line of the Humber and Don, which was held by the +Yorkshiremen. + +By Michaelmas 1536 three sets of royal commissioners had swooped down +upon Lincolnshire. The first, which had been at work since June, was the +commission for dissolving the smaller monasteries[415], the second was +to assess and collect the subsidy[416], and the third was a commission +of inquiry into the condition of the clergy and their fitness in morals, +education and politics for their office[417]. These provided grievances +for all classes of the community; the commons were outraged by the +suppression of the monasteries, the gentlemen were exasperated by the +fresh taxation, and the clergy were infuriated by the examination which +the commissioners forced them to undergo. They had been warned of the +coming inquiry at the commissary’s court held at Louth about three weeks +before Michaelmas, when the commissary’s scribe, one Peter, told the +priests “that his master bade them look to their books, for they should +have strait examination taken of them shortly after.”[418] The +visitation began at Bolingbroke on 20 Sept., and the priests seem to +have been roughly handled, for they came away fuming with indignation. +The parson of Conisholme said, “They will deprive us of our benefices +because they would have the first fruits, but rather than I will pay the +first fruits again I had liever lose benefice and all.”[419] Simon +Maltby, parson of Farforth, reported on his return home that the silver +chalices of the church were to be given to the King in exchange for tin +ones, and that therefore he and other priests had determined to strike +down the chancellor[420], and trusted in the support of their +neighbours[421]. The next visitation was to be held on Monday, 2 Oct., +at Louth[422], and several of the priests from that district went to +Bolingbroke to see what the dreaded examination was like; they came away +declaring that they would not be so ordered or examined in their +learning[423]. + +It does not appear that Thomas Kendale, the vicar of Louth, was one of +those who went to Bolingbroke, but he was as bitterly opposed to the +commissioners as the rest. On Sunday, 1 Oct., he preached a sermon in +the parish church of Louth, in which he told his parishioners “that next +day they should have a visitation, and advised them to go together and +look well upon such things as should be required of them in the said +visitation.” The congregation understood very well what he meant, and as +they prepared to walk in procession after three silver crosses which +belonged to the village, Thomas Foster, a singing-man, cried out, +“Masters, step forth and let us follow the crosses this day: God knoweth +whether ever we shall follow them again.” The rumour of the vicar’s +sermon and Foster’s words spread quickly through the place. Robert +Norman, a roper, gave a penny to Jockey Unsained, otherwise John Wilson, +a carpenter, to carry the report, and after evensong an armed company +appeared at the choir door, and took the keys of the treasure house from +the churchwardens, saying that they knew the chief constable meant to +deliver the jewels to the Bishop’s chancellor next day. The keys were +given into the charge of Nicholas Melton, shoemaker, or Captain Cobbler, +as they called him, and a watch was kept in the church that night for +the first time, which was taken up again night after night until the end +of the rebellion[424]. + +The news of what had happened in Louth was heard the same night in the +little village of Kedington by Louth Park, the new home of William +Morland alias Burobe, late a monk in the dissolved monastery of Louth +Park. He had been employed since his eviction in carrying +“capacities”[425] to other expelled monks in various parts of the +country, and in the course of his travels he had heard many discontented +mutterings. On Monday, 2 Oct., after matins, he hastened to Louth to +find out the meaning of the “rufflings.” He went first to the church but +was not allowed to enter, for the commons who had been guarding the +jewels were discussing what course they should follow, and whether they +should ring the church bells and raise the alarm. Morland went to the +house of William Hert, butcher, whose brother Robert had been a +fellowmonk of his at Louth Park. The three sat down to breakfast “with +puddings,” in which they were joined by one Nicholas, a servant of Lord +Borough’s. + +Meanwhile “the heads of the town” had gathered in the town-hall to +choose an officer for the coming year, as the custom was, and the +commons in the church were left to their own devices. The deliberations +in the town-hall and the breakfast at the butcher’s were both +interrupted by the sound of the church bells ringing out alarm. The +Bishop of Lincoln’s official, John Henneage, had arrived to conduct the +choosing of the new town officers. Hearing the tumult, Nicholas remarked +that some of those who ordered themselves after this fashion would be +hanged; to which the butcher replied, “Hold thy peace, Nicholas, for I +think as much as thou dost, but if they heard us say so, then would they +hang us.” Meanwhile the noise and “skrye” became so great that Morland +went out to see what was happening. He found that Henneage had alighted +at Robert Proctor’s door and had been seized there by an armed mob, who +were taking him to the church. Morland and other honest men helped him +to take refuge in the choir and locked the choir door. The commons were +shouting that he and all who had opposed them the night before must take +an oath that they would be true to the commons and do as they did, upon +pain of death. This oath was administered to Henneage, Morland, and the +honest men by Captain Cobbler, to whom Henneage had tried to speak +privately before being taken to the church. After the oath was taken the +people began to disperse, when again the common bell rang out and they +reassembled to seize John Frankishe, the Bishop of Lincoln’s registrar, +who had come to hold the dreaded visitation[426]. He was taken at the +Saracen’s Head, William Goldsmith’s house; his books were seized and +carried to the market-place, and John Taylor, a webster, brought a great +brand and lighted a fire in the Corn Hill. Other books were brought +out—copies of the New Testament in English and “Frythe, his book,”[427] +a fact which shows that the new creed was penetrating even to this +stronghold of conservatism—and the insurgents prepared to burn these +heretical works, together with the registrar’s papers[428]. Morland was +alarmed at their violence, and exhorted them from Guy Kyme’s doorway, +saying: “Masters, for the Passion of Christ, take heed what ye do, for +by this mischievous act which ye be about to do we shall be all casten +away ... will ye burn those books that ye know not what is in them?” He +prevailed so far that they took him and six other persons who could read +and set them up upon the High Cross, ordering them to read the +registrar’s papers. Morland got hold of the King’s commission, but +before he could make it out, the other people on the Cross, terrified by +the hideous clamour of the crowd below, threw down the papers that they +held, “and every man below got a piece of them, and hurled them into the +fire.” + +Meanwhile Frankishe and Henneage had been brought to the market-place, +and the people forced the former to climb up to the highest part of the +Cross by a ladder. The poor man no doubt believed they would hang him, +and when he was on a level with Morland, he whispered, “For the Passion +of Christ, priest, save my life; and as for the books that be already +brent I pass not of them, so as a little book of reckonings ... might be +saved, and also the King’s Commission.” Morland promised to do his best, +took the book of reckonings, and, escaping from the Cross, succeeded in +handing the commission to Henneage. The commons cried out that Frankishe +must burn the papers himself, which he did. Then they demanded what book +it was that Morland carried; with great difficulty he persuaded them to +let him keep it. Then, worn out by the fatigues of the morning, he went +and had a drink. But when he attempted to restore the book to the +registrar, he was set upon by three or four hundred commons, who called +him “false, perjured harlot to the commons for saving that book, for +therein was contained that thing which should do them most tene (harm).” +The book was torn from him, and eventually came to the hands of Captain +Cobbler. Morland went to the registrar, explained what had happened, had +dinner with him, the registrar paying, and helped to smuggle him out of +the town. After this his friends warned him that his life was not safe +for the present, so for the rest of the day he kept away from the +commons[429]. + +Sixty parish priests who had assembled at Louth for the visitation were +now compelled to take the oath to the commons, and also to swear to ring +the common bells of their parishes and raise the people[430]. The heads +of the town, who were still in the town-hall, were summoned “by the name +of churls” to come and take the oath to God, the King, and the commons +for the wealth of Holy Church. Some forty of the rebels set out for +Legbourne, a small nunnery about two miles away, where the royal +commissioners were then at work. By the way they met one of Cromwell’s +servants, John Bellowe, who was especially detested by all the country. +Some of the commons, returning with him to Louth, met Sir William +Skipwith of Ormsby, whom they took back with them and compelled to take +their oath[431]. Captain Cobbler asserted that Sir William came in of +his own free will[432], but this is very improbable, as he had obtained +a grant of Markby Priory[433], and whatever the attitude of other +gentlemen may have been, he was probably entirely opposed to the rising. +After taking the oath he was allowed to go home[434]. + +The rest of the band went on to Legbourne, and there took the +commissioners and their servants, William Eleyn, John Browne, Thomas +Manby, and John Milsent[435]. They returned to Louth, taking on their +way one George Parker at the town’s end. The prisoners were very roughly +handled, “all the country crying to kill Bellowe.”[436] He and Milsent +were put in the stocks, and afterwards cast into prison in the custody +of Robert Browne, from which they were released a fortnight later by +Suffolk’s orders[437]. So intense was the hatred which they inspired +that a report flew about the country that one or other of them had been +blinded, wrapped in a raw cowhide, and baited to death with dogs. This +story was reported to the King on 6 October[438], and was frequently +repeated, but it is evidently untrue, for none of the rebels were +examined about the alleged murder, and the two men were afterwards +released. + +While the prisoners were being brought in, Henneage had found an +opportunity of slipping away; in his flight he met Guy Kyme at the +town’s end, returning from Grimsby[439], but would scarcely stop to +speak to him for fear of the commons[440]. If Kyme was already in +communication with the disaffected in Yorkshire, he probably brought +news that they were not yet ready to rise, and that the outbreak must be +put off a week or so; but if this was his message he came too late. He +went into the town and tried to stay the commons, and his +representations were supported by others, but it was impossible to draw +back. Captain Cobbler, when urged to make no more business, replied that +“he had otherwise appointed,”[441] while Thomas Noble bade Kyme speak of +no stay or they would kill him[442]. The last event of this tumultuous +day was a proclamation from the High Cross that all the men of the +neighbourhood between the ages of sixteen and sixty must assemble there +on the morrow[443]. + +The news of the rising at Louth was received the same day by Sir Edward +Madeson and Lord Clinton, who sent it on to Lord Hussey[444]. The +commissioners for the subsidy, of whom Madeson was one, had intended to +sit at Caistor next day, but they arranged by messenger to meet outside +the town to see how events were shaping before they began to sit[445]. +The priests who had been sworn at Louth carried the news all over the +countryside. + +On Tuesday 3 October Caistor was filled with the constables and head men +of the wapentakes, who had come to meet the commissioners of the +subsidy, and with priests who had come to attend the commissary’s court, +to be held there that day. The commissioners held their preliminary +meeting on Caistor Hill, while in the town itself Anthony Williamson, +Harry Pennell and others “proclaimed aloud that the justices had a +commission from the King to take all men’s harness from them and bring +it to the castle of Bolingbroke.” The commons declared that they would +not give up their weapons. They went to the church and demanded of the +priests, who were assembled there “to the number of eight score,” +whether they would take the commons’ part. The priests received them +enthusiastically, went with them to the market-place, and with their own +hands burnt their books. The commons had already chosen George Hudswell +to be their leader, and the whole body of commons and priests marched +out to Caistor Hill to speak with the justices[446]. + +When they first assembled the commissioners believed Caistor to be quite +peaceful[447], but presently news was brought of a new factor in the +situation. The town of Louth had been astir since dawn; the common bell +rang and the people assembled, prepared to set out for Caistor, as had +been agreed the night before[448]. Four spiritual men, of whom William +Morland was one, and four laymen were chosen as their leaders, and they +marched off[449]. The justices on Caistor Hill heard that 10,000 men +were advancing upon them[450], a grossly exaggerated rumour, as there +were really not more than 3000[451]. Their first idea was flight, but, +at the suggestion of Mr Dalison, before setting out, they sent to summon +the commons of Caistor to meet them, so that they might explain why the +commission would not sit and urge them to go home before the arrival of +the men from Louth. The insurgents in Caistor would not come, but a +number of people had collected round the commissioners, a hundred or +more. To these they explained that the subsidy was to be assessed by the +people themselves, and that the rumours about robbing and pulling down +churches were false. Their eloquence did not make much impression, for +by this time the church bells of Caistor were ringing against them; and +when the people of Louth came in sight the commissioners turned their +horses and fled[452]. + +The Louth company would have come up sooner if they had not paused to +decide whether or no they should send on a hundred of their number to +confer with the justices. When it came to the point none of the +commonalty would consent to stay behind, but about a dozen of the best +mounted, with Morland among them, rode forward. On Caistor Hill they met +about 1000 men from Caistor “without weapons, but as they were wont to +do riding to markets and fairs.” While the two parties were discussing +the situation, they saw a company of about twenty horsemen, making for +the house of Sir William Askew, one of the commissioners. The +well-horsed men of Louth rode after them, and asked them to return and +speak to the commons for certain matters which they had in hand. Sir +William Askew was doubtful: “Trowest thou that if I should come amongst +them I should do any good, and be in surety of my life?” he asked. +Morland replied, “Let two of your servants lead me between them, and if +they do any hurt to your person then let me be the first that shall +die.” This, however, was not a very good security, as Sir William’s +servants were clearly on the side of the commons, and one of them +indignantly pointed out to Morland that as they talked Sir Thomas +Missenden had slipped away and escaped among the furze. Sir William +Askew, Sir Edward Madeson and Mr Booth went back with them to the main +body and were all sworn at once. Others of the commons had captured Sir +Robert Tyrwhit[453] and Thomas Portington[454], but Lord Borough, whom +they were particularly anxious to take, escaped, having a swift horse, +and so did Thomas Moigne. In their disappointment the commons turned on +Borough’s unfortunate servant Nicholas, crying that he had warned his +master. Morland says: “there were so many striking at him as he never +saw man escape such danger. At last when he had fled evermore backward +from them almost a quarter of a mile, saving himself always among the +horsemen, he was stricken down by the footmen of Louth and Loutheske.” +Morland went to him, confessed him, and had him conveyed to a safe place +and attended by surgeons, but he seems to have died of his +injuries[455]. + +The captured gentlemen asked why the commons were making this +insurrection. John Porman, a gentleman, replied “with a loud voice,” +that the commons were willing to take the King as Supreme Head of the +Church and that he should have the first fruits and tenths of every +benefice and also the subsidy granted to him; but he must take no more +money of the commons during his life and suppress no more abbeys; also +Cromwell, and the heretic Bishops of Canterbury, Lincoln, Rochester, +Ely, Worcester and Dublin (Cranmer, Longland, Hilsey, Goodrich, Latimer +and Browne) must be given up to the commons[456]. This answer seems to +embody the demands of the commons themselves, untouched by the influence +of the clergy or the gentlemen. They cared little for theological +questions, but opposed Cromwell’s reckless spoliations. + +The insurgents carried their prisoners back to Caistor in triumph[457]. +By this time their ranks had been swelled by companies from the +neighbouring villages. The men of Rasen, Fulstow, Kermounde, Rothwell, +and Thoresway were there. In the evening the main body, taking the +gentlemen with them, returned to Louth[458]. + +Tyrwhit, Askew, Portington and Madeson supped at Guy Kyme’s house, and +after supper were desired to write a letter to the King, begging for a +general pardon. It ran as follows: + + “Pleasith your highnes these be to advertise youre grace that this + thirde day of october we by the vertue of your graciouse commission + directe unto us and other for the levacion of your secund payment of + the subsidie to your grace graunted by acte of parliament assembled us + togeders at the towne of Caster within your countie of Lincoln for the + execucion of the same. Wthere were assembled at oure cummyng within a + myle of the seid towne xxiim of your trewe and faithefull (_lege peple + crossed out_) subgietts and moo by oure estimmacion and the causion of + ther said assemble was as they affirmed unto us that the comon voce + and fame was that all the Jewells and goods of the Churches of the + countrey shuld be taken from them and brought to your gracez councell + and also that your seid lovyng and faithful subgets shulde be put of + newe to enhaunsements and other importunate charges. Whiche they were + not able to bere by reason of extreme pouertie and upon the same they + did swere us first to be true to your grace and to take ther parts in + off the comon welthe and so conveid us with them from the seid Caster + unto the towne of Louth XII myles distante from the same (_mark of + omission but no insertion_) where as we yet remayne unto they knowe + forther of your graciouse plesure humbly besechyng youre grace to be + good and graciouse boith to them and us to send us your graciouse + letters of generall pardon orells we be in suche daunger that we be + never like to se your grace nor owre owen houses as this berer can + shewe to whom we beseche your highnes to gyff ferther credence. And + ferther your seid subgietts haith desired us to writte to your grace + that they be yours bodies lands and goods at all tymes where your + grace shall commande (_torn_) for the defense of your person or your + realme[459]. + + Robt tyrwhyte Willim Ayscugh + Edward Madeson + Thomas Portyngton.” + +When this letter had been read to the commons, Sir Edward Madeson and +John Henneage were despatched after midnight to take it up to +London[460]. Many other messengers were hurrying through Lincolnshire +that night. Lord Borough, who had taken refuge at a friend’s house, sent +off news of the rising to the King[461], to the Earl of Shrewsbury at +Sheffield Park[462], who was the nearest representative of the royal +authority, and to Lord Darcy in Yorkshire[463]. Thomas Moigne sent a +message to Lord Hussey from his bailiff’s house at Usselby, where he had +taken refuge[464]. Lord Hussey wrote back asking for further news[465], +and despatched a messenger to warn the mayor of Lincoln[466]. + +After sending to Hussey, Moigne ventured to go home to Wyfflingham, +where his wife was lying dangerously ill. He found that all the commons +of the neighbourhood had joined those of Louth. He therefore ordered his +bows and arrows to be brought out. Word of this reached the commons, and +for his wife’s sake he was obliged to write to Sir William Askew for +protection. The house was watched and it was impossible for him to +escape[467]. + +On Wednesday, 4 October, the gentlemen who were held in captivity at +Louth persuaded the commons that they could do nothing more till an +answer was received to the letter they had sent to the King; and they +were so successful that Sir William Askew sent a message to Thomas +Moigne, which he received at 7 a.m., that he might keep the great court +next day at the Isle of Axholme. The lull, however, did not last long. +The bailiff of Wyfflingham presently came to tell Moigne that warning +bells were being rung at Rasen, and that the towns around were ringing +in answer. Moigne directed him to do nothing, and the reason of the +alarm was soon explained. A body of men arrived from Rasen bringing with +them Sir William Askew’s two sons and George Eton, a servant of Lord +Hussey[468]. Eton had been captured at Rasen, and two letters were found +in his possession, one from Lord Hussey to Tyrwhit and Askew, offering +to help to stay the country[469], the other from the mayor of Lincoln in +answer to Hussey’s offer of help[470]. These letters infuriated the +commons so much that they very nearly killed their three captives,—in +fact a report went about the country that Eton had been killed[471]. +They were now being taken to Louth, and the men of Rasen insisted that +Moigne must take the oath and go with them. + +They arrived at Louth after mass; Moigne had tried to persuade them on +the way to keep the letters secret, but they refused to do so, though he +prevailed upon them to conceal the name of the messenger. As soon as +their contents were known, the people rushed to the church and rang the +common bell, in spite of the efforts made to stop them by Morland and +the gentlemen. A rumour spread that Lord Borough was coming over Rasen +Moor with 15,000 men to destroy them. This increased the tumult, but at +length the gentlemen prevailed on the mob to muster at Julian Bower, +where they were to be divided into wapentakes and to choose +captains[472]. Morland was despatched to find out if there was any truth +in the report about Lord Borough[473]. After Morland had gone, Sir +Andrew Bilsby and Mr Edward Forsett were brought in by the men of +Alford[474]. The newcomers believed the report about Lord Borough, and +assured the gentlemen of it, but the commons’ alarm was now appeased and +they were induced to go to their dinners. The gentlemen hoped that Lord +Borough might arrive without bloodshed. In the afternoon the host +assembled again, and was divided into wapentakes, each having for +captain the commissioner who dwelt in it[475]. It was agreed that they +should muster next day and march on Lincoln, though the gentlemen +opposed the advance as far as they dared[476]. Letters were written to +Lord Hussey and to the mayor of Lincoln, calling upon them to take part +with the commons[477]. At supper-time Morland returned from Horncastle +with grave news. It was true that the report about Lord Borough was +unfounded, but Horncastle had risen, with evil results[478]. + +As early as Saturday 30 September unrest had manifested itself at +Horncastle[479]. The outbreak came on Tuesday 3 October in response to +the summons of Nicholas Leache, parson of Belchford, and his brother +William. The men of Horncastle marched to Scrivelsby Hall, and took Sir +Robert Dymmoke, his sons, one of whom was the sheriff, Mr Dighton of +Sturton, and Mr Sanderson. Sir William Sandon was also at the Hall, but +refused at first to obey the commons’ summons, until by threats he was +forced to come “with his cap in his hand.” In revenge for his delay the +commons carried him to Horncastle and imprisoned him in the Moot Hall. +This so far intimidated him that he went with the company to bring in +Thomas Littlebury and Sir John Copledike. Another party from Horncastle +went to Bolingbroke, where they found Dr Raynes, the obnoxious +chancellor of the Bishop, ill at a chantry priest’s house[480]. They +made him take the oath “lying sick in bed,” and spent the night there. +Apparently their first intention was to carry him to Horncastle, but he +was saved for the moment, partly by his servant, partly by bribing his +assailants[481]. + +The commons assembled at Horncastle early in the morning on Wednesday 4 +October under the command of Edward Dymmoke, the sheriff, and despatched +two messengers, one to Bolingbroke to order the commons there to bring +in Dr Raynes and another priest called the surveyor, and the other to +Louth to ask for news of Lord Borough[482]. They mustered in a field +near the town, whither the chancellor was brought by one Gibson and John +Lincoln of Hagnaby, “a very rich man.”[483] His appearance was greeted +with a yell of hatred,—he was torn from his horse, set upon, and slain +with staves. His clothes and the money in his purse were divided among +the crowd by the sheriff[484]. The murder was the work of a frenzied +mob, and probably many took part in it. The names of three are +preserved,—William Hutchinson, William Balderstone and Brian Stonys. The +last named, in his deposition, laid the blame of the murder on the +priests and parsons in the crowd, declaring that they cried continually +“Kill him!” and that after he was slain “every parson and vicar in the +field counselled their parishioners to proceed in their journey, saying +they should lack neither gold nor silver.”[485] As Stonys, by his own +confession, was one of the murderers, his statement about the parsons +and vicars cannot be considered very reliable, as he may have been +trying to win a pardon by accusing those who were obnoxious to the +government. But it must be acknowledged that the character of the +Lincolnshire clergy does not appear to have been very high. William +Morland said that when he heard they were to be examined in their +learning he was glad, “thinking he might happen to succeed to the room +of some of the unlettered parsons.” He also said that “certain lewd +priests of those parts, fearing they should lose their benefices, spread +such rumours to persuade the common people that they also should be as +ill handled.”[486] This contemptuous way of speaking may have been +partly due to the slight esteem in which the regulars often held the +secular clergy; but besides this there is evidence that at least one of +the vicars had used threatening language against the chancellor before +the rising began[487]. In short it seems fairly clear that the clergy +who were present at his death did nothing to help him, and were on the +whole pleased by it. + +The sheriff and Sir John Copledike were present when Raynes was killed, +and Morland, the messenger from Louth, arrived just in time to see +William Leache go to them and the other gentlemen and ask them to +deliver up to the commons Thomas Wolsey, who had been a servant of +Cardinal Wolsey, in exchange for Stephen Haggar. Wolsey was accused of +being a spy and was promptly hanged, in spite of Morland’s intercession +on his behalf[488]. + +The gentlemen were not present while this was taking place; they had +withdrawn about a mile, but after a time they returned and read out a +list of articles which they had drawn up, expressing the grievances of +the insurgents. The first two needed no explanation,—they required that +the King should remit the subsidy and let the abbeys stand. The next was +not so intelligible, as it expressed a grievance which affected only the +upper classes. The sheriff therefore addressed the crowd as follows: + + “Masters, there is a statute made whereby all persons be restrained to + make their wills upon their lands, for now the eldest son must have + all his father’s lands, and no person to the payment of his debt, + neither to the advancement of his daughters’ marriages, can do nothing + with their lands, nor cannot give his youngest son any lands.” + +The commons had not before heard of the Statute of Uses, but when it was +explained to them in this way they were quite willing to include an +article requesting its repeal. The gentlemen next demanded of the people +whether they would ask for the heads of the lord Cromwell, four or five +bishops, the Master of the Rolls[489], and the Chancellor of the +Augmentations[490], “saying to them the lord Cromwell was a false +traitor and that he and the same bishops, the Master of the Rolls, and +the Chancellor of the Augmentations, whom they called two false pen +clerks, were the devisers of all the false laws. And the commons asked +the gentlemen, ‘Masters, if ye have them, would that mend the matter?’ +And the gentlemen said, ‘Yea, for these be the doers of all mischief.’” +When these articles had been read, George Staines addressed the commons, +saying, “Masters, ye see that in all the time we have been absent from +you we have not been idle. How like ye these articles? If they please +you, say yea. If not, ye shall have them amended.” “The commons held up +their hands and said with a loud voice, ‘We like them very well’;” +whereupon Staines wrote them out “upon his saddle-bow.” He was believed +to be the deviser of the articles, which superseded other lists drawn up +before. A copy was given to Morland to carry back to Louth[491]. + +A message was brought by two of Lord Hussey’s servants, offering redress +if any of the commissioners had exceeded their commission, and +requesting the insurgents to send a deputation to speak with him[492]. +The servants were asked whether Hussey was not raising the country +against them; they replied it was a false tale[493]. No doubt they dared +not tell the truth, which was that Hussey had sent messages to stay +Holland, and was in communication with Lord Borough, whom he had +promised to meet at Lincoln with 300 men[494]. The men of Horncastle, +however, were satisfied. They made the messengers take the oath and kept +them all night; but they sent three or four men to speak with +Hussey[495]. By the time they arrived he had discovered that he could +not trust his tenants, for when he sent bidding them to come and advise +with him, they replied they had more need of his advice and stayed at +home[496]. The only answer he could return to the Horncastle men was +that he would not be false to his prince, but he could do nothing +against them, as none of his people would take his part[497]. The +messengers spent the night at Sleaford, and returned next day to +Horncastle. On their arrival Hussey’s servants were sent home[498]. + +On Wednesday evening the man who had been sent to Louth came back to +Horncastle in time to see the bodies of Raynes and Wolsey “burying in +the churchyard.”[499] + +William Morland had therefore plenty of news when he returned to Louth +at supper-time. The gentlemen appointed twelve men to be sent to Lord +Hussey and then went to bed meditating upon the murder of Raynes and +Wolsey, the Articles of the commons, and the answer of Lord Hussey. Nor +was the excitement even then at an end, for about midnight there was a +fresh alarm. The commons cried that the gentlemen had betrayed them, and +that they would kill them in their beds. However in the end they +resolved to prove them further, and the disturbance passed over[500]. + +The rising was now no mere local affair. The news of the chancellor’s +murder flew far and wide, and was the signal for a general arming. +Beacons were burnt along the south side of the Humber, which were seen +and understood in Yorkshire[501], and at 3 a.m. on Thursday morning it +was reported at Beverley that all Lincolnshire was up from Barton to +Lincoln[502]. Any gentleman who stayed at home was liable to be seized +by his tenants to be their captain. The people were particularly anxious +that the monks, for whom they were taking up arms, should share their +risks and expenses, and messages were sent to the greater monasteries, +which had not yet been touched by the King. The turn affairs were taking +was known by Wednesday at Barlings[503]; at Bardney[504], where the +abbot and his company were required to go with the commons; at +Kirkstead[505], where the abbot was told that if he and his monks came +not forth the house should be burnt over their heads, “upon which word, +about 4 of the clock in the evening the abbot, cellarer, bursar, and all +the monks of the abbey able to go, 17 in all, went to the outer gate +where they met a servant of the abbey, who said the host had pardoned +them for that night, but they must be at Horncastle next day at 11 +o’clock”;[506] and at Grimsby, where “at night, when the commons came +home, Leonard Curtis came past the (Austin) Friars’ gate in a coat of +fence covered with leather, and with a long spear in his hand, and said +to two friars there, ‘It were alms to set your house of fire; therefore +command your prior that you come tomorrow.’ They desired him to go in +himself, and so he did, and commanded the prior to have his friars ready +when called, and afterwards the ‘sargyn’ brought the same command.”[507] + +The need for captains was much felt by the commons in some parts, and +led to the first appearance of Robert Aske among the rebels. Before +Michaelmas the three Aske brothers had been staying at Ellerker in +Yorkswold with their sister Agnes and her husband William Ellerker. +Young Sir Ralph Ellerker was expected at the beginning of October for +some fox-hunting, but he was prevented from coming by his duties as +commissioner of the subsidy, so Robert Aske set out for London, in order +to be there about the beginning of the law term, accompanied by Robert +Aske, his brother John’s eldest son, and another nephew. They crossed +the Humber at Barton, five miles from Ellerker, and heard from the +ferryman of the commons’ rising and the capture of the commissioners. On +landing they set out for Sawcliff, eight miles away, to spend the night +at the house of Thomas Portington. They had only gone two miles when +they were stopped at Ferriby by George Hudswell and a band of horsemen, +who made them take the usual oath—to be true to God, the King and the +Commonwealth. They were allowed to go to Sawcliff, where they found that +Thomas Portington had been taken by the commons and was still with them. +On this Aske became anxious to go back to Yorkshire, but on his way to +the nearest ferry some of the commons met with him “and so intreat him +that he was glad to repair again to Sawcliff.” There he passed the +night—that is the night of Wednesday 4 October[508]. + +On Thursday 5 October the rebels were early astir. Before daybreak a +party of them appeared at Sawcliff, came to Robert Aske’s bedside and +insisted that he and his three nephews[509] should instantly go with +them. Aske induced them to let the three young men go into Yorkshire +because two of them was heir apparents. But it seems possible there were +more pressing reasons than mere humanity; did Aske send no messages by +them? The commons carried him off to join a company of some two hundred +men who were mustering within three miles of Sawcliff and had no +gentlemen or captains. They spent the morning in raising Kirton Soke, +which had been warned against them ineffectively by Lord Borough. Aske +went along Humber side with the horsemen while the footmen went inland, +and they met again at Kirton at three in the afternoon[510]. The +meeting-place appointed for all the different bands that day was +Hambleton Hill, where in the afternoon assembled the host of Yarborough +Hundred under command of Sir Robert Tyrwhit[511]; Thomas Moigne with 200 +men[512]; the men of Louth, who had mustered at Towse Athyenges (Towse +of the Lynge) Heath[513], and those of Horncastle, who had met between +Horncastle and Scrivelsby[514]. The last named brought with them a silk +banner with Lyon Dymmoke’s arms, which they had taken out of Horncastle +church the day before[515]. All the monks of Kirkstead, except the +abbot, joined the host, the cellarer and the bursar mounted and with +battle-axes, the rest on foot. Their serving-men were also carried off +by the rebels. The bursar brought money and provisions, and they were +all welcomed by the sheriff. The entire muster was estimated to be +10,000 strong. On their way one company had come upon Francis Stonar, +priest and surveyor to Lady Willoughby, perhaps the surveyor whom the +people of Horncastle wanted to take the day before. He was roughly used, +but the gentlemen saved his life, and he ransomed himself by paying £100 +to their funds[516]. When all had met at Hambleton Hill the general +voice was to march on Lincoln, but Moigne made a speech reminding the +people that now was the time to sow wheat and till the fields for the +next year, and he therefore advised them to send only a small number +forward to represent them. Just then he was told that Nicholas +Girlington, Robert Askew, and one Aske wished to speak with him. He knew +the two former, and also knew that Aske was a lawyer. Believing they +would be on the side of peace, he wished to speak to them alone, but the +commons would not allow it[517]. He told Aske that they would lie that +night at Rasen Wood, and next day at Dunholm Heath, and directed the +commons of Kirton to meet them at Dunholm. Aske took this message to his +company at Kirton. He spent the night at Sawcliff and did not rejoin the +Kirton men again[518]. + +The host marched from Hambleton Hill to Market Rasen, and there it +became necessary to make arrangements for the night. Some slept in the +fields about the town, others made themselves more comfortable. A party +led by Edmund, “old Lady Tailbois’ chaplain,” was advancing to the +meeting-place when they met Matthew Mackerell, Abbot of Barlings[519], +between Barlings monastery and Barlings Grange. They made him lodge them +for the night and he gave them beef and bread and “the meat that was on +the spit for his brethren’s supper.” Numbers of men entered forcibly and +slept in the chambers of the monastery and “on the hay mowes” in the +barns. The two leaders, whose names Mackerell did not know, commanded +him to join them with all his brethren. The abbot offered to go with +them and sing a litany; he pointed out that it was contrary to his vow +to wear harness, yet the leaders still swore he should go. They +terrified him so much that when he turned to the altar to hear mass, he +trembled till “he could unnethe say his service.” In answer to their +threats he gave them each a crown to buy horses. Thomas Kirton of +Scotherne then came in, and said that he had met a band of horsemen +coming to burn the monastery, but that he had saved it by showing them +the men sleeping in the hay. He brought a message from Mr Thomas +Littlebury, who advised the abbot to please “this ungracious company”; +and he alarmed the poor abbot still more by telling him how “Mr +Sampoull, a man of four score,” had been taken from his bed to be sworn +and forced to send his son with them[520]. + +If things were moving fast in Lincolnshire, they were not standing still +in London. Madeson and Henneage, who had left Louth at midnight on +Tuesday 3 October, arrived at court about 9 a.m. on Wednesday 4 +October[521]. They brought the first definite news of the outbreak. The +King at once perceived that the matter was grave. So great was his +anxiety that it even overcame his pride, and he sent, very reluctantly, +for the Duke of Norfolk, who was living at Kenninghall in Norfolk, in a +state of semi-disgrace for his opposition to Cromwell. The gentlemen in +attendance at court were ordered to make ready to march against the +insurgents under the command of Richard Cromwell, the Lord Privy Seal’s +nephew. Horses were pressed for them by the Lord Mayor of London, who +went from stable to stable, taking the horses of both foreign merchants +and citizens. This vigorous measure aroused indignation, and as the King +did not permit much to be said about the rising in Lincolnshire, the +sufferers were told that the Count of Nassau was coming on a visit to +England with a great company of men but no horses[522]. The King’s +uneasiness could only be increased by the letters which must have +arrived on Wednesday evening from Hussey to Cromwell[523], enclosing the +commons’ summons to him, and from the Earl of Shrewsbury[524], who sent +word of Lord Borough’s flight and the commons’ threats to destroy his +house at Gainsborough if he would not return and lead them[525]. The +Earl had sent out notices to the neighbouring gentlemen, summoning them +to assemble on Thursday at Mansfield with as many men as they could +collect to march against the rebels[526]. + +The King pressed on the preparations in London as fast as possible. He +was said to distrust the city, and took from it men and horses to +strengthen not only his army but also the Tower “which is his last +refuge.” This action shows the uncertainty under which he laboured: he +did not know how much he might have to fear. His daughters, Mary and +Elizabeth, were summoned to court, as if he felt it was not safe to let +them be out of his sight, and Mary was treated with more kindness and +respect than she had known for a long time. “Madame Marie is now the +first after the Queen, and sits at table opposite her, a little lower +down, after first having given the napkin for washing to the King and +Queen.” It was said that when the first news of the rebellion came Queen +Jane threw herself on her knees before the King and implored him to +restore the abbeys, saying that this was a judgment for their putting +down. “But he told her, prudently enough, to get up, and he had often +told her not to meddle with his affairs, referring to the late queen, +which was enough to frighten a woman who is not very secure.”[527] + +Letters missive were sent out to summon musters[528], and a proclamation +was issued to delay for a year the enforcement of the statute regulating +the size of woollen cloths, in order to appease the discontent among the +clothmakers[529]. The only person really pleased by the news was the +Duke of Norfolk. He did not believe the disturbance was anything of +importance and doubted that the rebels could raise 5000 men, but he +hoped that he could use the opportunity to overthrow Cromwell and bring +himself back into favour. Consequently he hurried up to court on the 5th +in very good spirits[530]. + +Cromwell, on the first coming of the news, despatched two emissaries of +his own to Lincolnshire to gather information[531]. They were Sir +Marmaduke Constable and Robert Tyrwhit[532]. With them went John +Henneage, who had carried the commons’ first petition to the King[533]. +At 9 o’clock on Thursday morning they reached Stilton and sent in their +first report. The commons were said to have been 10,000 strong on +Tuesday. Their oath was repeated to the writers by “an honest priest” +who had been forced to take it. It ran: “Ye shall swear to be true to +Almighty God, to Christ’s Catholic Church, to our Sovereign Lord the +King, and unto the Commons of this realm; so help you God and Holydam +and by this book.” Constable and Tyrwhit had delivered the letters of +summons to several of the gentlemen. They intended to push on to +Lincoln, sending a letter to the Lord Steward (Shrewsbury) from +Stamford[534]. At eight o’clock that night they wrote again from +Ancaster. They had learnt that the rebels were now over 20,000 and +expected to be in Lincoln on Saturday. Their petition was that they +might receive pardon for rising, that holydays might be kept as before, +that the religious houses might stand, and that they might be taxed no +more; “they would also fain have you,” i.e. Cromwell. The messengers +were on their way to Lord Hussey[535]. They arrived at Sleaford late at +night, and delivered their letter[536], but they found Lord Hussey quite +unable to carry out the orders it contained. He had sent forward some +armed servants to Colwick, close to Nottingham, intending to follow +them, but when the people heard that he was about to leave them they +rang the common bell and about a hundred assembled outside his gate and +refused to disperse until they had seen him, crying, “Alas, we shall be +brent and spoiled, and all for lack of aid.” Lord Hussey came out and +asked what they wanted. They answered, “Aid,” saying he was their only +aid and that they heard he would leave them. He replied he would come +and go as he pleased, and “‘bade them walk home, knaves,’ trusting to +see them hanged shortly.” He noticed one Bug “with a bill in his hand” +and asked what he wanted. Bug answered, “In faith, my lord, to take your +part, to live and die with you.” Hussey called him “a naughty busy +knave,” and sent them all away “amazed,” but they declared they would +not let him go, and watched his house[537]. Cromwell’s messengers dared +not stay in this dangerous neighbourhood, and left Sleaford at +midnight[538]. Then they separated, Henneage and Tyrwhit going back to +the King, while Constable went on towards Yorkshire. They left with +Hussey several letters for the knights and gentlemen, who had been +“taken” by the commons[539]. + +Next morning, Friday 6 October, Hussey wrote to Shrewsbury, saying that +he was so beset that he could not leave his house, though he was anxious +to join the King’s forces, asking for orders, and promising to escape +whenever he could[540]. He sent this off by a trusty servant and at the +same time despatched another servant, George Cutler, to the Louth +rebels, with a reply to the deputation which had waited on him the day +before. Cutler was also to deliver the letters to the gentlemen with the +host, and Hussey bid him “say anything to get himself away.”[541] The +host was marching from Market Rasen to Lincoln, but they had not gone +two miles when disputes broke out. The gentlemen complained that the +commons were unruly and said “they should be ordered whether they would +or no”; in the end the commons submitted and the host went on. A rumour +spread that Lord Borough would join them that day, and though there was +no truth in it the commons were much encouraged[542]. The next halt was +at Dunholm Lings, where the men of Kirton Soke were waiting, as Aske and +Moigne had appointed[543]. Here Cutler came to them[544]. Perhaps the +gentlemen were not too well pleased to receive the King’s letters at +such a time. At any rate Sir William Askew questioned Cutler as to +whether Lord Hussey were at home and would take their part; he replied +that “he and all his house were at the commons’ command.”[545] In spite +of this prudent answer he was carried to Lincoln with the host[546]. The +rebels had sent on a party before them to prepare lodgings in the town, +and when they arrived they were well received. The officers of the city +gave orders that provisions should be sold to them at reasonable +rates[547]. They had so far been without artillery, but in Lincoln they +found some guns which, it was believed, had come from Grimsby[548]; had +these anything to do with Guy Kyme’s business at Grimsby the week +before? + +The gentlemen lodged in the Close and the commons in the town[549]. The +first to arrive was the company from Louth, and they were joined by the +commons of the city with whom they spent a pleasant time in spoiling the +palace of the hated Bishop[550]. The host of Horncastle came to Lincoln +either this day or early on the morrow. On the march the Abbot of +Barlings had met them at Langwith Lane End. In reply to repeated orders +he brought them “beer, bread, cheese and six bullocks,” and was +accompanied by his brethren. When he had given the provisions to the +sheriff, he begged that he and his monks might be allowed to go home, +but the leaders resolved that six of them must go with the host next +day, “seeing they were tall men.” The abbot was given a passport +permitting him to gather victuals for the commons; his secret intention, +as he said, was to use this to slip out of the country[551]. + +The sheriff summoned the people of Boston to meet “the great host” at +Ancaster on Sunday 8 October[552]. On receiving this letter the whole of +Holland rose, and the gentlemen were compelled to take the oath, under +pain of having their goods seized. Two thousand men rose in Boston, and +it was believed that the whole number of the rebels was 40,000 +“harnessed men and naked men clad in bends of leather.” Those who were +latest to rise said “they would do as their neighbours did, for they +could not die in a better quarrel than God’s and the King’s.” The list +of grievances which they presented to the gentlemen was not quite the +same as the one drawn up at Horncastle. The reforms which they desired +were (1) that the Church of England should have its old accustomed +privileges without any exaction; (2) that suppressed houses of religion +should be restored, “except such houses as the King hath suppressed for +his pleasure only”; (3) that the bishops of Canterbury, Rochester, +Lincoln, Ely, Bishop Latimer and others and the Lord Privy Seal, the +Master of the Rolls, and the Chancellor of the Augmentations, should be +delivered up to the commons, or else banished the realm; (4) that the +King should demand no more money of his subjects except for the defence +of the realm[553]. + +Cromwell had sent Christopher Askew[554], one of the King’s gentlemen +ushers, to gather news. On Friday he reported that he had advanced into +the country as far as he dared, apparently to Spalding. His report is a +mixture of hearsay and fact; like the gentlemen of Holland he estimated +the number of the rebels at 40,000 or more,—10,000 or 12,000 well +harnessed, and 30,000 more, “some harnessed and some not.” The +journeymen were deserting their masters, and the towns were left +defenceless. “About Stamford, Spalding and Peterborough they are very +faint in rising against the rebels.” In fact they were readier to take +the other side, but Mr Harrington showed them the King’s commission and +they were pacified and glad that the King was coming. Askew advised that +more commissions of this kind should be sent. The people murmured among +themselves that if they held not together they would be undone, “for it +is reported that they shall pay a third part of their goods to the King +and be sworn what they are worth, and if they swear untruly other men +will have their goods.” He had heard the rumours that some had gone to +burn Lord Borough’s house, and that Bellowe had been baited to death. He +also said “they have made a nun in your abbey Legbourn and an abbot at +Louth Park.” But this seems to be a mistake, for, unlike the Yorkshire +rebels, the commons of Lincolnshire made no attempt to restore the +suppressed houses. Mr Harrington had commanded the Prior of Spalding to +raise as many men as he could for the King, “and he answered he was a +spiritual man and would make none.” Askew had heard that Hussey’s +tenants would not rise for him, and it was said he would be taken that +night[555]. + +The last report was well founded. Hussey’s servant Cutler met a spy of +Shrewsbury’s when the rebels took him to Lincoln. Perhaps he did not +know this man as a friend; at any rate he told him that Hussey was about +to join the rebels[556]. He managed to leave the town that night and +warned his master that the gentlemen were going to send to bring him +in[557]. Thanks to this news Hussey escaped in the night disguised as a +priest[558]. He was just in time, for on Saturday 7 October the host at +Lincoln sent out several bands to find and bring in gentlemen[559]. Five +hundred men under Sir Christopher Askew were despatched for Lord +Hussey[560]. Before they arrived, Anthony Irebye, one of the +commissioners of Holland, brought to Sleaford a troop of about eight +score men which he had raised to serve the King. He found that Hussey +had fled, but in obedience to a letter from him the little troop +afterwards joined the King’s forces[561]. When Sir Christopher Askew +reached Sleaford he was met by the principal people of the town, +including Robert Carre, who begged him not to spoil their houses. Sir +Christopher promised to protect them, and made them join his company. +Hearing that Lord Hussey had fled, the rebels began to cry, “Fire the +house!” but their captain spoke with Lady Hussey and satisfied his +followers by making her promise to follow her husband and bring him +back[562]. George Hudswell of Caistor was appointed to accompany her, +but they did not start that day[563]. After the company had set out for +Lincoln, a tempest of rain drove them back, and they took refuge from +the weather in the Bishop of Lincoln’s castle at Sleaford, where they +spent the night, doing much damage. Lady Hussey gave them +provisions,—beer, salt fish, and bread[564]. Next morning (Sunday 8 +October) she sent more food to them, and offered Sir Christopher twenty +angel nobles, which he refused to take[565]. While the rebels made their +way back to Lincoln, she and Hudswell set out in search of Lord Hussey, +whom they found at Colwick[566]. He refused to go with them to join the +rebels at Lincoln, and ordered them to follow him to Shrewsbury, who was +to hold a muster at Nottingham next day[567]. Hussey had received an +answer to his letter of the 6th which might well make him anxious. +Misled by the report of the spy who had been told by Cutler that Hussey +was wavering if not actually pledged to the rebels[568], Shrewsbury had +become suspicious of his loyalty. He wrote: “My lord, for the old +acquaintance and familiarity between us I will be plain with you. You +have always shown yourself an honourable and true gentleman, and no man +may do the King higher service in those parts by staying these misruled +persons and finding means to withdraw the gentlemen and men of substance +from among them, when the commons could do small hurt. For I assure you, +on my troth, all the King’s subjects of the counties of Derby, Salop, +Stafford, Worcester, Leicester and Northampton will be with me tomorrow +to the number of 40,000 and I trust you will keep us company.”[569] In +the face of these suspicions it is no wonder that Hussey was angry with +his wife when she implored him to return to the rebels. He rode to the +Lord Steward with what speed he might. + +The rebels stayed at Lincoln all Saturday. Early in the morning they +mustered at New Port, and it was agreed to send another letter to the +King, as no answer had been received to the first[570]. The men of +worship held a council at Mile Cross towards Nettleham apart from the +host, and drew up a new set of articles, because they considered those +made at Horncastle “wondrous unreasonable and foolish.”[571] As a matter +of fact the new articles seem to have differed very little from the old, +unless others had been inserted among the Horncastle articles besides +the four given above. The wandering bands brought in gentlemen from the +surrounding country,—Sir John Sutton, Robert Sutton and the +Disneys[572]. The Abbot of Barlings came with six of his canons, all in +harness; but he only delivered his men and went straight home +again[573]. Several monks came from Bardney[574], and those pressed at +Kirkstead were still with the host. + +On Sunday 8 October the host mustered at Lincoln; they had changed Lyon +Dymmoke’s banner for a white cloth to which was pinned a picture of the +Trinity painted on parchment[575]. The commons were growing impatient at +the delay, but the gentlemen were undecided as to what course of action +they should follow, and wished to hear more of the King’s preparations +before committing themselves to an advance. The great muster on Ancaster +Heath had been appointed for this day, but the gentlemen postponed it, +saying they must await the King’s answer[576]. + +The articles which had been prepared the day before were read aloud to +the whole host by George Staines, who offered himself as a messenger to +take them to the King[577]. No complete copy of these articles has been +preserved, but they seem to have been seven in number, as follows: + + (1) that the King should demand no more taxes of the nation, except in + time of war. + + (2) that the Statute of Uses should be repealed. + + (3) that the Church should enjoy its ancient liberties and that tenths + and first fruits should not be taken from the clergy by the + government. + + (4) that no more abbeys should be suppressed. + + (5) that the realm should be purged of heresy, and the heretic + bishops, such as Cranmer, Latimer, and Longland should be deprived and + punished. + + (6) that the King should take noblemen for his councillors, and give + up Cromwell, Riche, Legh and Layton to the vengeance of the commons, + or else banish them. + + (7) that all who had taken part in the insurrection should be + pardoned[578]. + +The host accepted the articles, but they were not yet despatched to the +King. + +The gentlemen had established themselves apart from the commons; their +lodgings were in the Close and their meeting-place was the Chapter House +of the Cathedral, where on Sunday evening they received two letters of +the greatest moment. The first was brought by William Woodmansey; it was +under the common seal of the town of Beverley and addressed to the +people of Lincolnshire. It informed them that, hearing of their rising, +the townsmen of Beverley had also taken up arms; they wished to know the +Lincolnshire articles and were ready to send help. The gentlemen were +obliged to reply, and wrote a letter enclosing the new articles. The +papers were entrusted to Guy Kyme and Thomas Donne, who probably set out +for Yorkshire with Woodmansey next morning. Meanwhile the news from +Beverley had spread, and the whole city of Lincoln was humming with +excitement. The commons’ one thought was to set forward without delay. +Their rear was safe,—why should they loiter? The leaders still insisted +that they must wait for the King’s reply. In the midst of these +discussions two more messengers arrived and came before the meeting in +the Chapter House. They were from Halifax, and brought word that their +country was up and ready to do as the men of Lincolnshire did. It was a +wonder that the gentlemen themselves were not carried away by the +surging enthusiasm of the commons. When they had already risked so much +they might in that moment of triumph have brought themselves to stake +all. But they still counselled prudence. They assured their followers +that it would be high treason to march against the King’s troops before +the King’s answer came. It speaks poorly for the intelligence of the +host that this ridiculous reason was enough to turn them from their +purpose. George Staines was at length despatched to London with the new +set of articles. The commons were heartily tired of Lincoln and +inaction, but they consented to stay there another day on the +understanding that they should be allowed to spoil the goods of any man +who did not join the host when summoned[579]. + + + NOTES TO CHAPTER V + + Note A. The conduct of the Percys in Northumberland was outrageous + enough, but, as good luck would have it, no one was murdered. Moreover + the Percys and the thieves of Tynedale were responsible for this, not + the gentlemen and commons of the county as a body. + + Note B. When one of the lesser monasteries was suppressed, the monks + were given a choice of two courses; they might either be transferred + to one of the large houses of the same Order, which was not yet + suppressed, or they might receive a paper from the King by which they + were released from their vows and received licence to begin life over + again as ordinary laymen. These were called “capacities.” + + Note C. Holinshed identified the Abbot of Barlings with Captain + Cobbler. There is no hint of this in any contemporary chronicle, and + the most cursory reference to the State Papers shows that it was a + mistake. Nevertheless the error has been very generally copied[580]. + + Note D. There is a curious story that Shrewsbury was very uneasy lest + he should be accused of treason for levying men to resist the rebels. + It is first told by Holinshed (1577), but no foundation for it can be + discovered in contemporary chronicles and documents. Holinshed + asserted that he had been told it by “men of good credit that were + then present.” According to this story, the Earl consulted his friends + and legal advisers as to whether he might lawfully muster men. They + replied that he might do so. He retorted, “Ye are fools. I know it in + substance to be treason, and I would think myself in a hard case, if I + thought I had not my pardon coming.” Thereupon he sent out orders for + the muster, and wrote to the King begging for a pardon. The King sent + him both a pardon and thanks. The men assembled expecting the Earl to + lead them to join the rebels, but he took a solemn oath before them + all that he was true to the King alone[581]. The baselessness of this + story appears when it is compared with Shrewsbury’s letters. On 4 Oct. + he sent news of the rising and asked for orders[582]; at the same time + he sent out a summons to the neighbouring gentlemen to muster at + Mansfield next day[583]. On the 6th he acknowledged the receipt of the + King’s letters missive, containing orders to assemble his men, and + described the musters which he had appointed[584]. Cromwell wrote a + flowery letter of compliments and thanks to him on the 9th, but + without a suggestion that any pardon was needed[585]. The King sent + him further orders and a new commission on the 15th, but without + hinting that he had been over zealous[586]. Noblemen were expected to + suppress riots without waiting for orders, and it was made a charge + against Hussey that he did not muster his men at the first alarm. The + only foundation which there can be for Holinshed’s story is some vague + memory that the Earl’s attitude at the beginning of the rising + awakened doubt. He was a devout man, and very much opposed to + innovations in any form[587]. Personal loyalty kept him true to the + King, but there is every reason to believe that he had much stronger + sympathy for the rebels than for Cromwell. + + Note E. The reduplication of names is very confusing. Sir Marmaduke + Constable was the cousin of Sir Robert Constable of Flamborough, not + his brother or his son, although they both bore the same name. Robert + Tyrwhit was a different person from Sir Robert Tyrwhit, the + commissioner who was taken at Caistor. Christopher Askew, again, was a + different person from Sir Christopher Askew, one of the Lincolnshire + gentlemen who was most enthusiastic in the rebels’ cause. + + + + + CHAPTER VI + THE FAILURE OF LINCOLNSHIRE + + +By Saturday 7 October the preparations in London were fully under weigh. +Letters under the Privy Seal were sent out. They announced that the King +purposed to advance against the rebels in person, and summoned the +noblemen to whom they were directed to meet him at Ampthill each with a +specified force. Orders were sent out to the ports to keep watch; +arrangements were made for posts; lists were drawn up of those who were +to march against the rebels, those who were to attend the King and those +who were to guard the Queen[588]. Sir William Fitzwilliam, the Lord +Admiral, was despatched to Ampthill. He reported that the country was +loyal as far as Godalming and Guildford, and that he had no difficulty +in raising men, but that he would only take horsemen as recruits, there +being such need of haste[589]. + +The news of the insurrection was first sent abroad by Chapuys, who +wrote to the Emperor on 7 October. The ambassador believed that the +insurgents were numerous and the disaffection widespread, but he did +not think that they could hold out long, as they lacked both money and +a leader. Nevertheless the King seemed dejected, great preparations +were going forward, and Cromwell was said to be afraid. His nephew +Richard Cromwell had taken quantities of arms from the Tower, and was +pressing men, even the masons at work on Cromwell’s house; the +sanctuary men were being imprisoned for fear they should join the +rebels. The Duke of Norfolk dined that day with the Bishop of +Carlisle—a special occasion for which wine was procured from +Chapuys—and requested his host to help to make some large purchases of +cloth which the government was organising to allay the discontent +among the clothmakers. The Bishop promised to contribute, and many +wealthy merchants and bishops were compelled to do the same. +Immediately after dinner Norfolk set out for his own country to raise +men for the muster at Ampthill and to prevent disturbances[590]. + +Reports of the rebels’ strength and the unsettled state of the country +south of Lincolnshire poured in upon Cromwell[591]. Lord Clinton had +been despatched to the Midlands with letters missive summoning the +gentlemen to keep order in their own neighbourhoods and to raise men for +the King, who were to meet the Earl of Shrewsbury at Nottingham on +Monday. The Earls of Rutland and Huntingdon were ordered to join him. +Clinton was unable to deliver the letters to the Lincolnshire gentlemen, +and wrote on the 7th that Hussey would probably be taken that day[592]. +There was a rumour that Clinton had raised 500 men who immediately went +over to the enemy[593]. Two friars of Grimsby sent Cromwell information +against the prior of the Austin Friars, who had supplied the rebels with +money[594]. The gentlemen of Holland reported the rising of their +country on Saturday[595]. Sir William Hussey, who seems to have escaped +from Sleaford at the same time as his father, rode straight to London +with only one servant. By the wayside they heard the people “both old +and young, praying God speed the rebellious people of Lincolnshire, and +saying that if they came that way they should lack nothing that they +could help them to.”[596] In Windsor itself a priest and a butcher were +hanged for expressing sympathy with the rebels[597]. On Friday Sir +Edward Madeson, who brought the commons’ letter to the King, was +examined before the Council, and told them what he knew of the +rebels[598], which, as he had left Lincolnshire on Tuesday night, was +not very much. + +George Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lord Steward, was at Hardwick in +Sherwood on Saturday 7 October[599]. On this day Sir Arthur Darcy +arrived at his camp. He had been sent by his father from Templehurst +with letters which reported the unsettled state of the country, the +risings in Lincolnshire and Northumberland, and asked for orders, money +and ordnance[600]. He found the Lord Steward “sore crassyd” with +sickness, but labouring to muster all his powers at Nottingham on Monday +next. Sir Arthur saw a chance of distinguishing himself in the coming +conflict, and his father’s messages, essential as they were to the +safety of the north, were at once thrown to the winds. He wrote to Lord +Darcy, telling him that when the Lord Steward gave him a message for the +King, “I said I would be no messenger when the King should need; and +further that I knew well that he being at so near a point to try his +friends that I would be with him, thoff I had but my page and my man.” +He therefore asked that his men might be sent up to him “and I shall +there be found near the Talbot.” In a postscript he drops from his +heroics to domestic details, “Remember a truss bed and my harness for me +and my men.”[601] The spy who had been at Lincoln told Shrewsbury that +the rebels were about 40,000 strong, but only 16,000 in harness. He +reported the muster to be held at Ancaster, where it was said that +Hussey would join the rebels. He had promised to return to Lincoln and +was about to do so. His watchword was “Remember your promise.”[602] +Shrewsbury at Hardwick and Rutland, who had already arrived at +Nottingham with his men, were both writing to the King for money and +ordnance, “for money is the thing that every poor man will call +for.”[603] + +Fitzwilliam reached Ampthill on Sunday 8 October and “planted his +standard and guydon.” Richard Cromwell was again at the Tower and took +out “34 little falconets of those made by the King last year”; he set +out with them, but the roads were so heavy with the recent rain that +when they had gone no more than a mile into the country the horses broke +down[604]. Thirteen of the guns were sent back at once, and in the end +only sixteen could go forward, together with the necessary stores and +supply of weapons[605]. Richard Cromwell pushed on without waiting for +the guns. He reached Ware that night, meeting by the way some recruits +and two fugitives from Lincolnshire, who told him the rebels were 40,000 +strong, that their numbers were ever growing, and that they were +encamped in strong positions[606]. + +As the reports of the insurrection became more and more alarming, the +King altered his plans. His first idea was that Shrewsbury could easily +dispose of the rebels, and that he himself would then make a military +promenade through the district. The Duke of Norfolk had been sent to +Ampthill “to exercise the office of High Marshal, and to set the army +which shall be then arrived in order, that the King on his repair +thither on Monday[607] may view them and dismiss them from time to time +with thanks and good entertainment.”[608] But it was now evident that +the campaign would be no mere picnic, and the King was unwilling to +expose his royal person to its possible dangers, while the need for +haste was so great that it would be unwise to hamper the army by the +delays which were inevitable if the King accompanied it. At the same +time he did not consider it safe to trust the command to the Duke of +Norfolk if he himself were not there, as Norfolk was suspected of +leanings towards the old religion[609]. It was impossible to send +Cromwell, for while on the one hand he was no general, on the other he +was so unpopular that it would have been difficult to find a dozen men +who would follow him. The King therefore had recourse to his old comrade +Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, who was one of the few persons Henry +regarded with something like friendship and confidence. Suffolk had gone +to his own country to prevent disturbances, when a message overtook him +that he was to set out at once for Huntingdon, where he would find +Richard Cromwell with the stores from the Tower. On receiving these +orders he lost no time. Leaving the force he had mustered to follow him, +he turned northwards, riding all night[610]. + +Meanwhile letters reached Norfolk countermanding his orders, directing +him to send his son, the Earl of Surrey, and his horses to the Duke of +Suffolk, and to remain himself in Norfolk to stay the country[611]. He +must have suspected that such a slight was due to Cromwell’s jealousy, +and he wrote at once a vigorous remonstrance pointing out that if he +were to send away his son and his horses he could do little towards +staying the people. He declared that rather than “sit still like a man +of law” he would set out on Tuesday unless he received positive orders +to the contrary. This letter was despatched at 1 a.m. on Sunday 8 +October from Easterford[612]. By 6 p.m. on the same day Norfolk had +reached Stoke and found so many seditious rumours by the way that he had +become reconciled to the idea of remaining in that part of the country, +but he found it more than ever necessary to keep his son and horses with +him. The clothmakers were “very light,” and had only been prevented from +rising by the proclamation suspending the new statute. Nevertheless the +Earl of Oxford would be able to do as much as he towards keeping all +quiet, and he concluded with a final protest: “I think I had much wrong +offered me to send my son and servants from me, considering that he +cannot overtake my lord of Suffolk who will be tomorrow night at +Huntingdon, and they shall be fought withal or tomorrow noon by my Lord +Steward.”[613] + +On Monday 9 October Norfolk was at Woolpit. He reported that he could +raise 2500 men, and that he had “set such order that it shall be hard +for anyone to speak an unfitting word without being incontinently taken +and sent to me.” He had heard of the rising in Boston and Holland and +was prepared to meet the rebels if they attempted to join hands with the +discontented clothiers of Suffolk. If only Oxford were sent down the +country would be safe enough, and he himself was ready to serve under +the Duke of Suffolk, whom he could join in two or three days[614]. Three +hours later, when he was within three miles of his home at Kenninghall, +he received a summons to the general muster, dated the 7th[615]. +Probably the messenger had been despatched on the 7th, had missed +Norfolk, who had been travelling about so much, and had only come up to +him now. But the Duke at once accepted the summons as countermanding the +orders that had reached him on the 8th, and wrote to the Council that he +would set out for London that night as soon as the moon rose[616]. Here +we must take leave of my Lord of Norfolk for a considerable time. + +On Sunday 8 October Lord Darcy wrote to his son from Pontefract Castle, +urging him to make haste to the King; the Lord Steward, he said, would +understand that Sir Arthur was necessary to his father, on account of +his (Lord Darcy’s) debility, and he could do most service by going to +the King at once. In spite of every effort, Yorkshire was on the point +of rising[617]. The King’s letters summoning the northern counties to +send help to Shrewsbury were received at Pontefract that day. The danger +of mustering men in a shire humming with sedition was obvious. However +Sir Brian Hastings, the sheriff, who was with Darcy, set out to gather +what men he could and march to Nottingham[618]. The King wrote to Darcy +on the same day, in ignorance of Yorkshire affairs, simply to tell him +to deny the rumours about parish churches, etc., and thereby expose the +“wretched and devilish intents” of the rebels[619]. Next day, Monday 9 +October, the King did at last receive Darcy’s letters. He thanked him +for his warning and politic proceedings, but was confident that the +danger was at an end, and that all Darcy had to do now was to arrest +fugitives and any who spread rumours[620]. This tone of exaggerated +confidence perhaps shows that the King distrusted Darcy, for the +position of affairs seemed very unpromising from the royal point of +view. It was reported in London that Sir Thomas Percy had joined the +rebels with 30,000 men to avenge himself on the King for the loss of his +inheritance[621]. No doubt this was the first distorted hint of the +rising in the northern counties. + +The disposition of the royal forces was as follows: at Nottingham were +the Earls of Shrewsbury, Rutland, and Huntingdon, with such forces and +weapons as they could muster. At Stamford were Sir John Russell and Sir +William Parr with a small force in an absolutely defenceless town[622]. +At Huntingdon was the Duke of Suffolk, who arrived there at 6 a.m. on +Monday morning, almost alone, to find “neither ordnance nor artillery +nor men enough to do anything; such men as are gathered there have +neither harness nor weapons.”[623] He had received from the King letters +for the rebels, which reproached them for their disloyalty, denied the +rumours, and threatened them with terrible vengeance if they did not +instantly submit[624]. These he sent to Lincoln with a covering letter +of his own[625]. Even if the rebels refused to surrender he hoped he +might be able to prevent their advance until the royal army was in a +little better order. But he also wrote to ask for instructions in case +they should submit, and to urge that money, of which he was greatly in +need, and ordnance, should be sent at once. Many of the troops which he +had levied in Suffolk were detained there by the King’s orders, and he +begged that they might be sent after him under command of Sir Anthony +Wingfield, Sir Arthur Hopton, and Sir Francis Lovell. He was expecting +to be joined by Sir Francis Brian, who was at Kimbolton with 300 horse. +He had written to Parr and Russell to ask whether it would be possible +to defend Stamford; if not they were to fall back upon him at +Huntingdon[626]. At the same time he wrote to Cromwell for “a herald, +two pursuivants, two trumpets and the King’s banner.”[627] + +On Tuesday 10 October Suffolk determined to advance to Stamford instead +of halting at Huntingdon. He was joined early in the morning, before he +set out, by Richard Cromwell, without the ordnance[628], which was +finally despatched from London that very day under charge of William +Gonson[629]. Richard had heard a rumour that Suffolk had lost a battle +and 20,000 men, and wrote to his uncle to assure him that everything was +going well[630]. George Staines was taken by the royal troops on his way +up to London with the rebels’ second petition to the King, and was sent +on under guard by Suffolk[631]. By 8 o’clock on Tuesday night there were +assembled at Stamford the forces of Suffolk and Richard Cromwell, Sir +John Russell and Sir William Parr, Sir Francis Brian, and the troops +from Ampthill under the Admiral, Sir William Fitzwilliam[632]. + +The letters from the King and the Duke of Suffolk were delivered this +day to the gentlemen in the Chapter House of Lincoln Cathedral. They +brought the affairs of the rebels to a crisis. It became necessary for +the gentlemen to make a definite choice. The royal troops were +disorganised and without money or ordnance. In discipline, equipment, +and fighting quality they were exactly the same as the insurgents, +neither better nor worse; both alike were drawn from the ordinary farm +hands of the country and tradesmen of the town. The rebels, being on +volunteer service, might be something above the royal troops in spirit; +on the other hand the King’s men had no voice in the council of war and +were more amenable to authority. The commons of Lincolnshire were +clamouring to be led to battle, and one small success, which seemed well +within their reach, might raise the whole kingdom and leave the King at +their mercy. But the gentlemen were afraid. In order to gain that +victory they must definitely throw in their lot with the commons, give +up the plea that they were with them only on compulsion, and abandon all +hope of making peace with the King. If they fought and were defeated +those who did not fall in the field would end on the gallows, or at best +in exile; their lands would pass to strangers, their children would be +left destitute, and the old names would die out. Lincolnshire would be +given over to fire and pillage. If they fought and won, it would mean +the renewal of civil war in England, after fifty years of peace. The new +war would be a religious war, with some prospect of a foreign invasion; +England at the hour of her first prosperity, just taking her place among +the nations, might be crippled beyond recovery. It was a terrible +decision to lie in the hands of a few country gentlemen, who were not, +perhaps, very well fitted to deal with such momentous affairs. +Cromwell’s servant, John Williams, declared a few weeks later that he +had never seen anywhere “such a sight of asses, so unlike gentlemen as +the most part of them be. Knights and esquires are meeter to be baileys; +men void of good fashion, and, in truth, of wit, except in matters +concerning their trade which is to get goods only.”[633] This is very +prejudiced evidence, but the attitude of the Lincolnshire gentlemen +towards the rebellion is a difficult problem. It is impossible to speak +of them all collectively as doing or believing this or that. The chief +distinction that must be noticed is the division of the host into two +principal bands, the men of Louth and the men of Horncastle. + +The gentlemen who belonged to the Louth district seem on the whole to +have been acting from the first against their will; they were for the +most part the commissioners taken at Caistor, and they had generally +every reason to support the government and fear the commons. There were +exceptions, such as Sir Christopher Askew, but on the whole the commons +were right in the suspicions which they entertained of their enforced +leaders. William Morland stated in his evidence that “as far as he could +see both all the gentlemen and honest yeomen of the country were weary +of this matter, and sorry for it, but durst not disclose their opinion +to the commons for fear of their lives.”[634] + +In the Horncastle host the leaders were not nearly so reluctant. When +the people first rose there and went to Scrivelsby Hall they were met, +about a quarter of a mile from the house, by the sheriff, Thomas Dymmoke +of Carlton, Mr Dighton of Sturton, Mr Sanderson, and Arthur Dymmoke. +They greeted the commons with the words, “Masters, ye be welcome,” and +when they were told they must take the commons’ oath they replied, “With +a good will.” When the sheriff was asked whether the bells should be +rung, he said, “Yea, and ye will, for it is necessary that the people +have knowledge.”[635] That night the Sandersons went through the village +of Snelland in harness and told the people that they must be at the +Horncastle muster next day[636]; they were the bringers of the white +banner with the parchment picture[637]. It was the gentlemen of +Horncastle who drew up the articles and explained the Statute of Uses to +the commons[638]. Nicholas Leache, the parson of Belchford, who was with +the Horncastle company, thought “all the exterior acts of the gentlemen +amongst the commons were done willingly, for he saw them as diligent to +set forward every matter as the commons were. And further during the +whole time of the insurrection not one of them persuaded the people to +desist or showed them it was high treason. Otherwise he believes in his +conscience they would not have gone forward, for all the people with +whom he had intelligence thought they had not offended the King, as the +gentlemen caused proclamations to be made in his name. He thinks the +gentlemen might have stayed the people of Horncastle, for at the +beginning his parishioners went forward among the rebels only by command +of the gentlemen. The gentlemen were first harnessed of all others, and +commanded the commons to prepare themselves harness, and he believes the +commons expected to have redress of grievances by way of supplication to +the King.”[639] + +At first the policy of the gentlemen, whether favourable or unfavourable +to the rising, was probably much the same. There would have been no +difficulty in making a sudden dash up to London, for there was no force +to oppose them on the way; but even if they reached London, as Wat Tyler +and Jack Cade did from nearer points, it was difficult to do anything +effective there. The well-wishers of the insurgents might reasonably +think that their best chance lay in drilling the commons into some sort +of discipline before they advanced, and this was the opinion of all the +gentlemen. According to George Hudswell, “Sir William Skipwith said they +(the commons) should be ordered whether they would or no, and every +gentleman said it shall be well done that they be ruled”;[640] Philip +Trotter deposed that “from the beginning to the end of the insurrection +the gentlemen might have stayed it if they would, for the commons did +nothing but by the gentlemen’s commandment, and they durst never stir in +the field from the place they were appointed to till the gentlemen +directed them what to do; and were cautioned not to stir from their +appointed places upon pain of death.”[641] Moreover, if the leaders knew +that Yorkshire would rise in a few days, they may have wished to put off +their advance on London until they were joined by reinforcements from +the north. + +The fact that the gentlemen counselled delay does not therefore prove +that they were really opposed to the rising. But by Tuesday 10 October +the spirits of the most daring seem to have failed. No doubt rumours of +the King’s musters had reached them as much exaggerated as the accounts +of their own numbers which were repeated in London. The first effect of +the news from Yorkshire had worn off. The commissioners were men of +influence, and when the more impetuous of the gentlemen found them +opposed to the movement, they probably felt its chance of success was +very much diminished. They may have been half irritated and half +frightened by the attitude of the commons, who were in a grumbling, +dispirited, and yet vicious mood. They feared their allies quite as much +as the troops which opposed them; and recollections of the German +Peasant Revolt in 1525 would increase their alarm[642]. When it came to +the parting of the ways, even those who had at first seemed heart and +soul with the rebels wavered; they dared not proclaim themselves +traitors and give up the path of retreat which they believed was still +open to them. Accordingly they prepared to desert the commons. If they +had had a chief captain, a man who thought of neither gentlemen nor +commons but only of the cause, this dangerous time might have been tided +over. A popular leader might have coaxed the host out of its ill-humour, +and inspired the gentlemen to forget the promptings of cowardice and +treachery in the greatness of the adventure which they had taken upon +them. But there was no leader, and mistrust and disorder took his place +in Lincoln. + +There was a muster upon Lincoln Heath on Tuesday morning, but it seems +to have been ill-attended. The monks of Kirkstead and the men of +Sleaford both were given leave to go home[643]. William Morland returned +to his home at Kedington, and in passing through Louth saved the lives +of Cromwell’s servants, Bellowe, Milsent, and Parker, who had been +imprisoned in the Tollbooth since Monday 2 October. Their captors, +having taken their money and given it into the charge of Robert Brown +the jailor, had resolved to put them to death, but Morland and some +honest men of the town persuaded the crowd to spare the prisoners and +disperse. In recognition of this service Parker and his fellows +requested the jailor to give Morland, out of the £6 of their money which +he was keeping, “two crowns, the one of 5_s._ and the other of 14 +groats, and to make up just 10_s._ they gave him 4_d._ in silver.”[644] +It is a pity that Morland, who was so good an observer and narrator, was +away from Lincoln on this critical day, as only one account of the +events now remains, that of Thomas Moigne[645]. + +On Tuesday afternoon some three hundred of the commons brought in the +letters from the King and the Duke of Suffolk addressed to Sir Robert +Tyrwhit, Sir William Askew, Sir William Skipwith and Sir Edward Dymmoke. +They carried them to the gentlemen who were assembled in the Chapter +House, and insisted on hearing their contents. Moigne began to read the +letters aloud, but coming to a part which he knew would anger the +commons, he omitted it. The parson of Snelland, standing at his elbow, +detected this, and cried out to the commons that the letter was falsely +read[646]. The meeting was plunged into confusion; someone cried that it +was time to kill some of the justices: if they were hanged for it they +would not leave a gentleman alive in the shire[647]; many would have +slain Moigne. In the end the wilder spirits were driven out into the +cloisters, where, after much debate, they determined to kill the +gentlemen. Their plans miscarried, for the gentlemen’s servants +overheard, and warned their masters that a party was lying in wait to +kill them as they came out of the west door of the minster. With the aid +of the faithful servants they were smuggled out of the south door to the +house of the murdered chancellor, and there they resolved to make a +stand, to refuse to go forward, and to defend themselves, if necessary, +until the royal army relieved them[648]. According to Moigne this +resolution was taken by his advice, but some preparations had been made +the day before to render the Close defensible against the commons[649]. +The servants carried messages to “the most honest men of their +companies” by which they were induced to give up the idea of going +forward. Meanwhile the commons outside the minster discovered that they +had been tricked, and decided not to attack the gentlemen until +morning[650]. + +On Wednesday 11 October the gentlemen and honest men, in harness, +marched down from Lincoln minster and met the commons in the fields, +where they stated clearly that they would not go forward, but would wait +for the King’s answer to their suit for pardon. They had written to +Suffolk to ask him to intercede for them, and they would do no +more[651]. The commons seem to have been completely bewildered by this +turn of affairs. They did not attack the gentlemen, but neither did they +choose leaders of their own and go on, nor as an alternative return to +their homes in a body. A good many slipped away quietly; Robert Carre of +Sleaford, for instance, went to see his wife, who had taken refuge with +her father, put his “evidences” into two chests, gave orders that they +were to be hidden in a hole under the thatch if the host came by, and +rode off to join Lord Clinton at Nottingham[652]. The canons of Barlings +went home the same day[653]. William Morland on the other hand returned +to Lincoln by way of Louth, where he “made him a cloak of black cloth.” +It was said in the host that he had gone to Louth to fire the beacons, +which shook his credit both with the gentlemen and the commons, until +two indifferent men were sent to Louth, who reported that he had done no +such thing[654]. + +Rumours of the rebels’ flight soon reached Suffolk’s camp, and Richard +Cromwell reported them to his uncle. His letter gives an amusing glimpse +of Suffolk’s headquarters. Richard says that “my Lord Admiral” +(Fitzwilliam) and also “my Lord’s Grace” (Suffolk) show him great +attention, and “my Lord Admiral is so earnest in the matter that I dare +well say he would eat them (the rebels) with salt. I never saw one +triumph like unto him.”[655] It is easy to imagine the nobles, with +hearts full of contempt and hatred, showing every courtesy to the young +upstart, and taking care that their abuse of traitors grew warmer when +he appeared. It was first said that 10,000 or 12,000 of the rebels had +fled home, but later in the day one of Sir John Thimbleby’s sons arrived +at Stamford who halved these figures, but declared that not 10,000 +remained in Lincoln. Young Thimbleby’s reception was not encouraging; +Suffolk at once put him in ward and threatened, if his father did not +come in by eight next morning, to spoil all he had and cut his son in +pieces. The feeling against Sir John was particularly strong, because +Russell and Parr accused him of assembling all his tenants as if to join +them, threatening to burn the houses of those who refused to go with +him, and then taking his whole company over to the rebels. Suffolk +intended to march on Lincoln on Saturday, and afterwards to destroy +Louth and Horncastle. Richard Cromwell professed to be very sorry that +the rebels were flying, as he had hoped they would be used as they +deserved and the whole shire sacked[656]. The ordnance had arrived at +Huntingdon[657], so that Suffolk was able to think of advancing. His +only wish was to meet the rebels in a pitched battle, but Shrewsbury, at +Nottingham, was more politic. He had with him Thomas Miller, Lancaster +Herald, whom he despatched to Lincoln with a proclamation which bade the +rebels depart to their homes[658]. Lancaster Herald reached Lincoln on +Wednesday evening and found everything in confusion,—the gentlemen +anxious to make their peace with the King,—the commons without leaders, +without plans, without hopes[659]. It was too late to discharge his +errand that night. + +On Thursday 12 October the host was summoned to the Castle Garth to hear +his proclamation[660]. It was in the names of George Earl of Shrewsbury, +Thomas Earl of Rutland, and George Earl of Huntingdon, and briefly +ordered the rebels to depart to their houses[661]. The herald told the +rebels that Shrewsbury was prepared to fight them on Ancaster Heath if +they disobeyed[662]. It is not known what further arguments he used, but +after much persuasion the commons agreed to go home, while the gentlemen +made a formal submission[663] and repaired to Suffolk to sue for +pardon[664]. There was still a party which was eager to fight. Its +leader, Robert Leache, seized the gentlemen’s written submission, and +opened and read it before it was delivered to the herald, “saying he +would see what their answer was ere it should depart.”[665] With the +usual irony of slow-fingered indifference the painters had ready that +day the banner which the insurgents had designed for themselves. It was +a linen cloth on which were painted “the Five Wounds of Christ, a +chalice with the Host, a plough and a horn with a scripture.” The Five +Wounds were to show the people they fought in Christ’s cause; the +chalice and the Host were in remembrance that chalices, crosses, and +church jewels should be taken away; the plough was to encourage the +husbandmen; the horn, according to the Horncastle men, was in token of +Horncastle, but others regarded it as a symbol of the tax on horned +cattle[666]. + +The news of the herald’s success was sent to Suffolk, and he wrote to +the King asking for instructions. He was expecting to effect a junction +with Shrewsbury on the following Monday[667]. Most of the money had +arrived[668], and the ordnance was looked for next day (Friday). He +wished to know whether he and the Lord Steward should pardon the +Lincolnshire men and advance at once into Yorkshire, or stay and reduce +Lincolnshire to complete submission by severity. He pointed out that the +Yorkshire rebellion was spreading fast and had better be confronted +immediately, and that by an advance the royal troops could prevent a +meeting between the Yorkshiremen and any new rebels in Lincolnshire. He +wrote at midnight, and in the midst of his letter the Dymmokes arrived +at the camp accompanied by a messenger from the other gentlemen, who was +commissioned to ask Suffolk whether they should come to him in harness +and to beg for his intercession with the King. He replied that they must +use their own discretion; he could only keep them in surety until the +King’s pleasure was known[669]. + +On Friday 13 October the last of the insurgents dispersed[670]. They +despatched the bailly of Barton to Beverley—the last messenger from the +Lincolnshire host—to countermand Kyme’s message[671]. The men of +Horncastle marched sadly home and placed their new unneeded banner in +the parish church[672]. All Suffolk’s ordnance had now arrived, and +though he had only 5000 men he discharged 2000, as he had not enough +arms to supply both his own men and Shrewsbury’s; he thought such a sign +of confidence would make an impression on the rebels. He sent word to +Shrewsbury to advance next day to meet him, but the Earl replied that he +could not leave Nottingham without money, and that he wished to know +what the King had to say to Lancaster Herald’s report before anything +more was attempted[673]. Shrewsbury wrote at the same time to Darcy, and +sent him a copy of the proclamation which had had such effect in +Lincoln. He said that the rebels now “mind themselves to be the King’s +true and faithful subjects at all times and from time to time +accordingly.” As they would give no further help to the Yorkshiremen, +but on the contrary had promised to stop the boats on the Humber, Ouse, +and Trent, “so that none shall come over but be glad to return homewards +like fools,” he trusted that the disturbances in Yorkshire would +cease[674]. + +At this point we must return to Lord Hussey, who had gone straight to +Shrewsbury’s camp after his escape from Sleaford. He reached Nottingham +on the morning of Monday 9 October, bringing with him his wife and +George Hudswell. Instead of finding himself in safety among friends he +had only left one atmosphere of danger and suspicion to enter another. +Shrewsbury’s doubts of his loyalty sprang from the constant reports that +he had joined the rebels. Depositions against him had been taken as +early as the 7th[675]; when Norfolk heard the false report that he was +with the rebels he wrote to the King, “if it be true there is folly upon +folly. I pray God there be truth though there be much folly.”[676] +Hussey’s own family unintentionally strengthened the feeling against +him. Fitzwilliam advised Cromwell to examine Sir William Hussey as to +why he had not reported to the Council the seditious words which, +according to his servant’s report, he had heard between Lincolnshire and +London[677]. On their arrival at Nottingham Lady Hussey created a very +unfavourable impression when she implored the Earls of Shrewsbury and +Huntingdon to allow her husband to return to Lincolnshire for the sake +of the children she had left at Sleaford; “like a fool saying that if +she brought me not again the rebels would burn my house and them,” said +her naturally aggrieved husband[678]. No doubt the poor lady was in +great anxiety, and he had brought her with him much against her will. +George Cutler, who had carried Hussey’s messages to the rebels, was +examined that day[679]. + +The principal evidence as to Lord Hussey’s conduct lies in two undated +papers, which were probably drawn up about the end of the week. One is +his own statement to the Council, whom he begged to intercede for him +with the King. After giving an account of the week’s events at Sleaford, +he concluded with the assertion that he had 300 men now in the King’s +service, 200 under the command of his son, and eight score under Anthony +Ireby; that he remained at Sleaford to stay the country, and that while +he was there neither Holland nor Kesteven rose[680]. The other document +is the deposition of Robert Carre of Sleaford, the head of the principal +local family[681]. The two accounts agree very closely as to the facts, +but differ completely in the interpretation put upon them. Lord Hussey +represented himself as pacifying those who urged him to join the rebels; +Carre accused him of sending away men who offered to fight for the King; +for example, “Before the rebels came to Sleaford, the bailiff of +Ruskington offered to be, with as many as he could get, under Hussey’s +command; and my Lord pinched him by the little finger, bidding him come +when he sent unto him by that token and not else.” At the end of his +deposition, which is mutilated, there seem to have been other instances +of persons who offered their services to Lord Hussey and “had slender +answers.”[682] This account is to some extent confirmed by the saying of +Richard Burwell, constable of Potter Hanworth, that he asked counsel of +Mr Robert Sutton, who answered that he had been with Lord Hussey and +could see no remedy but to do as the commons did[683]. + +Against this must be set Hussey’s account of the position; Lord Clinton +had fled, the gentlemen returned slack answers to his summons, and he +did not believe that he could raise enough men to resist the rebels, but +by his influence he was able to keep his own people from rising, while +if like Lord Borough and Lord Clinton he had fled at the first alarm, +they would have joined the rebels at once[684]. There seems to be little +doubt that this was really Hussey’s belief, and in itself it was quite +reasonable. There are two points which tell against Carre’s evidence. In +the first place he had been for some days with the rebels,—against his +will as he said,—but still the fact was enough to hang him. In the +circumstances he would probably be ready to say anything that his +examiners wished him to say, and particularly ready to incriminate +somebody else. In the second place the whole deposition is conceived in +a spirit of the bitterest hatred of Hussey, perhaps on account of some +forgotten local quarrel, perhaps from a feeling that Hussey had deserted +Sleaford and brought its inhabitants into danger. In one place Carre +says “If my lord had gathered men for the King as he had done for his +own pomp to ride to sessions or assize, he might have driven the rebels +back,” an obviously foolish and spiteful remark[685]. The offer of help +which he mentions came too late, when the rebels were approaching the +town and Hussey had prepared for flight. Carre’s deposition seems to +have been the chief evidence against Hussey, and at the end of it are +written the ominous words, “My lord Hussey, this is perused +deliberately.” All things considered, the only charge which could be +substantiated against Hussey was that he had made himself singular by +remaining at his post longer than the neighbouring noblemen. + +On Wednesday 11 October the King did not yet know of the Yorkshire +insurrection, and though the issue in Lincolnshire was still doubtful, +he put a bold face on the matter and wrote to the ambassadors in France, +Gardiner and Wallop, such an account of the rebellion as he wished to +circulate in foreign courts. The rebels were chiefly boys and beggars, +who had been deceived by the false rumours of traitors. He had sent an +army under the Duke of Suffolk, which would by this time have disposed +of them, and “according to ancient custom” had levied another of “pure +tried men” which could not number less than 40,000 and had been conveyed +to Ampthill in six days, “and yet the greater part of our realm is not +touched.”[686] This was a rather loose statement on the King’s part, +though no doubt good enough for foreign consumption; the first levies at +Ampthill had been summoned on the 5th and 6th and had marched to +Huntingdon with Fitzwilliam on the 9th, while the second levies, which +were just being assembled by Norfolk and others, were summoned on the +10th to be at Ampthill on the 16th[687]. Suffolk’s letters of the 12th +were not despatched until after midnight; consequently the news of the +“sparpling” of the rebels cannot have been generally known in London on +the 13th. It was probably on this day that Chapuys’ nephew sent an +account of the rising to the Regent of the Netherlands. He refers to the +events of the 12th, but not to the rebels’ capitulation. He gives an +amusing account of the progress of affairs,—as they were unofficially +reported in London. The King’s commissioners, he said, were demolishing +400 (really 40) abbeys in Lincolnshire, when the peasants rose against +them on Monday 2 October “under the leading of a shoemaker named William +Keing Hardy, a man of persuasive manner.” This must be our old friend +Nicholas Melton, Captain Cobbler, but it is impossible to say where +Chapuys’ nephew picked up the extraordinary name. The rebels tried to +seize Dr Legh, “a man much hated by the whole country for his arrogance +ever since he dared to cite before the Archbishop of Canterbury your +late aunt the Queen of England.” But Legh escaped, and in their +disappointed rage the commons seized and hanged his cook. There is +nothing in the depositions about the rebellion to confirm this story. +Chapuys also repeats the tale about a man being baited to death, and +mentions the rumour of a rising further north, and the execution of two +men at Windsor for seditious words. He describes the murder of the +Bishop of Lincoln’s chancellor, and attributes the commons’ hatred of +the bishop, to the fact that they regarded him “as one of the principal +councillors who raised scruples in the King to repudiate your said +aunt.” The numbers of the host increased rapidly, and they began to take +and swear the gentlemen; “and from that time the said shoemaker began to +wear a cloak of crimson satin, embroidered with the words “Je ayme Dieu +le roy et le prouffit du commung.”[688] The arrival of the news in +London and the King’s preparations are next described. “On Saturday (7 +October) they (the rebels) were more than 50,000, and among them over +10,000 priests, monks and religious persons of whom the most learned +continually admonish their men to continue the work begun, pointing out +the advantages which will come to them of it.” The writer himself saw +the ordnance taken out of the Tower and the break-down which occurred. +The King is levying musters in Kent and the southern counties, but there +is great danger that his own men will turn against him, as they +sympathise with the demands of the rebels, saying “that they wish to +live like their ancestors, defend the abbeys and churches, be quit of +taxes and subsidies, and recover those they have paid already more by +fear than love, especially that which they lent in the time of the +Cardinal, which amounts to a very horrible sum. Finally they demand a +shearer of cloths to be given up to them, meaning Cromwell, and a +tavernkeeper, meaning the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Chancellor of +the country, the Chancellor of the Augmentations, and certain other +bishops and lords of the King’s Council.” The King is taking men from +Dover and Sandwich, which will weaken the coast defences and make an +invasion easy. The French tailors and Flemish shoemakers in London are +being compelled to serve in the army for two groats a day, and one groat +as drink money for every five miles they march, while the English +receive only 6_d._ and the same drink money. He concludes by pointing +out that such a chance may not come again for avenging all the wrongs +that Henry has inflicted on the faith and family of the Emperor; he +therefore implores the Regent to send from the army now in Zealand 2000 +arquebusiers and a supply of ammunition, which should be landed “in the +river which goes up to York.”[689] Needless to say, this advice was not +acted upon. + +By the next day, Saturday 14 October, Lancaster Herald was with the +King, and the news from Lincolnshire must have been generally known. For +the first time since the beginning of the rebellion all parties halted, +and nothing was done until the 15th, Sunday, when the King, believing +all danger at an end, sent out orders countermanding the musters at +Ampthill[690]. Suffolk would delay his advance no longer, but set out +for Lincoln, and sent a message to Shrewsbury to do the same. He was +obliged to advance slowly, as he took the ordnance with him[691]. He +received from the King instructions to occupy Lincoln and to collect +there the arms of the rebels[692]; with these orders came a proclamation +by which the King accepted the surrender and promised to show +mercy[693]. The gentlemen were to be examined, and their examinations +returned in writing to the King; they might then be dismissed with good +words, except the most culpable, who were to be sent up to London. +Suffolk was to establish order in the shire, and to survey the Cathedral +and the Close secretly, as the King thought of placing a garrison there, +“to keep them in mind that their forefathers were traitors and for the +keeping under of their posterity.” If the country submitted there was to +be no pillaging, but four captains of Louth, three of Horncastle, and +two of Caistor must be kept for execution. Suffolk might expect +reinforcements, and was to remain at Lincoln until he received further +orders. If all was quiet when he received this letter, he need not +publish the proclamation, but the King “took the sending of the herald +in good part,” for the people respected his coat and he could see more +than an ordinary spy. Shrewsbury was to join Suffolk in examining the +traitors, and then to disperse his troops and go quietly home, if all +went well, but if there were further disturbances in Yorkshire, he was +to advance at once to suppress them, taking with him the ordnance, as +Suffolk could be supplied with more from Ampthill[694]. The order to +Shrewsbury shows that the King was still over-confident. It was +Shrewsbury’s rash advance, in obedience to it, which afterwards +seriously embarrassed the position of the royal troops. + +Suffolk sent forward the Admiral with an advance guard, and on Tuesday +17 October was himself at Lincoln. His sudden appearance put an end to +the last plans of resistance which the rebels still cherished. Richard +Cromwell said that the people of Lincoln were “as obstinate persons as +ever I saw, who would scarce move their bonnets to my said lord, and +probably would have withstood us if we had not stolen upon them.”[695] +In his next despatches Suffolk explained to the King that the situation +was not so secure as Henry had assumed in his first relief,—the country +was still very much unsettled, and beacons were lighted and men +assembled in harness on the least provocation. He had ordered the +release of Milsent and Bellowe from Louth Tollbooth, but their jailor +was obliged to promise that they should be restored on demand before the +commons would let them go[696]. On Wednesday 18 October he sent Sir +Francis Brian to make a full report to the King. Sir Francis reached +Windsor next day, just as a reply was being drawn up to Suffolk’s +previous letters, in which he was thanked for his diligence and promised +money, ordnance and men, under the command of Sir Anthony Browne. If any +further rising was attempted he must immediately attack Louth and “with +all extremity destroy, burn and kill man, woman and child, the terrible +example of all others.” Sir Francis, however, must have explained that +if it came to fighting it was by no means certain that the terrible +example would not be, so to speak, on the other foot, as Suffolk had +only 3000 men of certain loyalty in the heart of a hostile country; the +King’s postscript, therefore, took a milder tone. Sir John Thimbleby and +the other gentlemen were to be told that he “minded nothing less (i.e. +nothing was further from his thoughts) than their destruction.” All the +gentlemen who would come in and serve the King might be promised safety +from bodily hurt and the Duke’s intercession with the King; proclamation +must be made that the multitude could obtain the same terms, if they +would denounce their captains and give them up. The King also, at last, +sent an answer to the commons’ petition which had been sent to him on +the 9th. It was to be read openly, and he complacently added that he +thought it was “so conceived as of itself to make them repent their +follies and ask mercy without further tarrying.”[697] The answer was as +follows: + + “Answer to the Petitions of the Traitors and Rebels in Lincolnshire. + + “First, We begin and make answer to the 4th and 6th articles, because + upon them dependeth much of the rest. Concerning choosing of + Councillors, I never have read, heard, nor known that princes’ + councillors and prelates should be appointed by rude and ignorant + common people; nor that they were persons meet, or of ability, to + discern and choose meet and sufficient councillors for a prince. How + presumptuous then are ye, the rude commons of one shire, and that one + of the most brute and beastly of the whole realm, and of least + experience, to find fault with your prince, for the electing of his + councillors and prelates; and to take upon you, contrary to God’s law, + and man’s law, to rule your prince, whom ye are bound by all laws to + obey, and serve, with both your lives, lands, and goods, and for no + worldly cause to withstand: the contrary whereof you, like traitors + and rebels, have attempted, and not like true subjects, as ye name + yourselves. + + “As to the suppression of religious houses and monasteries, We will + that ye, and all our subjects should well know, that this is granted + us by all the nobles, spiritual and temporal, of this our realm, and + by all the commons of the same by Act of Parliament; and not set forth + by any councillor or councillors, upon their mere will and fantasy, as + ye full falsely would persuade our realm to believe. And where ye + allege, that the service of God is much thereby diminished, the truth + thereof is contrary; for there be none houses suppressed, where God + was well served, but where most vice, mischief, and abomination of + living was used: and that doth well appear by their own confession, + subscribed with their own hands, in the time of our visitations. And + yet were suffered a great many of them, more than we by the act + needed, to stand; wherein, if they amend not their living, we fear we + have more to answer for, than for the suppression of all the rest. And + as for their hospitality, for the relief of poor people, we wonder ye + be not ashamed to affirm, that they have been a great relief to our + people, when a great many, or the most part, hath not past four or + five religious persons in them, and divers but one, which spent the + substance of the goods of their house, in nourishing of vice, and + abominable living. Now, what unkindness and unnaturality may we impute + to you, and all our subjects, that be of that mind, that had lever + such an unthrifty sort of vicious persons should enjoy such + possessions, profits, and emoluments, as grow of the said houses, to + the maintenance of their unthrifty life; than we, your natural prince, + sovereign lord, and king, which doth and hath spent more in your + defence, of his own, the six times they be worth! + + “As touching the Act of Uses, we marvel what madness is in your brain, + or upon what ground ye would take authority upon you, to cause us to + break those laws and statutes, which, by all the nobles, knights, and + gentlemen of this realm, whom the same chiefly toucheth, hath been + granted and assented to; seeing in no manner of thing it toucheth you, + the base commons of our realm! Also the grounds of those uses were + false, and never admitted by any law, but usurped upon the prince, + contrary to all equity and justice, as it hath been openly both + disputed and declared, by all the well learned men of England in + Westminster Hall; whereby ye may well perceive, how mad and + unreasonable your demands be, both in that, and the rest, and how + unmeet it is for us, and dishonourable, to grant or assent unto, and + less meet and decent for you, in such rebellious sort, to demand the + same of your prince. + + “As touching the Fifteenth, which ye demand of us to be released, + think ye that we be so faint hearted, that, perforce, ye of one shire + (were ye a great many more) could compel us with your insurrections, + and such rebellious demeanour, to remit the same? or think ye that any + man will or may take you to be true subjects, that first make a show + of a loving grant, and then, perforce, would compel your sovereign + lord and king to release the same; the time of payment whereof is not + yet come? yea, and seeing the same will not countervail the tenth + penny of the charges, which we do, and daily must, sustain, for your + tuition and safeguard? Make ye sure, by your occasions of this your + ingratitudes, unnaturalness, and unkindness to us, now administered, + ye give us cause, which hath always been as much dedicate to your + wealths, as ever was king, not so much to set our study for the + setting forward of the same, seeing how unkindly and untruly ye deal + now with us, without any cause or occasion. And doubt ye not, though + ye have no grace nor naturalment in you, to consider your duties of + allegiance to your king and sovereign; the rest of our realm, we doubt + not, hath: and we, and they, shall so look on this cause, that we + trust shall be to your confusion, if, according to our former letters, + ye submit not yourselves. + + “As touching the First Fruits, we let you weet, it is a thing granted + us by Act of Parliament also, for the supportation of part of the + great and excessive charges, which we support and bear, for the + maintenance of your wealths, and others our subjects. And we have + known, also, that ye, our commons, have much complained, in times + passed, that the most of the goods, lands, and possessions of the + realm were in the spiritual men’s hands; and yet now, bearing us in + hand that ye be as loving subjects to us as may be, ye can not find in + your hearts that your prince and sovereign lord should have any part + thereof, (and yet it is nothing prejudicial unto you, our commons;) + but do rebel and unlawfully rise against your prince, contrary to your + duty of allegiance, and God’s commandment. Wherefore, sirs, remember + your follies and traitorous demeanours, and shame not your native + country of England, nor offend no more, so grievously, your undoubted + king and natural prince, which always hath showed himself most loving + unto you; and remember your duty of allegiance, and that ye are bound + to obey us, your king, both by God’s commandment and law of nature. + Wherefore we charge you eftsoons, upon the forsaid bonds and pains, + that ye withdraw yourselves to your own houses every man, and no more + assemble contrary to our laws and your allegiances; and to cause the + provokers of you to this mischief to be delivered to our lieutenants’ + hands, or ours, and you yourselves to submit you to such condign + punishment as we, and our nobles, shall think you worthy. For doubt ye + not else that we and our nobles can nor will suffer this injury at + your hand unrevenged, if ye give not place to us your sovereign, and + show yourselves as bounden and obedient subjects, and no more to + intermeddle yourselves from henceforth with the weighty affairs of the + realm; the direction whereof only appertaineth to us your king, and + such noblemen and councillors as he list to elect and choose to have + the ordering of the same. And thus we pray unto Almighty God to give + you grace to do your duties, and to use yourselves towards us like + true and faithful subjects, so as we may have cause to order you + thereafter; and rather obediently to consent amongst you to deliver + into the hands of our lieutenant 100 persons, to be ordered according + to their demerits at our will and pleasure, than by your obstinacy and + wilfulness to put yourselves, lives, wives, children, lands, goods, + and chattels, besides the indignation of God, in the utter adventure + of total destruction and utter ruin by force and violence of the + sword.”[698] + +So ended the insurrection in Lincolnshire, for there is nothing more to +tell of it but the King’s revenge. It was a most curious movement, both +in its sudden outbreak and its still more sudden collapse. It is not +surprising that it should have been attempted, but it is that it should +have failed so completely. The secret of this failure seems to be +twofold. The most obvious weakness was that it had no leader. Perhaps it +would have been better if the commons had trusted solely to their own +leaders, Captain Cobbler, William Morland, and the others. Knowing that +they were committed to the cause, they gave themselves up to it heart +and soul, while the gentlemen upon whom the commons attempted to force +the responsibility were at best only half-hearted. But the lack of a +leader was only a symptom of their real weakness, namely, that they had +no definite object in view. The rising was not simply religious, or +agrarian, or political, but a little of each. It was as much against an +unpopular tax and an unpopular bishop as against the King’s religious +policy and his chief minister. The rebels protested against the +dissolution of the monasteries, but the vital question of the Royal +Supremacy was only mentioned once, and then the rebels expressed their +willingness to acknowledge the title[699]. The gentlemen hated Cromwell +and the Statute of Uses, but they wavered on the question of the abbeys, +and were very much afraid of the commons and of civil war. These jarring +forces could only be united into an effective opposition by the +inspiration of a great leader or a great cause; this was the lesson +which the Lincolnshire failure taught, and one man at least learnt from +it. In many respects the earlier rising was a hindrance to the +Pilgrimage of Grace,—it gave confidence to the government, and confirmed +the waverers in the conviction that the King would win in the end,—but +his connection with it showed Robert Aske what to avoid. He saw that +half-hearted leaders were worse than useless, and he saw also that the +only common ground on which all parties could meet was that of religion. +Himself sincerely attached to the old faith, he insisted on it as the +cause and the sole cause of the insurrection which he led; hence the +curious form of his oath—“we rise not for the common weal, but in +defence of the Church.” His banner did not bear the motley crowd of +symbols which the men of Horncastle devised, but simply the Five Wounds +of Christ. If he could inspire in others the enthusiasm which he himself +felt for that badge, they would lose sight of their conflicting +interests, and gentlemen and commons would fight side by side, without +thought of high or low. This was what Robert Aske learnt from the +Lincolnshire rebellion. It remained to be seen whether he could put it +into practice. + + + NOTES TO CHAPTER VI + + Note A. The attitude of the Lincolnshire gentlemen bears a strong + resemblance to that of the German nobles who were compelled to join + the peasants in 1525. “Princes, lords and ecclesiastical dignitaries + were being compelled far and wide to save their lives, after their + property was probably already confiscated, by swearing allegiance to + the Christian League or Brotherhood of the peasants and by + countersigning the Twelve Articles and other demands of their + refractory villeins and serfs.”[700] + + The peasants captured Gotz von Berlichingen of the Iron Hand and + compelled him to become their leader[701]. “Had Gotz been sincere in + taking up the cause of the rebellion, there is no doubt that, + experienced warrior as he was, he would have been a valuable + acquisition. Even as it was some of his suggestions respecting the + maintenance of discipline were in the right direction, but the fact + remained that he was acting under compulsion in a cause with which he + had no sympathy and his one concern was to get rid of his + responsibility at the first possible moment, if not actually to betray + his trust.”[702] + + Note B. Moigne’s statement refutes Williams’ scoffing remarks about + the Lincolnshire gentlemen, for it shows that Moigne at least was a + very able man. Spirited as it is, there is an air of special pleading + about it,—the facts are given, but a particular construction is put + upon them. It would be very interesting to compare this with some + other narrative of the same events, but no other remains. Examinations + of the other Lincolnshire gentlemen seem to have been taken, but are + not preserved, and perhaps very little inquiry was made into the + affair of the Chapter House, as it reflected too much credit on the + loyalty of the gentlemen to be acceptable to the King. The only other + reference to it is in an accusation brought against James Atkinson, a + tailor, the man who cried out that they ought to kill some of the + justices. + + Note C. Although Henry exaggerated the number of his forces and the + speed with which they had been collected, it is too much to say, with + Tierney and Gasquet, that “no such army ever existed.” The main facts + that the King had levied and sent north one body of troops and was + busy levying another were perfectly correct. + + Note D. Another allusion to Captain Cobbler’s robe occurs in a letter + of Wriothesley’s to Cromwell, written on Monday (23 Oct.), in which, + speaking of the Lincolnshire prisoners, he says, “I perceive, also, + his highness would have that traitor in the motley coat well examined, + for he (the King) took that part also very well; yet we have no + further news.”[703] The leaders of the German peasants wore gorgeous + clothes—“a red hat and mantle,” “purple mantles and scarlet birettas + with ostrich plumes,”[704]—but the English commons, except in this + case, did not affect such finery. + + + + + CHAPTER VII + THE INSURRECTION IN THE EAST RIDING + + +If the agitators of the Yorkshire and Lincolnshire risings had been +working together for a general rising at Michaelmas, their plans were +upset; for in the first place Yorkshire did not take up arms till a week +after the appointed day; and secondly the Lincolnshire movement +collapsed with such incredible swiftness. It began on Sunday 1 October, +and by Wednesday the 18th it was over. But when Yorkshire did rise, +events moved so fast that before the insurgents south of Trent had laid +down their arms, the commons of the East Riding had entered York in +triumph, and so widespread was the sympathy felt for their cause that +they might almost be described as masters of the six northern counties. +We will now return to the beginning of the month and trace the course of +the rising of Yorkshire. + +When the hunting-party at William Ellerker’s house in Yorkswold broke up +on 3 October, 1536[705], John and Christopher Aske rode to join Sir +Ralph Ellerker the younger, who was with the King’s commissioners of the +subsidy at Hemingborough[706]. Robert Aske and several of his nephews, +law students, turned south and crossed the Humber into Lincolnshire, +ostensibly with no other purpose than returning straight to London for +the term[707]. How they were “taken” and sworn by the commons has +already been related. On Friday, 6 October, the day after his meeting +with Moigne at Hambleton Hill, Robert Aske left his Lincolnshire company +and crossed the Trent into Marshland. Here, and in Howdenshire, north of +the Ouse, where Aughton lay, Aske was in his own country, among men +ready and anxious to rise at his word. He was eagerly welcomed as a +bearer of news from Lincolnshire, and at the mere sight of him the bells +would have been rung, had he not prevented it. All through the +insurrection the ringing of bells was the special sign of the rebels—the +call to arms against the Government. To sound the alarm, generally by +ringing the peal backwards, was to proclaim to all the surrounding +country that the parish had risen. Aske advised the men of Marshland not +to be the first to stir, but to wait till they heard the bells of +Howdenshire. He then crossed the Ouse into Howden and bade the people +there listen for the bells of Marshland before ringing their own; and so +assured himself, in the simplest way, that the alarm would not be given +without his own orders. His motive for this expedition was highly +characteristic. He was determined to delay the Yorkshire rising till the +answer to the Lincolnshire petitions was known[708]. The King might be +inclined to make concessions after all, and Aske regarded rebellion as +the last expedient, to be resorted to when everything else failed. But +this delay, though doubtless it seemed best at the time, when the +commons once let loose might have plunged into any excess, was certainly +a mistake. As the two counties had failed to rise together, the sooner +Yorkshire gave its full support to Lincolnshire the better. On the other +hand, as confusion reigned in the Lincolnshire host, perhaps that brief +pause on the brink of rebellion made little difference in the long run. + +Aske rode on to Aughton, but finding his brothers were away with the +King’s commissioners, he turned back to Howden for the night. While he +slept certain honest men of the town came to his bedside to tell him +that Sir George Darcy “would take him if he tarried.” Next day, 7 +October, he set out for Lincoln, as rumour said that the King’s answer +had arrived there. Reaching the town on Saturday evening he found +everything in confusion, owing to the mutual distrust of gentlemen and +commons. Both parties, he was told, regarded his journey into Yorkshire +as a desertion, and “if he tarried he should be slain either by the +gentlemen or by the commons.” On this warning he left the sign of the +Angel, where he had put up, and spent the night in hiding with the +host’s brother, a priest. Early in the morning he finally turned his +face northwards and rode to Burton-upon-Stather ferry. Trent was flooded +by the heavy rain on Saturday[709], and he was unable to cross for two +days. At length he crossed the Trent about midnight on Monday, 9 +October. He had left Yorkshire on the verge of open revolt; before he +returned the plunge was taken. Exactly how far he was responsible for it +is one of the mysteries of the Pilgrimage. + +At the first word of rising in Lincolnshire the anxiety of everyone +responsible for the peace of Yorkshire became painful. Those who were +honestly loyal to the King feared for their property and lives; a far +larger number secretly sympathised with the rebels, but were too +cautious to break with the Government until they were certain of being +on the winning side; even those who entirely approved and who had (we +suspect) been working for an outbreak, generally made an effort to +preserve some appearance of loyalty at the last. The Archbishop of York, +who in spite of all his protestations seems to have belonged to the +waverers, heard the news at Cawood, his favourite residence[710]. +Fearing that some of the “light heads in Yorkshire might be encouraged +to do likewise,” he wrote to Darcy at Templehurst, to Dr Magnus (a +member of the King’s Council), Sir George Lawson and the lord mayor of +York; to Robert Crake and Sir Ralph Ellerker the younger, to “keep an +eye on Beverley where there were some light heads”; he sent besides to +Ripon, that in all these places the news might be published that the +Earl of Shrewsbury had set forth against the insurgents[711]. Needless +to point out, he was also spreading the news of revolt. Sir Ralph +Ellerker already knew of the rising[712]; all the north bank of the +Humber had been stirred by beacons lighted on the Lincolnshire side on +Wednesday 4 October, the very night that Aske had been raising the river +side[713], and Sir Ralph had reported the fact to Darcy next day. + +Darcy despatched his son, Sir Arthur, to the King with news of the +risings in Northumberland, Dent, Sedbergh and Wensleydale and the +warning that “greater rebellions were to be feared.”[714] He then left +Templehurst, his family seat, for Pontefract Castle, as it was customary +for the King’s steward to repair to his post in time of unrest. The +rumour, afterwards reported to the King, that he had fled there from the +commons with only twelve horsemen was quite unfounded; as a matter of +fact he was obliged to travel very slowly on account of his infirmity, +for he was nearly eighty years old; he had as many men as he wished with +him and every day more of the loyal gentlemen came in with their +followers[715]. Nevertheless his position was anything but secure. Out +of a garrison of 300 men hardly a hundred could be trusted if it came to +a general rising[716]. The town of Pontefract, indeed all the county, +favoured the rebels and hindered his efforts to buy provisions. York +itself would certainly welcome any rebel force, if the King could not +send troops to overawe the citizens[717]. Darcy had written to the King +as early as 6 October for guns and powder[718], as even if victualled +the castle was not in a state of defence. But the King had neither money +nor arms to spare, and, preoccupied with the affairs of Lincolnshire, +did not see fit to despatch either to Yorkshire. Moreover, Darcy’s +loyalty had long been under suspicion, and Henry probably thought that +if things came to the worst it would be better to lose a doubtful +supporter than to send arms to a possible rebel. The most single-hearted +commander might have been daunted by the prospect, and Darcy had +secretly avowed to the Imperial ambassador that his object in coming +north was to organize a rebellion. But whatever his motives were he now +strove to keep the country quiet. He believed (or at least professed to +believe) that the gentlemen were ready to serve the King[719]. He +postponed all “commissions, leets and other assemblies ... till the +King’s pleasure is further known”; he issued soothing messages and +proclamations, but in spite of the momentary success of these +endeavours, on Sunday 8 October the whole of the East Riding flamed up +like a pile of dried bracken, at the first spark of open sedition. + +That spark was struck in Beverley. As John and Christopher Aske were +returning home from Hemingborough on Saturday 7 October, they found “the +people drawn out in the fields, awaiting the ringing of Howden great +bell to advance.” The brothers set out the same night and travelled +along the Derwent staying the people[720]; they probably spent the night +at Aughton and next day rode to Beverley and dined with Mr +Babthorpe[721]; long before they left, the town was in commotion and the +alarm bells ringing[722]. + +The special jurisdiction of Beverley had been abolished by the same act +that swept away the privileges of Durham[723]. This the people bitterly +resented; and they saw clearly that the days of their beloved St John +were numbered. When news first came to Beverley of the Lincolnshire +rising, the people in the market began to talk of going to London “to +have four docepyers (deceivers?) in the realm,” and of bringing home the +goods of Cheapside and the south. A gentleman was heard to say that the +rebels might be sure of Holderness, where he dwelt; and on Saturday two +canons arrived from Lincolnshire and put up at the Tabard Inn, where +they spoke treasonable words[724]. No one could cross the Humber without +a pass from the Lincolnshire rebels[725]. Either on Saturday or Sunday a +letter had come to Robert Raffells “one of the twelve men (i.e. +aldermen) of Beverley,” purporting to come from Robert Aske, bidding +every man of the town to swear to be true to God, the King and the +Commonwealth, and to maintain Holy Church[726]. Raffells had kept this +secret as long as he could[727], but on Sunday 8 October one Roger +Kitchen heard of it and said “he would that day ring the common bell or +die for it.” An attempt was made to stop him, but too late; the bell was +already calling the townsfolk to the market-place. Richard Wilson and +Richard Newdyke commanded the burgesses to assemble at the Town-Hall, +where surrounded by an armed company they read the letter in the name of +Robert Aske, and further proclaimed that every man was to take the oath +on pain of death[728]. No one demurred, and the whole town was sworn. It +was appointed that they should meet, fully armed, in the West Wood field +at four o’clock[729]. + +Among the throng was one William Breyar, a sanctuary man, who was +wandering about England in the Queen’s livery, to which he seems to have +had no special right; after being sworn with the rest he heard a man in +the crowd say that Robert Aske and another gentleman had been to dinner +at Mr Babthorpe’s house; the bailly Stuard replied, “I marvel what +Robert Aske doth with Mr Babthorpe, for he is a worshipful gentleman”; +rather an ambiguous remark[730]. It was really the two elder Askes who +were in Beverley; Robert was waiting with what patience he might at +Burton-upon-Stather till the evening fell and the beacons on the north +bank of Humber showed him that Yorkshire had not stayed for his coming. +Whether or no he wrote the proclamation that raised the country it is +hard to say, for he himself “utterly denied making or consenting to” +it[731]. On the whole, we incline to accept his word, but fortunately +the question, though interesting, is of little importance. Whoever wrote +this particular letter to Beverley, there is not the slightest doubt +that Aske was from the first the chief leader in the East Riding. If we +suppose this letter to have been “forged in his name” it proves him to +have been admittedly the man with most influence. + +The commons of Beverley duly assembled at four o’clock on West Wood +Green, every man that was able with horse and harness; and a council was +held for sending letters to allies and making plans for future +movements[732]. William Woodmancy was despatched to Lincolnshire with +the letter to the commons there under the town seal[733]. A summons was +sent to York, probably at the same time, though the document is undated: +“my lord mayor and all the commons” were asked to send word “against +tomorrow night” to the White Lion at Newborough, whether they would +allow the commons of Beverley “to pass through this the King’s city with +your favour or not, in case we so require.”[734] The lord mayor, anxious +not to quarrel with anyone, seems to have prudently refrained from +sending any reply. + +West Wood Green, where the commons met, was near the house of the Grey +friars[735], where some visitors were staying,—Christopher Stapleton of +Wighill, with his wife, his brother William, and his son Brian[736]. It +is William Stapleton’s long statement that gives many details of the +rising of Beverley and the only full account of the siege of Hull. +William had been about to go to London for the law term when the news of +the Lincolnshire rising prevented him. When disturbances broke out in +Beverley he felt that he could not leave Christopher “ever thinking that +it should be slanderous to him to leave his said brother in that +extremity, who for extreme fear, being so feeble and weak, neither able +to flee nor make resistance, was like without great help to fall in +sound (swoon), wherein the said William moved with natural pity, did +comfort him, promising not to flee from him, and therein he took great +comfort.” Orders were given that all the household were to stay indoors, +but as the crowds trooped past to West Wood Green, Mistress Stapleton +“went forth and stood in a close where great numbers came of the other +side of the hedge,” and cried to them, “God’s blessing have ye, and +speed you well in your good purpose.” They asked her why her husband and +his servants did not come out to them, to which she replied, “They be in +the Friars. Go pull them out by the heads.” Her behaviour increased the +“perplexity” of the unfortunate Christopher, who mildly remonstrated, +“What do ye mean except ye would have me, my son and heir, and my +brother cast away and mine heirs for ever disinherited?” The lady merely +retorted that it was God’s quarrel. + +The commons now devoted themselves to revenging old grudges. An earnest +supporter of the Archbishop of York in his recent dispute with the town +was nearly killed; and “great quarrels were picked to Robert Raffells of +the same part.” After dark William Stapleton sent a servant to +Christopher Sanderson, advising him to stay the commons if possible, and +begging him in any case to show them that his brother was too impotent +to help them, and to persuade them to spare him and his household on +that account. + +Next day, Monday the 9th, the commons assembled again at West Wood +Green, and sent to young Sir Ralph Ellerker to ask him to join them. He +offered to come and give them his advice if they would not require him +to take the oath, for he was, he said, sworn to the King already; but +they refused to exempt him. It then occurred to them that everyone in +the town had taken the oath except the Stapletons at the Friary. Brother +Bonaventure, the Observant friar[737], was among the people, and acted +as a messenger between the house and the Green. He told William that the +commons were threatening to burn the Friary and those in it if they +would not join them, and “was very busy going between the wife of the +said Christopher and the said wild people, oft laying scripture to +maintain their purpose, noting the same to be goodly and specially to +the said William.” In the end they sent one or two honest men to take +Christopher’s oath in the house, and to bring out William and Brian. As +soon as the commons saw them they rushed towards them crying, “with +terrible shouts”—“Captains! Captains!” And when they had taken the oath +the people cried, “Master William Stapleton shall be our captain,” +“which [he] thinketh came by reason of the said Observant in setting him +forth with some praises to the said people or else they would never have +been so earnest of him whom they did not know.” Seeing how wild and +dangerous the mob was, Stapleton thought the wisest thing he could do +was to accept the leadership, and they made a bargain that if he would +be their captain they would obey his orders in everything not contrary +to their oath. He then stayed old grudges and moved them to proceed in +this quarrel as brothers and not make spoil of any man’s goods; and sent +them home for the night. Mistress Stapleton and Brother Bonaventure were +very much pleased with the way things were going, and the friar went +himself in harness with the commons. As the host was breaking up, Roger +Kitchen “came riding forth of town like a man distraught,” crying, “As +many as be true unto the commons follow me,” and led out a party to +raise the neighbouring country[738]. They went to fire Hunsley Beacon, +but it was lying on the ground; however, they made fires of hedges and +haystacks to spread the alarm[739]. + +The beacons set all the country in a “floughter” as far as they could be +seen. Aske saw them as he crossed the Trent at midnight, after all his +weary hours of waiting. He was in Marshland on the morning of Tuesday, +10 October, and there he found that the gentlemen had received orders +from Sir Brian Hastings, the sheriff, to raise men for the King and join +him at Nottingham. Thereupon they called a meeting of the commons in the +parish church, but suddenly the bells were rung backward there and in +every church in Marshland. Following Aske’s former advice, the bells of +Howdenshire answered from their steeples across the Ouse; by nightfall +the whole countryside had taken up arms[740]. Aske now wrote and +published his first proclamation—the first, that is, which he +acknowledged as his own, and the earliest extant. It is undated, but +there is little doubt that it was published during the rising of +Marshland on 10 October[741]:— + + “Masters, all men to be redie to morow and this nighte and in the + mornyng to ryng yo^r bellis in every towne and to assemble your selfs + upon Skypwithe moure and thare apoynte your captayns Master Hussye, + Master Babthorp and Master Gascoygne and other gentilmen, and to yeff + (_give_) warnyng to all be yonde the watter to be redy upon payn of + dethe for the comen Walthe; and make your proclymacion every man to be + trewe to the kyngs issue, and the noble blode, and preserve the + churche of god frome spolyng; and to be trewe to the comens and ther + welthis; and ye shall have to morowe the statutes and causis of your + assemble and peticion to the kyng, and place of oure meting and all + other of pour (? _word illegible_) and comen welthe in haste; By me + Robt. ask cheiff captayn of Marches lande, th’ ile and howden shyre + Thomas Methm Robt aske yonger. Thomas Saltmerche Wyllm Monketon Master + ffranke Master cawood captayns of the same.” + +This was Robert Aske’s first assumption of authority; it is interesting +to note his title. The Isle is the Isle of Axholme, between the Trent +and the Don (as it then was). Marshland, Yorks., was the triangle of +country between the Don and the Ouse which formed part of the West +Riding. The county boundary still more or less follows the course of the +river now removed. So Aske was first made captain of three wapentakes, +one in Lincolnshire, one in the West Riding, one in the East, each +separated from its neighbour by a great river. As to the other captains, +Robert Aske the younger was doubtless Robert’s nephew, John’s son and +heir, a wild young law student. William Monketon, his brother-in-law, +was his constant companion all through the stirring months that +followed. Saltmarsh and Franke will both reappear hereafter. + +At nightfall Aske went to a poor man’s house to hide from his followers +and get a little sleep, but his place of retreat was discovered and a +bodyguard of enthusiastic volunteers burst in and escorted him over the +water into Howdenshire, where the commons were clamouring for his +presence. No one was thinking of sleep here; a large company of commons +were at the house of Sir Thomas Metham, knight, whom they had taken out +of his bed the night before to be their captain. Not being in sympathy +with the rebels he had fled at the first opportunity, and they were now +threatening to burn down his house. Aske exerted his influence to save +it, and soon persuaded them to return quietly to their beds for what +remained of the night. There was to be a general muster of the +Howdenshire men at Ringstanhirst next morning, corresponding to that of +the commons of Marshland on Skipwith Moor. Sir Thomas Metham’s son and +heir became one of Aske’s petty captains, perhaps out of gratitude for +the saving of his inheritance[742]. + +Others of high rank were also threatened. The commons of Wressell had +risen with the rest of the countryside and cried at the gates of the +Earl of Northumberland’s Castle, “Thousands for a Percy!”[743] The +Earl’s health had been failing ever since the execution of Anne Boleyn, +and his last illness was already upon him. He had good reason to believe +in the King’s power, and he was little inclined to take the part of his +tenants, who hated him heartily enough, but cared little what he did, +once they were convinced he was powerless to act against them. Judging +from their cry, they hoped one of his brothers was with him; but Sir +Thomas was at Seamer in the North Riding, the home of the Dowager +Countess, and Sir Ingram was in Northumberland. After the first general +excitement the invalid Earl was left in comparative peace for a while, +though a watch was kept on his movements and correspondence. + +John and Christopher Aske had stolen away from Beverley on Sunday 8 Oct. +without taking the oath, for Christopher afterwards declared that they +were prepared to be “hewn into gobbets” rather than “distain” their +allegiance. On Monday they were at Aughton in “great heaviness,” for +Christopher was in charge of over £100 of the Earl of Cumberland’s +revenues. The danger of having so large a sum while the country was in +such commotion was obvious. After being twice roused from their beds by +false alarms on Monday night, the brothers resolved to risk their trust +on the road rather than in the heart of the disturbance. They set out at +once for Skipton Castle in Craven, forty miles away, where their cousin +the Earl was then lying. They rode separately, and Christopher, going +first, arrived safely at Skipton in due course[744]. He fell in with +Breyar, the sanctuary man, at Tadcaster. This shady individual had also +“stolen away” from Beverley, and was now on his way to Cawood. Once +there, he hastened to the Archbishop’s palace, and, passing himself off +as a servant of the King as was his wont, he informed Lee of the events +at Beverley[745]. The Archbishop had already been disturbed by rumours +of stirrings in the East Riding[746]; Breyar told him that the men of +Beverley, particularly the leaders, Wilson and Kitchen, were threatening +to march on Cawood and kill him; Lee answered resignedly that he knew it +and intended to flee to Lord Darcy at Pontefract, for he was afraid of +his own neighbours and tenants. He gave the “pretended King’s servant” a +horse and twenty shillings to carry a letter to the King[747]. But no +sooner was one messenger despatched than another hastened in with the +news that the commons of Marshland said they were coming to take the +Archbishop for their captain. This seems to have alarmed him even more +than the first report. Robert Crake, Mr Babthorpe and other loyalists +also arrived from Beverley; and, fearing to be surprised at any moment, +the Archbishop determined to set out at once for some place of safety. +Pontefract Castle was hardly ten miles off; Lord Darcy was there, and Dr +Magnus from York had taken refuge with him. Scarborough, the only +alternative, was three times as far off and the country between was +rising if not already up. It was natural that Lee and his companions +should choose the former place. Darcy allowed the Archbishop thirty +servants and with these he took up his abode at Pontefract on Tuesday +the 10th, charging those he left behind to “keep out of the commons +hands.”[748] His tenants rose the same day and captured John Aske, +together with Sir Thomas Metham and Portington of Lincolnshire, at +Cawood ferry; but John Aske “escaped strangely and took him unto the +woods,”[749] being delivered with the other two by Lee’s steward and +helped by him to pass “over the water out of danger.” Next day this man +was himself taken by the commons of Selby, Wistow, and Cawood, but he +had little difficulty in redeeming himself with money[750]. + +In Beverley the chief business on Tuesday the 10th was bringing in the +neighbouring districts. During the usual muster on West Wood Green +messengers came from Newbald and Cottingham, which had been roused by +the beacons, saying these villages were willing to follow Beverley’s +lead and advance with it. The commons were anxious to go forward at +once, but Stapleton and the other captains thought it better to wait for +the answer to their message to Lincolnshire, which was eagerly expected. +William Stapleton chose for his petty captains his nephew Brian, Richard +Wharton and the bailiff; the commons agreed to “proceed to no act” +without consent of one of these; he made every effort to prevent +“spoilings,” “for he would never have the name of a captain of thieves.” +Christopher Sanderson was sent to ask old Sir Ralph Ellerker to come +next day and use his influence in the town to prevent outrage[751]. On +this day a certain friar and limitor of St Robert’s of Knaresborough +first makes his appearance. His name was Robert Esch or Ashton, and he +had lived at Beverley for some time[752]. Zealous in the cause of the +monasteries and popular among the people from whom he begged, he +appointed himself, as did other brethren of the same house, a kind of +general secretary to the insurgents, attaching himself to no particular +chief, but spreading the rumours and the rebels’ proclamations up and +down the country[753]. At his request Stapleton gave him a “passport” to +travel North, where he promised to “raise all Rydale and Pickering +Lythe.”[754] + +On Wednesday, the 11th, after the usual muster, the gentlemen +breakfasted at Sanderson’s house and held a private council with old Sir +Ralph Ellerker, Sir John Milner, and others, who had not taken the oath. +While they were at table a letter came from North Cave wishing to know +when they should go forward. The gentlemen would not consent to move +until news came from Lincolnshire. If we are to believe Stapleton this +was a mere excuse to keep the host quiet. After “long persuasions” they +carried their point, and orders were sent to the surrounding villages +that no advance was to be made until special orders were issued under +the Beverley town seal. But at length William Woodmancy was seen riding +hard for the town, with the welcome news that messengers from the +Lincolnshire host were close at hand, “by whom they had sent their whole +mind.” Guy Kyme, Antony Curtis and Thomas Donne were these long-expected +messengers and were brought before the company assembled on the Green. +Sir Ralph advised the gentlemen to hear the letters and credence apart, +but the commons insisted that all should be done openly. They hardly +wronged their leaders by their suspicion, for “some honest men” had been +secretly sent to Hessle to intercept the message “so as to amend it if +necessary in opening it to the commons,” though they started too late to +carry out their intention. Kyme delivered a letter to Sir Ralph[755]; +its brief contents and his lengthy credence have already been +described[756]. Such cheerful tidings naturally raised the enthusiasm of +the people to the highest point. They “counted themselves half ashamed +to be so far behind them” of Lincolnshire. The gentlemen were obliged to +resign all hopes of further stay. Stapleton allowed old Sir Ralph to +depart unsworn to his home, though the commons wanted to keep him by +force. + +This day John Hallam rode in from Yorkswold seeking news[757]. He was +only a yeoman, the owner of the Calkhill farm not far from Watton +Priory, but his influence among his neighbours was as great as that of +any gentleman. The respect in which he was held seems rather to have +been owing to his own fearless and determined character than to any +superiority in riches. The general disaffection had already shown itself +in his countryside. On Sunday the parish priest of Watton did not +announce St Wilfrid’s Day, 12 October, and Hallam demanded, before all +the congregation, why it was left out, “for it was wont always to be a +holyday here.” The priest replied that the king had forbidden the +keeping of that and other feasts. When mass was over the whole parish +was talking of nothing else; they declared they would never give up +their holydays, and the passing over of St Wilfrid, a north-country +saint and an archbishop, was probably regarded as a special slight on +Yorkshire. Later in the day the country was further disturbed by the +news of the rising in Beverley. Hallam came to the town on Wednesday, +and went to the house of John Crow. Here he found a great number of +people drinking and discussing the rebellion, with Guy Kyme, Thomas +Donne and Woodmancy in the midst of them. The Lincolnshire men described +the two hosts of Horncastle and Louth “with six knights in each,” and +repeated all the rumours concerning the taking away of church jewels and +the throwing of five parishes into one. Nobody disbelieved them, for +these things seemed hardly more monstrous than the suppression of the +abbeys. The Lincolnshire articles were passing from hand to hand, +everyone being anxious to see them and secure a copy[758]. Kyme was +asked what they did with suppressed monasteries; he answered “nothing”; +and how their men were provided for, to which he answered that those who +could afford it went at their own cost and poor men were helped[759]. +Kyme suggested that the men of Beverley should go and aid the +Lincolnshire hosts against the King’s troops. Hallam was sworn by one of +the leaders; and he was given a bill summoning the men of Watton to +appear at Hunsley on St Wilfrid’s Day and take the same part as the men +of Lincolnshire. Hallam carried it home, but found his neighbours +already warned and willing to attend the muster. Copies of this bill +were sent to Cottingham, Hessle and all the townships round; every man +was to be at Hunsley Beacon at nine next morning with horse and harness; +and that night the beacons were fired at Hunsley and Tranby on Humber +side, so that all the country might understand. The summonses were +written out by a friar of St Robert’s of Knaresborough; as Robert Ashton +had left for Rydale this must have been another of this zealous +community. They had all the effect that was intended. “From that time +forward no man could keep his servant at plough, but every man that +could bear a staff went forward towards Hunsley.”[760] Antony Curtis +dined with Stapleton, and after the meal said he must go on into +Holderness (the region, roughly speaking, between Hull and the sea) +which was not yet up[761]. + +The whole country met at Hunsley Beacon on the morning of Thursday, 12 +October, St Wilfrid’s Day. The Lincolnshire articles were read again for +the sake of the outlying villages which had now come in for the first +time. Guy Kyme estimated the men gathered there at about three thousand. +Certain persons were sent to take Smythely, “a man of law dwelling at +Brantingham,” and among them was his great enemy, Hugh Clitheroe by +name. They found Smythely sick in bed, and contented themselves with +taking his oath; he sent back with them his clerk, “horsed and +harnessed, with many fair words.” Some thought that his illness and +goodwill were equally feigned, and when Guy Kyme related how Master +Skipwith, serjeant-at-arms, was carried in a cart with the Lincolnshire +host, they proposed to bring the unfortunate Smythely in the same way. +Stapleton dissuaded them from this barbarity. A curious incident now +occurred. Stapleton was informed that a great treasure of the King’s, +the spoils of the monasteries of Ferriby and Haltemprice lay in +Beckwith’s house at South Cave. “To please the people and save the +goods” Stapleton selected certain honest persons, keeping light persons +away as much as possible, and rode to the house. He found it in charge +of a woman, apparently alone. But after some parleying she admitted that +the priest who had the chests in his keeping was hidden in the house. +Some swashbucklers had just been there, threatening to spoil the goods +and slay the priest, and he wanted no more visitors of the same kidney. +But finding Stapleton’s party did no active damage he came forth +“quivering and shaking for fear.” The captain asked him “what treasure +was in the two great iron chests”; he replied, “Nothing but evidences.” +Stapleton remarked to his companions “that it was like to be so, yet it +was like to have been plate,” and turning again to the priest “bade him +be merry, for he should have no harm, and set forth meat if he had any.” +The priest made them what cheer he could, and begged that they would +protect him. Stapleton gave orders that proclamation should be made “at +the church style, that no man should meddle with any goods there on pain +of death”; anyone who did so was to be brought before him. The grateful +priest thereupon produced a letter showing that the chests contained +only papers. We cannot help wishing that Stapleton’s curiosity had led +him to investigate a little further[762]. + +While he was away on this mission important news had arrived from Aske. +He was now at the head of the full forces of Howdenshire, and marching +that night to Wighton on the direct road to York. He suggested that the +men of Beverley and the surrounding country should muster “in the +morning at Wighton Hill that he might see us and he would muster on +another hill of the other hand of Wighton that we might see him and his +company.” Guy Kyme and Thomas Donne “much rejoicing thereat, saying they +would not unto Lincolnshire with their finger in their mouths, but they +would tarry and see our musters and the raising of the countries so that +they might be able to declare the same to their host by their own sight +and not by hearsay; for they supposed that Antony Curtis had gone over +to show their host how far they had gone.” They were probably mistaken +in this last opinion, and the news which arrived immediately afterwards +that “all Holderness was up to the sea side” was a better guide to his +real whereabouts[763]. The bells were rung and the countryfolk assembled +at Nuttles on this day; the vicar of Preston helped to administer the +oath. Holderness was a very large wapentake, and each of the three +divisions chose its own head captain—the Middle bailiwick chose Ric. +Tenant, the North bailiwick Wm. Barker, and the South bailiwick Wm. +Ombler[764]. But though they had their own captains they were not slack +in bringing in the gentlemen. They took Sir Christopher Hilliard, one +Grinston, one Clifton, a lawyer of Gray’s Inn “whom they hurt in the +taking,” Ralph Constable, John Wright and others. Many gentlemen of +Holderness and the surrounding country had fled to Hull, the principal +being Sir John Constable and his son, Sir William Constable, young Sir +Ralph Ellerker, Edward Roos, Walter Clifton, son of the wounded man, +Philip Miffin and John Hedge, the King’s servant. They were preparing to +defend the town for the King, but, as many thought, against the will of +the mayor and citizens. + +Evening was falling when these tidings reached Beverley, but four +messengers, including Richard Wharton and Wilson, were despatched at +once “to know of the mayor and aldermen of Hull if they would do as we +did or be against us”; their answer was to be sent next day to Wighton +Hill. After holding a council the mayor sent word that he would appoint +as the men of Beverley did, but would send a fuller answer next +day[765]. + +Before relating the circumstances of the great muster on Friday, it will +be as well to go back and examine the incidents of the rising in +Marshland. After the busy night of Tuesday, Robert Aske found an equally +busy day before him on Wednesday, 11 Oct. He first attended the muster +of Howdenshire at Ringstanhirst as he was on the north bank of the Ouse, +and while he was there messengers arrived from Marshland requesting his +presence at their muster on Hooke Moor, near Whitgift[766]. He crossed +to that town, and there encountered two serving-men who had just brought +the Lincolnshire articles to the house of one Walkington, and were +reading them to the people. One of these men was in a popinjay green +coat, and as this was Lord Darcy’s colour Aske assumed that he +“belonged” to that nobleman; there is no further evidence that he did. +The other was dressed in orange-tawny colour; and they were both +describing the musters in Lincolnshire and the numbers of the host[767]. +The articles were taken up to the Moor and read to the assembly. Four of +them were: + + (1) For redress of Abbeys suppressed. + + (2) Repeal of the Statute of Uses. + + (3) Punishment of divers bishops, especially the bishop of Lincoln. + + (4) Release of quindene or tax. + +There was another, probably for the putting down of base blood in the +King’s Council. Aske had not before seen the articles actually written; +they were sent “under the hands of divers worshipful men of Lincolnshire +into Yorkshire.”[768] The messengers could not have been those who +appeared at Beverley the same day, for even if Aske did not know Kyme or +Donne, and his “cousin” Antony Curtis had not yet joined them, they +would have been sure to tell him their mission and he could not have +mistaken one of them for a servant of Darcy. + +On Thursday 12 Oct. the whole countryside mustered at Howden, and, with +the church cross borne before them like a banner, began their march to +York. Before starting they sent the messengers to Beverley to arrange +the meeting of the two hosts. Wighton was their halting place for the +night[769]. + +Accordingly, on Friday 13 Oct., Beverley marched to meet their +neighbours at Wighton Hill. The mayor of Hull had sent the promised +messengers, Brown and Harrison who had been sheriffs, Kensey and one +Sawl. According to their promise they “made offer of their town by +commandment of the mayor and aldermen of the same, with as gentle words +as they could speak.” But there were some doubts as to the good faith of +this friendliness, and Guy Kyme significantly described “the extremities +they of Lincolnshire showed towards those who fled from them in spoiling +their goods.” All the East Riding was moving towards Wighton; among +others came Robt. Hotham (who brought in a company from his master the +Earl of Westmorland’s lands in Yorkswold), James Constable of the +Cliffe, Philip Waldeby, “Lygerd of Hullshire,”[770] and John Hallam, who +had not been idle but had “stirred up all Watton, Hutton Cranswick and +the country between that and Driffield and was ringleader of them +all.”[771] George Bawne, who seems to have been a leader from the North +Riding, brought word that Sir George Conyers, Ralph Evers, Tristram +Teshe, Copindale and others had fled to Scarborough; Sir Ralph Evers, +the younger, was the keeper of the castle and was expected to hold out +for the King; Bawne declared his determination to win it “or hasard his +life.”[772] When the muster was complete and the whole host stood in +array on the hill above Wighton, Aske gives their numbers as nine +thousand horse and foot, but then he calls them “Holderness and +Yorkswold”; the main body of Holderness had not yet come up, so this was +probably a good deal above the mark[773]. + +Stapleton with a party of gentlemen, his petty captains and the +messengers from Lincolnshire and Hull, set forward down the hill towards +Wighton to carry their tidings to the host of Howdenshire. Before they +reached the town they met Aske with the two Rudstons and young Metham +coming to speak with them[774]. The two captains had last seen each +other in London the term before[775]. Aske told Stapleton how he had +been taken by the commons in Lincolnshire, and listened eagerly to the +news from Beverley and Hull[776]. He asked Kyme and Donne if they had +brought any letter for him, but their only message was to Beverley, and +he was disappointed to find that they knew no more of the progress of +events in Lincolnshire than he did himself. They then asked leave to +depart, intending to cross the Humber that night at the tide. Aske “bade +them God be with them, saying they were pilgrims and had a pilgrimage +gate to go.” This is the first reference to the beautiful name, “the +Pilgrimage of Grace,” given by the insurgents to their protest in favour +of the old religion[777]. + +At Aske’s request the two Stapletons, Philip Waldeby and Robt. Hotham +were elected by the Beverley leaders to represent their company and form +with Aske’s little party a head council. The friendly messages from Hull +were regarded with the greatest suspicion, and in case they proved a +mere blind it was determined that Aske’s host should advance alone on +York, while Stapleton himself, with Robert Hotham to represent the men +of Yorkswold, and young Metham and Nicholas Rudston for Howden, should +ride down to Hull at once, and make arrangements with the mayor for its +formal occupation. The Beverley host was to muster again next morning at +Wighton Hill, and be ready either to advance on York or turn back and +lay siege to Hull; in either case word was to be sent on immediately to +Aske. Once the plan of campaign was settled there was no delay. The men +of Howden turned their faces towards York, and lay that night at +Shipton. Three of the messengers from Hull were kept as pledges for the +safe return of Stapleton’s party, who took the fourth, Sawl, with them. +This precaution shows they had little hope of a favourable reception. + +On arriving in Hull they sent Sawl to the mayor to demand an interview. +He returned with the answer that the mayor could not speak with them +that night, though he had consulted with the aldermen before sending +this reply; “which we liked not,” adds Stapleton. Early next morning +they were asked to go to speak with “the gentlemen that were fled” in +the church. Here the situation was discussed with no little heat[778]. +Rudston, Aske’s petty captain, who is distinguished from his numerous +relations by the epithet “with a perle in his eye,”[779] was chief +spokesman for the Pilgrims. He tried to persuade the loyalists to come +over to the popular cause. But his efforts were vain, and after a long +argument old Sir John Constable declared he would rather die than join +them, saying “he had rather die with honesty than live with shame.” +Apparently no one could cap this beautiful sentiment, and “after long +communication,” all withdrew to breakfast[780]. After this the +messengers were requested to return to the church, where they were +formally received by the mayor and aldermen, though the loyal gentlemen +were also there. They demanded that the men of the town should be sworn +and join the host “with harness, money or ordnance,” as the messengers +sent from Hull to Wighton had promised in the mayor’s name[781]. The +mayor and aldermen denied any responsibility for the message; “they +would keep their town as the King’s town,” they said. They would allow +all who wished to join the rebels full liberty to depart, but such a +person should have neither horse, harness, meat nor money provided for +him. Young Sir Ralph Ellerker further offered to carry any articles they +wished to send to the King, “and either he would do our message truly or +else (we might) strike off the heads of Ralph, his son and heir, and +Thomas his brother whom we had amongst us, but in no wise he would agree +to come in to us.” The rest of his party were of the same mind[782]. + +Stapleton and his companions were in haste to go back to Wighton, but +considerable delay was caused by the mayor’s anxiety for his “untrue +messengers.” He refused to let the Beverley captains go without ample +security for the safe return of these men, who were indeed in some +danger. At length Stapleton and his companions were obliged to swear +that they would return to the town and give themselves up if the +messengers did not reach home safely before nightfall. When at last they +arrived at Wighton “all the country was looking for” them. So great was +the excitement that they hastily despatched the false messengers back to +Hull “and made them good countenance” before daring to announce that +their protestations of friendship had been merely lies to gain time, and +that Hull was prepared to hold out. Young Metham was sent forward to +carry the news to Aske. We can imagine with what a mixture of +indignation and fierce pleasure the men of Beverley heard that their +neighbouring enemies were determined to resist them. + +The next news that reached Wighton was that the men of Holderness had +come to Beverley, and their captains, chief of whom was Sir Christopher +Hilliard, had advanced as far as Bishop Burton, where they waited to +take council with the Beverley captains. Stapleton with his friends left +the company drawn up in array to wait his return, while he arranged with +the Holderness leaders how to dispose their men about Hull. They decided +to hold a general muster at Wynd Oak near Cottingham at nine o’clock +next morning. Rudston returned to the Beverley men at Wighton Hill to +give out these orders; he was greeted with general indignation. The +commons, weary and irritated with standing to arms all day on the same +spot, wanted to know why Stapleton sent and did not come himself? +Rudston was a Howden man; where were their own captains? The old +suspicions broke out. “The gentlemen,” they muttered, “counselled too +much and would betray them.” So they dispersed grumbling. + +Stapleton and his companions had meanwhile ridden straight to Beverley, +where they found three hundred Holderness men mustering on West Wood +Green under their three captains, Barker, Tenant and Ombler. They were +probably obliged to camp there for the night. + +As the Beverley men were on the way to Wynd Oak next morning, Stapleton +called them together and reproached them with their “unkindness” and +suspicions of the night before. They had been pleased to choose him to +command them, he said, though he was only a stranger; he thanked them +for that, and he had worked harder than any man among them; but now, as +they were dissatisfied let them make another captain, and whoever it was +he would obey him willingly. The commons had slept off their ill-humour, +and this appeal had the natural effect. “We will have none other +captain,” they cried, “and whosoever after speak against the captain, +the rest to strike him down.” Nor would they hear of anyone else for all +Stapleton could say. Seeing his authority much strengthened for the +moment, he gave orders “for every man to pay honestly” for what he took. +They then advanced to the trysting-place near Cottingham, a village +about two miles north-west of Hull. It was agreed that part of the host +should follow Aske to York, while the rest besieged Hull. The Stapletons +wanted to go with the former, because, as they explained, neither they +nor their servants had any defensive armour with them; all their harness +was at Wighill beyond York. But the Beverley men would by no means +consent to this; if their captains went they would go too. So it was +finally agreed that Rudston should follow Aske with the men of +Yorkswold, reported to be two thousand strong, and Stapleton should stay +and direct the siege, unharnessed as he was. When Rudston had marched, +two wapentakes, one being Holderness and the other Hullshire with +Beverley and Cottingham, which were all in the same wapentake, though +mustered separately under different commanders, remained to surround +Hull. + +Barker and Tenant with their two hundred horse and all the Holderness +footmen were stationed on the east, from the Humber along Hull water; +Stapleton with the men of Beverley was on the other side of the water, +at Sculcotes on the north of the town; next him on the west was Thomas +Ellerker with the company from Cottingham, and “at Hull Armitage by +Humber side” lay Sir Christopher Hilliard and all Hullshire, and with +him Ombler and one hundred Holderness horse. The city was thus +completely beleaguered on three sides, the fourth being defended by the +wide expanse of the Humber, over which the usual traffic had ceased to +ply for some days past. Feeling ran high in the Pilgrims’ camp; for +Hull, comparatively an upstart town, had monopolised Beverley’s ancient +trade and claimed the sole right to navigate Hull river. Now it seemed a +day of vengeance had come. The shipping, the pride and wealth of the +town, offered a particularly tempting mark. It was said that a single +barrel of burning tar floated down the river on the ebb tide would +destroy every ship lying there. Even surer ways might be found. “Certain +men of the ... water towns” came to Stapleton and offered “to burn all +the ships in Hull haven and thereby to burn all that part of the town.” +He “warned them in any wise seeing it was a high policy not to disclose +the same, for if they did, the same should be prevented by policy, but +the truth was if it had been opened it had not lain with him to have +saved the town.” Some windmills stood without the walls near the +Beverley gate and Stapleton was at no little pains to save them. He +protested that “notwithstanding this great business he trusted both we +should have our reasonable requests and the King’s highness retake us to +his mercy”; and if all went well there was bound to come a day of +reckoning for property destroyed. + +Stapleton’s list of the spoils that did occur is quaint reading. His +headquarters at Sculcotes were a house belonging to the mayor of Hull, +and here his men made free with some hay and grass for their horses. +They also discovered and devoted to their own use a crane, a peacock, a +“cade lame” (whatever that may be) and several young swine. The mayor +evidently kept a good larder, unless the crane and the peacock were +family pets. The commons captured, besides, seventy-five head of oxen, +belonging to the Archbishop’s brother, which seem to have been +considered fair game for some forgotten reason; and Stapleton took ten +or eleven wethers which were being driven in to the besieged, but +returned them to the owner on the capitulation. It was for everyone’s +good that stealing should be put down. Some “honest men” told Stapleton +that his orders were being disobeyed and begged that the offenders might +be punished, “else they should be robbed themselves.” Watch was set and +two men were taken red-handed, one of whom “had been put in trust to +keep their victuals,” while the other was “a naughty fellow, a sanctuary +man of Beverley and a common picker. Whereupon the whole company made +exclamation” and Stapleton caused the two to be taken, and made them +believe they should die. A friar was sent to confess them, and they were +brought out before all men to the waterside. “The sanctuary man was tied +by the middle with a rope to the end of the boat and so hauled over the +water, and several times put down with an oar over the head.” The other +man was a householder of more respectable character, and at the +intercession of his friends was reprieved from his ducking; but both +were banished from the host. This example put an end to “privy +pickings.” + +Several people offered Stapleton money, but he always refused it; and +lacking further evidence we must suppose that here, as in other places, +the Pilgrims were provided with ready money by a voluntary tax levied in +each township. Wealthy people sometimes gave money and food, and +unpopular people ransomed themselves. The Prior of Ferriby distributed +twenty nobles among the commons, who wanted him to go with them, as the +price of being left in peace. The Priory of Ferriby seems to have been +the only suppressed house with which Stapleton interfered, and it was an +especially hard case. It was farmed from the King by Sir William +Fairfax, though he had not yet removed the goods from it. He was “a man +of fair possessions,” but of miserly nature, and incurred the anger and +disgust of all his neighbours, rich and poor; for he neither took up his +residence in the priory nor made any attempt to carry on its ancient +hospitality. The men of Swanland, in Ferriby parish, asked Stapleton to +protect the valuables of the deserted house from their present owner, +and he “bade them put two brothers of the same house to lie within it +and to see nothing wasted ... till ... some way was taken with all the +houses.”[783] + +On Tuesday, 17 October, Horncliff of Grimsby came from Lincolnshire with +a letter and the news that the insurgents were dispersing. The commons +cried that the letter was a forgery and the man a liar. He was seized +and imprisoned. There is reason to believe that Antony Curtis, who had +been so active in the first days of the rising, was with Horncliff. At +any rate he suffered with him from the unjust if natural anger against +bearers of ill-tidings[784]. The host despatched a letter to +Lincolnshire by William Woodmancy, their first messenger, “wherein ... +was contained the unkindness of Lincolnshire to them who rose by their +motions” in sending them no news. On their side they had plenty to tell, +for posts had come in from other parts of Yorkshire. Aske sent word that +he had taken York without fighting, and from the north came the news +that Sir Thomas Percy had been taken. Shortly afterwards a servant of +Percy’s came with a message from his master to Sir Ralph Ellerker, “who +would be much advised by him” and perhaps induced to join the +Pilgrimage. Stapleton reluctantly let him through to Hull, for he came +“without letter or passport”; and eventually sent him back to Sir Thomas +with a remonstrance against his carelessness “in such extreme business.” +It does not appear if this man, who gave his name as James Aslaby, was a +royal spy or not. Robert Ashton, the friar, returned from the +north-west, saying that he had been at the rising of all Malton; that +Richmondshire was in arms and Lord Latimer taken; and that he intended +to go to the Forest of Knaresborough, but his money was all gone, and +the horse he rode was borrowed from the Prior of Malton, for his own had +been tired out[785]. He was provided with twenty shillings, and +indefatigably set out again. + +John Wright, a petty captain of Holderness under Ombler, had been to +Hull to negotiate with Sir Ralph Ellerker, and brought word from him to +Stapleton that he and Sir William Constable were willing to make terms +for themselves. A meeting was arranged at nine o’clock on Wednesday +morning at the Charterhouse without the town walls. Only a few of the +Pilgrimage captains knew of the appointment and these chose Stapleton, +one of the Holderness captains, and at Stapleton’s desire, Marmaduke, +one of Sir William Constable’s own sons, to receive the two knights from +Hull. On the morning of Wednesday, 18 October, the meeting in the +Charterhouse took place. Sir Ralph Ellerker and Sir William Constable +professed themselves willing to come in to the Pilgrims and “do as they +did” provided they were neither obliged to take the oath nor to become +captains. They intimated that many would come in from Hull on these +terms. Stapleton and his fellows readily agreed to this proposal; but +they were very doubtful as to how the commons would take it; the men of +Holderness were particularly unruly and might refuse consent to anything +but an unconditional surrender. The captains were summoned and sent to +announce to their companies that anyone coming from the town was to be +received peaceably and allowed to join their ranks unsworn. To +Stapleton’s relief the commons were “well pleased” with the arrangement. + +Next day, Thursday, 19 October, Sir Ralph again met Stapleton and told +him that if Sir John Constable left the town, the mayor and aldermen +would certainly yield; let the captain allow Constable to pass secretly +through the rebel lines and make his escape, and the town would soon be +his. Stapleton was too much a man of honour to listen to this insidious +proposal. He replied that he was stationed there to force the gentlemen +in the town to join the Pilgrimage and no one should escape with his +aid; though if Sir John could get through by himself “God be with him.” +At this point of their deliberations something chanced which hastened +the fall of the town. + +On receiving news of Aske’s unopposed entry into York, Stapleton had +written to him for reinforcements, and in answer to this Rudston now +made his appearance on the west of Beverley, near the Hermitage, with +four or five hundred men in battle array about to make an attack. His +appearance surprised everyone. Sir Ralph Ellerker asked Stapleton “if he +knew and could stay them?” Stapleton thought he could and rode off to +speak to the leaders. But the threatened assault had ended the burghers’ +indecision. Eland and Knolles, two of the aldermen, were sent to yield +the town to the Pilgrims. Rudston, meeting no resistance, and no doubt +seeing the royal colours flutter down, “lodged his men about and came +himself to the Charterhouse to hear the offer of the men of Hull.” When +he and Stapleton reached the hall they found Sir John Constable and the +other loyal gentlemen there before them. The single condition of the +surrender was that no one in the town was to be forced to take the +Pilgrims’ oath. It was mutually agreed that no troops should enter the +town till next day because at such a late hour it would be difficult to +prevent spoiling. “And that night Sir Ralph Ellerker and Rudston lay +together at the Charterhouse.”[786] + +It chanced on that very day Richard Cromwell in Lincoln was writing to +his uncle about the defence of Hull. The letter is so full of details +about the state of Lincolnshire, and the sympathy shown there for the +insurgents beyond the Humber, that we give it in full:— + + “Master Richard Cromwell to My Lord (Privy Seal) + + “Please it your Lordship to be advertised that this daye we + have newes that ther is up aboute hull in nomber aboute VI thousand + persons intending to wynne the same which if they cannot do woll set + fire of it. In which town Sir Rauf Ellerker doth lye to defend the + same. And he and his company be nere hand famyshed how be it my + lorde’s grace hath sent oon of Mr Tyrwitte’s sonnes with vitayle gunne + powder and such other necessarys (?) as they nede to defende them + selfe unto such tyme as they shall have better socore. And these + traytors have sent hither into dyvers places within this shyre for + ayde desyring them to come and they woll so provyde(?) that they shall + have thar own desyres of any gentlemen or other what so ever he be + within this shyre. But as yet we here of none in these partes that do + assemble but all still. And the moost part of the gentlemen here be + come in and do come in hourely and many of them sworne promysing [to] + take those that have begon this busyness and treason. And where as the + kinge’s highness perchaunse thinketh some slakness in my lorde’s grace + and other how for that they procede not with no greater force against + thyse Rebells here, In my poore opynyon if his grace with other of his + moost honourable counsail were present here [he] wold do non other + then is done considering how busy they are in other parts and also + fynding the people here so holow which had rather in manner dye then + one to utter another. And how glad they wold be if they might to go to + thother Rebells in yorkshire. So that as yet no cruelty may be showed + but all wrought with wysdom and delibrate policye. And though it hath + pleased his hyhness to say that they were afrayde of their shadows. In + faith to advertise your lordship of the treuth I never sawe gentlemen + forwarder then they have been and is in this mater nor take greter + paynes day and night than they do to devise and Imagyn which way they + may best wynne and come by these malefactors and the originalls + thereof for surely if they shuld take but ii of them cruelly all the + rest (ad id affisand) be so hollowe that they wold to them in + yorkshire straight. Ther is but a water betwen and they may in on + night go a thousand or more. So that they may niether take their + harness away from them nor yet hinder them any thing roughly. But + furst wynne them and after knowe the originalles and fynally use them + according to their deserts. And doubt ye not but your lordship shall + hereafter right well perceyve and knowe that the surmyse that hath + been put in his grace’s hed is not true. And for that I perceyve my + lord’s grace and thother of his highness counsoul here be somwhat + amased for bicause his highness shuld upon any synyster and untrue + report judge that they have not done their duety in this case as I + take god to record they have to my poore Judgement, as much as + possible is for men. I most humbly besech your good lordship to + obtayne the king’s moost honorable letters unto them with some + comfortable and loving words to encourage them agayn and to avoyde + their dolour. Not doubting but herafter his highness shall right well + perceyve and prove that they have done thair duetyes and have not been + negligent in no case or else let me dye for it. Please it you to be + advertised that this day your servants mylysent and bellowe be comen + hither unto me who saith that your servant mamby’s father was one of + the procurers of this treason, wherefor it shall be well don that ye + detayne your said servant ther with you not suffering hym to depart as + yet in to these parts and thus I besech almighty god long to preserve + your lordship in honour. At Lincolne this thursday at VI of the clock + in the after noon. + + “Yo^r humble nephew most bounden + “(signed) Rch. Crumwell.”[787] + +The King’s displeasure with Suffolk and his council was merely his usual +method of getting the greatest possible service out of his servants by +mingling suspicion and threats with favour and fair promises. The guns +and provisions which Suffolk sent to Hull must have fallen into the +Pilgrims’ hands. As to the hollowness of the people and their sympathy +with the Yorkshire rebels, that was only to be expected. Among the +Pilgrims, on the contrary, prevailed a feeling of anger and contempt +against Lincolnshire. After so much talk it seemed ridiculous that the +earlier rising should be ignominiously ended and that without other +agency than the threats of a blazon-coated herald and the blare of his +trumpet; surely there had never been such a fall since the days of +Jericho. And it made a very material difference in the chances of the +rising. Lincolnshire in arms might easily have encouraged the other +midland counties to rise. The royal forces might have been cut off from +their base, surrounded and crushed. But with the example of Lincolnshire +before them and a royal army in their midst the midlands would hardly +venture to show their feelings unless a decisive victory was won. In +fact the northern counties were obliged to depend on themselves alone; +there was no longer the slightest hope of the movement spreading from +shire to shire through all the land. Tremendous as this idea seems to +be, it was certainly what the Pilgrims expected at first, and, what is +more to the point, it was what the King feared. Strong and cunning as +Henry was, even he might have failed if the men of Lincolnshire had +stood by the men of the north. + +On Friday, 20 October, Eland, Knolles and John Thorneton opened the +gates of Hull to the captains of the Pilgrimage, the terms of the treaty +being duly observed on both sides. A council was held at Hunsley Beacon, +the two aldermen representing Hull. There was no longer any doubt about +the dispersal of the Lincolnshire rebels and the advance of Suffolk to +Lincoln. The council at Hunsley decided to draw up their articles and +send them to the Duke by the hands of four captains, one from each +company. But before they were fairly written out, a post rode in from +Pontefract with word from Aske that the “Lord Steward was about to give +him battle.” This message must have been despatched on the receipt of +some false intelligence, for Shrewsbury was, as a matter of fact, in no +position to encounter the Pilgrims; but it checked Stapleton’s more +peaceful plans. He considered it impossible for any men from Hull to +reach Pontefract in time to help Aske. But he ordered all his host to +muster at Hunsley at seven o’clock next day to follow up Aske’s advance, +and he quartered a garrison of two hundred Holderness men in Hull. Sir +Ralph Ellerker kept the beacon for that night, though he was only to +fire it in case of urgent need[788]. The irony of events, so triumphant +when news travelled slowly, decreed that the King should write thanking +Sir Ralph Ellerker for his gallant defence of Hull on the day after it +was occupied by the Pilgrims[789]. + + + + + CHAPTER VIII + THE PILGRIMS’ ADVANCE + + +Hull did not fall until 20 October 1536, but its siege was merely an +incident in the Yorkshire rising. We must go back to 13 October to +follow the main course of the insurrection, the advance of the Pilgrims +under Aske to York. Before describing this, it will be convenient to +take a general survey of the disturbed counties and to note the attitude +of those in authority. All through the week the King’s commanders were +too much occupied with Lincolnshire to realise how much more serious was +the trouble in Yorkshire. The news of the rising there does not seem to +have reached Shrewsbury’s camp at Nottingham until Thursday, 12 +October[790]. Lord Darcy and Sir Brian Hastings, the sheriff, were left +for a week without instructions or aid to cope with the flowing tide of +insurrection as best they might. + +On Tuesday, 10 October, Lord Darcy, at Pontefract, heard of the summons +sent from Beverley to York, and wrote to the lord mayor of York “as a +man of substance, having the rule of the second city of the realm.” He +informed the mayor that the commons of the East Riding were likely to +“invade” York and try to seize the King’s treasure. The mayor must put +the citizens in readiness to resist the rebels and must summon the +gentlemen of the Ainstey to his aid. He need have no fear in opposing +the rebels, as, though “men of high experience in war,” they had no +artillery nor ordnance[791]. + +At the same time Darcy sent his son Sir George into Marshland to capture +Aske; that night Sir George “laid in wait and would have taken him if he +had kept the appointments he made with gentlemen to lie in their +houses.”[792] Nevertheless Aske escaped. + +Sir Brian Hastings wrote to Darcy on 10 October from Hatfield, where he +was lying with 300 men. The rebels of Howdenshire and Marshland intended +to march on York and he advised Darcy to send a force at once “to +overawe their faction in that city.” Meanwhile he would join Darcy and +they might together intercept the rebels on the march and cut them off +from York[793]. In a letter to Fitzwilliam dated the next day (Wednesday +11 October) Hastings said that “though the common people murmur” he was +keeping “Hatfield, Doncaster and all other places under your rule in +good order”; but the people of “all the north are so confederated that +they will not be stayed without great policy.” He thought that the men +who were serving the King should have wages[794]. + +Darcy answered Sir Brian’s letter of the 10th on Wednesday 11 October. +He wrote that he knew the extent of the rising and was “putting all the +gentlemen within my room in readiness at an hour’s warning, when I shall +know the King’s pleasure.” But neither the King nor the Lord Steward +(Shrewsbury) had answered his letters. “If you have any certainty from +above let me share it.”[795] + +Darcy was kept well informed about the spread of the movement not only +in Yorkshire but in the neighbouring counties. He had many friends who +favoured the rebels and acted as spies for him. Darcy used their +information just as it suited him at the moment, sometimes sending it on +to the King, sometimes keeping it for private ends. About the time that +he received Sir Brian Hastings’ letter, full of sturdy loyalty, two +other letters arrived, one from Lancashire, the other from Wakefield, +which, though they contained nothing positively treasonable, were in +tone a marked contrast to Sir Brian’s. The first was from Thomas +Stanley, a priest, who was a kinsman and follower of the Earl of Derby. +He reported that the people of Lancashire “say those that are up are for +the maintenance of church and faith and they will not strike against +them.” There had been some local disturbances, but the Earl of Derby +“attends the King’s command.” The writer concluded “your lordship may +trust the bearer; he is a tall man if need be.”[796] The second letter +was from Thomas Gryce, Darcy’s steward at Wakefield. He described the +general discontent in the country and the sympathy felt for the rebels. +The commissioners were afraid to sit lest their meeting should prove a +signal for a general rising, and weapons were being sent from York, some +of them to the Earl of Derby[797]. The Earl was believed to favour the +rebels’ cause, but, after some wavering, he declared for the King. + +Another of Darcy’s informants was Thomas Maunsell, the vicar of Brayton. +Maunsell had been in Howdenshire on Tuesday 10 October, where he was +captured by the commons and accused of being a spy of Sir George Darcy; +this was probably in connection with the attempt to seize Aske. It is +curious that Darcy should have known from the very beginning of the +rising that Aske was the leading spirit; perhaps he owed both this and +his minute knowledge of the captain’s movements to Maunsell. The vicar +was released on Wednesday morning after taking an oath to attend the +muster on Skipwith Moor[798]. He went first to Sir George Darcy and then +to Lord Darcy at Pontefract, who bade him attend the muster and bring a +report of it next day. He returned on Thursday 12 October with the news +that the “commons intended to come over the water to Darcy’s house +(Templehurst) and the (Arch)-bishop’s” (Cawood). Darcy told him to go +home to Brayton, and if the Howdenshire men “did press to come over the +water” (the Ouse) he was to raise all the people on Darcy’s lands, for, +if the commons on the south-west bank of the Ouse were up, the +Howdenshire men would have no motive for crossing, and there would be +less likelihood of damage to property. “Darcy said he would thus do the +King service.” + +On Friday 13 October twenty-four men came over the Ouse from Howden to +persuade the West Riding to take part with the rest of the county. The +parts about Brayton, that is the whole west bank of the Ouse from Cawood +to Templehurst, were very willing. The Howden men first “raised the +town” (Brayton or Selby) and the vicar promised to do the rest. On +Sunday 15 October he was at the head of all the force in “Darcy’s +room.”[799] + +Meanwhile not only the Archbishop and Archdeacon Magnus[800] but many +gentlemen who found their tenants out of hand fled to Pontefract Castle +to escape the rebels. Sir Robert Constable had captured “Philypis a +captain of the commons in Lincolnshire,” and had taken him to the lords +at Nottingham. He was ordered to return home and pacify the east coast +if possible, but if the insurrection had gone too far for conciliation, +he must turn back to Pontefract and put himself under Darcy’s orders. +Finding that all the East Riding was up, Constable went to Pontefract, +where he found his friend in a desperate state[801]. + +On Friday 13 October Darcy answered Henry’s gushing letter of +thanks[802] with a long expostulation. He said that the King thanked him +more than he deserved, but only partially answered his previous letters. +The King made no reference to Darcy’s repeated appeals for ordnance and +money. All the East Riding, part of the West, and nearly all the North, +were now up, “in effect all the commons of Yorkshire; and the city of +York favours them.” The host of the East Riding was advancing on York to +seize the King’s treasure, and though Darcy had written to the lord +mayor to “look to the safety of the city” the people were said to be +“lightly disposed.” The loyal gentlemen “cannot trust any but their +household servants.” The Lancashire commons were “of the same mind as +the others,” and were buying arms. Darcy expected the rebels to visit +him shortly, and there was “not one gun in Pontefract Castle ready to +shoot. There is no powder, arrows and bows are few and bad, money and +gunners none, the well, the bridge, houses of office etc. for defence, +much out of frame.” This is the refrain of the letter—send money and “in +any wise haste to the laying of posts,” or the messengers will be cut +off[803]. + +On the very same day Henry was writing severely to Darcy. He marvelled +that the unlawful assemblies were not yet put down. He had written to +the gentlemen of Yorkshire to muster their forces, and Sir Arthur Darcy, +if Darcy himself was too feeble to take the field, was “to repress the +traitors as he hopes to be reported a loyal servant.”[804] It is easy to +imagine the irritation this letter must have caused at Pontefract. It +was all very well for the King to marvel, but raising men was not only +useless but dangerous, for, though they often only refused to attend the +musters, or stole away to the rebels, if a considerable force was +collected they would probably desert in a body, and carry their leaders +captive to the host of the Pilgrims. General orders were easy to send, +but when they were accompanied by neither money nor particular +instructions, it was impossible to carry them out. Perhaps if Darcy had +taken entire command of the situation without orders, and had spent +unstintingly all the money he had left after keeping his garrison of +thirteen score men entirely at his own expense[805], something more +might have been achieved or at least attempted. For instance, about 14 +October the men of Wakefield declared themselves ready to follow Sir +Richard Tempest on the King’s part, but Thomas Tempest, who informed his +father, Sir Richard, of the fact, added that if the rebels arrived first +Wakefield would join them, and they were within ten miles of the +town[806]. Sir Richard wrote to Darcy, offering to come to him at +Pontefract, but Darcy replied that he had no orders, and that Tempest +would be of more use at Wakefield[807]. + +On Friday, 13 October, Shrewsbury and the other lords at Nottingham sent +Darcy the following letter: + + “My very god lorde in our right hartie maner we comende us unto you + signyfying unto the same that we sent oon Lancaster the kingis + harraude of armys unto the rebellious in Lincoln shire with a + proclamacion, the copie whereof we sende unto you hereinclosed. And + upon the hering thereof they were contented to departe home to their + houses, albeit they stayed and taried upon annswere frome my lorde of + suffolke; and as sone as they here frome hym we think they woll right + gladly repayre home unto their houses according unto the tenore + purport and true meanyng of the said proclamacion without any let or + stay to the contrary. Also whereas the said rebellious had comfort + oute of yorkshire, for ayde and assistance of those there, Insomyche + as they have knowledged divers to have come over the watirs of Humber + owis and Trent they have nowe promysed to staye the botis there, so + that none shall come over, but be glad to retorn again homewards like + foolis. And if they dooo come the said rebellious here will (as they + affirme) be redy to fyght against them as they mynd themselves + (_illegible_) the Kingis true and faithful subiectis.” (_About eight + lines at the end are mutilated and illegible._)[808] + +There is no sign in this letter that Shrewsbury distrusted Darcy, but +according to Sir Henry Saville, when Sir Arthur Darcy was in +Shrewsbury’s camp[809], the Earl asked how many men Darcy could raise. +Sir Arthur replied, five thousand “if the abbeys might stand.” This +aroused suspicions of Darcy’s loyalty, though the words applied more to +the disposition of the country than to Darcy’s private views. Shrewsbury +bade Sir Arthur, “Go and bid your father stay his country, or I will +turn my back upon yonder traitors and my face upon them.”[810] + +Rumour whispered that when Darcy first heard of the rising in +Lincolnshire, he said “Ah, they are up in Lincolnshire. God speed them +well. I would they had done this three years ago, for the world should +have been the better for it.”[811] If this was really his opinion, he +would not be very well pleased with the news of the rebels’ collapse, +but his feelings are not recorded. One of his spies informed him on 14 +October that the Lincolnshire host had dispersed, but the writer gave no +hint as to whether the news would be thought good or bad[812]. If, as +seems probable, Darcy had not yet determined which side to take, the +failure of the Lincolnshire rebels would incline him to loyalty. + +Darcy’s letter of 13 October arrived in London on the 15th, and as +anxiety about Lincolnshire was almost over, some notice was at last +taken of the Yorkshire trouble. The King wrote to Shrewsbury ordering +him to turn his face towards Yorkshire. If he considered his force +sufficient to strike “without danger to our honour,” he was to “give +them (the rebels) a buffet with all diligence and extremity.” If he +could not venture on this alone, he must wait for the Duke of Norfolk, +who was at Ampthill, and a joint commission of lieutenancy would be sent +to Norfolk and Shrewsbury to go north together[813]. “This matter +hangeth like a fever, one day good, another bad,” wrote Wriothesley from +Windsor to Cromwell in London[814]. The news must have been doubly +unwelcome because when the Lincolnshire revolt collapsed the government +had believed the trouble was over. + +On the same day (15 October) the gentlemen in Pontefract Castle wrote to +the lords at Nottingham that, following their advice, they were lying +still; indeed they doubted if they could move with safety, as the +commons were before York with 20,000 men, and the country round was +rapidly taking up arms. However, they relied on certain gentlemen, their +fellows and friends, who were ready to come to the aid of Pontefract +with their servants at an hour’s warning. The rebels, “notwithstanding +your proclamation,” were expected at Pontefract on Tuesday 17 October, +and, as the King had taken no notice of Darcy’s letters about the +weakness of the castle, its defenders were in extreme danger unless +speedy succour were sent. They had heard that terms had been made with +the men of Lincolnshire, and they begged that the same might be offered +to the Yorkshire rebels, as there was even more need of such comfort +here. In a postscript they sent news of the rising of Durham[815]. + +It was immediately after the despatch of this appeal that the King’s +letter of the 13th arrived. Next morning (16 October) Darcy wrote to +Shrewsbury with a bitterness easy to understand. The King had sent him +letters missive to the neighbouring gentlemen which he had forwarded, +but he doubted if they could be delivered without falling into the +rebels’ hands. The King commanded him to “stay or distress the commons +who are up in the north and commit the heads to sure ward,” but it was +totally out of his power to enter upon any such extensive operations. He +had succeeded in checking the rising in his own neighbourhood for +fourteen days, and had prevented the rebels from joining the +Lincolnshire men, but now their forces in the north and west had +increased so much that it passed his power to meddle with them, for he +was without weapons or money. He dated his letter from “the King’s +strong castle of Pontefract, even the most simply furnished that ever I +think was any to defend.”[816] + +While Shrewsbury was waiting for orders at Nottingham and Darcy was +appealing for help at Pontefract, there was nothing to oppose the +advance of the Pilgrims. + +On Saturday 14 October Aske’s host reached the Derwent, and seized the +bridges of Kexby and Sutton. A rumour had reached them that Sir Oswald +Wolsthrope and the lord mayor of York had raised the gentlemen of the +Ainstey and the burgesses of the city, and that they were about to pull +down the bridges and hold the river bank against the rebels; but no such +drastic steps had been taken, and the host crossed unmolested at their +leisure. Aske wrote to Stapleton after the crossing to inform him of +their progress, and to ask for a written copy of the Lincolnshire +articles, as he wished to explain by an open proclamation why he “raised +the country between the rivers of Ouse and Derwent.” Stapleton, however, +was unable to satisfy his desire, as the articles brought by Kyme had +disappeared, and no other written copy could be found among the host at +Hull[817]. + +The Pilgrims were rapidly approaching York, where the authorities had +neither the will nor the power to stand a siege for the King. The mayor +and Sir George Lawson, the treasurer of Berwick who lived at York, wrote +to Henry describing the force “assembled to enter the city contrary to +their allegiance.”[818] Richard Bowyer, a burgess of York and “the +King’s sworn servant,” had acted as a messenger between Darcy and the +lords at Nottingham. He brought the King’s letters missive of 13 October +from Pontefract to William Harrington, the lord mayor of York, and Sir +George Lawson, killing a horse on the way. On receiving these orders to +put the town into a state of defence, they “determined to send for the +gentlemen of the Ainstey to come and help keep the city after the old +custom. Captains were appointed to every ward and bar.” Bowyer was +captain of Botham Bar, and put on his white coat with the red cross of +St George back and front[819]. But the burgesses took no great interest +in the matter, and the common people, inflamed partly by literature from +the busy pens of the friars of Knaresborough, partly by the flight of +the Archbishop, had declared for the Pilgrims as early as Wednesday 11 +October[820]. + +On Sunday 15 October the rebel host held a great muster at the very +gates of the city. They were believed to be 20,000 strong, and were +arrayed in good order, the men of every wapentake forming a separate +company which carried as its ensign a cross from one of its parish +churches[821]. The horsemen were four or five thousand strong[822], and +consisted chiefly of gentlemen with their servants, and of well-to-do +yeomen and burgesses. They were therefore better armed and better +disciplined than the foot soldiers. All the neighbouring districts had +been summoned to join the army at York as soon as possible, and men +poured in hourly[823]. + +From his position before the gates Aske despatched three petty captains +and a messenger with a summons to the lord mayor and aldermen to give +the Pilgrims a “free passage through the city at their peril.”[824] +Aske’s second proclamation was probably sent with the summons. It was +certainly written about this time and circulated all through the +country. It ran as follows: + + “Lordes, knyghtes, maisters, kynnesmen, and frendes. We perceyve that + you be infurmyd that thys assemble or pylgrymage that we, by the + favour and mercy of allmyghty god, do entend to procede in is by cause + the kynge oure soveragne lord hathe had many imposicyons of us; we + dowte not but ye do rizte well knowe that to oure power we have ben + all weys redy in paymentes and pryces to hys hyghnes as eny of hys + subgettes; and therfor to asserteyne you of the cause of thys oure + assemble and pylgrymage is thys. For as muche that shuche symple and + evyll dysposyd persones, beynge of the kynges cownsell, hathe nott + onely ensensyd hys grace with many and sundry new invencyons, whyche + be contrary (_to_) the faythe of God and honour to the kynges mayeste + and the comyn welthe of thys realme, and thereby entendythe to destroy + the churche of England and the mynysters of the same as ye do well + knowe as well as we: but also the seyd counsell hathe spoylyd and + robbid, and farthyr entendynge utterly to spoyle and robbe, the hole + body of thys realme and that as well you as us, yffe God of hys + infynyte mercye had not causyd shuche as hathe taken, or hereafter + shall tacke thys pylgrymage uppon theym, to procede in the same, and + whethyr all thys aforeseyde be trewe or not we put it to youre + concynes; and yff none thyncke it be trewe, and do fyght agaynst us + that entendythe the comyn welthe of this realme and no thynge elles, + we truste, with the grace of God, ye shall have smale spede; for thys + pylgrymage we have taken hyt for the preservacyon of crystes churche, + of thys realme of england, the kynge our soverayne lord, the nobylytie + and comyns of the same, and to the entent to macke petycion to the + kynges highnes for the reformacyon of that whyche is amysse within + thys hys realme and for the punnyshement of the herytykes and + subverters of the lawes; and we nother for money malys dysplesure to + noo persons but shuche as be not worthy to remayne nyghe abowte the + kynge oure soverayne lordes persone. And furthur you knowe, yff you + shall obtayne, as we truste in God you shall nott, ye put bothe us and + you and youre heyres and oures in bondage for ever; and further, ye + are sure of entensyon of Crystes churche curse, and we clere oute of + the same; and yff we overcum you, then you shalbe in oure wylles. + Wherfore, for a conclusyon, yff ye wyll not cum on with us for + reformacyon of the premyssis, we certyfy you by thys oure wrytynge + that we wyll fyght and dye agaynst both you and all those that shalbe + abowte towardes to stope us in the seyd pylgremage; and God shalbe + juge whych shall have hys grace and mercy theryn; and then you shalbe + jugyd hereafter to be shedders of crystyn blode, and destroers of your + evyne crystens (_i.e._ _equal Christians_). from Robert Aske chefe + capytayne off the conventyall assembly on pylgrymage for the same, + barony and comynality of the same.”[825] + +With the summons Aske sent a promise that if the burgesses would admit +his army “in so doing they should not find themselves grieved, but that +they should truly be paid for all such things as they (the rebels) took +there.”[826] + +The details of the city’s surrender have not been preserved. Aske, who +was as careful to put the most loyal complexion on the actions of other +people as on his own, said that being “neither fortified with artillery +nor gunpowder the same city was contented to receive them.”[827] The +lord mayor yielded at once to Aske’s summons, but the entry of the +Pilgrims was postponed until the next day. Aske now sent to the mayor a +copy of the Pilgrims’ Articles. According to Bowyer his messenger was “a +Lincolnshire fellow,”[828] but as Stapleton had been unable to send the +Lincolnshire articles, it is probable that Aske drew up a version of his +own for the occasion. The document has been preserved and bears the +endorsement of the lord mayor, Harrington. The handwriting is very bad, +probably because the writer was on horseback, and the document is so +much faded and defaced that it is in parts illegible, but the general +drift of it is clear. It is a mixture of a list of grievances and a +petition to the King, some of the articles being cast in one form and +others in the other: + + (1) By the suppression of so many religious houses the service of God + is not well performed and the poor are unrelieved. + + (2) We humbly beseech your grace that the act of uses may be + suppressed, because it restrains the liberty of the people in the + declaration of their wills concerning their lands, as well in payment + of their debts, doing the King service, and helping their children. + + (3) The tax or “quindezine” payable next year is leviable of sheep and + cattle; but the sheep and cattle of your subjects near “the said + shire” (Yorkshire) are now at this instant time in manner utterly + decayed. The people will be obliged to pay 4_d._ for a beast and + 12_d._ for twenty sheep, which will be an importunate charge, + considering their poverty and losses these two years past. + + (4) The King takes of his Council, and has about him, persons of low + birth and small reputation, who have procured these things for their + advantage, whom we suspect to be lord Cromwell and Sir Richard Riche, + Chancellor of the Augmentations. + + (5) There are bishops of the King’s late promotion who have subverted + the faith of Christ, viz. the bishops of Canterbury, Rochester, + Worcester, Salisbury, St David’s and Dublin. We think that the + beginning of all this trouble was the bishop of Lincoln[829]. + +The demands of the rebels will be discussed at length hereafter, but as +these are the first Yorkshire articles, a few comments may be made on +them. The first article was really the root of the whole matter; Aske +invariably declared that the religious troubles alone would have caused +the insurrection. As to the second it was of much less importance, and +he thought that if it had not been in the petitions of Lincolnshire, it +would not have been remembered. The third article is rather difficult to +understand, but it seems to be a protest against the basis on which the +subsidy was assessed. The fourth and fifth are closely allied to the +first. The people blamed Cromwell and the heretic bishops for the +suppression of the abbeys and all the other unpopular measures. The +protest against “base blood” was made chiefly on account of the mere +chance that several of the unpopular ministers happened to be men of low +birth. It is not necessarily a sign of aristocratic influence. No one +resents the success of an upstart more than members of the class from +which he sprang, and besides this, the people connected the rise in +rents with the acquisition of lands by the new families, though the old +families had for the most part become fully as grasping as their +neighbours. As to the bishops, they had consented to the divorce of +Queen Katharine, the separation from Rome, and the dissolution of the +monasteries, while in the opinion of the conservatives they should have +protested against all these measures. Several of them were also +personally unpopular and were suspected of favouring the New Learning. +These were the articles which the commons of Yorkshire were determined +to lay at the King’s feet with a humble prayer for redress, and if they +“could not so obtain, to get them reformed by sword and battle.”[830] + +On Sunday night Aske’s host encamped before York. On Monday 16 October +the Pilgrims entered the city. The morning was spent in making +arrangements for their peaceful entry. A proclamation was issued that +there must be no spoiling, and that everything must be paid for +honestly. It was determined that the soldiers should pay 2_d._ a meal, +and the prices of food and horsemeat were declared both to the host and +to the citizens[831]. As a precaution against disorder, no footmen were +allowed to enter the city, because they were poorer and less easy to +control than the horsemen[832]. + +At five o’clock in the afternoon Aske at the head of four or five +thousand horsemen entered the city in state[833]. The rebel cavalry rode +through the streets to the Cathedral square. It was “about evensong”; +the Minster doors were thrown open and a long procession came forth—all +the ecclesiastics attached to the Cathedral in full vestments and due +order, from the Treasurer of the See of York to the smallest chorister. +The Treasurer, at the head, welcomed the captain of the faithful commons +who came to defend Christ’s Holy Church, and solemnly led him up the +aisle of the great Cathedral to the High Altar “where he made his +oblation.”[834] The early darkness of mid-autumn must have been falling +when Aske came out after the service. He stopped to post on the Minster +door an order for religious houses suppressed: + + “The religious persons to enter into their houses again and view all + the goods there or elsewhere, and thereupon a bill made and indented, + the one party to be kept by the cedant; And there to do divine service + as the King’s bedemen to such times our petition be granted; And to + have both victuals, corn and all other things necessary of the farmers + by bill indented, or else record what they take during the time of our + Pilgrimage and the time they do divine service of God. And we trust in + God, that we shall have the right intent of our prayer granted of our + most dread sovereign lord, plenteously and mercifully. And that no + person nor persons do move no farmer nor alienate nor take away any + manner of goods of the aforesaid houses, upon pain of death. + + By all the whole consent of all the herdmen + of this our Pilgrimage of Grace.”[835] + +Aske’s account of the order is—“First, that the prior and convent should +enter into their monasteries suppressed and by bill indented view how +much goods were there remaining which before were theirs, and to keep +the one part and deliver the other part to the King’s farmer, and to +have necessary “victum and vestitum” of the delivery of the said farmer +during the time of our petition to the King’s highness, and to do divine +service of God there, as the King’s bedemen and women. And in case the +farmer refused this to do, then the said convent to take of the same +goods, by the delivery of two indifferent neighbours, by bill indent, +their necessaries for their living during the said time.”[836] + +Besides the great monastery of St Mary’s there were many smaller +religious communities in York, and while the great house escaped for the +present, the others had fallen under the Act of Suppression. There was +general rejoicing among the citizens at the restoration of the religious +to their homes, where they had been wont to serve God and succour the +poor for so many long centuries. “The commons would needs put them in,” +and followed them with cheering and torchlight to the doors from which +they had been cast out not many months before. Wilfred Holme describes +the scene in his peculiar manner: + + “To the Abbeys suppressed the people they restaurate, + Rudent incessantly, with clamour excessive, + Faith and commonwealth, and in the way obviate + They were with procession and ringing insaciate, + And the Sacrament Christes body called Eucharistia, + Was born by Prelates with the crucifix associate, + With pipes, Drums, Tabrels and Fidlers alway.”[837] + +Wherever the religious were restored, “though it were never so late they +sang matins the same night.”[838] + +After leaving the Cathedral Aske went to the house of Sir George Lawson, +who was his host, having no choice, as he was sick in bed[839]. Lawson +was supposed to be loyal to the King, but it seems unlikely that his +house should have been the headquarters of a rebel army[840], even for a +few days, unless his sympathies were with the rebels. Aske need not have +gone there if he knew himself unwelcome, for he had many friends in +York. + +Robert Aske was now in command of an army of about 20,000 men[841], +horse and foot, without arquebusses or guns, but efficiently equipped +and armed with the ordinary weapons of the period. He was in possession +of the second city of the kingdom and in the heart of a friendly +country. Whatever may be the advantages of such a situation, leisure and +sleep are not among them. He had hardly reached his lodging before +Maunsell, the vicar of Brayton and captain of the commons of Selby, came +to speak with him; and he had not lain down to sleep when about midnight +a messenger arrived from the lords at Pontefract in the person of Thomas +Strangways, Lord Darcy’s steward. + +The vicar of Brayton, after raising most of the country between Selby +and Pontefract, on Sunday received a summons to attend the muster before +York next day. He replied that his company was too small, and sent to +Darcy for orders. Strangways came to him from Pontefract and told him to +lie at Bilborough with his company. He was at this village on Monday +afternoon, when he heard that his brother was in danger at York for +refusing to take the Pilgrims’ oath. The vicar set out for the city with +all speed, and managed to see Aske soon after he arrived. He obtained +leave to administer the oath to his brother himself, but that violent +loyalist “on seeing him smote him and drove him from the house.” +Nevertheless the vicar gave out that his brother had taken the oath and +returned to his men at Bilborough. There he found Strangways and another +of Darcy’s gentlemen in harness and on their way to York. They ordered +him to raise Pontefract, Wakefield, and the “towns towards Doncaster”; +he rode forth on this mission and they pursued their way to York[842]. +Darcy had given Strangways minute instructions as to his proceedings at +York. He was to obtain from Aske the Pilgrims’ oath and the “articles of +their griefs” for the members of the King’s Council at Pontefract. He +was also to discover the strength of the rebels and the names of their +leaders; finally “if he met any sure friend” he was “to get him to move +the captain and commons to pass by Pontefract Castle, or else delay +their coming. This to give time for succour to arrive.”[843] + +It must have been after midnight when Strangways reached York, but he +went straight to Sir George Lawson’s house and found the captain with +his three followers Rudston, Monketon and Gervase Cawood. Strangways +asked for a copy of the oath and articles in the name of his master. The +captain answered that a nobleman of the King’s Council was more likely +to send a spy to discover their numbers than a true messenger to know +their purposes. Darcy’s carefully calculated policy of running with the +hare and hunting with the hounds resulted, as usual, in suspicion on +both sides. But whatever doubt there might be about Darcy, Strangways +himself was at heart with the Pilgrims. He inquired “whether they would +agree to a head captain if the articles pleased him?”[844] and he must +have described the unprepared state of the castle and the disaffection +of the garrison, for Aske was well informed on these points[845]. It is +probable that Strangways offered, in the name of the garrison, to yield +the castle to the rebels, whatever attitude the gentlemen adopted. It +was well known that the latter would be ready to enter upon the +Pilgrimage if a sufficient show of force were made. Darcy would probably +be the ‘head captain’ proposed by his steward. When this was the +attitude of the confidential servant, the inference was that his lord’s +sympathies pointed in the same direction. Aske hastily wrote out “the +oath of Lincolnshire,” and sent it early next morning to +Strangways[846], with orders that he was to leave the city at once, for +a great muster was about to be held, and Aske was determined that no +accurate account of his army should filter through to the King’s +headquarters[847]. + +On Tuesday 17 October, as soon as the city was awake, all the gentlemen +in York who had joined the Pilgrimage assembled to take counsel with +Aske’s officers in obedience to the captain’s summons. Sir Oswald +Wolsthrope, a man of great influence in York, Plumpton, young Metham, +and Saltmarsh were among the members of the council. They decided that +each gentleman should go to his own friends in the Ainstey and offer +them the oath. Those who accepted it were to come to York at the head of +the men of their own district. Those who refused were to be given +twenty-four hours’ warning, and if at the end of that time they had not +taken the oath, their goods would be seized. There was no need to call +out the commons, as they had armed and mustered not only round York but +“in all parts of Yorkshire and the Bishopric” (Durham)[848]. From +Richmond came the news that the Earl of Westmorland, Lord Latimer, and +Lord Lumley were at the head of the insurgents there[849]. + +Aske “made and devised the Oath ... without any other man’s advice,” +before this council, at which it was first issued[850]. It was +administered to the gentlemen and was written down for the convenience +of those who carried it about the country. + + “The Oath of the Honourable Men + + Ye shall not enter into this our Pilgrimage of Grace for the + Commonwealth, but only for the love that ye do bear unto Almighty God + his faith, and to Holy Church militant and the maintenance thereof, to + the preservation of the King’s person and his issue, to the purifying + of the nobility, and to expulse all villein blood and evil councillors + against the commonwealth from his Grace and his Privy Council of the + same. And that ye shall not enter into our said Pilgrimage for no + particular profit to your self, nor to do any displeasure to any + private person, but by counsel of the commonwealth, nor slay nor + murder for no envy, but in your hearts put away all fear and dread, + and take afore you the Cross of Christ, and in your hearts His faith, + the Restitution of the Church, the suppression of these Heretics and + their opinions, by all the holy contents of this book.”[851] + +There is a loftiness in the call—a ring in the words that, even to-day, +sets a calm Protestant heart beating to the tune of the Pilgrims’ March. +It is very different from the impressive vagueness of the Lincolnshire +oath. The captain was anxious that the chief reason and aim of the +rising should be made plain to all; though perhaps the first phrase, +disclaiming any desire to shirk the citizen’s duty of paying the taxes, +expressed rather what the gentlemen ought to have felt than what they +did feel. This oath and Aske’s second proclamation were sent out to all +parts of the northern counties. They were posted up in Wensleydale and +Swaledale next day. Wherever they appeared, the people were prepared and +expected them[852]. + +Round York the gentlemen accepted the oath “very willingly when they +were once taken and brought in.”[853] Only a few refused it, and Aske +gave strict orders against any violence being offered to these +loyalists. Their houses and goods were not to be seized until the +twenty-four hours of grace had fully elapsed, and then only by written +authority under the hands of two of the council[854]. Generally the +person to whom warning was given fled at once to friends, or to Skipton, +Scarborough, or Newcastle, where the loyalists were holding out for the +King[855]. Part of the goods of these obdurate ones seems to have gone +to the general fund of the Pilgrimage, but most were simply distributed +among those who were lucky enough to be on the spot. Aske did what he +could to enforce his orders, sending all offenders against them to the +siege of Hull, where Stapleton had discovered an effective method of +dealing with “pickers.” + +On Tuesday Aske dined with Lancelot Colins, the Treasurer of York, who +had received him in the Cathedral the night before. This dignitary’s +house was always open to the captains of the Pilgrimage, and they were +welcome to break their fast, dine or sup with him during the whole time +of the rising. He afterwards explained to the King that “for fear he +made them what cheer he could,” but he may be given credit for more +whole-hearted hospitality than he could be expected to acknowledge +afterwards. He admitted that he had given a good deal of money to Aske +and other captains, but added the saving clause that it was only “that +he might tarry at home.” + +Lancelot Colins gives several glimpses of life in York while the host +was there. On Wednesday morning, 18 October, he heard that “certain +gentlemen” were threatening to burn down his house simply because, among +the arms on an ornamental tablet over his door, were those of Thomas +Cromwell. Cromwell, of course, was not entitled by birth to bear arms, +and the gentlemen bitterly resented his assumption of their privilege. +Colins had the obnoxious tablet removed, but as the royal arms were also +upon it, this simple action might be construed by his enemies into high +treason[856]. Within the next few days, Colins was involved in the +plundering of a house belonging to William Blytheman[857], who had been +clerk to Legh and Layton during the visitation of the monasteries. He +fled to Newcastle early in October[858]. Colins heard that Blytheman’s +country house had been gutted and hastened to his house in the city to +see if he could save anything for the absent owner[859]. Rudston was in +command of the spoiling party, and Colins secured some papers, the “best +bed, a coat of plate, and what more God knows.”[860] He restored most of +these things on Blytheman’s return home after the rising, and was +thanked for his good offices[861]. + +While the main body of the Pilgrims lay at York, the vicar of Brayton +was busy about Pontefract. He spent Monday night at Ferrybridge, and on +Tuesday 17 October he made his way to Pontefract and ordered the mayor +to raise the town. He then went to the Priory and received a message +from Darcy, bidding him go on to “Wakefield and the towns towards +Doncaster”; and another message from the Earl of Northumberland at +Wressell, begging him “to come himself to take him, because he would be +taken with no villeins.” The vicar rode on towards Doncaster, passing +through St Oswald’s and Wakefield, which mustered at his summons. A mile +out of Doncaster he was welcomed by six men (aldermen) who took the oath +on the spot, and escorted him into the town, where the mayor and commons +took the oath amidst much enthusiasm. “Never sheep ran faster in a +morning out of their fold than they did to receive the said oath.”[862] +Another of Northumberland’s servants met Maunsell here, and asked him to +give the Earl a passport to go to Topcliff, as the Earl was “crazed” and +could do no harm. In his deposition the vicar said that he granted the +passport, but it is more probable that he refused it, for the Earl, +though very anxious to go to Topcliff, remained at Wressell[863]. +Maunsell returned to Ferrybridge on Tuesday night[864]. + +The garrison of Pontefract Castle had been cut off by the rising of the +town on 17 October. The last messenger who contrived to go southwards +was Sir Arthur Darcy, who carried his father’s final remonstrance to the +King. The “good old lord” bluntly declared that “we in the castle must +in a few days either yield or lose our lives,” and that there was “no +likelihood of vanquishing the commons with any power here.”[865] + +The town of Pontefract had from the first refused to supply the castle +with provisions, “after the vicar of Brayton came amongst them they +durst not[866];” but now the townsfolk captured all the supplies which +were being sent in from other places[867], and kept such a close watch +about the castle that Shrewsbury’s messengers found it impossible to +deliver the King’s despatches[868]. + +All accounts of Darcy’s conduct give evidence of a divided mind. He +could not decide between the claims of loyalty to the Faith and to the +King. “He practised much with the Commons to know their intention, and +often said if he had ordnance they should not have the castle while +there was victual in it. Sometimes he would say he trusted to get the +commons to pass by and that their grudge against the castle was due to +Dr Magnus and the Archbishop.” Before he was so closely beleaguered, he +had received a message from Shrewsbury, which said that the royal troops +were about to advance to Pontefract, and “Darcy seemed glad to hear it, +and afterwards sorry when the Lord Steward (Shrewsbury) came not.”[869] +Perhaps, like the men of Wakefield, he was leaving the decision to +chance, and was prepared to join the party which first came to his +gates. Sir Brian Hastings, who still lay at Hatfield, trusting no one, +not even his own forces, wrote to Shrewsbury at Nottingham on 17 October +that Darcy would probably surrender, as the rebels had taken Pontefract +Priory, and there were above 40,000 of them at York, their captains +being “the worship of the whole shires from Doncaster to Newcastle,” +including Lords Latimer and Scrope, and only excepting the Earls of +Cumberland and Westmorland[870]. The vicar of Brayton was of the same +opinion as Sir Brian, and had good grounds for his belief, as on +Wednesday 18 October, when he was at Pontefract, Strangways came to him +and “showed him how to assault the castle if it were not given up.” The +vicar promptly set out for York, and was the first to bring news of the +rising in Pontefract and Doncaster to the host there. On receiving his +assurances that the castle could not possibly stand a siege[871], Aske +proposed to march to Pontefract immediately, but there was some +dissension in his council. Metham and Saltmarsh, “disdaining that he +should be above them,” opposed the intended advance. Aske, however, +would not give way, but set out with only 300 men for Pontefract[872], +where he found the company raised by Maunsell, of unknown numbers. It is +not certain when the rest of his forces followed him to Pontefract, +perhaps not until after the castle was taken. This was the only occasion +on which anyone disputed his dangerous pre-eminence with the grand +captain. + +As soon as Aske arrived at Pontefract, knowing that the soldiers in the +castle favoured him, he sent a letter to the lords with a threat that, +if they did not surrender, he would make an assault the same night. He +rehearsed how the commons were “gnawn in their conscience” with the +spreading of heresy, the suppression of monasteries and other troubles, +and desired that the lords would be mediators to set forth their +grievances to the King. This letter was carried to Darcy by the vicar of +Brayton and William Acclom. Both sides desired a personal interview, and +it was soon arranged that Sir George Darcy’s eldest son should be handed +over to the Pilgrims in pledge for Aske’s safety, while Aske went to +speak with the lords in the castle. + +On the morning of Thursday 19 October, 1536, Lord Darcy, constable of +the royal castle of Pontefract, Edward Lee, Archbishop of York, Dr +Magnus, a learned member of the King’s Council, Sir Robert Constable of +Flamborough, and all the knights and gentlemen in the castle, including +Sir George Darcy, Sir Robert Neville, Sir John Dawnye, Sir Henry +Everingham, Sir John Wentworth, Sir Robert Oughtred, Henry Ryder, +William Babthorpe, John Acclom and above forty more[873], assembled in +the state chamber to meet Robert Aske, captain of the commons, and to +hear him plead the cause of the Pilgrimage of Grace[874]. There is +something extremely dramatic in this picture of the single man, who +spoke for thousands, opposed to the crowd of lords and knights, +apparently so much stronger, actually at his mercy. He came, he said, to +declare the griefs of the commons, for the redress of which they had +entered on that holy pilgrimage,— + + “And how, first, that the lords spiritual had not done their duty, in + that they had not been plain with the King’s highness for the speedy + remedy and quenching of the said heresies, and the preachers thereof, + and for the suffering of the same, and for the ornaments of the + churches and abbeys suppressed, and the violating of relics by the + suppressors, with the unreverent demeanour of the doers thereof, with + abuse of the visitors, and their impositions taken extraordinary, and + other their negligences in not doing their duty, as well to their + sovereign as to the commons. And to the lords temporal, the said Aske + declared they had misused themselves, in that they, semblable, had not + so providently ordered and declared to his said highness the poverty + of his realm, and that part specially, and wherein their griefs might + ensue, whereby all dangers might have been avoided; for insomuch as in + the north parts much of the relief of the commons was by succour of + abbeys, and that before this last statute thereof made, the King’s + highness had no money out of that shire in a manner yearly, for his + grace’s revenues there yearly went to the finding of Berwick. And that + now the profits of abbeys suppressed, tenths and first fruits, went + out of those parts. By occasion whereof, within short space or (_of_) + years, there should be no money nor treasure in those parts, neither + the tenant to have to pay his rents to the lord, nor the lord to have + money to do the King service withal, for so much as in those parts was + neither the presence of his grace, execution of his laws, nor yet but + little recourse of merchandise, so that of necessity the said country + should either ‘patyssh’ (_make terms_) with the Scots, or of very + poverty enforced to make commotions or rebellions; and that the lords + knew the same to be true and had not done their duty, for that they + had not declared the said poverty of the said country to the King’s + highness, and the danger that otherwise his grace would ensue, + alleging the whole blame to them the nobility therein, with other like + reasons.”[875] + +Finally he “required those present to join them and deliver the castle,” +adding, says Archbishop Lee, “that if we refused he had ways to +constrain us, and we should find them people without mercy.”[876] + +After a brief discussion, in which the Archbishop firmly refused Darcy’s +polite desire that he would answer first, Darcy replied “that he neither +could nor would deliver the King’s castle”; as to the commons’ +grievances, he would consult with his friends and then answer them, but +if the castle had only been well furnished with provisions and weapons, +Aske should have had neither “the tone ne the toodre” (the one nor the +other—that is, neither castle nor answer) “but to his pain.” + +Lee asked the captain what the Pilgrims wanted him to do. Aske replied +that he and Darcy must use their influence with the King to persuade him +to grant their petition, and in the meanwhile must give them help and +advice. Lee suggested that if he was to be a mediator he had better not +join the host but remain neutral. As for advising them “they must first +consider whether the enterprise were lawful,” but if he might have a +safe conduct, he said that he would go and tell the Pilgrims his opinion +on that point. He probably hoped to get through to Shrewsbury’s camp, +for he was well aware that among the host his life would hardly be safe. +Aske refused him the safe conduct, indignantly “upbraiding him and the +other bishops for not dealing plainly.” Lee afterwards declared that he +replied “they might have his body by constraint, but never his heart in +that cause,” but perhaps he did not say the words very loudly. + +Darcy gave no opinion on the justice of the Pilgrims’ demands. He merely +begged for time to take counsel before making his reply. But Aske knew +as well as he did that Shrewsbury had promised to relieve Pontefract and +might possibly do so. Aske felt sure that he could take the castle by +force, but he was anxious to avoid bloodshed and to secure at the same +time influential allies; for these reasons he consented to a truce till +Friday night, though Darcy pressed for a day longer. + +When Aske had returned to his own quarters, the garrison held a council. +They had already determined that if no rescue came their only course was +to yield. “Out of 300 men not 140 remained and these were not all sound; +there was only victual for eight or ten days.”[877] “Every day,” said +Darcy later, “the captain wrote to me charging me on my life to yield +the castle or they would burn my house (Templehurst) and kill my son’s +children.”[878] The insurgents were always full of terrifying threats, +but were marvellously slow in executing them. On Friday night Darcy +again begged for more time. At first he was refused, but when he “bade +them £20 for respite till 9 o’clock next morning,” Aske, who needed +every penny he could collect, gave them till 8 a.m., “against which hour +he prepared for his assault.” From Aske’s own statement it appears that, +in spite of exaggerated reports, the rebels at the siege of Pontefract +were not a very numerous force[879]. It is interesting, though useless, +to consider the question whether Darcy might have held the castle +longer. No doubt the government was right in believing that he yielded +willingly. Aske himself admitted, under examination, that the Pilgrims’ +attack might have been beaten off for a few days, if the soldiers of the +garrison had remained loyal, but he had been assured that they would +turn their coats as soon as the assault was made. He swore “to try to +the death,” that he had entered into no secret agreement with Darcy, +whom he had never seen before he came to Pontefract on Thursday 19 +October. Aske’s explanation is simple and straightforward, and fits in +with the statement of Maunsell, the vicar of Brayton. Thomas Strangways +probably first told Aske that Darcy’s soldiers favoured the Pilgrims. +Later Strangways revealed to Maunsell how to take the castle. Maunsell +admitted that he had received Strangways’ information, but he omitted +the fact, which Aske mentions, that he (Maunsell) went to York and told +Aske that if the Pilgrims attacked Pontefract the castle would +surrender. In short, Aske was in secret communication with the +serving-men, and was sure of their support. He was not in secret +communication with Darcy or any of the other gentlemen in the castle, +and did not believe that Darcy was responsible for Strangways’ offers. + +The King’s conviction that there had been a definite arrangement made in +Darcy’s own name to yield the castle to Aske was mistaken, though not +impossible. All Darcy’s conduct bears out the theory that he did not +decide which side to take until the day on which he surrendered the +castle. At the beginning of the rebellion he sent his son to capture +Aske; his steward was received with suspicion by the Pilgrims; he +offered them £20, a large sum of money at that time, for only a few +hours’ delay. If the garrison had really resolved to join the Pilgrims, +further resistance on Darcy’s part was impossible, but perhaps the +soldiers would have been ready to obey Darcy, even though they were +unwilling to fight for the King. If Darcy could have forgotten the fall +of the abbeys, the death of the faithful monks, his own unheeded +protests and galling detention in London,—if he had rallied his failing +strength sufficiently to put on harness and appear himself on the walls +of Pontefract—he might have inspired his wavering followers and +Pontefract Castle might have been held for the King while provisions +lasted. But Darcy had not been persuaded, either by fear of anarchy or +by Henry’s strong personal fascination, to accept despotism as a +necessary form of government, to which he was bound to render implicit +obedience. On the contrary he “set more by the King of Heaven than +twenty kings.”[880] Henry’s despotic government was, in Darcy’s opinion, +dragging the country to ruin and he believed himself called upon as a +Christian, as a patriot and as a statesman, to oppose the King’s +progress on the road which he had chosen. He was deterred from joining +the Pilgrims only by fear of the ugly name of traitor and by a soldier’s +reluctance to yield his post. But he was able to avoid the first by the +theory of ministerial responsibility, which was accepted by the +Pilgrims, though not by the King. Darcy argued that for twenty years +Henry had ruled in an orthodox manner, before he fell under the baleful +influence of Cromwell. Let that archtraitor be removed,—let suitable +councillors be placed about the King by parliament, and Henry would rule +beneficently again. The Pilgrimage was directed not against the King but +against his ministers. As for Darcy’s willingness to yield, his position +was now desperate enough to afford him a good excuse. The rumoured help +was no nearer now than a week before; the King’s distrust had withheld +the money and ammunition which would have enabled him to hold his post. +He saw the “fuel and victuals coming in to him being eaten and drunken +in the street before his face.”[881] Lee describes the final council; +“considering the danger of resistance they determined with sorrow to +yield, and repented that they ever came there where they had expected to +be as safe as if in London.”[882] + +At 7 o’clock on the morning of Saturday, 21 October, Darcy made his last +request for more time, which was refused. The castle was then formally +surrendered to Aske, whereupon “the lords spiritual and temporal, +knights and esquires,” solemnly took the Pilgrims’ oath[883]. + + + NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII + + Note A. The vicar of Brayton is not a very reliable witness. There is + no proof that the earlier part of his evidence is false, but he was + one of the most zealous leaders of the Pilgrimage and in his + confession, of course, tried to insinuate that he was really devoted + to the King, laying all his misdemeanour at Darcy’s door. In his + account of the week from 15 October to 22 October he never mentioned + his second visit to Aske at York, when he told the captain that + Pontefract Castle could not hold out. + + Note B. As Darcy was the keeper of Pontefract Castle, the blame for + its defenceless condition may be laid on his own shoulders. But it + must be remembered that he had been detained in London for several + years, and had returned home only a few months before the rebellion. + All the royal castles in the north were out of repair at this time; + the walls of Berwick were falling, Carlisle was scarcely defensible, + Barnard Castle was not in good governance[884]. When fortresses so + near the Border were neglected, it was not likely that any money would + be spent over Pontefract, which lay beyond the area of Scots’ raids. + After the Pilgrimage of Grace, Henry devoted a good deal of attention + to the repair of the northern defences, on which some of the monastic + spoils were spent[885]. + + Note C. Sir Henry Saville reported these words to Cromwell, but it + does not appear whether he heard them himself. He was on bad terms + with Darcy, who was Sir Richard Tempest’s friend. + + Note D. A note is appended to these articles in “The Letters and + Papers of Henry VIII,” Vol. XI, stating that they are some of the + articles printed by Speed in his “History of Great Britain.” This is a + mistake, as the articles printed by Speed are those which the + Pilgrims’ Council drew up at Pontefract at the beginning of December. + They are printed in the same volume of “The Letters and Papers,” No. + 1246. Speed says nothing about the York articles, which are the germ + from which the others grew, but have no further connection with + them[886]. + + Note E. It is impossible to estimate the strength of the Pilgrims’ + host with any accuracy, though it seems certain that rumour + exaggerated their numbers very much. For instance, it was said that + the rebels at York numbered 40,000; Wilfred Holme puts their number at + 25,000 and Darcy at 20,000. + + Note F. Two accounts of the first meeting between Aske and Darcy are + preserved, Aske’s and Archbishop Lee’s. Aske’s account has been + followed in preference to Lee’s when they differ for the following + reasons: + + (1) Archbishop Lee wrote his account when he knew himself to be in + danger and desired above everything to vindicate his loyalty; + naturally his testimony is more an explanation and excuse for his own + conduct than a simple statement of fact. + + (2) Aske prepared his narrative for the King when he believed himself + to be pardoned and taken into favour. As he wrote it in London, far + away from his authorities, he was obliged to omit many details, but + this does not lay him open to the charge that he failed to state the + whole truth. + + (3) Aske’s answers when he was examined in the Tower are fuller and + bear out his earlier statement. He knew that he was in fact a + condemned criminal, and to lie was alike useless, dishonourable, and + certain to be discovered. + + (4) When his accounts are checked by a score of miscellaneous + depositions drawn up by all sorts of men, he is seldom, if ever, found + to have misstated a fact. The other evidence either corresponds to + his, or dovetails with his statements. There is only one exception to + this, which will be discussed later[887]. + + (5) Archbishop Lee has clearly perverted the truth in one or two cases + in order to put a more loyal complexion on his actions. This is not a + very serious charge to bring against a weak old gentleman in peril of + his life. It is difficult to believe that Lee made the frequent loyal + speeches and defiances which he puts into his own mouth, to the + confusion of the rebel leaders, for the Pilgrims, on his own showing, + continued to think that he sympathised with them. + + (6) With one notable exception, hereafter to be mentioned, Lee did + absolutely nothing either for King or commons. In contrast to this + indecision, Aske was entirely devoted to his cause. The captain never + admitted himself to be in the wrong; to the end he justified the + Pilgrimage as a desperate remedy for a desperate disease. Obviously + the man who is not ashamed of the truth is less likely to lie than the + man who deplores it. + + + + + CHAPTER IX + THE EXTENT OF THE INSURRECTION + + +The main body of the Pilgrims’ army was at Pontefract on 21 October, +1536; leaving them there for the present, we will now follow the history +of the rising in the northern counties from the outbreak of the +insurrection. It will be convenient to carry this account on beyond the +date which has been reached, up to the truce of 27 October, in order +that the narrative may not be broken a second time. + +In tracing the course of the rebellion in the far north, it must be +remembered that Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, Westmorland and the +towns of Berwick and Newcastle-upon-Tyne were exempted from the +subsidy,—in fact, taking into consideration the remissions which were +granted to them on account of their sufferings at the hands of the +Scots, it may be said that these places were scarcely taxed at all[888]. +Consequently the insurgents lacked one of the bonds which united the +subsidy men in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire. + +In Cumberland and Westmorland the rising was almost entirely directed +against enclosures and unpopular landlords, and received little support +from the gentlemen or, with a few exceptions, from the clergy. In Durham +and Northumberland, on the other hand, the gentry seem to have been more +deeply involved than the commons, owing to the influence of the +disinherited Percys. In the Yorkshire dales, as in Cumberland and +Westmorland, the movement was chiefly social, and was directed against +the Earl of Cumberland, while the gentlemen, who imitated the Earl on a +small scale, naturally supported him against the rabble. + +It would be incorrect to say that after the rising of Howdenshire and +Beverley the rebellion spread northwards, as Hexham and the northern +dales had been astir since the end of September, but these minor +disturbances gained significance from the widespread movement further +south. + +The only monastery which offered any determined resistance to the Act +for the Dissolution of the Smaller Monasteries was the priory of +Augustinian canons at Hexham. Their house did not really come within the +scope of the Act, as its yearly value was over £200, but for some reason +or other it was included among those to be suppressed[889]. The house +had suffered in the Scots’ wars, and there is reason to believe that its +condition was not very good, either financially or morally, but it was +of great importance as a centre of hospitality in the barren region +between England and Scotland. On 23 April, 1536, Archbishop Lee wrote to +Cromwell begging that it might be spared because “wise men that know the +Borders think that the lands thereof, although they were ten times as +much, can not countervail the damage that is like to ensue if it be +suppressed; and some way there is never a house between Scotland and the +lordship of Hexham; and men fear if the monastery go down, that in +process all shall be waste much within the land.”[890] It seems probable +that the canons received a royal exemption from the Act, or that the +monastery was immediately refounded, but later in the year they must +have heard that they were again in danger, whereupon the prior, Edward +Jay, went up to London to try to make terms with Cromwell. He was +unsuccessful, however, and returned sadly home by way of York. There he +waited on the Archbishop, who received him in his barge, and in the +presence of his chaplains and servants warned Jay to submit to the +King’s will without attempting any resistance[891]. + +The date of this interview is uncertain, but it seems to have been at +the end of September, and when the prior returned home he found that the +Archbishop’s advice had come too late. In his absence the sub-prior and +the master of the dependent cell of Ovingham (two separate persons, not +the same man) had laid in weapons for the defence of the monastery and +had roused the people, who were the more easily moved as the hated Sir +Reynold Carnaby had received the grant of its lands[892]. + +On 28 September, before the prior’s return, the four commissioners for +the dissolution were warned at Dilston that they would be resisted. Two +of them who were local men, Robert Collingwood and Lionel Gray, rode on +with a few servants to reconnoitre. They found the streets of Hexham +full of armed men, the alarm bells ringing, and the gates of the Priory +shut. The commissioners took up their stand outside, and parleyed with +the master of Ovingham, who appeared on the leads of the monastery in +harness, accompanied by servants in arms. His first words were, “We be +twenty brethren in this house, and we shall die all, or that ye shall +have this house.” The commissioners advised him to consult with his +brethren before rejecting the royal commission, and the master withdrew +to do so, commanding the hostile crowd which had gathered about the +commissioners to do them no harm. After a space he returned with the +sub-prior in canon’s robes. They brought the royal confirmation, +delivered to the house under the great seal, showed it to the +commissioners, and gave them their answer; “We think it not the king’s +honour to give forth one seal contrary to another, and afore any either +of our lands, goods or houses be taken from us we shall all die, and +that is our full answer.” Gray and Collingwood returned with this reply +to the other commissioners who were waiting for them at a little +distance. They left behind in Hexham three of their servants, who +rejoined them next day, and reported that as soon as their masters had +withdrawn the monastery gates were thrown open, and the canons, all in +harness, accompanied by some sixty armed men, marched out two by two to +a place called the Green, from which they watched the meeting of the +commissioners and their departure. When they were out of sight the +canons returned to the Priory again. Such was the news that greeted +Prior Jay on his return, and he despatched a canon to report it to +Archbishop Lee[893]. Other messengers were hastening from Hexham with +the same news, one from the commissioners to the King[894], and two from +“old Carnaby” of Halton, who sent to his son Sir Reynold, and to the +Archbishop, asking the latter to order the canons to submit[895]. To +each of the messengers the Archbishop replied by bidding the canons +surrender, and Sir Reynold appealed to the Earl of Northumberland who +wrote to Cromwell on 4 October[896]. After receiving the report of the +commissioners on 5 October the King sent orders that Hexham was to be +taken and dissolved by force if necessary. The letter seems to have been +meant for the Earl of Cumberland[897], but the outbreak of the rebellion +in Yorkshire prevented him from executing the order[898]. + +The King also wrote to Archbishop Lee, whom he suspected of encouraging +the canons, and Lee replied with one of his long, rambling letters of +excuse[899]; his writing is much faded, and difficult to decipher, but +the letter shows that the Prior of Hexham was with him at York at the +time of the commissioners’ visit, and therefore could not have taken +part in the resistance which was offered to them at Hexham. Meanwhile in +Hexhamshire matters were at a deadlock. No one in the neighbourhood +would help the Carnabys against the canons, and no troops could advance +from the south on account of the insurrection in Yorkshire. One of the +local freebooters, little John Heron of Chipchase[900], who was a +follower of Sir Thomas Percy, determined to make use of this state of +affairs for his own advantage. Accordingly on the morning of Sunday 15 +October he appeared at Halton, and suggested to old William Carnaby that +he should act as mediator between the two parties. Carnaby, at his wits’ +end, accepted the offer, and Heron then rode over to Hexham, where he +said nothing of his negotiations with the opposite party, but warned the +canons that their only chance of saving their lives was to purchase the +help of himself and his friends by granting them certain fees and then +“he doubted not but by the help of his son-in-law Cuthbert Charleton—and +of one Edward Charleton his uncle—with other such friends as they would +make, but all the whole country of Tynedale would die and live in the +quarrel.” The documents granting the fees were drawn up, but not signed, +for the canons were honourably reluctant to join themselves with +thieves, and begged Heron to carry a message to William Carnaby that +they would deliver up the monastery to the commissioners if Sir Reynold +would intercede for their lives and if “they might there serve God and +remain.” Heron returned to Halton, where he passed the night, but merely +said that he was to receive the canons’ final answer on the morrow. +During the night he secretly summoned the men of Tynedale to assemble +next day. In the morning, 16 October, he went again to Hexham, and told +the canons that Sir Reynold would make no terms,—he was resolved to have +the heads of four canons and of four townsmen to send to the King. +Whereupon the canons declared that it was better to defend their lives +while they could than wilfully to kill themselves, and they definitely +threw in their lot with the Tynedale men[901]. It was a fatal though +natural mistake on their part. The rebels’ cause in Northumberland was +as much injured by the alliance with the thieves of Tynedale and +Reedsdale as the King’s was in Cumberland by the loyalty of the thieves +of the “Black Lands,” the valleys of the Esk and Line. When Tynedale and +Reedsdale “broke” no man of substance in Northumberland cared for either +church or King until order was restored. If any power could prevent the +mosstroopers from spoiling and killing up to the very walls of +Newcastle, that power would be welcome though it came directly from +Satan, and since the government was at present opposed to the canons and +their allies, it followed that all honest men in Northumberland +supported the government. + +As soon as he had made sure of the canons, on Monday, 16 October, John +Heron rode back to Halton, and sat down cheerfully to dinner, with the +remark that “It is a good sight to see a man eat when he is hungry.” He +knew that he had done a good morning’s work and that in a few hours his +friends of Tynedale would be there, with whose help he proposed to +plunder Halton and carry off Carnaby to Sir Ingram Percy. So far his +plans had been successful, but now his good luck began to leave him, for +dinner was only half done when Archie Robson of Tynedale arrived and +began to talk to John Robson his cousin. Heron guessed what that meant, +and at once drew Carnaby aside and told him that “he could not find them +of Hexham to will to make any stay, but they would do their worst,” and +he therefore advised Carnaby to “defend himself as well as he would for +he knew well they would be at his house straightway, and that Tynedale +was part taken with them.” Carnaby reproached him for giving such short +notice, saying that it was “not like a friend of him done to know such a +purpose, and not to declare it till he had half dined,” but he still +trusted Heron and agreed to ride with him to Chipchase, to avoid the +attack of the Tynedale men, as Heron declared they were in irresistible +force and were resolved to take Carnaby’s life. It was now that Heron’s +luck failed altogether, for it happened that a servant of Sir Reynold +Carnaby’s was riding by St John Ley near Hexham when he saw the men of +Hexhamshire and Tynedale mustering there. By fair words he managed both +to learn their purpose and to escape from their hands, and set off to +carry the news to Halton, taking a short cut in order to arrive before +the host. By chance he saw Heron and Carnaby as they rode towards +Chipchase, and managed to tell Carnaby secretly, “That traitor thief +that rideth with you hath betrayed you, and it will cost you your life +yet; if ye follow counsel I shall warrant you.” Apparently their +pursuers were now in sight, and by his servant’s advice Carnaby begged +Heron to stop and parley with them “because he was of their acquaintance +and allied amongst them,” while he himself rode on to Chipchase. Heron +consented, but sent his son George to watch his victim’s movements. +Carnaby however managed to get rid of George, and as soon as he was out +of sight of the Tynedale men, changed his direction and rode to Langley +Castle. There he was safe, as it was one of Northumberland’s castles, +and apparently held by the Earl’s own men. Meanwhile Heron, seeing that +his prey had escaped, rode back to Halton, which was being plundered by +the Tynedale men. He told Carnaby’s son Thomas that his father commanded +him to leave the house, and persuaded Carnaby’s wife to give him a +casket containing her husband’s money and plate, but at the last moment, +when the casket was actually in Heron’s hands, Arthur Errington, a +kinsman of the Carnabys, seized it from him and galloped off, +accompanied by seven Tynedale men whom he had won to his part. John +Heron pursued them “and put a kerchief as a pensell upon his spear +point” to lead his followers in the chase, but Errington made his +escape. The next day, Tuesday 17 October, Heron returned to Halton, but +found it occupied by Lewis Ogle, brother of Lord Ogle, who was an ally +of the Carnabys. Heron vainly endeavoured to make him desert Halton +“saying he would not tarry there till night, if he knew and perceived as +much as he knew, for ten thousand pounds,” but Ogle was resolute, and at +last Heron “rode home, and never came thither after.”[902] + +It is now time to look a little into the matter of dates. The canons had +defied the commissioners on Thursday 28 September, but John Heron did +not make his first move until Sunday 15 October, more than a fortnight +later. On the very day that he rode to Halton the commons of Durham +rose, and at some time during the week Heron’s brother-in-law, John +Lumley, brought him a letter from them containing their articles and +oath[903]. It seems more than likely that he had been in touch with them +from an earlier date, and knew what their movements were to be. The +situation in Northumberland was favourable, as the Earl, who was the +warden of the East Marches, was lying ill at Wressell Castle in +Yorkshire. It is true that Sir Thomas Percy was also in Yorkshire, but +Sir Ingram was at Alnwick[904]. He had been deprived of his office of +vice-warden by the Earl’s command about midsummer, but no new +vice-warden had been appointed[905], and Northumberland had made him +constable of Alnwick Castle in July[906]. In the circumstances it was +natural that he should assume authority and no one seems to have known +what his attitude would be. On hearing of the rising in Tynedale and +Reedsdale he sent out a summons which bore a suspicious resemblance to +the Lincolnshire oath: “It is ordained and appointed that all the +gentlemen of Northumberland shall meet at Alnwick upon Sunday 22 October +at eleven of the clock, for to take an order by all their advices and +consents, what is best for them to do that may be pleasure to Almighty +God and most acceptable service to the King’s highness and for the +common weal of this country and the safeguard of the Marches.”[907] The +gentlemen of Northumberland, knowing nothing of the oath to God, the +King and the Common Weal obeyed the summons readily. Robert Collingwood, +the commissioner who was baffled at Hexham, drew up a list of agenda for +the assembly in amusing contrast to the actual proceedings. It would be +necessary, he wrote, to see that all the gentlemen of Northumberland and +their dependants took one way in the King’s service, and to take +measures against a Scots invasion. As the warden was absent and no +vice-warden had been appointed, two gentlemen must be chosen to act as +lieutenants of the East and Middle Marches, they must be provided with +counsel and support, and all the gentlemen must wait on them as +diligently as if they were each receiving a £20 fee. The two lieutenants +must at once join with the keepers of Tynedale and Reedsdale to take “a +substantial order” to restore peace there, “as ill disposed men rob the +King’s true subjects every night.” Finally everything that was +determined must be written out and signed by all the gentlemen +present[908]. As it turned out Collingwood would have been very much +alarmed if his last suggestion had been enforced. + +Sir Ingram Percy in the meanwhile was as politic as the King himself +could have been. He did nothing to alarm the gentlemen before the +meeting, and sent the Abbot of Alnwick and “other friends that he made” +to his brother the Earl of Northumberland at Wressell with a message +that he was true to the King and would repress any disturbances in +Northumberland if he was restored to his office. The Earl believed his +professions and made him sheriff of Northumberland, vice-warden, and +lieutenant of the East Marches “with the fees accustomed.”[909] After +Sir Ingram had sent out the summons to the gentlemen, John Lumley, the +messenger from Durham, arrived at Alnwick, whither he had been sent by +John Heron. He brought the letter of the commons of Durham, signed by +“Captain Poverty,” commanding Sir Ingram to take the oath and to remain +in Northumberland as a protection against the Scots[910]. Sir Ingram +could not put forward the common excuse that he had been forced to take +the oath when it was brought by a single messenger from rebels more than +fifty miles away; in fact, as soon as the gentlemen had assembled on +Sunday 22 October, he attempted no further concealment. Instead of +entering into the business of curbing the mosstroopers, as Collingwood +and the rest expected, he caused the commons’ letter and articles to be +read aloud and then ordered all present to take the oath. A few ventured +to protest, but as they were “enclosed in the said Castle of Alnwick” +with “no remedy but all must swear or else do worse,” they all submitted +and “will they or not, sworn they were.” Having now declared himself, +Sir Ingram did not let the grass grow under his feet. He used all +possible means to induce the gentlemen of Northumberland to join him, +and devoted himself to revenging his own and his brother’s wrongs on the +Carnabys. Accompanied by Sir Humphry Lisle, Robert Swinhoe and John +Roddam with all the forces of Alnwick, he rode to Adderstone by +Bamborough, where he believed that Sir Reynold Carnaby was hiding under +the protection of his wife’s brother Thomas Forster. As a matter of fact +Sir Reynold was at Chillingham Castle with Sir Robert Ellerker and +others of the King’s party, and when Sir Ingram had searched Adderstone +unsuccessfully, he departed swearing “By God’s heart, he would be +revenged of” Sir Reynold Carnaby. Thomas Forster asked what offence Sir +Reynold had done him, and Sir Ingram turned upon him,—“Sir Reynold +Carnaby hath been the destruction of all our blood, for by his means the +king shall be my lord’s heir; and now he thinketh a sport, and to ride +up and down in the country, all we being sworn and he unsworn, and this +I pray you show him, for surely I will be revenged of him.” On the way +back to Alnwick he wished to attack Sir Thomas Grey’s house at Newstead, +but his men dissuaded him. During the same expedition he took possession +of Sir Reynold’s lands at North Charlton, for the use of his brother Sir +Thomas Percy. He afterwards seized all Sir Reynold’s possessions in +Northumberland. Edward Bradford, Sir Reynold’s steward, refused to give +up his master’s rents. Sir Ingram sent out eighteen of his servants who +took him by force “betwixt his parish church and his house,” and carried +him to Alnwick, where he was “laid in the stocks two nights and a day +and kept in hold three days longer,” because Sir Ingram would have him +forswear his master. Bradford probably submitted or his imprisonment +would have been longer. + +Sir Ingram now sent to Lionel Gray, porter of Berwick, the other Hexham +commissioner, to Sir Roger Gray and to Sir Robert Ellerker bidding them +come in and take the oath. They all refused, and Lionel Gray was so +closely harried that “the most part of his cattle, by driving and +removing from one place to another for fear of the said Sir Ingram, was +in point of utter loss and destruction.” Hearing that Carnaby, Sir +Robert Ellerker and others had taken refuge in Chillingham Castle, Sir +Ingram was reported to have sent to Berwick for ordnance in order that +he might besiege them, but no actual siege seems ever to have been +attempted[911]. Sir Thomas Clifford, the captain of Berwick[912], was a +friend of Sir Thomas Percy, and although he was the Earl of Cumberland’s +brother, he does not seem to have been so much opposed to the rebels as +the rest of his family. He received messages from the Percys, and when +Lionel Gray begged that his over-driven cattle might be protected in the +fields of Berwick, the captain refused his permission. On St Katharine’s +Day (25 November) Sir Robert Ellerker was told that the Percys were +about to attack Chillingham and sent to Berwick for help. Clifford +turned out the garrison on the alarm, but said that he did not believe +the Percys would attack him, as he was harbouring no fugitives. He asked +Sir Robert Ellerker, “Have ye any of the Carnabys in your house?” Sir +Robert replied, “I believe as well yea as nay, but they or any of the +King’s true subjects shall be welcome to me or to my house.” He then +rode away, hoping that Clifford and his men would follow him, but +instead of this, Clifford ordered the gates to be shut, and only ten men +went with Ellerker[913]. This was in the time of the truce, and the +alarm of an attack on Chillingham came to nothing. Sir Thomas Clifford +was perhaps only anxious to avoid local feuds, because he feared an +attack from Scotland which Berwick was hardly able to resist, as the +walls were out of repair and parts of them had fallen[914]. + +For the rest of October, until the truce of Doncaster, Sir Ingram in the +exercise of his office as sheriff was busy holding sheriff’s tourns at +Alnwick, where he appointed Sir Humphry Lisle and others as his +officers; as vice-warden he made musters and assemblies “all for the +annoyance of the King’s true subjects that would not be sworn.”[915] + +Such was the state of affairs in Northumberland during the first month +of the insurrection; practically the whole country, except a few castles +such as Halton, Chillingham and Langley, were in the Percys’ hands, and +Berwick seems to have been in no position to resist them. + +It has already been pointed out that there was probably communication +between the freebooters of Northumberland and the insurgents in Durham +and North Yorkshire. The movement in Mashamshire and Richmond which +spread to Durham began as soon as news reached Ripon of the Lincolnshire +rising; the message came from Archbishop Lee, with orders to his +steward, Lord Latimer, to stay his tenants, but the news had more effect +than the orders[916]. On Thursday 12 October Lord Scrope wrote to the +Earl of Cumberland that the commons of Mashamshire and Nidderdale had +risen the day before (Wednesday 11 October), had occupied Coverham Abbey +and Middleham, and were advancing on Bolton to capture himself; he had +fled into hiding and begged Cumberland to send help to his wife[917]. +Lord Latimer and Sir Christopher Danby were taken and sworn by the +commons on the 14th or 15th[918]. John Dakyn, vicar-general of the +diocese of York, had hastened from the city of York to his parish of +Kirkby Ravensworth in Richmond on hearing of the rising at Beverley, but +no sooner had he reached Kirkby Ravensworth than he heard that +Richmondshire had also risen on Friday 13 October. This news made him +fly to a great moor, but he returned to his house and took the oath when +he was told that the commons were about to destroy his goods[919]. His +parishioners then set out to seize Bowes and other gentlemen at Barnard +Castle, and they ordered Dakyn to go to “Galowbaughen” in Richmond to +meet the host of Mashamshire, which was advancing under Lord Latimer and +Sir Christopher Danby. He obeyed their orders for fear of his life, “for +ever the chancellor of Lincoln’s death moved his mind.” All that day he +spent with the Mashamshire men, not daring to say anything displeasing +to them. He believed that Latimer and Danby were equally afraid of their +men[920]. The brothers Robert, George and Richard Bowes and Thomas +Rokeby were the captains in Barnard Castle. They were afterwards accused +of not having the town and castle “in good governance”; at any rate they +surrendered without a stroke on Sunday 15 October, and took over the +command of the rebels[921]. All gentlemen were forced to join, even Sir +Henry Gascoigne, whose mother-in-law had just died and lay unburied, but +the people willingly submitted to Robert Bowes’ authority. He ordered +them to divide into parishes, and to choose four men out of each parish +to command the rest. A letter was despatched to Cleveland, requiring the +people there “with sore comminations” to meet the Richmondshire host at +Oxneyfield by Darlington. Dakyn rejoined the Richmond host on Sunday the +15th, and there in the field one Thomlynson of Bedall, against whom he +had given judgment in a matrimonial case, threatened him with a great +bow, and accused him of being “a maker of the new laws and putter down +of holidays” until with the help of his friends Dakyn quieted him by a +gift of over forty marks[922]. + +The summons, spread through the countryside, quickly took effect. On the +previous Wednesday, 11 October[923], between two and three hundred men +of Mashamshire and Kirkbyshire assembled in the evening round Jervaux +Abbey and clamoured for the abbot, Adam Sedbarr, to come out to them. +The abbot slipped out by a back door, and took refuge on Witton Fell, +with no companions but his own father and a young boy. He remained in +hiding for four days, only venturing back to the abbey at night, when +the commons had dispersed to their homes. But when Robert Bowes’ summons +was received on Sunday 15 October, the rebels returned to Jervaux and +declared that they would burn it down if the abbot were not delivered up +to them for forbidding his tenants to join them. The terrified monks +sent a messenger to the fell, who found the abbot “in a great crag” and +told him of the commons’ threats, saying that all the brethren cried +“Wo” by him. This message caused him to return, though the risk was +great, and his friends had difficulty in saving him from the commons, +who nearly tore him in pieces, crying “Down with the traitor”! and +“Whoreson traitor, where hast thou been?” “Get a block to strike off his +head upon.” No gentlemen were with them; they had leaders chosen from +among themselves, of whom the abbot names Stavely, Middleton, Leonard +Burgh and Aslaby. They forced the abbot to take the oath, and carried +him off with them, mounted on a barebacked horse, to the meeting at +Oxneyfield on Monday 16 October[924]. Assembled there were Bowes with +the Richmondshire men, Lord Latimer and Sir Christopher Danby with +Mashamshire, and the men of Jervaux with the abbot. Bowes was, as usual, +obliged to “stay old grudges” among his followers, in order to induce +them to act together. They intended to compel all priests who were +“young and able” to join them, and the priests themselves were quite +willing in many cases[925]. The chantry priest of Lartington and the +parish priest of Romaldkirk were particularly active[926]. Dakyn, +however, persuaded Bowes to excuse them all in consideration of their +vows, and afterwards ventured to rebuke the cantarist, when he came to +his house to demand money, saying that his was not the office of a +priest[927]. + +From Oxneyfield the host advanced to Bishop Auckland on Tuesday 17 +October with the object of capturing the Bishop of Durham there. But the +bishop had been warned and had fled at midnight[928]. He made his way to +his own castle of Norham[929], but even there he seems to have found +some difficulty in gaining admittance, for William Franklin, Archdeacon +of Durham, was afterwards praised for his “service in taking Norham +Castle.” Perhaps this means that at the outbreak of the insurrection he +had occupied the castle and prepared to defend it. Franklin afterwards +endeavoured to go south, but was stopped by Darcy[930]. Thomas Parry, +one of the commissioners[931] for suppressing monasteries was more +fortunate. He fled to Norfolk and kept up communications with Franklin, +urging him to try to capture Aske[932]. In the end Franklin escaped and +went to the King[933]. The Bishop of Durham remained at Norham for +several months[934]. For his desertion the commons spoiled his palace at +Bishop Auckland “contrary to their own proclamation.”[935] The +plundering perhaps took place when Bowes had gone to Brancepeth to take +the Earl of Westmorland[936]. Westmorland did not join the rebels +himself, but he took the oath and sent them a friendly answer[937]. What +seems nowadays more extraordinary is that he allowed his son, a boy not +much over 13 years, to ride with the rebels[938]. There is nothing to +indicate that young Lord Neville was captured or that his presence in +the Pilgrim host caused any alarm to his parents. + +Sir Thomas Hilton, the sheriff of Durham, was probably at Bishop +Auckland with the bishop. On Monday, after the bishop’s flight, he sent +news of the rising to his cousin John Lord Lumley, who was hunting the +hare at his manor of the Isle[939]. On receiving the warning that “as he +regarded his honour and safeguard of his substance that he should remove +and get him to some sure place for fear of the commons lest he should be +taken of them,” he packed up his plate and jewels and set out to deposit +them in the Maison Dieu at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, which was the strongest +house he knew. Arriving at Lumley Castle that night, he stopped to rest +there, but sent on his son George with the valuables to place them in +safety at Newcastle without delay. On Tuesday 17 October Lord Lumley +joined his son at Newcastle, and on Wednesday the 18th Sir Thomas Hilton +arrived there and persuaded him to leave the town by telling him that +the townsfolk would rise if the commons came that way. Hilton and Lumley +went to Hilton Castle, and George Lumley returned to the Isle[940], +which shows that he was not at heart opposed to the rebels, as they were +in possession of all that district, and mustered that day at +Spennymoor[941], some five or six miles away. No sooner had George +Lumley arrived than “certain soldiers out of Richmondshire” came to +summon him to Lord Latimer’s muster, under pain of burning the house. He +accompanied them back to Auckland, when he found, in addition to Lord +Latimer and his men, Sir James Strangways with a thousand men, young +Bowes with a thousand more, Sir Ralph Bulmer and another knight (Sir +Christopher Danby?) each with a company. Lord Latimer administered the +oath to him and asked him where his father was. Lumley replied +“feignedly” that he was in Northumberland, whereupon Latimer bade him +send word that if Lord Lumley did not “come in” the rebels would spoil +his house. They allowed him to return to the Isle, where he received a +message from his wife that his own house at Thweng was in danger. Next +day, Thursday 19 October, he set out for Yorkshire, remained two days at +Thweng, and then led his tenants to York[942]. + +George Lumley did not see his father again until they met “on the heath +before Doncaster,” and he denied most emphatically that he had received +any message from him or knew anything of his movements in the interval. +His reticence is highly honourable in a son, but very exasperating to an +historian, for very little is known of the rising in the Bishopric until +on Friday 20 October the Lords Neville, Latimer and Lumley rode into +York at the head of 10,000 men, bearing before them the banner of St +Cuthbert. It seems probable that as soon as they were satisfied as to +the disposition of the citizens of Newcastle, Lumley and Hilton set out +and raised Durham without even going through the formality of being +taken by the commons. It would be extremely interesting to know how they +obtained possession of St Cuthbert’s banner, which was in the charge of +the feretrar of Durham Cathedral. The monks seem to have given it up +willingly, as they paid sixteen pence to Thomas Merlay the standard +bearer, but somehow or other it was injured and five shillings were +spent on its repairs[943]. The bishop’s chancery in Durham was spoiled +by the commons[944]. Sir Francis Bigod endeavoured to escape from +Mulgrave to London by sea, but his ship was driven back up the coast of +Durham and he landed at Hartlepool. He was passing the night at the +house of a former mayor of the town when he was warned that the commons +were coming to take him and fled back to his ship. Keeping now the +waters and now the woods he returned to Mulgrave and was captured by the +commons, who took him to York[945]. + +The date of these events is uncertain, but Hilton and Lumley must have +joined Latimer not later than Thursday 19 October. Meanwhile at +Spennymoor on Wednesday 18 October the host had been divided into two +parts, the one to advance to York, the other to Skipton. Dakyn and two +other aged gentlemen were sent to Jervaux to despatch the posts with +letters from host to host[946], and the Abbot of Jervaux was permitted +to return home with them. His attitude towards the rising seems to have +altered a good deal now that he had discovered it was not a mere riot +among the peasants of his own neighbourhood. At Auckland he was attended +by his chaplain with a bow and sheaf of arrows, and was heard to say +“The King doth cry eighteen pence a day. And I trust we shall have as +many men for eight pence a day.”[947] + +The great fortress of Newcastle could play a decisive part in the +success or failure of any northern rising. As has been seen, Lumley and +Hilton endeavoured to make sure of it before setting out for York. The +mayor and corporation were loyal to the King, and had begun to provision +the town and to lay guns on the walls, but they represented only a +narrow oligarchy of wealthy merchants who earlier in Henry’s reign had +won a victory in the Court of Star Chamber over the artisan gilds of the +town[948]. The defeated party naturally inclined to the insurgents. Sir +Thomas Hilton sent two servants about the town to discover the attitude +of the common people, and their report was that no resistance would be +made to the rebels. When the guns were laid on the walls the people said +“that they might lay the guns where they would but they would turn them +when the commons came whither they would.”[949] Thus reassured the rebel +leaders set out on their march, but Robert Brandling the mayor was a +politic man, who set himself to conciliate the commons. His exertions +were encouraged by the arrival of William Blytheman, one of Cromwell’s +commissioners for the suppression of monasteries, who had fled from York +to Newcastle. On his way through Richmondshire he had been helped by +Dakyn, much to the indignation of the commons[950]. When he reached +Newcastle safely he sent in an enthusiastic report of Brandling’s +proceedings[951]. Sadler wrote in a subsequent letter that the mayor +“did so fully reconcile them (the commons) and so handle them that, in +fine, they were determined to live and die with the mayor and his +brethren in the defence and keeping of the town to the King’s use +against all his enemies and rebels.”[952] One of the mayor’s measures of +conciliation was to punish the only heretic in the town, Roger +Dachant[953], who had been obliged to abjure his opinions before the +Bishop of Durham on 24 November 1531[954]. Among other heresies he held +that every priest might be and ought to be married and that monasteries +ought to be pulled down. This view had commended him to the royal +visitors, and he was Blytheman’s friend, so that probably his punishment +was not very severe. + +To sum up, the whole of the county of Durham, including the fortresses +of Barnard Castle, Brancepeth, and Durham itself, was in the hands of +the commons, but Newcastle, after wavering, had returned to its loyalty. + +It is now time to follow out the history of the siege of Skipton Castle, +to which half the Durham host were despatched on 19 October. The dales +of Yorkshire had never been really settled since the Craven riots of +1535[955]. Dent, Sedbergh and Wensleydale were the regions where hatred +of the government was strongest. About the middle of September William +Breyar the sanctuary man arrived at Dent wearing the livery of the +Queen’s sumpter men. A smith, seeing his coat, said “Thy master is a +thief, for he pulleth down all our churches in the country.” The +bystanders objected to the smith’s disloyalty and said: “It is not the +King’s deed, but the deed of Cromwell, and if we had him here we would +crum him and crum him that he was never so crummed, and if thy master +were here we would new crown him.” Breyar fled for his life, and +complained to the magistrates of Kirkby Lonsdale, who replied “Alas, +man! what didst thou there? for they of Dent and of three other parishes +thereabouts were sworn on Monday last past;” but they did not say to +whom they were sworn, nor what the oath was. About a week later Breyar +heard that the insurrection in Lincolnshire had just broken out[956]. +Darcy wrote from Templehurst on Friday 6 October to warn the King and +the Earl of Cumberland of stirrings in the dales[957], but Cumberland +did not take the matter seriously. He was at Skipton Castle preparing to +advance against Hexham Priory[958], and was sending his son Lord +Clifford to join Shrewsbury on his march to Lincoln. He therefore +contented himself by writing on the 8th to Sir James Metcalf and other +local gentlemen to keep order in the dales[959]. On the evening of +Tuesday 10 October Christopher Aske brought him the news of the Beverley +rising[960], and on the 12th came Scrope’s letter about the rising of +Masham and Nidderdale[961]. On the same day the Earl wrote to Henry to +explain his delay in setting out for Hexham[962]. The King sent another +peremptory command that he should go to Northumberland in spite of the +unsettled state of Yorkshire[963], and on Monday 16 October he set out +for Carlisle on his way northward[964]. He had scarcely started when he +was forced to retreat into Skipton Castle again, for on Tuesday the 17th +Darcy wrote from Pontefract to the King that “My lord of Cumberland on +his way to Hexham returned for safety to Skipton Castle.” He added that +Lord Scrope was with the Earl[965], but this was a mistake. On the same +day Sir Brian Hastings told Shrewsbury that Scrope had been taken, and +that next day the rebels would muster at Barnsdale and Barnsley[966]. + +Up to this point the rising had shown all the features of an +agricultural riot such as had occurred in Craven the year before. The +commons wandered about the county in aimless bands, returning home at +night. They had no particular respect for the church, as their treatment +of the Abbot of Jervaux showed, and they directed their operations +against unpopular landlords. When the abbot was in the Tower he told +Cromwell, “My Lord, ye be greatly deceived thinking that the monks and +canons were the chief doers of this insurrection, for there were other +of more reputation.” He believed that one of the chief grievances was +the lordship of Middleham, for the commons of Piercebridge said they +would make new lords of Middleham and restore divers who were put from +their offices by wrong, and the commons of Masham used similar +language[967]. He had also heard a serving-man say that the commons had +offered to put his master in possession of Sheriffhutton Castle. The +abbot, however, did not know the names of either the master or the man. +He believed that if he told all he knew the King might pardon him, but +yet it would cost him his life if it were known that he had spoken. +Cromwell promised that his revelations should be concealed, and +commanded that he should write down what he knew[968], but nothing more +remains about his secrets. In this district therefore the rising +appeared to men of property as a peasant revolt which threatened their +lives and lands, and must be put down as quickly as possible. + +The names of the leaders at the siege of Skipton Castle show the +character of the movement,—they were “Merlione,” evidently a peasant who +took the name from the prophecies, and John Norton of Norton Conyers, +with his two sons Richard and Thomas[969], who were captains in the +Rising of the North thirty-three years later[970]. John Norton took up +arms not only in defence of his religious principles, but also to avenge +the private wrongs that he had suffered at the hands of the Earl of +Cumberland in the feud which has already been described[971]. When the +Earl of Cumberland retreated to Skipton Castle on Tuesday 17 October, +the forces which he had collected dispersed to save their houses, and +only about eighty men remained with him. From these Christopher Aske +“tried out” forty young men, who were sufficient to defend the whole +castle except the barmkyn[972]. + +Meanwhile the commons at Skipton established communications with the +main body at York, and on the church doors of Swaledale, Wensleydale and +elsewhere was posted Aske’s summons to those who would rescue the +commonwealth from the heresies into which it was falling[973]. The +summons contained no expressions of hostility to the King, and it was +now that some of the gentlemen began to join the commons. Sir Stephen +Hamerton was told that there was such a bill on Giggleswick church door, +probably on Wednesday 18 October. On Thursday he went to see it, but the +commons had taken it down and gone to a muster at Neales Yng. Sir +Stephen was warned by some wives as he returned from hunting that the +commons were searching for him, and he was presently surrounded by three +hundred men “who said he had ruled them, but now they would rule him.” +Their leaders, Jakes and Fawcett, administered the oath to him, and he +was sent with eight others to Skipton Castle to request Cumberland to +join them. The Earl asked them why they rose, and they replied that it +was for fear of Bishopdale, Wensleydale and the other wild regions. He +promised to see them recompensed if they were robbed, but they answered, +“Nay, my lord, but this will not serve us.” The Earl however was firm, +and sent back the message: “I defy you, and do your worst, for I will +not meddle with you.” + +On Saturday 21 October Hammerton and his companions returned to +Monubent, the appointed rendezvous, where they were kept waiting, as the +commons had gone to take Nicholas Tempest, the brother of Sir Richard +Tempest[974]. His home was at Bashall in Bolland and he himself had gone +into hiding, but the commons plundered his goods and seized his son +John, a child. They threatened to strike off the boy’s head if his +father would not join them, whereupon Tempest returned and took the +oath[975]; after this he was always earnest for the commons’ cause[976]. +On hearing Cumberland’s answer the commons were very angry, “and swore +they would have my lord of Cumberland or die,” but they received letters +from Sawley Abbey asking for help against the Earl of Derby, and in +consequence set out thither on Sunday, 22 October, taking no further +part in the attack on Skipton[977]. Nevertheless the besiegers at this +time were reinforced by half the forces of Richmond and Durham[978]. +After two or three days’ siege, finding the castle impregnable without +ordnance, the commons resolved to capture Elinor Lady Clifford, the +daughter of the Duke of Suffolk and of the King’s sister Mary, together +with Lady Clifford’s young son and the Earl’s two daughters, who were +all staying at Bolton Priory. The besiegers threatened to lead them +before the host at the assault next day, and if it was unsuccessful, “to +violate and enforce them with knaves unto my Lord’s great discomfort.” +But before the commons could secure the ladies, Christopher Aske, with +the help only of the vicar of Skipton, a groom and a boy, contrived to +bring them by night over the moors from Bolton and right through the +rebel host into the castle without being detected[979]. Fearing for +their safety, he then wrote Robert Aske “an unkind letter,” telling him +that the Earl would never yield while he lived, and that if Robert +assaulted the castle it “should be a double death, once to see the said +Earl his master slain, and the ladies then being within the castle, +which should be death also to them.” Robert replied in a “like letter of +unkindness,” saying that he would not himself assault the castle but +that the Earl’s enemies would certainly take it if he did not yield. He +was led to believe this by a letter from the Duke of Suffolk to the Earl +which he had intercepted, but he found out afterwards that this letter +referred to Carlisle and not to Skipton[980]. The siege lasted for about +ten days, but the castle was not taken. While it was in progress the +commons robbed the Earl’s parks, and pulled down his houses at Bardon +and Carleton, “which were so strong as to take three days in +breaking.”[981] + +Communications were maintained between the besiegers and the other +bodies of the rebels by Dakyn and the elderly gentlemen who had been +placed for that purpose at Jervaux Abbey. The postmasters received some +unsigned letters from Sir Christopher Danby, which they requested him to +sign, and others from William Conyers, and on one occasion Dakyn wrote +to the Abbot of Fountains for post-horses. Copies were taken of all the +letters which passed through their hands, but the copies were left at +the abbey and probably destroyed. One of the gentlemen, Mr Siggiswick, +being aged and sick, returned home, and his place was taken by another +aged man, Mr Catherick[982]. When the two hosts joined at Pontefract, +Dakyn and the others returned home[983], but the siege of Skipton lasted +until Norton was summoned to take part in the first conference at +Doncaster[984]. As soon as the truce was proclaimed Aske wrote to the +commons forbidding them to molest the Earl until the King’s answer was +received, and to the Earl begging him to observe the truce. His orders +were obeyed, although the commons maintained a very hostile +attitude[985]. + +The only other stronghold in Yorkshire which held out for the King was +Scarborough Castle. It was a royal castle, and the constable was Sir +Ralph Evers[986] the younger, afterwards Ralph first lord Evers. After a +career of some distinction on the border he was killed at the battle of +Ancrum Moor 1545, where it was said that Annan, the general of the +Scots, on seeing his body, burst into tears exclaiming, “God have mercy +on him, for he was a fell cruel man, and over cruel. And welaway that +ever such slaughter and bloodshed should be among Christian men.”[987] +Evers has even his modest niche in literature, for the moody Baron of +Smailholm + + “... came not from where Ancrum Moor, + Ran red with English blood; + Where the Douglas true and the bold Buccleuch, + ’Gainst keen Lord Evers stood.”[988] + +Like most keepers of royal castles, he made his profit out of his +charge. He was accused of having taken the lead roofs off the towers and +turrets to make into brewing vessels for himself, and to exchange for +French wines[989]. But in spite of these peccadillos he was true to his +post, and on 17 October Darcy reported that Scarborough was besieged by +the commons[990]. Some of Archbishop Lee’s servants, flying thither from +York, were captured by the besiegers, but rescued and brought into the +castle by Sir Ralph[991]. The commons had seized the town[992], and it +was only the castle which held out. + +Very little is known about this early stage of the siege, but it seems +to have been closely maintained. There was afterwards a story that Sir +Ralph and his company had “no sustenance but bread and water for the +space of twenty days,”[993] and his appeals for help to the royal +generals show that he was hard pressed[994]. The rebels had some +ordnance, which they had probably taken from ships in the harbour, and +they knew how to use it, for Sir Ralph reported “of late part of the +wall and the ground of Scarborough Castle is shot down in the outer ward +betwixt the gatehouse and the castle.”[995] Nevertheless the rebels were +baffled and failed to take the castle. + +The sieges of Skipton and Scarborough occupied the men of the northern +dales so completely that their contingent had not reached Pontefract on +21 October. Aske reckoned that they would be twelve thousand men, armed +and mounted, under the leadership of Lord Scrope, Sir Christopher Danby, +Sir William Mallory, the Nortons, the Markenfields and others[996]. + +In contrast to the rising in the Dales, the insurrection in Lancashire +seems to have been caused chiefly by discontent at the royal supremacy +and the suppression of the monasteries. + +The principal leader was one Atkinson, probably the same John Atkinson +alias Brotton who had escaped after preventing the vicar of Gisburn from +reading the Act of Supremacy in the parish church on 11 July 1535[997]. +The centre of the insurrection was St Mary’s Abbey, Sawley[998], a +monastery which was beloved by the commons, “being the charitable relief +of those parts, and standing in a mountain country and amongst three +forests.”[999] It contained an abbot and twenty-one monks and, as one of +the lesser monasteries, had been dissolved by the commissioners; but on +Thursday 12 October the commons reinstated the brethren[1000], who +naturally threw themselves heart and soul into the pilgrims’ cause. One +of them probably composed the famous song of the Pilgrimage: + + “Christ Crucified, + For thy wounds wide, + Us commons guide, + That pilgrims be.”[1001] + +Among their papers are notes for a sermon maintaining that it is lawful +for a man to fight for the Faith and to resent injuries done to God and +his neighbours[1002]. + +In several other places the commissioners for the suppression of the +monasteries encountered opposition. The Priory of Conishead had been +threatened in 1525 when Wolsey dissolved a few of the smaller +monasteries, but it was spared at the intercession of the Duke of +Suffolk, who reported it to be “a great help to the people.”[1003] On +Monday 16 October 1536, the prior wrote to William Collins, bailiff of +Kendal, begging him to make proclamation that help should be sent to the +priory, or else all they had would be taken from them[1004]. About this +time or a little earlier, in an undated letter, news was sent to Darcy +that “this week past Manchester College should have been pulled down, +and there would have been a rising, but the commissioners +recoiled.”[1005] + +In the neighbouring county of Cheshire the commissioners were actively +resisted. The Abbot of Norton had been deposed and imprisoned, +apparently on a charge of treason[1006]. A servant of Cromwell was put +in his place to effect the surrender of the monastery, which took place +at the beginning of October 1536. On Sunday 8 October when the +commissioners had packed up the jewels and movable property, and were +ready to leave, they were attacked by the former abbot, who had escaped +from prison, and was now at the head of two or three hundred country +people. The commissioners fled, and took refuge in a tower, but they +contrived to send a message to the sheriff, who set out at once, and +came upon the abbot and his followers at 2 o’clock in the morning, +feasting on an ox and other victuals by the light of great fires which +were burning within and without the monastery. They were taken by +surprise and could make no effective resistance. The abbot and three of +his canons were captured, but most of his followers fled under cover of +the darkness. The sheriff reported that the abbot was expecting +reinforcements and “it was thought if it had not been quickly handled +the matter would have grown to further inconvenience.” As it was, the +King’s farmer was restored, and the abbot and canons were imprisoned in +Halton Castle. The King sent orders for their execution, but they were +not carried out at once, and on 30 November the abbot was still living. +His fate is uncertain, but he was taken to Chester Castle for safer +keeping during the insurrection, and it is unlikely that he +escaped[1007]. + +The commons of Lancashire expressed sympathy with the Lincolnshire +rebels, and there was a widespread belief that the young Earl of Derby +inclined to the same side. His servants were so bitter against Cromwell +that a spy in the household wrote “or your lordship (Cromwell) should be +there as they would have you to be I had liefer to be in Jerusalem to +come home upon my bare feet.”[1008] + +Thomas Stanley, a priest who was related to Derby, corresponded with +Lord Darcy, and used all his influence to persuade the Earl to join the +rebels[1009]. For a time it was believed that he had been successful. +Aske showed Bigod a letter from the Earl, and said that he would be with +them in time of need. Afterwards a servant of Bigod’s who was sent with +a letter to Derby, told him that in the rebel host he was “cried +traitor.” The Earl replied that “there was no man in England save the +King who should say such a thing of him but he would lay his sword on +his face,” and he trusted the King would let him “boulte out” the +occasion of this slander[1010]. Perhaps his indignation was so great +because there were some grounds for the rebels’ confidence in his +sympathy. Nicholas Tempest had heard that Derby “had written such a +letter to the lord Darcy that he knew the said lord of Derby would do +little in the matter [on behalf of the King] when it should come to the +point.” He believed that the gentlemen who trusted to Derby to protect +them against the rebels would find themselves deceived in him[1011]. It +was said that Aske called him “false flattering boy” who ran away from +the commons[1012], for when it came to the point he chose to serve the +King. + +On Tuesday 10 October Derby received a summons to prepare his men in +case the rebellion should spread from Lincolnshire into those +parts[1013]. The monks of Sawley were restored on the 12th, and on the +19th, Thursday, news of this having reached the King, further orders +were sent to Derby, that instead of joining Shrewsbury on his advance +northwards, as had been intended, he must suppress the rising in +Lancashire, send up the ringleaders and hang the brethren in their +monks’ apparel. A commission under the Privy Seal was sent to him to +authorise his proceedings[1014]. He was given authority over all +Lancashire, Cheshire, North Wales and Staffordshire, excepting the parts +already committed to Shrewsbury. This liberal commission delighted Derby +so much that his previous inclination was overcome and he resolved to +oppose the rebels. He showed the commission to Thomas Stanley, saying +that no ancestor of his had ever had the like, to which Stanley retorted +that “no more should he neither have had” if it had not been to support +Cromwell. A heated argument followed, but Derby was now quite determined +on his course[1015]. The King’s judicious display of confidence had made +an ally of a man who might have been a most dangerous enemy. Derby might +have avenged his ancestor Sir William Stanley by overmatching Henry VIII +if he had thrown his powerful influence into the scale against the King. +But on the other hand, the Earl’s love of ruling and his commanding +position as by far the most important man among the Pilgrims would have +made it necessary for them to acknowledge him their leader, if he had +joined them, and as he was not very wise it may be doubted whether he +had sufficient tact and ability for the position. He would have been but +a doubtful acquisition if he had introduced fresh divisions into their +council. This, however, is only speculation, as Derby prepared to fight +for the King. Nevertheless the commons of Lancashire were wholly in +favour of the rebels, and Stanley believed that if one quarter rose the +rest would. He reported to Darcy that Derby and Lord Monteagle his +cousin would not be able to set out before the following Wednesday, 25 +October[1016], and meanwhile the commons were rising in response to a +summons from “Mr Captain” (Aske or Atkinson?). An example of this +summons is preserved in an unsigned letter to “Cousin Townley.” Its date +seems to be Saturday 14 October. The writer had received a letter from +“Mr Captain in this our Pilgrimage of Grace,” containing the order “that +on sight thereof ye fail not with all your company to be on (blank) +Thewseday (Tuesday 17th?) next by (blank) of the clock in all your best +array, as ye will avoid displeasure of the contrary doing.” The writer +was sure that his cousin would be glad to hear this. He had sent orders +to the commons of Lancaster side to take the gentlemen who were +favourable to the Pilgrimage, and was sorry that “Cousin Townley’s” +brother had not taken the oath, as he was inclined to it at one +time[1017]. Sir John Townley and his brother, who was also called John, +are afterwards mentioned as being active on behalf of the commons[1018]. + +Such a summons was brought by George Willen and William Gaunt from Dent +to Kendal on Saturday 14 October. The men from Dent had come, as they +said, to ask Sir James Leyborne what they should do about the summons, +which they had received from Richmondshire. All the advice they received +from Leyborne the steward and William Collins the bailiff was “not to +meddle.” Next day (Sunday 15 October) the commons under the leadership +of Tom Dockwray and Brian Jobson assembled at daybreak in the North +Street of Kendal, and took all the chief men of the town, rousing them +from their beds and making them swear to be true to God, the King and +their ancient laudable customs. “Mr Leyborne” had fled, but his friends +promised that he would do as the other gentlemen did, and his brother +Nicholas “sealed to a book which was read concerning their customs” in +his name. The complaint that their ancient customs were being violated +was the characteristic grievance of Cumberland and Westmorland, and will +be discussed more fully hereafter. Beyond visiting Mr Leyborne’s house +again on Friday 20 October the commons of Kendal did not do much until +on Saturday 21 October they received a summons from the men of Dent to +muster with them on Monday 23 October at ten o’clock on Ennesmore. Here +a local quarrel broke out, for the Kendal men answered that they “would +have nought to do” with Dent. The reply of the latter was that if Kendal +did not attend the muster, the town should be spoiled by ten thousand +men. For a moment the citizens of Kendal thought of resistance, but in +the end some five hundred of them went to Ennesmore. There they found +that the captains were Atkinson, James Cowper, John Middleton, John +Hebyllthwayte of Sedbergh, James Bushell of Middleton and the vicar of +Clapham, who “was the common swearer and counsellor in all that business +and persuaded the people that they should go to heaven if they died in +that quarrel.” The men of Kendal told the captains that they were sworn, +but that their gentlemen would not come in, to which the others +answered, “If ye cannot rule them, we shall rule them.” A muster was +appointed at Kendal next day at 8 a.m., when they would have spoiled Mr +Leyborne’s house but for the bad weather. On Friday 27 October Leyborne +and the other gentlemen at last came in and were sworn at Kendal +Tollbooth, and on Saturday 28 October they mustered on Kelet Moor and +marched to Lancaster[1019]. + +It was this rising which prevented Derby from marching on Sawley when he +received the King’s first orders, dated 19 October[1020]. The delay +annoyed Henry so much that on the 28th he wrote repeating his +instructions[1021], but Derby was doing his best. He occupied Preston in +order to lie within striking distance of both the rebel hosts, the one +lying near Kendal, which was said to number five or six thousand men, +but was probably under three thousand, and the other defending Sawley +Abbey. His attitude alarmed the monks of Sawley, who sent into Yorkshire +for help on Saturday 21 October[1022], but his attention was at first +occupied by the Kendal rising. Many fugitives hurried to his protection, +among the first being the abbot and deputy steward of Furness, who came +by water to Lathom before the Earl occupied Preston[1023]. From Lathom +the abbot wrote to his monastery that he had taken a way to be sure both +from King and commons[1024], and while he remained with Derby the monks +levied men for the rebels and sent them money, telling their recruits +“Now must they stick to it or else never, for if they sit down both you +and Holy Church is undone; and if they lack company we will go with them +and live and die with them to defend their most godly pilgrimage.” They +gave out that the King was not right heir to the crown because his +father came in by the sword, and they maintained the papal authority so +earnestly that some of their tenants were willing to wager that the new +laws would be annulled in three years. Four of the monks of Sawley had +been sent to Furness, and three of them, who had capacities[1025], +returned to Sawley when the commons restored it[1026]. + +The Prior of Cartmell, who had been restored against his will, fled to +the Earl at Preston, where he was joined by Lord Monteagle and Sir +Marmaduke Tunstall, whose houses lay between Lancashire and Westmorland +in the district where the rising took place[1027]. Sir Robert +Bellingham, Aske’s brother-in-law, and other gentlemen were taken and +sworn by the commons but afterwards escaped to Preston. It must have +been for this desertion that the commons threatened to spoil the house +of Aske’s sister Margaret, Sir Robert’s wife, but Aske prevented them +from doing so[1028]. + +Atkinson entered Lancaster at the head of the host from Dent and Kendal +on Saturday 28 October[1029]. He administered the oath to the mayor and +all the burgesses, but the mayor escaped to his master the Earl of +Derby. The commons threatened to plunder his house if he did not return, +and Derby sent two of his servants to Atkinson to explain that he was +detaining the mayor, and to order the commons to depart in the King’s +name. Atkinson declared that as the mayor would not come, his friends, +who had been his sureties “were forfeitures,” and he gave the servants a +list of their names. As for the rest of the message, the commons had a +pilgrimage for the commonwealth to do, which they would accomplish or +die. The servants replied that if twelve of their chiefs would sign a +promise to fight on Bentham Moor, the Earl would undertake to meet them +there and determine the quarrel by battle. Atkinson answered that they +would not fight unless the Earl hindered their pilgrimage, or attempted +to join the Lord Lieutenant. If they had agreed to fight, Derby had +resolved to wait for help from Cheshire, as he could not trust his +men[1030]. It was probably the report of these messengers which +convinced him that the rebels at Lancaster were not very formidable, and +he therefore turned his attention to Sawley. It was known in Lancaster +on the 28th that the reinforcements from Yorkshire had arrived +there[1031]. + +After the resolution at Monubent on Saturday 21 October Sir Stephen +Hamerton had gone to Colne and Burnley, marching down one bank of the +Ribble, and Nicholas Tempest had gone to Whalley, marching down the +other bank. The latter reached Whalley on Monday 23 October. For more +than two hours the monks refused to admit him and his three or four +hundred men, but at last they opened their doors for fear of burning. +Tempest administered the oath to the abbot and eight of the brethren. +Sir Stephen Hamerton and his men arrived the same night and the two +leaders recounted their experiences to each other[1032]. + +Hearing that Derby was doing his best to raise forces against them, they +sent to Walter Strickland to come to their aid, but received no +reply[1033]. Then definite news was brought that Derby intended to set +out from Preston on Monday 30 October and would spend that night with +his forces at Whalley Abbey, which was some four miles from Sawley. The +rebels at once occupied a hill by the abbey, prepared to fall on Derby, +who did not know of their movements[1034]. An encounter between the +rebels and Derby’s forces seemed inevitable, and the situation was on +the whole in favour of the former. It is true that Derby had levied over +eight thousand men, but their loyalty was doubtful[1035]; the Pilgrims +at Sawley, unknown to Derby, had occupied a strong position, and those +at Lancaster were preparing to take him in the rear[1036]. Derby himself +admitted that the roads were very difficult and that there would have +been a great fray “though no doubt the traitors would have been +overthrown.”[1037] Just at this critical moment, at nine o’clock in the +morning on Monday 30 October, Berwick Herald-at-Arms rode into Preston +and delivered to the Earl a letter from Shrewsbury and the other lords, +informing him of the first appointment at Doncaster, and directing him +to “sparple his force and do no hurt.”[1038] After a formal consultation +with the gentlemen present, he disbanded his men and returned to Lathom, +probably with a very thankful heart[1039]. The same news had reached +Whalley in a letter from Aske, forbidding the Pilgrims to meddle with +Derby even if he attacked them, and directing them to withdraw into the +mountains, unless he (Derby) “raised fire,” in which case they must send +by post to Aske. Hearing that the Earl had withdrawn, they also broke up +their forces, and “kept every man his own house, ready to be up and come +together at an hour’s warning.”[1040] + +From Lancashire[1041] we turn to Cumberland and Westmorland, where there +had been considerably more enclosing of common land by the landlords +than in the other counties. This was the principal grievance of the +commons in those parts. On 17 August 1536 Sir Thomas Wharton reported to +Cromwell that there had been divers riots in Cumberland, probably +against the enclosures, although one riot was traced to the Bishop of +Carlisle[1042], and was most likely a private feud. + +On Sunday 15 October the curate of Kirkby Stephen did not “bid St Luke’s +day (Wednesday 18 October) as a holyday,” which exasperated his +parishioners so much that they threatened to kill him; to pacify them he +was forced to announce the holiday as usual[1043]. Probably it was on +the same day that Robert Thompson, vicar of Brough-under-Stainmore, +received a letter from the commons of Richmondshire which he read aloud +to his parishioners, perhaps in the parish church. The contents of the +letter ran: “Wellbeloved brethren in God, we greet you well, signifying +unto you that we your brethren in Christ have assembled us together and +put us in readiness for the maintenance of the faith of God, His laws +and His Church, and where abbeys was suppressed we have restored them +again and put the religious men into their houses: wherefore we exhort +you to do the same.”[1044] This letter seems to have been signed +“Captain Poverty,” as was the one sent to Sir Ingram Percy[1045]. + +Next day the men of Kirkby Stephen held a muster on Sandforth Moor in +response to the summons from Richmond, and chose as their captains +Robert Pullen, Nicholas Musgrave, Christopher Blenkinsop and Robert +Hilton. Vicar Thompson went to Penrith that night, to escape from the +commons as he said, but it seems more likely that his object was to +spread the news of the rising. He rejoined the muster next day, Tuesday +17 October, when the commons went to take Sir Thomas Wharton. As he had +fled, they captured his eldest son instead. On Wednesday 18 October they +went to Lamerside Hall, believing that Sir Thomas and other gentlemen +had taken refuge there, but they found only servants. Pullen then issued +an order that the gentlemen should come in by a certain day or their +houses would be plundered, and appointed men bound by oath to collect +the goods which the captains declared forfeit. The leaders agreed that +next day, Thursday 19 October, Pullen and his men should march down one +side of the Eden and Musgrave with his down the other. Pullen’s company +set out and arrived at Penrith the same day, but Musgrave’s band spent +the night at Lowther, where they had in vain hoped to take Sir John +Lowther. Penrith had already risen in response to the summons from +Richmondshire, which had probably been brought by Thompson. Four +captains had been chosen, Anthony Hutton, John Beck, Gilbert Whelpdale +or Whelton, and Thomas Burbeck, who took the names of Charity, Faith, +Poverty and Pity. Gilbert Whelpdale, Captain Poverty, was Robert +Thompson’s brother-in-law, and appointed him his chaplain and secretary. +Pullen’s company spent Thursday night in Penrith and on Friday 20 +October set out again. Thompson accompanied them as far as Eamont +Bridge, where the oath was administered to Dudley and other gentlemen, +but he turned back to Penrith at the request of the commons there, in +order that he might help them with his counsel. On the same day they +held a muster on Penrith Fell, where Thompson and the captains organised +their forces as well as they could. “Sir” Edward Perith, who must have +been a priest, was appointed the crossbearer, to carry the cross before +the host. George Corney, another priest, wrote letters to the +neighbouring gentlemen at the dictation of the captains, and Thompson +taught Thomas Berwick, the town-crier, a proclamation to be uttered +before every meeting “to the effect that, as the rulers did not defend +them from thieves and Scots, they had chosen the four captains, who +commanded all to live in peace and to say five _aves_, five _paters_ and +a creed.” The letters were sent to Sir Edward Musgrave, who came in and +took the oath with all the parish of Edenhall and the country round +Penrith. Another muster was held on Saturday 21 October, when the +commons beyond Eden were sworn, and a meeting was appointed on Monday 23 +October at Cartlogan Thorns. On Monday the commons of Caldbeck, +Greystoke, Hutton, Shewlton and Sowerby rose and came to Cartlogan +Thorns, bringing with them Bernard Towneley, the chancellor of the +diocese, Richard Bewley, Richard Vachell and other gentlemen. Sir John +Lowther also came to the meeting, “to summon certain men of Sowerby to +keep the day of march,” i.e. the day appointed for a meeting with the +Scots warden. Sir John’s attitude is doubtful; he does not seem to have +been brought in by force, and the commons looked upon him as their +friend[1046]. + +The next muster was appointed to be held on Wednesday 25 October at +Kilwatling How[1047]. A new actor now comes on the scene—Abbot Carter of +Holm Cultram. The Priory of Carlisle and the Abbey of Holm Cultram were +the only two monasteries in Cumberland wealthy enough to escape the Act +of Suppression. There had been several scandals in connection with Holm +Cultram in recent years, and the abbot seems to have realised from the +first that without a revolution his house was doomed[1048]. Consequently +when the news of the rising reached him he sent orders to all his +tenants to attend the muster at Kilwatling How under pain of +hanging[1049]. + +There on Wednesday 25 October the gentlemen and commons of the +neighbourhood were sworn, and four clergymen, the parson of Melmerby, Dr +Towneley, the vicar of Sowerby and the vicar of Edenhall, were appointed +Chaplains of Poverty to instruct the commons in the Faith, a lesson +which was much needed, as those who attended the muster announced that +if the other clergymen of the district did not come in they would strike +off the heads of those already in their hands, and set Towneley’s head +on the highest tree of the diocese[1050]. + +On Wednesday and Thursday a picturesque ceremony took place in Penrith +chapel, when the four captains followed Thompson in procession round the +building with their swords drawn. They then put up their swords and the +vicar said mass, and expounded the Ten Commandments, showing how all the +present troubles had arisen from breaking them. This was called the +captains’ mass. A priest objected that swords should not be drawn in +church, and the ceremony was given up[1051]. + +The chief problem now before the rebels was the attitude of Carlisle. +This was determined almost by accident. On Monday 16 October the Earl of +Cumberland intended to send his son Henry Lord Clifford to join +Shrewsbury[1052]. Finding that he could not go directly southwards by +land without a considerable risk of falling into the rebels’ hands, Lord +Clifford conceived the ingenious idea of travelling north to his uncle +Sir Thomas Clifford at Berwick and taking ship to Lincolnshire[1053]. +The general rising, however, forced him to seek refuge in Carlisle +Castle, and there he lay four days in hiding. Meanwhile on Friday 27 +October the citizens of Carlisle sent messengers to the commons of +Penrith under safe conduct. The commons were mustered on Sanderdale +Hill, and the messengers reported that the burgesses of Carlisle would +take no oath, but otherwise would be with them. All the people who lived +in that neighbourhood thought that they would be ruined if Carlisle were +not secured, for the mosstroopers of the Black Quarters, the valleys of +Esk and Line, had already begun to plunder them. By Thompson’s advice +they proclaimed that no one should take provisions into the town, hoping +that it might be reduced by starvation, as Hull had been[1054]. The +threat would have been sufficient for the townspeople, as they had +neither ordnance nor powder and the walls were in ruins, but Lord +Clifford came out of his hiding-place, and said that as his father’s +deputy he would be their captain and jeopardy his life with them. They +were so far encouraged that they promised not to give over the +town[1055], especially as the commons had withdrawn for the moment to +Cockermouth, where they passed the night of Friday 27 October. The Abbot +of Holm Cultram joined them in person at Cockermouth on Saturday 28 +October, and the rebels’ council ordered Sir John Lowther, “who was at +Carlisle,” the abbot, Towneley, Richard Blenkhow and Thomas Dalston to +go to Carlisle with orders to the mayor to meet the commons and take the +oath for himself and his brethren on the following Monday at Burford +(Brunfelde) Oak. The priests were very unwilling to go and one Percy +Simpson exclaimed that “they would never be well till they had stricken +off all the priests’ heads, saying they would but deceive them.” The +appointed messengers went no further than Dalston, but they sent “Sir” +William Robin to Carlisle and he brought back word “there was a +proclamation that no man should make any unlawful assembly,” which was +evidently news of the first truce of Doncaster. The abbot and Towneley +told Thompson of this, but he and the other captains believed that it +was only a trick to gain time and mustered next day. Towneley and other +messengers were again sent to Carlisle, where they were shown the +proclamation of the truce, and sent it back to the host at once. They do +not seem to have believed that it would pacify the commons, and +delivered their message to the mayor, who asked for a day’s respite. +When Towneley and the others returned to Burford Oak, however, they +found that the commons had agreed to disperse until Friday 3 November, +when they were to assemble again. Thompson went back to Penrith and took +no further part in the proceedings[1056]. + +All this time Lord Dacre had been lying quiet at Naworth Castle. By +reason of his feud with the Cliffords and his late trial for treason it +had been hoped that he would join the commons, but his recent experience +had been enough for him, and Sir Ingram Percy called him “first a +traitor to the king and after to the commons” for remaining loyal[1057]. +He was in occasional communication with Shrewsbury[1058], and on 30 +October he sent to Lord Clifford, offering to come to his aid if the +commons besieged Carlisle, and asking Clifford to come to him if they +besieged Naworth. Clifford willingly agreed[1059]. When the commons +mustered at Burford Oak on Friday 3 November Sir Christopher Dacre came +to them from Carlisle under safe conduct[1060], and with the help of +Towneley and the gentlemen and priests who were with them he persuaded +them to accept the truce and to disperse[1061]. It was agreed that they +should bring their wares to market as before, and that Lord Clifford +should prevent his soldiers from “riding on the commons.”[1062] After +this Lord Dacre went secretly up to London[1063], thinking that he would +be less liable to misrepresentation if he were actually under the King’s +eye. + +The movement in Cumberland and Westmorland was essentially a rising of +the poor against the rich. The rebels wanted to abolish rents, tithes +and enclosures[1064]. In spite of the exhortations of the enthusiast, +Robert Thompson, and the Abbot of Holm Cultram, the commons showed no +particular zeal for the Church and treated the clergy with little +respect. In consequence the gentlemen and clergy stood aloof, and the +mass of eager but undisciplined commons were as great an anxiety to the +leaders of the rebellion as they could be to their opponents. + +From this brief sketch of the state of the northern counties up to the +first truce of Doncaster two points stand out. In the first place the +discontent was very strong and very widespread. The gentlemen who were +usually equal to keeping order were reduced to a few isolated +fortresses, Chillingham, Scarborough and Skipton; even the large towns, +such as Carlisle, Newcastle and Berwick, were wavering. The progress of +the insurrection may be described in the words which a German historian +uses with regard to the Peasants’ War of 1525: “the peasant revolts +were, in general, less of the nature of campaigns, or even of an +uninterrupted series of minor military operations, than of a slow +process of mobilisation interrupted and accompanied by continual +negociations with the lords and princes—a mobilisation which was +rendered possible by the standing right of assembly and of carrying arms +possessed by the peasants.”[1065] The widespread character of the +rebellion was in its favour, but the second point is against it. In +consequence of the great extent of the district affected it was +inevitable that there should be many conflicting interests, which only +genius could unite in a common cause. In one place the course of the +rising was determined by local feuds, in another by religious +enthusiasm, in another by agricultural grievances. + +Though such a mass of discontent was very dangerous to the King, it was +almost equally dangerous to those who were attempting to control and +guide it to a definite object. It will be noticed that there were two +distinct sets of agitators, whose aims were sometimes almost +antagonistic. First, there was the religious movement which usually +centred in some monastery—Hexham, Sawley, Furness or Holm Cultram. Its +motives and object have already been described, and it was the cause +with which the gentlemen sympathised. Second there was the social +movement directed chiefly against raised rents and enclosures. Its +centre seems to have been Richmondshire, and it was this cause which was +most influential in Cumberland and Westmorland. The leaders had adopted +the name of Captain Poverty as a symbol of their intention. The commons, +they meant, were led by Poverty. There was, of course, no one definite +Captain Poverty, though individual leaders might assume the name, as at +Penrith, but wherever that name is used the rising was directed +primarily against the gentlemen, and no particular devotion was shown to +the Church as an institution. It was this second movement which +resembled in many particulars the Peasants’ Revolt in Germany in 1525. +There, as in England, the first demands of the peasants were social, not +religious[1066]. In Germany they soon became combined with a reforming +campaign against the Church, while in England the religious movement was +reactionary, but the ideals of the peasants had something in common with +both tendencies, for while on the one hand they wanted reform of abuses, +on the other their social programme was reactionary, looking back to the +primitive form of the village community[1067]. This may be observed in +the English as well as in the German movement. The leaders of the +religious insurrection in England, Aske and Darcy and the friars, seem +originally to have had little or nothing to do with the social movement, +and though they tried to direct it to their own ends they were rather +alarmed by it. + + + NOTES TO CHAPTER IX + + Note A. The Isle was not Holy Island in Northumberland, as stated in + the Index of the “Letters and Papers.” It was the name of a country + house in the parish of Sedgefield, Durham, which was built on an + island formed by the river Skerne and its tributaries. + + Note B. An attempt was made in 1535 to involve the Abbot of Norton in + a charge of issuing counterfeit coin[1068]. + + Note C. Kendal is now in Westmorland, but in early times it was + included in Lancashire, and even in Henry VIII’s reign the boundary + between the two counties was still unsettled[1069]. + + Note D. The summary of Nicholas Tempest’s confession which is given in + the “Letters and Papers,” XII (1), no. 1014 is so brief that it gives + no idea of the contents of the document. The subsequent references are + therefore given to the “Yorkshire Archaeological Journal,” vol. XI, + where the confession is printed in full. + + + + + CHAPTER X + THE MUSTERS AT PONTEFRACT + + +It was a strange kind of warfare in which the garrison of a surrendered +castle immediately went over to the enemy—joined in their counsels and +became their leaders. When all the gentlemen at Pontefract had taken the +oath Aske “would have yielded up his white rod and name of captain to +the nobility there, which refused, but willed him to continue as captain +because otherwise amongst the nobility there were parte [likely] to be +disdain, if any of them would have taken this office upon them.” A +council was held at once[1070]. Every man was willing and earnest, +excepting the Archbishop and his friend Dr Magnus, who did not attend +the councils[1071]. Darcy and Sir Robert Constable became acknowledged +heads of the Pilgrimage. Constable and Aske had some time before been +“in displeasure” with one another, but, true to their oath, they set +aside all private disputes[1072]. They worked loyally together to muster +and drill the bands of Pilgrims which marched in every hour. At the +councils all the worshipful men “commoned” together “for the setting +forth of the battles and company towards Doncaster, for the preparation +for victuals, scoutwatches and for the orders of the field, and who +should be in the vanward and middleward, and for the answers of the +heralds, and good espials, and search the fords of Don for passage with +the host.” Copies of the oath and Aske’s proclamations were sent out +with the messengers who carried orders and advice to companies on +Pilgrimage in all parts of Yorkshire, in Durham, and in all the north. +Darcy had received trustworthy information from Lancashire, that the +people were about to rise though the Earl of Derby was obstinate in +loyalty[1073]. Aske still had hopes of the young nobleman, and he sent +the servant who brought the news back again, with a letter to the Earl, +and a copy of the oath to be “spread abroad” on his way through the +country[1074]. + +While the leaders of the Pilgrimage were holding counsel, word was +brought to them that a herald in the King’s coat of arms was riding into +the town. This was Thomas Miller, Lancaster Herald, sent from Scrooby by +the Earl of Shrewsbury to read to the Pilgrims the same proclamation +which had dispersed the men of Lincolnshire. He was a man of parts and +conduct, as became the honourable bearer of the messages of a King. As +he approached Pontefract, he fell in with troops of countrymen on their +way to the musters. They treated him respectfully and listened to his +assurances that the King had never even thought of levying taxes on +burials, christenings, etc. Several hundred, as he said, even promised +him to go home, though it does not appear that they turned back at once. +As he was making his way to the market cross to read his proclamation in +due form, he was stopped and told that the captain of the host, Robert +Aske, had sent for him. He was taken up to the castle, and passed +through the three wards; at the gate of every ward was a porter with a +white rod and “many in harness of very cruel fellows.” He was brought +into a hall full of people and told to wait till the captain’s pleasure +was known. Unappalled by this show of strength and order, the herald +made his way to the high table and boldly began to declare the King’s +will. He was interrupted by a summons to the castle chamber. Here he +found himself before the Archbishop, Darcy, Sir Robert Constable, Sir +Christopher Danby, with other knights and gentlemen. In the midst was +Aske himself, “keeping his port and countenance as though he had been a +great prince with great rigour and like a tyrant,” said Lancaster +afterwards, shocked at such assurance in a traitor. Not deigning to +address a mere gentleman when lords spiritual and temporal were present, +the herald, with due regard for precedence, first offered to deliver his +message to the Archbishop and then to Darcy. Both bade him give it to +the captain, who “with an inestimable proud countenance, stretched +himself and took a hearing of my tale.” On understanding his mission the +captain asked to see the proclamation. The herald drew it from his purse +and Aske “read it openly without reverence to any person[1075], and +said ... he would of his own wit give me the answer. He, standing up in +the highest place of the chamber, taking the high estate upon him, said: +Herald, as a messenger you are welcome to me and all my company, +intending as I do; and as for this proclamation sent from the lords, +from whence ye come, it shall not be read at the Market Cross nor in no +place amongst my people, which be all under my guiding, nor for fear of +loss of lands, life or goods, nor for the power which is against us doth +not enter into our hearts with fear; but are all of one accord with the +points of our articles, clearly intending to see a reformation or else +to die in those causes.” Miller asked what the articles might be; the +captain answered that they were going “to London, upon pilgrimage to the +King’s Highness” to petition him for “full restitution of Christ’s +Church of all wrongs done to it” and the putting down of vile blood from +the Council. At Miller’s request, Aske gave him a copy of the oath and +offered to sign it. The herald “prayed him to put his hand to the said +bill and so he did, and with a proud voice said: This is mine act who so +ever says to the contrary.” The herald again begged that he might read +the proclamation to the commons, and even fell on his knees in his +anxiety to do his errand truly. But Aske was determined. “He clearly +answered me that of my life I should not, for he would have nothing put +in his people’s heads that should sound contrary to his intent.” He +dared not let Lancaster proclaim openly that the Lincolnshire Rebellion +was over. It was already rumoured in the Pilgrims’ host, and roused such +fury among the commons that Aske doubted whether he could save the +herald’s life if he declared the news to be true[1076]. The Pilgrimage +must not be stained with the murder of a messenger. Moreover the +proclamation itself was unsatisfactory, containing no offer of pardon, +nor as much as demanding the Pilgrims’ reasons for rising in arms. These +the King persisted in assuming that he knew—they were the false rumours +of new taxes[1077]. Indeed the proclamation, though couched in the most +sonorous English, contained so little to the point that it was no wonder +a serious leader of the Pilgrimage should treat it with scorn. + +Miller naturally thought that had he been allowed to accomplish his +mission the effect would have been great. All the ploughmen and farm +hands, he believed, “would have gone home, ... for they say that they be +weary of that life they lead, and if (any) say to the contrary of the +captain’s will he shall die.” He must have heard the commons grumbling +at the strict orders against spoils. + +Aske ended the interview by promising Lancaster perfect safety whenever +he brought messages in the King’s coat, and “if my Lord Shrewsbury or +other lords of the King’s army would come and speak with him, they +should have of him their safe conduct to come safe and go safe. And also +said: Herald, commend me to the lords from whence you come, and say to +them, it were meet they were with me, for it is for all their wealths I +do.... Then he commanded Lord Darcy to give me two crowns of five +shillings to reward whether I would or no, then took me by the arm and +brought me forth of the castle and there made a proclamation that I +should go safe and come safe wearing the King’s coat, on pain of death; +and so took his leave of me and returned into the castle, in high honour +of the people as a traitor may. And I missed my horse, and I called to +him again for to have my horse, and then he made a proclamation that +whoso held my horse and brought him not again immediately, bade kill him +without mercy. And then both my horse was delivered unto me; and then he +commanded that twenty or forty men should bring me out of the town, +where I should least see his people.”[1078] + +On this same Saturday 21 October 1536, Sir Thomas Percy arrived at +Pontefract at the head of nearly ten thousand men from the north-east. +To describe the raising of this company we must go back a week or more. +Sir Thomas was at Seamer in the North Riding, his mother’s house, when +the first news of trouble in Lincolnshire came. Three days later a +servant arrived from Wressell Castle, bringing venison for the Dowager +Countess from the Earl. He brought word that Aske had raised the commons +of Howdenshire, and the tenants of Wressell cried before the Earl’s +gates “Thousands for a Percy!” The country round was much disturbed, and +Sir Thomas grew anxious to return home to Prudhoe Castle in Tynedale +where his wife and children were. It must have been about 14 or 15 +October that he attempted to go north secretly, disguised in one of his +servant’s coats, leading his own mail horse, and accompanied only by his +page and a couple of men. They presently fell in with two rebel leaders. +One of them “a man with a red face” was William Percehay of Ryton; he +seems to have recognised Sir Thomas or at least to have suspected who he +was. Seeing the Percy livery he asked where Sir Thomas might be. They +replied he was at Seamer. Percehay of Ryton told them the commons had +mustered at Malton and were determined to have Sir Thomas for their +captain. They had set watch to take him, and if he did not join them by +noon they would “leave my lady his mother never a penny or pennyworth of +goods.” Sir Thomas went back to Seamer and told the old Countess that he +could not make his way home “whereupon she wept and sore lamented.” +About two o’clock in the afternoon a large company of commons led by +several gentlemen came to summon him to join the Pilgrimage. The +captains entered the house without any resistance being offered and Sir +Thomas “came forth to them to the great chamber.” They told him they +were assembled for the weal of all; and Lord Latimer, Lord Neville, +Danby, Bowes and many more had already joined them. Sir Thomas willingly +took the Pilgrims’ oath and agreed to attend the muster next day “at the +Wold beyond Spittel.” He went with a dozen or more followers, but +“within a while” four or five thousand commons assembled there. Next day +they spoiled the house of Mr Chamley, who had refused to come in, crying +“Strike off his head,” when Sir Thomas protested. He returned that night +to Seamer to comfort his mother and assure her of his safety, staying +there two nights before leaving for a large muster at Malton. From there +he sent for Sir Nicholas Fairfax and together they took command of about +ten thousand men; they received orders from Aske to march to York, but +in a day or two they were countermanded to the siege of Hull, and, when +news came that Hull had surrendered, to Pontefract[1079]. + +They passed through York on the 20th and their entry was attended with +some pomp. Sir Oswald Wolsthrope had been raising the people west of the +city in the triangle of country between the rivers Ouse, Nidd and Wharf, +holding musters at Bilborough and Acomb. He joined forces with Percy and +made the Abbot of St Mary’s, much against his will, walk at the head of +the troops as they marched through York carrying his finest cross; “at +the town’s end” Sir Thomas allowed the abbot to steal away “leaving his +cross behind him.” He supposed “Sir Oswald had not been pleased with the +abbot” from whom they had all been getting money[1080]. Sir Thomas Percy +himself was especially splendid. He had sent for “a great trotting bay +gelding” from the sub-prior of Watton, who was under obligations to his +family[1081]; and he had bought in the city (not at his own cost, but at +that of the kindly Treasurer, Colins) four pounds worth of velvet[1082]. +“Gorgeously he rode through the King’s highness’ city of York in +complete harness with feathers trimmed as well as he might deck himself +at that time.”[1083] His servants must have worn the Percy livery, +scarlet and black, with the silver crescent on the breast. He must have +looked a worthy son of the Magnificent Earl, and no wonder the commons +greeted him joyfully. They “showed such affection towards him as they +showed towards none other,” and called him “Lord Percy,”—for was he not +“the best of the Percys that were left next to my lord of +Northumberland?” The King could rob him of his inheritance, never of his +blood. But Sir Thomas was honourably loyal to his brother. “He lighted +off his horse and took off his cap and desired them that they would not +so say, for ... the same would turn him but to displeasure.”[1084] + +At Sir George Lawson’s house Sir Thomas, Sir Nicholas Fairfax, Sir +Oswald Wolsthrope and the rest of his party met George Lumley, Lord +Lumley’s heir, who had ridden in from Thwing with his tenants. They +discussed the attitude of the religious from whom Percy had received +help in money, provisions and men. He especially praised the Prior of +Bridlington who had sent two brethren “the tallest men that he +saw.”[1085] The prior was a good friend to the Pilgrims though he had +troubles of his own. He was threatened by the commons recruiting for +Percy, but they were satisfied when, besides the two brethren, eleven +horsed tenants of his joined them. Later Aske gave him “a writing for +the assurance of his goods” and in return he contributed twenty nobles +to the Pilgrimage treasury. In spite of his paper he gave £4 to the men +of Holderness “not to drive away his cattle there.”[1086] But this last +may have been a voluntary gift, in spite of the saving clause. The +religious were being heavily taxed. Sir Nicholas Fairfax said that as it +was a spiritual matter “he thought meet that the priors and abbots and +other men of the Church should ... go forth in their own person.” He +went himself to the unfortunate Abbot of St Mary, who had already done +his best to satisfy Percy and Wolsthrope. Sir Thomas sent Lumley on a +round of religious houses, to St Saviour’s of Newburgh, Byland, Rievaux, +Whitby, Malton and Kirkham, while John Lambeth, his servant, went to +Mountgrace, Bridlington, and Guisborough: “to move the abbots or priors +and two monks of every of those houses with the best cross to come +forwards in their best array.” Byland, Newburgh and Whitby contributed +forty shillings each, but all had given Percy help before. The abbot of +Rievaux and the prior of Guisborough were ready to come in person, but +Aske countermanded Percy’s orders, bidding Lumley obtain such +“benevolence” as he could, but let the religious themselves tarry at +home[1087]. The money which the Pilgrims collected would be spent by the +captains on food and lodging for their men. Each of the commons “found” +by his township was given twenty shillings to begin with: the ordinary +rate of pay for soldiers was eight pence a day, so this would last at +least a month and with presents, spoils, etc. might be made to go +further, as the Pilgrims were on a kind of volunteer service. The +townships had taxed themselves to raise this money. Gentlemen went at +their own cost. + +After Lancaster Herald had left Pontefract, Aske and Sir Robert +Constable held musters on St Thomas’ hill near Pontefract where they +“tried out the men.” “No man there but was willing to do his best and +prepare for battle.”[1088] News came that the Earl of Shrewsbury had +mustered his army on Blythe Law. As the lords and captains sat at supper +in the castle hall that night, a messenger came in with a letter for +Darcy. He read it through and dropped it on the board with a sigh[1089]. +Aske, who was sitting opposite, reached across for the paper, which was +to this purpose: “Son Thomas, the Earl of Shrewsbury entendeth to take +you sleeper.” It was unsigned. The captain assured Darcy that there was +“scorage (scouts) enough out to give him warning.” Darcy advised that +Ferrybridge (now Wentbridge) should be watched for the night; and Aske +sent a company accordingly. Who was the spy in Shrewsbury’s ranks? If +Darcy ever revealed his name it was to Aske alone; and Aske never +betrayed him. The question was more interesting to Henry than to us, but +there can be no doubt that a considerable party in the royal army +secretly favoured the Pilgrims and were ready to desert if the latter +gained a victory. + +Blythe, where Shrewsbury mustered, is close to Scrooby in +Nottinghamshire about twelve miles south of Doncaster and at least +twenty-five, as the crow flies, from Pontefract. There was not, +therefore, any immediate danger of surprise. Ferrybridge is on the Aire, +hardly two miles north of Pontefract on the direct road from York—an +essential joint in the Great North Road. But at that time this important +passage was called Ferrybridges, and Wentbridge, also on the main road, +but two miles south of Pontefract, was known as Ferrybridge[1090]. This +naturally causes some confusion on a first reading of the documents +concerned. It was Wentbridge that Darcy advised Aske to hold in case of +Shrewsbury’s sudden advance. The Went is a far smaller stream than the +Aire, but when the waters were swollen it would probably be +impracticable for an army to ford it. Ferrybridge on the Aire was also +guarded; but for different reasons. It was in the rear of the Pilgrims’ +host and out of reach of attack. Nevertheless no one was allowed to +cross northwards without a passport from Aske: this served the double +purpose of checking spies or suspicious letters and preventing the +retreat of “those who were fainthearted.”[1091] An instance of the +keeping of Ferrybridge is given by the adventures of Harry Sais. He was +a servant of Christopher Askew, the gentleman of the King’s Chamber whom +Cromwell had sent to Lincolnshire[1092]. He came north early in October +to bring home three of his master’s horses which were “with one Mr +Knevet at grass.” By the time he reached his destination the country was +up, and he dared not take the horses lest they should be stolen. He set +out southwards without them, accompanied by a gentlewoman, Mrs Beckwith, +perhaps one of Leonard Beckwith’s family. When they came to Ferrybridge +they were stopped by the guards and told to swear to be true to God and +the King; Sais said he was willing. “And not to us?” asked another. “If +ye be true to the King, or else I would be loath to swear.” He was told: +“If ye do not swear thus, to be true to God and to the King and to the +commons, thou shalt lose thy head.” So he took the oath “upon a little +book that one of them brought forth of his sleeve.” He was taken to +Pontefract during the siege and saw the rebel host, which he thought was +about ten thousand, the most part horsed but without much harness. When +the castle was taken it was said the Pilgrims would go forward to +London. He was allowed to go southwards and at Wentbridge he found the +lady waiting; they continued their journey together and passed through +Shrewsbury’s host at Doncaster[1093]. + +On Sunday 22 October at nine o’clock in the morning William Stapleton +brought to Pontefract the host of Beverley which had been besieging +Hull. They had set out for York on Saturday morning, leaving a garrison +in Hull. Stapleton, Rudston and Sir Ralph Ellerker rode in advance, and +presently met a post from Aske with a letter announcing the surrender of +Pontefract Castle and the capture of the Earl of Northumberland by a +party of the commons. At York they heard the equally welcome news that +Sir Thomas Percy “had gone towards Pontefract with a goodly band the +same day.”[1094] Sir Ralph, two of the Rudstons and young Robert Aske +dined at Sir George Lawson’s where they heartily abused Cromwell, Sir +Ralph saying that he “was a traitor and he would prove it if the King +would hear him.”[1095] + +After passing through York the companies parted, no doubt for +convenience in foraging. Sir Ralph and Rudston spent the night at +Shirburn, while the Stapletons rode home to Wighill, “and lodged their +folk a mile off at Tadcaster.” The night was full of flying rumours +carried from company to company by posts spurring through the muddy +lanes. One cried in passing that every man must go forward for Doncaster +Bridge was down; another came to Wighill from his master Sir James +Strangways, who lay at Wetherby with Lord Latimer, Lord Neville and +their northern host. About midnight, William and his nephew were roused +from their beds by a messenger from Shirburn, sent on by Ellerker with +orders for them to be at Pontefract by nine o’clock in the morning, and +there they arrived at the appointed hour on Sunday 22 October[1096]. + +Besides bands from different parts of the shire, all the country round +Pontefract was taking up arms. As soon as news of the surrender of +Pontefract Castle came to Wakefield no one there was in any doubt as to +which side he would take. Thomas Grice, Darcy’s steward, who put his +master first and his religion second, was overjoyed to find duty and +inclination point the same path. At Halifax the Tempests and their +faction declared for the Pilgrimage; it immediately appeared that Sir +Henry Saville was loyal. The old feud divided the district into two +violent parties. At first both sides hoped to turn the insurrection to +good account against their enemies. John Lacy, the bailiff of Halifax +under Sir Richard Tempest whose son-in-law he was, declared for the +Pilgrims “before any of those parts went to Aske.” He ordered the men of +the town to harness themselves and to take the church cross and carry it +before them into Lancashire where they would raise the commons; and this +he commanded in the name of Sir Richard Tempest. Henry Farrore, a +partisan of Saville’s, refused to go and the expedition seems to have +been given up. Lacy had made a political rhyme “touching the King very +sore.” The only verse preserved does not scan very well: “that as for +the King a nappyll and a fair wench to dally with all would please him +very well.” This embodies the popular conception of Henry at that time. +The people believed him a bluff jolly King Hal, who cared not who ruled +his kingdom as long as he had his pleasures. The rhyme was repeated to +the vicar, Holdsworth, by a yeoman named Middleton, and they went +together to Sir Henry Saville, who was sick in bed, and told him of the +matter. But Middleton was somewhat alarmed by the serious way it was +taken and said his wife had reminded him that the rhyme was not about +the King but about the “Bishop of Canterbury.” Holdsworth sent a servant +to “make good cheer” with Middleton and his wife and “spy a time” to get +to the bottom of the matter. He asked the woman if the rhyme were not +about the Bishop. “Nay, Marry!” said she, “it was made against the King +and my lord Privy Seal.” Her husband contradicted her, but she answered +“Marry! it is so, for it was so indeed against the King and my lord +Privy Seal, by God! without fail.” In this way the vicar and Saville +collected accusations against their enemies[1097]. + +Aske’s advance and the general success of the movement soon changed the +face of things. Sir Henry Saville, in spite of his sickness, found it +advisable to fly to Shrewsbury. Dr Holdsworth made his way to London, in +the happy belief that his gold was safely hidden[1098] and the rebels +would find in his vicarage only such goods as he did not mind losing. +The Lacys instantly seized his house and seem to have made it their +headquarters; they took all the locks off the doors, and divided +everything they could get amongst themselves. Thomas Lacy was given the +firewood that was stored under the stairs; he carried it off, and seeing +the earth below he remembered it was said that the vicar hid money in +the ground. “He took a piked staff and struck into the ground and at the +first stroke hit the pot.” He told nobody of his find but took the money +home in his sleeve, presumably by little and little. He stored it “in a +pepper poke of canvas which would hold a pound of pepper, but the gold +did not fill it by two fingers’ breadth.” He used some of it for himself +though he never counted the whole amount[1099]. + +Meanwhile most of the gentlemen of the countryside joined the +insurgents. Sir William Fairfax, the stingy farmer of Ferriby Priory was +an exception. As he was riding through the town of Wakefield about 22 +October the commons demanded that he should take the oath. They received +no favourable answer, the knight putting spurs to his horse and riding +for home. Immediately the whole town assembled in arms, six hundred men +and more, led by Thomas Grice who was proclaimed their captain, a canon +of York, and the bailiff. They pursued the fugitive, who in the meantime +had reached Millthrop Hall and gone to bed. A party of commons rushed to +his room, tore him out of bed “and him evil entreated to the great fear +and danger of his life.” They haled him before Thomas Grice, “then +sitting on horseback in the street,” and he was compelled to swear +instantly; Grice gave him into the charge of the bailiff of Wakefield +and a guard of commons, commanding them to carry him to Aske. He was “in +most cruel manner conveyed ... to the said town of Wakefield as though +he had been a felon”; there they kept him all night, and at eight next +morning brought him before Captain Grice again. A guard of two hundred +men or more was told off to take him to Pontefract Castle. At length he +was carried before Aske, who was holding a great muster on St Thomas’ +Hill, and “delivered to the said traitor Aske and other detestable +villains of his company as a prisoner taken by the said Grice.”[1100] As +usual, it is here at the most interesting place that Sir William’s +complaint ends. Once out of the hands of his private enemies he seems to +have submitted to fate and gone quietly forward with the Pilgrims[1101]. + +Next came in the band of the Bishopric of Durham, five thousand strong, +under the leadership of Lords Latimer, Lumley and Neville Westmorland’s +son and heir, Sir Robert Bowes of Barnard Castle and his sons, Sir John +and Sir William Bulmer[1102]. Part of Richmondshire was with them, and +the rest of it, with Wensleydale, Craven, and Ripon, was besieging +Skipton Castle under the Nortons and others. Orders had been despatched +for this second host to attend the Pontefract musters, and they were +about to obey, bringing Cumberland and Lord Scrope if they could catch +them[1103]. The Haliewer folk brought with them the famous banner of St +Cuthbert[1104], which was preserved in the monastery of Durham and only +brought forth on high feast days and in time of war. It was of white and +crimson velvet, richly embroidered in gold and silk, with St Cuthbert’s +cross in the midst. Often as it had been borne in the field against the +Scots it was “never carried or showed at any battle, but, by the +especial grace of God Almighty, and the mediation of holy St Cuthbert, +it brought home the victory.”[1105] The Bishopric host wore badges +embroidered with a black cross and with the insignia of the Five Wounds +of Christ[1106], a wounded Heart in the centre, from which drops of +blood are falling into a Chalice, two pierced Hands above, and two +pierced Feet below. They were the first to use this device as a badge; +it was blazoned on the Pilgrims’ banner[1107]. + +When they marched into Pontefract Lord Darcy was at dinner[1108],—a meal +which began at eleven and commonly lasted two hours, though in “busy +times” it must often have been cut short. Aske brought in the lords and +gentlemen of the county Palatine and presented them to Darcy in the +castle chamber. The two chiefs called a select number aside into a deep +window. The three lords, Sir Robert Constable, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir +Ralph Ellerker, Rudston, Roger Lassells, Robert Bowes, Sir John Dawnye, +Sir William Fairfax, Sir Oswald Wolsthrope, Sir Robert Neville, Robert +Challoner, Thomas Grice and William Babthorpe were among the +councillors[1109]. It must have been a very large window. + +Darcy gave them the latest news, that Shrewsbury, supported by Norfolk, +had reached Doncaster: it was determined to advance to the Don next day +and oppose his crossing[1110]. The formation of the army was then +discussed. The Bishopric men as the bearers of St Cuthbert’s sacred +banner[1111] must lead the vanguard in battle, and Darcy advised that +they should lie that night at Wentbridge where they might guard against +a night attack while at the same time they would be a couple of miles on +their way to Doncaster. But Robert Bowes objected to this arrangement; +his men and horses were in no fit state to go further that night. +Finally it was agreed that Sir Thomas Percy should command the vanguard, +until the host had re-mustered on the banks of the Don. He was to have +under him Sir Ralph Ellerker, Sir William Constable, Rudston and the +Stapletons with the whole of the East Riding, which having come in early +had rested through the day. The rest of the host was to follow next +day—the middle ward composed of the West Riding under Darcy and Sir +Richard Tempest, the rear ward of the Bishopric with their own leaders +and Aske[1112]. + +Darcy on seeing the badge of the Five Wounds worn by the Bishopric +gentlemen, was reminded that the same device had been used on his +Spanish Expedition against the Moors[1113]. Somewhere in the castle a +store of the badges was found, and promptly distributed among the +Pilgrims. Darcy himself gave one to Aske[1114] and through the whole +host it was gladly worn as the true symbol of their pilgrimage for the +Faith. Why Darcy had kept these old badges so long, and how there +chanced to be so many; whether they were really old, and if not, who had +made them, were questions which afterwards excited Henry’s curiosity. +But, if they were ever answered, the answers are lost. + +Proclamation was made to the host “for every man of the east parts to +void the town on pain of death, and to draw to Wentbridge to wait upon” +Sir Thomas Percy. Stapleton and the other captains mustered the men and +marched them down to the Went, where they passed the night[1115]. + +To summarise the position of the Pilgrims—on the night of Sunday 22 +October they had advanced as far as Wentbridge, which was occupied by a +strong force. The main body lay at Pontefract while a host of unknown +strength was expected from Mashamshire and the Dales, but had not yet +arrived. They had captured Hull, York, Pontefract, Barnard Castle, +Durham and Lancaster, but still had in their rear the loyal towns of +Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Berwick and Carlisle (which, however, was not able +to offer much resistance), and also some isolated castles, Skipton, +Scarborough, Chillingham and Norham. At this point the fortunes of the +Pilgrims may be left for a time, in order to consider the forces with +which the King was preparing to oppose them. + + + NOTES TO CHAPTER X + + Note A. The proper “reverence” on receiving a letter from the King was + to take off the hat, kneel down, and kiss the seal. + + Note B. It is not clear which of two extant proclamations to the + rebels Lancaster Herald had with him on this occasion. The one + indicated in the “Letters and Papers” does contain an offer of pardon, + if the rebels will disperse and give up ten leaders. The other is very + similar but contains no promise of pardon, so this was probably the + one used[1116]. + + Note C. An abstract of Lancaster Herald’s account of his mission is + given in L. and P. XI, 826, but the account is printed in full in + “State Papers,” I, p. 485; in a Newcastle-upon-Tyne Tract by + Longstaff, “A Leaf from the Pilgrimage of Grace”; and in + “Archaeologia,” XVI, p. 331; Froude also makes considerable quotations + from it. Lancaster Herald represents himself as acting boldly and with + dignity, and Aske with considerably more dignity than the Herald + thought became a captain of rebels. In marked contrast with this + account is Archbishop Lee’s version of the same affair. According to + the Archbishop “Robert Aske so blustered and spake so terrible words + that the poor man fell down upon his knees for fear and said he was + but a messanger.” Lee raised him, saying, “it beseemed not that coat + armour to kneel before any man there.” This is hard to reconcile with + the earlier account. The Archbishop must have been good-naturedly + trying to befriend Miller, who was afterwards accused of shaming the + King’s coat by kneeling to a traitor. At the same time Lee’s little + perversion enabled him to exhibit himself in a nobly loyal attitude. + In Lee’s narrative Aske always appears as a ferocious captain of + banditti, but this portrait is not confirmed by the other evidence. + + Note D. For a full discussion of this symbol see “The Western + Rebellion of 1549” by Frances Rose-Troup, Append. A, and “Notes and + Queries,” 11th ser., VIII, 107, 176, 217, 236, 258. A badge, said to + be that worn by Sir Robert Constable during the Pilgrimage, is + preserved at Everingham, Yorks. An excellent photograph of this badge + forms the frontispiece of “The Western Rebellion of 1549”; there is + another in “The Yorkshire Archaeological Journal,” pt. LXXXI, and a + sketch in “The Transactions of the East Riding Antiquarian Society,” + vi, 47. + + Antonio Guaras, a Spaniard who lived in England under Edward VI and + wrote a chronicle of Henry VIII’s reign, says that the Pilgrims wore + as their badge “The Five Plagues of Egypt”! His mistake arose from the + similarity between the Spanish phrases “cinco plagas de Egipto,” the + five plagues of Egypt, and “cinco llagas de Cristo,” the Five Wounds + of Christ[1117]. But although this is some excuse, he might have known + that the Plagues of Egypt were not five but twelve. + + + + + CHAPTER XI + THE FIRST APPOINTMENT AT DONCASTER + + +The Duke of Norfolk was the most experienced general whose services were +available to Henry at this crisis, but the King was very reluctant to +trust him, as he was suspected of sympathy with the rebels. At the first +alarm Henry had sent for Norfolk, but it has already been shown how he +was superseded at the last moment by Suffolk[1118]. When the danger +again became pressing, however, Henry was obliged to face the risk of +employing him. + +In order to understand how this came about, it is necessary to go back +to 9 October, when Norfolk was at Woolpit, mustering the men of Norfolk +and Suffolk. He was anxiously awaiting orders to go northward, and wrote +to Henry that he was willing to serve under the Duke of Suffolk. He +expected to have 2500 men under him in the course of a few days. As to +artillery, “I have my own five fawcons and twenty brass hakbushes, but +want gunners.” He was badly in need of bows and arrows, and begged that +they might be sent at once[1119]. Three hours after his letter was +despatched he received orders to ride to the King at Windsor, and he set +out the same night by moonlight[1120]. He had hardly reached Colchester +next morning, after a fifty mile ride, when despatches arrived ordering +him to be at Ampthill on 16 October with the troops which he had just +mustered. He was overjoyed at being ordered to the front at last, but in +spite of his professed willingness to serve under Suffolk he wrote to +Cromwell asking that his right as Marshal of England to command the +vanguard, should be recognised. For the rest he was all obedience and +loyalty; he would not fail; he himself would be at Ampthill, as such was +the King’s pleasure[1121]. But the troops would be obliged to go round +by Cambridge and Huntingdon. Ampthill was thirty miles south of +Huntingdon, and Norfolk knew that it was impossible for them to be there +on the appointed day[1122], but he was determined not to risk Henry’s +displeasure, and said nothing of his difficulties to the King. He sent +an account of his precautions for the quiet of the country, where he +left his son Thomas with 300 men, and begged that his eldest son the +Earl of Surrey might go with him[1123]. The beautiful and accomplished +Surrey seems to have been the only living creature whom the cold-blooded +old warrior really loved. + +On Thursday 12 October the Duke of Norfolk was at home at Kenninghall, +and wrote to Cromwell that though the men could not be at Ampthill on +the 17th, he hoped to have them as far as Cambridge. From Cambridge to +Huntingdon was only twelve miles and “it were pity with ill-horsed men” +to go back thirty miles to Ampthill. If the King, whom he still expected +in person, would consent, Norfolk would meet him at Huntingdon on the +18th “with a company meet to be a pretty wing to a battle.” In spite of +his boast of their efficiency, Norfolk did not dare to ride to the King +until his men were well on their way, and if Surrey did not go with them +they were likely to dwindle in numbers[1124]. + +Norfolk was rather aggrieved that the King had commanded fewer gentlemen +to join his company than had gone with Suffolk[1125]. The reason of this +was that when the King received good news from Lincolnshire, he believed +that the rebellion was over[1126], and orders were actually sent out on +the 12th and 15th to countermand the Ampthill musters[1127]. In spite of +Norfolk’s complaint, the knights and abbots who had received the King’s +orders to join Norfolk were able to provide plenty of men, though they +lacked means to equip them. “If I had harness and time to carry footmen +I could bring three times as many,” Norfolk declared, and every letter +ends with an urgent request for “at least 400 bows and 500 sheaves of +arrows. This were better than gold or silver, for, for money, I cannot +get bows nor arrows.”[1128] He hoped these stores would be at Cambridge +when his men arrived there[1129]. + +On Sunday 15 October Norfolk was with the King at Windsor[1130]. On the +same day, Henry sent long instructions to Shrewsbury and Suffolk about +the arrangements to be made in Lincolnshire[1131]. If the rebellion in +Holderness was already pacified, they were to work together; if not, +Suffolk must advance to Lincoln, while Shrewsbury marched against the +Yorkshire insurgents. The King seems to have had no doubt that his force +would be large enough to settle their business[1132]. + +When Norfolk arrived at Windsor, he found that the Ampthill musters had +been countermanded, and that the King had given up all intention of +going north. There seemed nothing for him to do but to arrange for the +laying of posts[1133]. But on leaving Windsor that night he met a +messenger on the road with letters from Lord Darcy[1134]. These were the +letters dated from Pontefract on the 13th, and they proved so alarming +that Norfolk returned to Windsor[1135]. + +At last the King realised that the Yorkshire rebellion was not a mere +demonstration of sympathy with Lincolnshire, but an entirely distinct +and far more serious protest against his policy. He instantly changed +his plans. If the worst were true, Norfolk must be given a joint +commission with Shrewsbury to proceed against the rebels, and must take +command of the troops at Ampthill before they dispersed. The Marquis of +Exeter, who was also mustering men, was to be his second in +command[1136]. A postscript was added to Shrewsbury’s instructions to +inform him of this arrangement, and to direct him to suppress the +Yorkshire rising at once, if he was strong enough,—if not, to wait for +Norfolk, who would join him with 5000 men[1137]. + +The King, who had been reassured for a moment by the harmless end of the +Lincolnshire rising, was now really alarmed by the news from +Yorkshire[1138]. On 17 October Leonard Beckwith reached Windsor bringing +from York letters from the lord mayor and Sir George Lawson in which +they begged for protection against the rebels[1139]. Next day another +messenger arrived with letters from Darcy describing the serious state +of affairs. This man also carried by word of mouth a lengthy account of +the rebels and the rumours which circulated among them[1140]. Whether +because he repeated only what he knew would please the King, or because +anything which did not suit the royal mind was omitted in writing down +his report, these “bruits” contain no word of the rebels’ real demands, +but give as their only grievances the imaginary taxes on burials and +christenings, white bread and white meat, and so forth[1141]. + +The King “had no great trust in Darcy.” He was hard put to it to find +money for the troops under Shrewsbury, Suffolk, and Norfolk, and he +never seems even to have contemplated sending any money and stores to +Pontefract. Cromwell, who was in London, received orders from Windsor +“to make shift to the utmost” to get money, and if he could not raise +enough, to coin the King’s plate in the Jewel House[1142]. + +On 22 October it was known in London that Hull had surrendered, and it +was feared that many of the Lincolnshire captains would fly thither. The +King sent orders to Cromwell to “taste the fat priests thereabouts;” Dr +Chamber had already presented the King with 200 marks, and Dr Lupton had +given £200[1143]. + +The arrival of any news from the north was watched for with lynx eyes, +less because it was of so much interest to the government than because +the King lived in constant fear that the rebellion would spread +southward. For instance, when Harry Sais reached London safely without +the horses, he related his adventures to his master, Christopher +Askew[1144]. Askew had some interest in the little Benedictine nunnery +at Clementhorpe, York, which had lately been dissolved. The abbess had +promised him £30 to be her suitor to the Queen, and had offered to +present 300 marks to the Queen herself, if the house might stand. But it +had been dissolved in spite of the abbess’ efforts, and there the matter +had ended for the time. When the Pilgrims restored the scattered +sisterhood, the abbess sent word to Askew by Sais that she was again in +a position to bribe the Queen, and that if she could by this means +legalise her position, her brother-in-law, one of the Ellerkers, would +convey the money through the disturbed country. Askew informed the +Queen’s chancellor of this renewed offer, and through him it came to +Cromwell’s ears. On 26 October Askew and Sais were examined before the +Council. By this time it was “in every man’s mouth that Pontefract +Castle was given over.”[1145] + +Meanwhile Norfolk set out from Windsor for Ampthill on Monday 16 +October, authorised to muster 5000 men[1146]. At Amersham he received a +letter from his son Surrey, who had reached Cambridge with his forces on +Sunday night. About 9 o’clock letters had arrived at Cambridge for the +Duke, which Surrey had been instructed to open. They proved to be from +Cromwell and the Privy Council, announcing that Lincolnshire was quiet +again, and that the advance of the troops was therefore to be delayed +till further orders were received. Surrey dared not make this news +public, lest the men should disperse without waiting for definite +orders. After consulting only two friends, he decided to hold musters at +Cambridge next day, and wrote to his father for advice. Many of the +gentlemen in their zeal had sent two or three times as many men as they +had been commanded to provide, and Surrey was obliged to send for 1500 +extra coats. These “liveries” may have been embroidered with the famous +white lion of the Howards, but more probably they were the ordinary +English uniform of that day, white tunics with St George’s red cross on +the back and breast. Food was so dear that the soldiers could not make +3_s._ 4_d._ keep them for two days, although this was an exceptionally +high wage, as 8_d._ a day was usual in most parts of the country. In +spite of these drawbacks, Surrey boasted that the company was “judged by +those here who have seen many musters the finest ever raised on such +short warrant.”[1147] + +Many more men had been collected than the 5000 that Norfolk was +authorised to muster, for Exeter had at least 2000 and 1000 more were +coming from Gloucestershire. All Norfolk’s soldierly instincts protested +against dismissing men while the extent of the rising was still so +uncertain. He wrote to Henry to ask that he might be allowed to keep at +least 6000; even then nearly 2000 would have to be sent home[1148]. But +as no orders came to the contrary, the 2000 were dismissed when Norfolk +reached Ampthill[1149]. + +On Tuesday 17 October Suffolk with Fitzwilliam, Russell and the rest of +the royal troops entered Lincoln, and by securing the capital placed +themselves in a position to keep the county in subjection[1150]. The +Humber and the lower reaches of the Trent were guarded against the +Pilgrims’ crossing[1151]. + +On the same day Shrewsbury was at Newark with 7000 men[1152]. He had +heard from Darcy that the rebels were 40,000 strong. In spite of this he +was anxious to advance. He had just received the King’s commission to +act as his lieutenant in Yorkshire in conjunction with Norfolk[1153], +and he wrote to the Duke that if the rebels were really too strong to be +attacked, he would “keep them in play” until Norfolk could bring up his +5000 men to Doncaster, which Shrewsbury begged him to do as quickly as +possible[1154]. + +On Wednesday 18 October Shrewsbury sent Lord Hussey, who had brought him +200 horsemen, to the King[1155]. About midnight, when lying at +Southwell, the Earl received news that Pontefract Castle was besieged +and the Earl of Northumberland taken, and above all that the rebels were +before him at Doncaster, which had risen at their instigation. He sent +at once to Suffolk for as many horsemen as could be spared, under the +command of Fitzwilliam or Brian[1156]. + +Norfolk and Exeter received Shrewsbury’s letter of the 17th at 6 o’clock +in the evening of Wednesday 18 October. They were together at Ampthill +in no very enviable position. The 2000 men mustered there were only +waiting for their wages before disbanding. Norfolk’s own men were still +at Cambridge, Exeter’s at Buckingham, and the Gloucestershire gentlemen +at Stony Stratford, all obediently awaiting further orders, according to +their last instructions. Although there was no great difficulty in +ordering them to set out for Doncaster, uniting at various points on the +way, it would take them over a week to get there. They could not advance +more than 20 miles a day, as they were badly horsed and the roads were +deep in autumn mud. It was impossible to preserve order and discipline +on the march unless wages were regularly paid, but money was scarce and +went fast. The men could not feed their horses and themselves for 8_d._ +a day, and the £10,000 which had been sent to the Duke was not enough to +pay off the disbanded company and also to provide for those going +northward. Norfolk was afraid to set out without money to last as far as +Doncaster, as an unpaid army might dissolve in the face of the rebels, +or advance only as a disorderly rabble[1157]. Shrewsbury had sent for +£20,000, and the King, expecting Norfolk and Exeter to reach him much +sooner than was practicable, wrote that they should receive their next +wages from Gostwick in Shrewsbury’s camp. As to the amount per day, the +King flatly refused to raise it. + +The generals received this despatch early on Thursday 19 October. They +could not afford to delay any longer, but money must be obtained at +once. In their answer to the King they explained that they could not be +with Shrewsbury for a week or more. Let the King only lend them £1000 +each and send it to Stamford on Saturday 21 October; they would repay +him at the end of the campaign. As it was the King’s pleasure that no +higher wages should be paid, the men should have only the ordinary +amount from the government. But they could not live on 8_d._ a day; they +were to be divided into companies (probably of 100 men) under captains, +and “if the men grudge upon reasonable ground for lack of money,” +Norfolk “will cause the captains to give them money out of their own +purses.” From this it is evident that it was almost as costly to fight +for the King as to fight against him[1158]. + +After sending off this despatch, Norfolk rode to his own company at +Cambridge, leaving Exeter at Ampthill to discharge the last of the 2000. +This was finally done on Friday 20 October, though Sir Anthony Browne, +who was collecting men for the Duke of Suffolk, secured 600 of the best +mounted. “The rest, being mostly horsed, made haste home to spare their +charges.” These men were “able and well furnished” and were very much +displeased at being dismissed, after all the trouble of attending the +musters, without having seen any fighting[1159]. But on Friday night +Norfolk at Cambridge, and Sir William Paulet and Sir William Kingston at +Beaconsfield, received imperative orders from the Council that they +should on no account dismiss any men. If some had gone already they must +be resummoned and sent to Suffolk under Sir Anthony Browne, with ten +pieces of ordnance[1160]. Norfolk promptly answered that the Ampthill +men could not be recovered. He must have felt a certain satisfaction in +making this reply, for he was very angry that the troops which had been +refused him should be granted to Suffolk. Sir Anthony Browne had secured +600 horsemen, and Norfolk marvelled that he should need such a large +number, unless there was a new outbreak in Lincolnshire. He added +bitterly, “I am apt to think that some desire great company more for +glory than necessity.” As for the munitions he was ordered to send to +Suffolk, he could not spare any. He had never even heard of the ten +pieces of ordnance he was now ordered to give up. What he had was his +own, and so small that it was carried in two carts. As to money, £2000 +had been despatched to him, but he had only received £1200. More was +promised him in ten days, but “neither I nor my lord Marquis will be +able to keep our companies so long without money.” If he had not +unsparingly spent £1500 of his own “here would have been ill work. The +pension of France hath now done no hurt to me nor the King’s +affairs.”[1161] Sir William Paulet and Sir William Kingston returned to +Ampthill and did their best to produce the missing 2000 men, but +evidently they had little hope of success[1162]; in the end the attempt +was abandoned, after a brisk correspondence about the men and the +munitions for Suffolk had been carried on for some time[1163]. + +On Saturday 21 October “the Lord Privy Seal’s band” consisting of 200 +horsemen under Richard Cotton joined Norfolk. The leader’s letter +describes the conditions under which the troops advanced: + + “Pleaseth it your lordeship to be advertysed that according to your + commandement I have presented your company to my lorde of norffolk and + Mr browne the hoole nomber of them was cc. we be all apoynted to + attende upon Mr brownen who haith willed me to take like charge of + your lordshipes company like as yor lordshipe commanded me at my + departing frome you, which god willing there shalbe no defaulte in me + for wante of good will to do that thing that the kinges highness may + be truley served. And to the advauncement of your honore, by the + advice of Mr Browne I have retorned back xl of your company of such as + ware worste horsed, so that we ar nowe clx of as well-horsed men as + any ar in the company and no suche of no one manes brynging. There + were dyvers of essex men which ar tall men of person and good archers + to the nomber of xii which hade no sadles butt rode uppon panylles + after there countre facion which I thought was not to your honour. Soe + I have bought them sadles with other apperell for there horses + according as in my conceyte was meyte for your honour. Great murmer + and gruging there was amonges your lordshipes company by cause thay + thought the waiges of viiid by the day was to little to fynde them and + there horses. Soe as well as my pore witt will serve me I have + pacefied them with fare wordes soe that there is little said thereof + nowe emonges any of us. Your lordship haith here many of your houshold + servauntes which ar yonger brether and as I am privye unto have no + greate store of money; they be at your lordshipes horseyng; ether they + shall marre there horses for lacke of meat or elles make suche sheftes + for money that shall not stend well with your lordshipes honor. I + beseche your lordship to pardon me for wrytting this rudely and pleyne + unto you butt I se the thynges that is like to ensue that I can no + lesse doe if I shall do according as your lordship put me in trust, + but to advertyce you. I beseche your lordship that I may know your + pleasure in the premisses if it please you that I shall geve unto + every gentilman being a yonger brother asertyn [sum] which in my pore + oppenyon ware moche to your honour. Your pleasure knowen therein I + shall lay forthe the money of myne owen purse till wee retorne. + + This berer William Jonson haith by mysfortune hurte his arme soe that + he is not able to goo in this vyage. I assure your lordship we shall + have agret lacke of hym in the company for he was a man that toke + moche payne in provyding of lodinge for all oure company. I trust your + lordshipe will take no displeasure with me for keping one of your + cokes here for we may ill spare hym emonges the company. This the holy + gost have you in hys costodye. Frome burne the xxi day of october + + your dayly orator + Rychard Cotton.”[1164] + +On 18 October the King had despatched letters to Shrewsbury by Thomas +Miller, Lancaster Herald, with orders that the Earl should advance on +the rebels immediately, “not doubting that they will seek to hide +themselves at your approach.”[1165] Shrewsbury was to send the herald to +the rebels with an enclosed proclamation. The effect of this mission has +already been told[1166]. + +In obedience to his orders, Shrewsbury advanced; but these orders were +issued in the mistaken belief that Norfolk would join him in a day or +two. On Saturday 21 October when Shrewsbury was as far north as +Scrooby[1167], Norfolk had only reached Cambridge and Exeter was still +further behind[1168]. The King was aware of Norfolk’s situation, but did +not know how far Shrewsbury had advanced. He wrote to Norfolk, +commending his intention of sending letters and proclamations to the +rebels, in order to pacify them, if possible, without a battle. He bade +him forward orders to Shrewsbury to guard the line of the Trent and hold +the bridges at Nottingham and Newark. Shrewsbury was to “settle himself +in such a strong place as he may keep without danger till Norfolk come +to him.” As soon as their forces were united, they were to wait together +on the Trent until the rebels either attempted a crossing or +dispersed[1169]. This admirable plan of campaign seems to have been +originally Norfolk’s own; unfortunately it was frustrated by +Shrewsbury’s advance. The line of the Don, which Shrewsbury proposed to +defend, had none of the advantages of the Trent. The river was smaller +and could easily be forded even in winter. The people on both banks +favoured the rebels; food was therefore hard to get, and the country was +barren, low and unhealthy. + +At 6 o’clock in the morning of Monday 23 October Norfolk was at Newark +in great uneasiness of mind. Attended only by four servants, he had far +outridden his company, which could not be expected until the next day, +while Exeter would not arrive till the day after. The distance between +Newark and Doncaster was then called thirty miles, but by modern +reckoning it is nearer forty. Norfolk had already written to Shrewsbury, +imploring him on no account to risk a battle. If Shrewsbury should be +forced to fight and were defeated, the only chance of checking the +rebels was for Suffolk and himself to hold the bridges over the Trent. +He feared the result of Shrewsbury’s advance so much that he wrote to +ask the King to send orders that Suffolk must co-operate with him[1170]. +For two nights Norfolk had had no rest, but now he indulged in three or +four hours’ sleep at Newark Castle. When he awoke, it was to find that +Lord Talbot had ridden in from his father’s camp. Shrewsbury was lying +on the south bank of a little river called Goole Dyke, about four miles +south of Doncaster, which he intended to enter by Rossington Bridge. + +Lord Talbot’s news was good. Shrewsbury had no intention of fighting +until Norfolk joined him on Wednesday or Thursday; but he hoped he would +be able to advance from Doncaster before that, as his men were dying +“very sore of the sickness.” The rebels had made no attempt to win the +bridges at Doncaster and Rossington. It was “sore bruited” that they +would not fight at all. Many true subjects had enlisted under the King’s +banner. Sir Henry Saville had been among his tenants at Wakefield “and +brought much harness and men from them.” Sir Brian Hastings had left +Hatfield and brought in his “300 tall horsemen,” but Suffolk had not yet +sent the detachment which Shrewsbury needed as scouts and skirmishers. +So far Talbot was reporting what he knew to be true; in addition he had +heard rumours that Sir Richard Tempest had captured one of the rebel +leaders, and that Lord Dacre and Lord Scrope were marching south by way +of Skipton and Wakefield to join the King’s army. This rumour, however, +was unfounded, although Talbot believed it. Sir Richard Tempest was with +the rebels at Pontefract, and Lord Scrope was riding to their musters at +the head of the dalesmen, while Lord Dacre was lying neutral in Naworth +Castle[1171]. Lord Talbot also brought news of the surrender of +Pontefract, and hinted at his suspicions of Darcy’s loyalty. Pontefract +Castle, he said, was considered stronger than Newark, and Norfolk agreed +that Newark might be held against any force which had not heavy +ordnance,—“greater pieces than demi-culverins.” + +Shrewsbury was evidently in as much danger of under-estimating the +rebels’ strength as Norfolk had been of over-estimating it. The news did +not entirely overcome Norfolk’s anxiety; he still feared “only two +things,—lack of victual and my lord Steward’s fighting before his +coming.” Talbot carried back Norfolk’s instructions as to how +Shrewsbury’s camp should be fortified and defended in case of a sudden +attack. Norfolk was in hopes that many of the rebels would come over to +him on hearing the letters and proclamations which he was about to send, +for ever since the victory of Flodden he had been more beloved in the +north than any other nobleman, a circumstance which had not escaped the +King’s jealous notice[1172]. + +The two armies, that of the Pilgrims and that of the King, were now in +touch with one another, and it is possible to follow their movements +simultaneously. + +On Monday 23 October, when Lord Talbot was with Norfolk at Newark and +Shrewsbury’s forces lay at Rossington Bridge, the rebels continued their +advance from Pontefract. Gostwick, Shrewsbury’s treasurer, was at +Tickhill, south-west of Rossington, and from there he sent for Lawrence +Cook, the Prior of the White Friars at Doncaster, and ordered him to +cross the water and ride towards Pontefract to view the Pilgrims’ army, +bringing back word of their number and equipment. The prior secretly +sympathised with the Pilgrims, but, like many of his brethren, he was +much more afraid of the King. He went among the rebels in perfect safety +and even had an interview with Aske, either at Pontefract or somewhere +near it on the road south. The prior easily gathered what information he +needed and gave some in return. The captain asked if Shrewsbury’s men +were in Doncaster, and finding they had not even reached the town, still +less prepared it for defence, he said he would be there before them and +lie there that night. Perhaps he said this in the heat of the moment, or +he may have given a misleading account of his plans in order to hurry +Shrewsbury’s advance, for he was too able a leader to risk a battle with +a swollen river in his rear[1173]. Another reason for avoiding Doncaster +was the presence of the plague in the town; the Pilgrims seem to have +escaped the infection by keeping to the north of the river[1174]. The +prior told Aske that Gostwick expected a large sum of money from the +King. It arrived at Tickhill next day, and Aske sent to know if it had +come, but the prior, being then so much nearer the King’s forces, +assured the messenger untruly that it had not. After his inspection of +the rebels on Monday (or possibly the day before, as he gives no dates) +he returned quietly to Doncaster, and thence went to Shrewsbury and +reported what he had seen[1175]. + +On Monday Sir Thomas Percy and his 4000 men advanced from Wentbridge to +Hampole, about six miles away[1176], where he was joined by the forces +of the Bishopric and Richmondshire, under Lords Latimer, Lumley, and +Neville, Sir Thomas Hilton, and Robert Bowes[1177]. These companies +completed the “vaward,” which was altogether about 12,000 strong. They +encamped near “a little nunnery beside Robin Hood’s Cross.”[1178] + +Next morning, Tuesday 24 October, Aske rode into the camp at Hampole, +and ordered a muster on the neighbouring heath “above Barnesdale.”[1179] +The men of the North and West Ridings, who had remained at Pontefract, +were now coming forward under Sir Robert Constable; they formed the +“middle ward.” The “rear ward,” composed of the men from Mashamshire and +the Dales, had not yet reached Pontefract[1180], and only the Archbishop +and Lord Darcy remained in the town with their own servants[1181]. They +had been left “for their ease,” and indeed Lee’s military ardour was not +such as to enable him to spend nights in the open among all the +discomforts of an autumn campaign; while Darcy was over eighty, and +though still vigorous in body and mind, suffered much from his old +wound. Nevertheless, when their absence became known at the muster, the +commons’ suspicion was aroused, and they held them “in great jealousy +and despair,” for what was considered lack of zeal, if not positive +unfaithfulness[1182]. + +It was perhaps at this time that Darcy suggested to Lee that the +Pilgrims’ oath and articles should be printed, in order that they might +circulate more freely and that their principles might be known. Lee +protested against this, as he did against every decided step, and the +matter was allowed to drop[1183]. It is an interesting question where +Darcy proposed to have the articles printed. To send them abroad would +have taken too long, as the printed copies were wanted at once. There +had formerly been a printing-press at York, and possibly one at +Beverley, but that was twenty years ago, and the press had long since +been removed[1184]. This difficulty may have had as much to do with the +abandonment of the scheme as the Archbishop’s remonstrances. + +While the muster was being held at Barnesdale Heath on Tuesday, +Lancaster Herald was brought to Aske and delivered a letter to the rebel +leaders from Shrewsbury at Doncaster. It was read, and the captains held +a brief council before the host. They decided that Aske should ride to +Pontefract and consult Darcy as to their answer, and the captain +immediately set out, only pausing to appoint two gentlemen, Robert +Delariver and Anthony Brackenbury, to see to Miller’s comfort and +safety[1185]. The letter was one of those brought by Talbot from +Norfolk. The Duke suggested that much useless bloodshed might be +prevented if “four of the discreetest men of the north parts” came to +the lords at Doncaster and explained the causes of the rising. Hostages +would be given in pledge of their safety[1186]. + +There is no account of the considerations which affected the decision of +Aske and Darcy as to the answer. They were quite willing to treat; this +was the first occasion on which the King or his lieutenants had made any +inquiry as to the causes of their assembly, and such a tacit admission +that they were not in arms from mere wilfulness was a step forward. The +Pilgrims had always protested their loyalty to the King’s person. They +thought that he had been led astray by lowborn favourites, but, if he +would grant the petition of his faithful subjects, war was the last +thing that they desired. On the other hand, if he refused to redress +grievances which were felt by so large a part of his kingdom, his +subjects would be justified in using armed force to bring him to a more +reasonable frame of mind. Such was the attitude of the Pilgrims, and +they could not maintain it if they attacked the King’s army before their +petition had been presented, and consequently before they knew whether +the King would grant it or reject it. The pressing question during the +next few days was, were they to sacrifice this conditional loyalty and +use their advantage over Norfolk’s weakness? + +It was a momentous problem which they had to solve. If they gave battle, +and failed, their cause was lost for ever; but if they won the immediate +result would be a civil war, and that a religious civil war, of all +forms of strife the bitterest and most cruel; it might be complicated by +a foreign invasion, which, in those days of England’s weakness, might +conceivably have led to conquest and annexation. The Pilgrims were not +blind to these possibilities. They declared that though they had taken +up arms to amend their own affairs, they would accept no help from +Scotland, and if an invasion was threatened during the time of +insurrection, they protested that they were as ready as ever to defend +the Borders. To plunge the country into war was a desperate step which +they had only contemplated as a possible last resource in the future. +Nevertheless their present situation was tempting; the King’s army was +before them, barring their road south, but scattered, unprovided, +fainthearted and entirely at their mercy. It was in their power to +strike a decisive blow—a blow from which the King’s party might never +recover. It is easy to guess what would have been the decision of a +Caesar or a Cromwell; but the Pilgrims had no such leader in their +ranks. Aske and Darcy were not world’s wonders, and they made their +choice as disinterested men, honestly desiring their country’s good, +were likely to do. + +They determined to accept the Duke’s offer of a conference, but they did +not altogether trust him. They would not risk four of their leaders in +his host, but they proposed that four, six, eight, or twelve lords and +gentlemen from each side should meet at some place on neutral ground. +The northern gentlemen would then explain the grievances which had +forced them to rise, and would discuss these points and the best road to +a peaceful conclusion with the Duke and his companions[1187]. + +If this proposal were accepted, it would be well to have a clearer and +fuller set of articles than had yet been drawn up, and Aske applied to +the Archbishop for help as to the wording of the “spiritual articles.” +Lee had already been requested by various gentlemen to help them in this +matter, but he had not the smallest intention of doing anything so +imprudent. He first returned evasive answers, and when pressed said +testily, “that they had spun a fine thread if they made so great a +business and could not tell why.”[1188] He was very anxious to go home, +and Aske would probably have been glad to give him leave, for, though he +expected money and advice from high ecclesiastics, he did not encourage +them to march with the army[1189]; but the commons were in a suspicious +mood[1190], and Aske did not dare to return from Pontefract to Hampole +without both Darcy and Lee. The Archbishop’s servants told him that Aske +had threatened to “strike off his head” if Lee did not go to the field, +and “from that day he accounted himself a prisoner and went with Lord +Darcy.”[1191] Nevertheless the Pilgrims continued to believe that the +Archbishop sympathised with their cause[1192]. + +The vanguard returned from the muster to their camp at Hampole for the +night of Tuesday 24 October. The weather was bad, and early next +morning, as the men crouched over their smoking camp fires, cooking +their rations as best they could, a little troop of about thirty +horsemen from Doncaster appeared, which hovered round the camp, +examining their numbers and position[1193]. When no one could strike an +enemy beyond longbow range, warfare was a very intimate and personal +affair. It does not seem that much notice was taken of the reconnoitring +party, until they chanced upon a couple of stragglers from the Pilgrims’ +camp, doubtless in search of stray poultry; the King’s men seized these +two, made them fast and began their retreat[1194]. The shouts of their +captured comrades roused the Pilgrims, “all men ran to their horses,” +and after a hot pursuit the King’s men were obliged to let their +prisoners go and hasten their own retreat[1195]. The whole camp was in +commotion, every man who could get to his horse joining in the chase. +Stapleton was among the first, who never paused till they reached the +top of Scawby Hill. Before them lay the valley of the Don; the thirty +horsemen, undiminished, were making for the bridge at the gallop. +Inflamed by the sight of a flying foe, the Pilgrims looked upon +Doncaster as absurdly near and unprotected. There was a general cry to +surprise the town by a sudden attack. Wild and disordered as the +pursuers were, an attempt so utterly unexpected might have perhaps been +successful. But Stapleton thought the risk too great, and riding along +the ragged front of the company, he succeeded by commands, entreaties +and reasonings in turning them from their purpose[1196]. + +Other skirmishes took place in the two or three days during which the +armies lay facing one another. One was doubly interesting as it +concerned the badge of the Five Wounds, and caused the only known +casualty among the Pilgrims. “Mr Bowes scrimmaged with his company with +the scoriers (scouts) of the Duke of Norfolk’s host, and there one of Mr +Bowes’ own servants ran at another of his own fellows, because he had a +cross on his back, and weened he had been on the party of the Duke of +Norfolk’s host, and there with a spear killed his own fellow. And for +that chance then was there a cry for all men to have the badge of I H S +or the Five Wounds on him both before and ’hind them. And there, to his +(Aske’s) knowledge, was all the men that was slain or hurt of either +party, during all the time of business.”[1197] The unlucky Durham man +must have put on his white coat with St George’s cross, which he would +be accustomed to wear at the King’s musters. + +On Wednesday 25 October Aske, Darcy and the Archbishop left Pontefract, +and came to Hampole, overtaking on the way Sir Robert Constable and the +middle ward, who had probably lain at Wentbridge the night before. The +rear ward seem to have reached Pontefract and taken up their quarters +there either this day or Thursday[1198]. Lancaster Herald was brought to +the captain by the two in whose charge he was left, and he was +despatched to Doncaster with the message that the Pilgrims were willing +to arrange a conference[1199]. + +The vanguard had gone forward to Pickburn, about a mile nearer to +Doncaster than Hampole, where the middle ward now occupied their old +camp. The little nunnery had been converted into headquarters for Lord +Darcy and the gentlemen of his division. A dry resting-place was very +desirable “for there was a sore rain, which raised the waters, +especially the Don,” and “the people were lodged in woods and +villages.”[1200] Aske sent out only skirmishers on “scoutwatch,” as it +was called; these were Bishopric men, who, like all Borderers, were +particularly expert at this open, individual kind of fighting. There +were no scouts born and bred to the work in the King’s host, and the +Pilgrims had the best of it in the various little brushes which took +place, the redcross men who showed themselves on the north bank of the +river being promptly encountered and forced to take refuge with their +own people across the bridge. + +While Lord Darcy, the Archbishop and Sir Robert Constable were taking up +their quarters at Hampole, Aske rode on to Pickburn to hear the reports +of the scouts and spies as they came in, and to take counsel with the +commanders of the vanguard. In the evening Lancaster Herald returned to +the Pilgrims’ camp with further messages from Shrewsbury. He brought, +not an answer to their last proposal, but an exhortation to the rebels +prepared by Norfolk some days before, which bade them either humbly +submit themselves to the King’s mercy as ungrateful traitors, or make +ready to abide danger by battle, to be given them by the Duke “in place +convenient.”[1201] Shrewsbury must simply have sent it on as soon as it +arrived without considering how far the negotiations had already +advanced. It was particularly irritating to the Pilgrims, as it appeared +to be a deliberate set-back to all schemes for a peaceful settlement. + +A long debate followed the reading of the letters. The insurgent leaders +knew that their numbers were overwhelming. Shrewsbury could not muster, +at the highest estimate, 8000 men at Doncaster. Most of his army were at +Scrooby; Norfolk and Exeter at places even further south[1202]. Such +cavalry as he had were ill-horsed; many, “every third man,” according to +rumour, were with the Pilgrims at heart[1203]; the rest were “faint” and +without enthusiasm; such as did not desert outright were not likely to +give much trouble if attacked with vigour[1204]. Aske’s scouts brought +him word as to where every company of the enemy was quartered, and how +the bridge was defended and guarded; no muster could take place on the +south bank without his knowledge. In contrast to Shrewsbury’s troops, +the Pilgrims were at least thirty thousand strong; they were “as tall +men, well-horsed and well appointed, as any men could be.” Every witness +attests their devotion to their cause. “There were neither gentlemen nor +commons willing to depart, but to proceed in the quarrel; yea, and that +to the death.”[1205] In these circumstances the leaders naturally +resented Norfolk’s haughty and final tone, as if he had command of the +situation. The Durham lords were ready to accept the new messages as a +sign that all further negotiations were broken off; they advised that +the challenge should be accepted, and that the attack should be made at +once[1206]. There was little to fear as to the issue. Norfolk afterwards +declared that Doncaster was in the greatest danger “if the rebels had +taken their advantage like men of war.” As soon as the rain ceased and +the waters of the Don fell, Shrewsbury’s position would be quite +untenable[1207]. + +Aske, however, headed a party in the council which favoured moderate +measures[1208]. He pointed out that they had assembled for the very +purpose of laying their grievances before the King for remedy. There was +no shame in discussing their petition with the King’s lieutenant; it was +only another step on their Pilgrimage[1209]. Norfolk, Shrewsbury, and +the other lords of the old noble blood were the very men that the +Pilgrims were suggesting as more suitable counsellors for the King than +his lowborn favourites; the lords had probably more sympathy for the +rebels’ demands than they dared to show. It was bad policy to attack +those most able to further the petition at court, where the Pilgrims had +little influence. Whatever the result of a pitched battle, it would make +a civil war inevitable. Even though the Pilgrims were successful at +first, the King might prove the stronger in the end, and all the nobles +and gentlemen of the northern counties would be “attainted, slain and +undone, and the country made a waste for the Scots.”[1210] + +Darcy was in favour of negotiating for another reason. In his opinion +“it were better (to) have garrison war than hosting war in time of +winter.”[1211] The Pilgrims were not hampered by the bad weather to the +same extent as the royal troops. They were advancing at their leisure, +without ordnance, and they were well supplied with food and fuel from a +base not a dozen miles away. Nevertheless a truce would give them time +to organise and develop. They would be able to determine on the best +places to hold, and to provide for their defence in case the petitions +were refused. They might possibly receive money and encouragement from +the Pope. Above all, the leaders could trust the commons not to lose +heart during a short truce. All were steadfastly determined to fight if +the King would not listen to them[1212]. Of course the King would +equally be able to strengthen himself; but the Pilgrims trusted a good +deal to the secret assurances of sympathy which they received from the +midland and southern shires. The King might summon a larger army, he was +not likely to raise one any more loyal. + +In brief Aske and those who thought with him “feared not the royal +troops though they were 40,000,” but they did not desire civil war. +Their one aim was certain political and religious reforms, and they +endeavoured to bring their object to pass in as constitutional a manner +as was then possible. They would lose little or nothing by consenting to +negotiate for a truce; they might gain much; at least they would +preserve their consistency. + +These were the chief considerations which Aske laid before the council. +The earlier ones are stated in his own writings, while the later may be +gathered from the circumstances. His arguments convinced the lords and +gentlemen. They decided that they were strong enough to treat, and that +they would accept Norfolk’s first offer, not his second. Lancaster +Herald was again despatched with the message that four gentlemen would +come, upon due pledges, to speak with the Duke next day. Robert Bowes, +who was to be one of the four, set out at once with Aske for Hampole to +announce the arrangement to Darcy and Constable[1213]. + +None of the leaders entirely trusted the Duke. They thought that he +would not “dishonour himself by making a night attack—a kind of battle +seldom heard of, especially at that season, being November,”[1214] but +they were quite prepared for such an infringement of military etiquette. +The first question that Darcy asked Bowes was “who was that night in +scoutwatch?” This being satisfactorily answered, they discussed the +details of the meeting next day, and also what their tactics should be +in case of battle[1215]. It was not improbable that no peaceful +settlement would be concluded, and in that case they would be able to +make the most of their present advantage after having done their best to +avoid war. + +On the night of Wednesday 25 October Norfolk, with Surrey and about +thirty gentlemen and servants, lay at Welbeck. His men, ordnance and +artillery, were at Tuxford, while Exeter had reached Nottingham with +only part of his company. At midnight Norfolk was roused by the arrival +of posts from the north, who brought the news that Shrewsbury had +arranged to treat with the rebels, and that the Duke’s presence at +Doncaster was urgently required. + +The letter which he wrote to the King before setting out shows that the +Pilgrims did him no injustice when they suspected his intentions: + + “Sir havyng this present hour receyved the lettre herin closed and + never hard one worde fro my lord steward but this sith Monday last at + v in the morning not with standyng dyvers sent fro me to hym to know + of his newes, I being in bed and not a slepe accompanyed with suche as + be named in a sedul herin closed, I have taken my horse only + accompanyd with my brother William and Sir richard page, Sir arthur + darcy and iiii of my servants to ryde towards my lord steward + accordyng to his desire, not knowyng wher th’ enemys be nor of what + nomber, nor no thyng more than is conteyned in their letter, wherin I + am so far priked that what so ever shalbe the sequell I shall not so + spare the litle poure carkes that for any ease or danger other men + shall have cause to obiect any lageousnes in me and Sir most humble I + besech you to take in gode part what so ever promes I shall make unto + the rebells (if any suche I shall by th’ advyse of others make) for + sewerly I shall observe no part theroff for any respect of that other + myght call myn honour distayned langer than I and my company with my + lord marquess may be assembled to gyder, thynkyng and repewting that + none oth nor promes made for polecy to serve you myn only master and + soverayne can destayne me who shall rather be torne in a myllion of + peces then to show one poynt of cowardise or untrouth to your maieste. + + Sir I trust the sendyng for me is ment to gode purpose and if it + chaunse to me to myscary most noble and gracious Master be gode to my + sonnys and to my poure doghter. And if my lord steward had not + advansed fro trent unto my comyng and that then I myght have folowed + th’ effect of my letter wryten you from Cambrige these traytors with + ease myght have be[en] subdewed. I pray god that hap torne not to + moche hurt. In hast at Welbek xiiii myles fro dancaster at xii at + nyght. + + Yr most humble servant + T. Norffolk.”[1216] + +At one or two o’clock on the morning of Thursday 26 October Norfolk +reached Doncaster in answer to Shrewsbury’s summons. He came in the +greatest anxiety, offering to sacrifice his honour to his loyalty, but, +considering how closely his political aims resembled those of the rebels +it is probable that he was only partly sincere in this. He may have +intended double-dealing with the King as well as the enemy—soothing +Henry’s anger by assurances of the piecrust nature of his promises, +while he secretly hoped that the King would not dare to set aside terms +made openly in his name. Henry at least suspected this, but however true +it might be the state of affairs at Doncaster must have convinced the +most eager general that it was wise to treat rather than to fight. Lack +of food, fuel and shelter, scanty wages and disease were rapidly sapping +the feeble loyalty of Shrewsbury’s men. If Norfolk did not really see +and believe the position to be desperate, he still reported it so, and +eagerly as the King expected and demanded more favourable tidings, none +of the royal officers attempted to modify the Duke’s gloomy +reports[1217]. + +At dawn a great muster was proclaimed in the Pilgrims’ host. The +vanguard came forward from Pickburn and the middleward from Hampole. +After the morning had fully come, “the whole host appeared at the +Stowping Sise before Doncaster.”[1218] Stowping Sise and Scawsby +Lease[1219], which is also mentioned as the mustering place, are +different parts of the plain on the north bank of the Don. + +With spirits quite undamped by the wet night, company after company +filed past and took its place in the ranks behind St Cuthbert’s crimson +and silver standard and the Pilgrimage banner of the Five Wounds of +Christ, which device every man wore in miniature on his breast and back. +All “the flower of the north” were there[1220]. The captains spurred up +and down, striving to bring their men into good array; and the companies +engaged in friendly rivalry, each trying to excel its neighbours in +order and discipline. Experience and popularity both proved useful in +this matter; Darcy, Sir Robert Constable, Sir Ralph Ellerker, Robert +Bowes, and Roger Lassells marshalled the smartest companies[1221]. + +Priests and friars moved along the lines, commending and encouraging the +soldiers; no man, they said, should fear to die in defence of the Faith, +with the sign of Christ’s Passion over his heart[1222]. Perhaps the +ranks chanted the hymn made for the Pilgrims by the monks of Sawley. It +is well fitted for a marching song, and there is a certain charm, +between quaintness and wildness, in the irregular lines, which are at +least simple and sincere: + + “God that rights all + Redress now shall + And what is thrall + Again make free, + By this voyage + And Pilgrimage + Of young and sage + In this country. + + Whom God grant grace! + And for the space + Of this their trace + Send them good speed, + With health, wealth and speed— + Of sins release + And joy endless + When they be dead[1223].” + +It is a relief to find that the vicar of Brayton was not with the host. +That disreputable person had gone quietly home, after he had secured, at +the spoiling of Sir Brian Hastings’ house, fifteen head of cattle and at +least £3 worth of goods[1224]. + +It is impossible to give the exact number of the Pilgrims. Aske, who was +in the best position to know, twice stated that there were 30,000 men or +more at the muster, divided into vanguard and middleward, and that the +rearward at Pontefract were 12,000 strong; but even Aske probably had +not very definite information[1225]. The only other witness who gave +figures was Marmaduke Neville, a captain of the Bishopric, who stated +that there were 28,000 at the muster and 12,000 at Pontefract[1226]. + +There is no doubt that, even if the rearward was not 12,000 strong, it +was believed to be so in the forward host. Allowing the same number for +the vanguard and middleward, there would be 24,000 at the muster, and +36,000 men would be the total number of Pilgrims assembled in arms under +Aske’s direct command. The numbers are large, considering that only +Yorkshire and Durham had sent men, that, as the leaders declared, every +man was efficiently if roughly armed and provided with 20_s._, and that +the greater part were horsed. It is possible that their strength was +greatly overestimated. + +The vanward was composed of all the men from the Bishopric of Durham, +under the command of Lords Lumley, Neville and Latimer and Sir Thomas +Hilton, and the men of Cleveland and part of Richmondshire under Sir +Thomas Percy and Robert Bowes; in the middleward were the men of the +East and West Ridings, and of the Ainstey of York, with almost all the +knights and gentlemen or their eldest sons from those parts, under the +command of Sir Robert Constable and Lord Darcy. These forces completed +the muster at Stowping Sise. The rearward at Pontefract included the +western parts of Richmondshire, together with the men from Masham, +Ripon, Kirkbyshire, Wensleydale, Fendale and Netherdale, under the +command of Lord Scrope, Sir Christopher Danby, Sir William Mallory, the +Nortons, the Markenfields and many more knights and gentlemen. Aske +moved constantly between the two forward divisions, though his place, in +case of an engagement, was with his own Howdenshire men in the +middleward[1227]. + +When all were in array, the lords and gentlemen held a council before +the host. They agreed that Sir Thomas Hilton, Sir Ralph Ellerker, Robert +Bowes, and Robert Challoner should go on the embassy to the Duke. At the +head of so splendid an army, with Doncaster lying before them, the war +party seem to have made their last suggestion of immediate attack; the +town might be taken almost without effort[1228]; Shrewsbury and Norfolk +might be captured and forced to take the Pilgrims’ oath. But the +moderate party again prevailed; they argued that the more evident their +superiority, the more likely they were to obtain favourable terms. The +leaders resolved on the five essential points which were weighty enough +to explain their rising. The articles were not written down, but Robert +Bowes undertook to repeat them to the Duke from memory[1229], an easy +feat, as they were in substance the original five: + +First, that the Faith might be truly maintained. + +Second, that the ancient liberties of the Church might be maintained. + +Third, that the unpopular statutes might be repealed and that the law +might stand as it did at the beginning of the King’s reign “when his +nobles did order under his Highness.” + +Fourth, that the “villein blood” might be expelled from the Council and +noble blood restored. + +Fifth, that Cromwell, Richard Riche, and the heretic bishops might be +deprived and banished or otherwise punished as subverters of the laws of +God and of the commonwealth[1230]. + +On these terms the Pilgrims were willing to accept the King’s general +pardon and return peaceably to their homes. The articles are expressed +in vague and wide terms, but the messengers who carried them were ready +to amplify and explain their provisions. The vagueness may have been +adopted deliberately because, in the first place, the Pilgrims did not +wholly agree among themselves—some, for instance, were warmly in favour +of the papal supremacy, while others were willing to accept the royal +supremacy. In the second place, the general character of the articles +would make it easier for the delegates on both sides to come to an +agreement. There was no expression used which came within the scope of +the Treason Act, and there were no details over which the two parties +might haggle and quarrel. Henry, with his usual adroitness, seized upon +this vagueness at once and turned it to his own advantage. He declared +that he could make no direct answer to articles which were so general, +vague and obscure. His flatterers borrowed his expressions. Archbishop +Lee declared that the rebels would not write down the articles for +“their enterprise could not be avowed.”[1231] Henry’s panegyrist, +William Thomas, declared that “when they [the rebels] came to reasoning +in very deed they wist not well what to demand except the preservation +of their holy mother church, which their Prelates and Religious did +evermore beat into their heads.”[1232] Yet when the Pilgrims, in answer +to the King’s criticism, proceeded to draw up a detailed list of their +grievances, they were told that it was “a double iniquity to fall into +rebellion and also after to procure matters to be set forth to justify +that rebellion.”[1233] The two statutes which the Pilgrims most strongly +opposed were the Act of Succession, which declared Princess Mary +illegitimate, and the Act of Suppression. The latter was covered by the +second article, and they were afraid to press the other too strongly, +lest they should compromise Mary, who had of late been treated more +kindly. The third article included this statute, besides the Act of +Uses, and all the other unpopular measures of the long parliament, even +to the alienation of the Percy estates to the crown. The Pilgrims +probably did not hope to bring about such an extremely sweeping +reaction, but they realised that in order to obtain a little from Henry +they must begin by demanding a great deal. + +Four hostages were delivered to Aske in pledge for the safety of Sir +Thomas Hilton and his companions; the hostages returned with the +Archbishop and Sir Robert Constable to Hampole nunnery for the +night[1234]. There was general hope of good results from the meeting, +and both Darcy and Constable were anxious for an agreement[1235]. They +were encouraged by the gentlemen from Norfolk’s camp, “Mr Herington, Mr +Vellers, Mr Litilton” and another whose name is not known, but may have +been Gifford[1236]. Villiers and Gifford were afterwards accused of +having expressed sympathy with the Pilgrims[1237], and on Gifford’s +return to Buckinghamshire rumour said that he was prepared to raise a +rebellion if the churches were attacked[1238]. + +If the gentlemen were anxious for a peaceful issue, the commons were by +no means opposed to it. Otherwise the negotiations could scarcely have +proceeded so far. The commons were prepared to fight if the King refused +the petition, but if he granted it without trouble, so much the better. +As to the King’s soldiers, the Pilgrims regarded them rather as friends +who were unwillingly forced to take part against them than as enemies. +All the southern men, they said, “thought as much” as they, but the +southrons dared not show it; as for themselves, they were plain northern +fellows, and said what they thought. The Pilgrims were so certain of +success against the King’s reluctant levies that their sporting +instincts seem to have revolted against so easy a victory. “They wished +the King had sent some younger lords against them than my lord of +Norfolk and my lord of Shrewsbury. No lord in England would have stayed +them but my lord of Norfolk,” whom they honoured as the victor of +Flodden, and suspected to be as much opposed to Cromwell and the +Suppression as themselves[1239]. + +At noon on Friday 27 October, in due fulfilment of the agreement, Sir +Thomas Hilton and his three companions returned across the bridge and +were delivered in exchange for the hostages. The result of the meeting +was not final. Norfolk, Shrewsbury, Rutland, Huntingdon, Surrey and +their council had received the four and listened to their grievances. +Finding that they brought no written copy of the articles, Norfolk +ordered them to be written down at Bowes’ dictation[1240]. The King’s +nobles said that they were willing to meet a party of the Pilgrims’ +leaders, as the latter had proposed, on Doncaster bridge, where they +would discuss the articles in detail. Hilton and the others agreed to a +meeting on the same day of about thirty on each side, and hastened to +announce the arrangement to their own leaders. The representatives had +to be chosen speedily. They were headed by Darcy, Latimer, Lumley, Sir +Robert Constable, Sir John Bulmer, and the four who had crossed in the +morning. Aske did not go with them, but held a second great muster on +the plain. Such a demonstration would remind the southern host of their +strength, guard against any attempt to capture their leaders on the +bridge, and keep the Pilgrims together in order to hear the result, +whatever it might be. Aske “ordered the whole host standing in perfect +array to within night.”[1241] As time went on and still the conference +on the bridge did not break up, some murmuring arose in the ranks. The +old cry was raised that the gentlemen would make terms for themselves +and betray the commons to the King’s vengeance[1242]. Aske had stayed +with them to quiet these fears. Though their suspicion was not justified +on this occasion, the commons had grounds for the fear of the +gentlemen’s desertion. It was that which brought confusion and failure +on the Lincolnshire rising. + +No complete account remains of the conference on Doncaster bridge. It +seems probable, however, that Norfolk attacked the Pilgrims’ +representatives on their weak side, in the very way that the commons +feared. They were all gentlemen, he may have said, and by their own +account they had been forced to take the rebels’ oath against their +wills. They were now at some distance from their captors, and near the +King’s troops; let them desert in a body and leave the commons without +leaders. The King would doubtless pardon and reward all who took his +part at such a crisis. Darcy’s retort was to turn to the Earl of +Shrewsbury. “Talbot,” he said, “hold up thy long clee[1243] and promise +me the King’s favour, and I will come to Doncaster to you.” Shrewsbury’s +honour was not so accommodating as Norfolk’s. “Well, my lord Darcy, then +ye shall not come [in],” he replied frankly[1244]. + +Failing in this direct attack, Norfolk seems to have betaken himself to +treachery, or half-treachery, in an attempt to be on good terms with +both sides. The Pilgrims desired a religious reaction, and Norfolk’s +views were well known to be conservative. It was said that he had +persuaded the King to countenance the doctrine of purgatory in the Ten +Articles[1245]. + +The Pilgrims required the repeal of certain statutes. Norfolk was +reported to have said at Nottingham that the Act of Uses was the worst +act that ever was made[1246], and on the present occasion he was said to +have told the Pilgrims that “it was pity they were on life, so to give +over the Act of Uses,” which was not mentioned in the articles[1247]. +Norfolk denied these last words, and the King professed to believe his +denial[1248], but they were afterwards brought up against him[1249]. + +Darcy and probably others spoke strongly against Cromwell[1250]. Norfolk +could truthfully assure them that he hated Cromwell as much as they did. + +The Earl of Surrey seems to have committed an indiscretion on his way +north. At Cambridge and Thetford he had heard and applauded a song +against Suffolk, which was sung by a wandering fiddler, John Hogon, to +the popular tune of “The Hunt Is Up.” The song had as little rhyme or +metre as most political songs and ran: + + “The hunt is up etc. + The masters of art and doctors of divinity + Have brought this realm out of good unity, + Three noblemen have taken this to stay; + My lord of Norfolk, lord Surrey and my lord of Shrewsbury. + The Duke of Suffolk might a made England merry—” + +No more is preserved[1251]. In July 1537 Surrey was in serious danger on +account of a charge which Darcy brought against him—probably that he had +promised his support to the Pilgrims[1252]. + +How far Norfolk encouraged the Pilgrims was never discovered, but Lord +Herbert of Cherbury (1649) relates: + + “All this great service of the Duke of Norfolk yet could not exempt + him from calumny: For the Lord Darcy during his imprisonment had + accused him, as favouring the rebels’ articles when they first met at + Doncaster: But the Duke denied it, offering the Duel; saying, that + Aske (who suffered at York before the said Lord) told him that said + Lord’s intentions; who (he said) bare him ill-will ever since the Duke + had solicited the said Lord to deliver Aske into his hands, when he + was in chief credit with the rebels; which Darcy denying, some + expostulation pass’d between them. Nevertheless I find the King was so + well satisfied of the Duke, that those things were pass’d over without + further questioning.”[1253] + +Some of these statements are manifestly incorrect. Aske did not suffer +before Darcy, but a fortnight after, and this part of the story seems to +be a confused memory of Aske’s last words concerning Norfolk and +Cromwell, not Norfolk and Darcy[1254]. On the other hand it is true that +the Duke solicited Darcy to kidnap Aske, much to Darcy’s indignation, +and this is mentioned in no other early printed account of the +Pilgrimage. It is possible that Herbert may have had access to some +report of Darcy’s examination, now lost, and may have found these +interesting particulars there. + +Assuming that Herbert’s story is substantially true, it is easy to +understand the meaning of the terms on which a truce was finally +arranged. Norfolk was to ride to the King in all haste, accompanied by +Sir Ralph Ellerker and Robert Bowes, whose expenses would be paid by the +lords and knights of the Pilgrimage[1255]. The messengers were to lay +the Pilgrims’ petition before the King and to return with his answer. +Within the next two days, both armies must disperse, and a truce, +binding on both sides, was to last until the messengers returned. These +terms at first sight appear to be much less favourable than the Pilgrims +might have been expected to exact in their commanding position, but +Norfolk’s friendly attitude makes all clear. So far were the Pilgrims +from going over to the King that Norfolk promised to be on their side. +He did not yet declare himself openly, because he could be of more use +to them while he continued nominally in the King’s service, but his +influence at court, backed by their armed demonstration, might +reasonably appear a sufficient guarantee for the success of their cause. +When at length the thirty returned from the bridge to the impatient +Pilgrims they were able to announce the terms on which the formal +appointment had been concluded with the King’s nobles, but as Norfolk +required secrecy to be observed with regard to his own intentions, they +could not explain their full grounds for confidence. Nevertheless the +Pilgrims seem to have been well enough contented with the results[1256]. + +Norfolk’s state of mind is best shown in his letter to the Council, +written a couple of days later on his road south. Henry, angry and +suspicious, believed that his desperation was assumed or, at least, +exaggerated, but the letter bears evident traces of having been composed +by a man in great fear and distress of mind and body. + + “my gode lordes I came to this towne this nyght late wher I founde the + skantest soper I had many yeres as wery a man as can be and with + contynewall watche and agony of mynd so tanned [?] that in my liff I + never was in that case I have be[en] a bed now iii howrys and ii tymes + waked in that tyme the one with lettres fro my lord of Suffolk th’ + oder fro the Kynges highnes of the xxvii of this moneth the contentes + wheroff shuld be not necessary to answer our affaires being in the + trade they now be in. alas my god lordes I have served his highnes + many tymes without reproch and now inforced to appoynt with the + rebelles my hert is nere broken. and notwithstondyng that in every + mannes mowth it is sayde in our armye that I never served his grace so + well as now as in dissolvyng the army of th’ enemy without los of ours + yet fearyng how his maiestie shall take the dispeachyng of our bande I + am the most unquiet man of mynde lyvyng. all others here joyfull and I + only sorowfull. alas that the valiannt hert of my lord steward wold + not suffer hym to have taried abouts trent but with his fast hastyng + forwardes to bryng us into the most bareyne countre of the realme + wheroff hath insewed th’ effectes that I saw long afore woll fall Gode + my lordes it was not the feare of th’ enemys hath caused us to + appoynt, but thre other sore poyntes. foulle wether ande no howsing + for horse nor man at the most not for the iiid part of the army and no + wode to make fiers withall, honger both for men and horsis of suche + sort that of trouth I thynk never Inglishe man saw the like. + pestilence in the towne mervelous fervent and of suche sort that wher + I and my son lay in a fryers x or xii howsis sore infected within ii + butts length, on fryday at nyght the mayers wiff and ii of his + doghters and one servant died in one howse how many others of the + towne I know [not] but of souldyers ix and if ther wer lefte in the + towne or within v myles one lode of hey or one lode of ootes, pese or + beanys all the purveyors say untrewly. which iii poyntes these ar for + an armye I report me to your wisdomes and to have advansed to th’ + enemys no vitayle for man nor horse but all devasted by th’ enemys and + not possible to have yeven batayle but upon apparaunt los theroff. and + if we shuld have retyred in enemyte assewred rewyn of our company. + havying no horsmen and they all the floure of the north and how at + every streyte they shuld at their will have set on the formest part or + the hindermost your wisdomes can well consyder. and my lordes + accordyng to my dewtie to advertise the trouth. thogh never prince had + a company of more trew valiaunt noble men and jantlemen yet right few + of souldiers but that thoght and think their quarelles to be gode and + godly. the companys that came with my lord marques and me I trust wold + have done their partes and the noblemen of the rest. but I feare what + th’ oders woll. my lords what case we wer in when roger ratclyff[1257] + and I wept secretly togyders I report me to you neyther of us bothe + but with gode will wold have be[en] prisoners in turkey to have had it + at the poynt it is now. thogh not as we wold it wer and yet onys + agayne my lords wo wo wo worth the tyme that my lord steward went so + far forth for and he had not ye shuld have herd other newes. ffy ffy + upon the lord darcy the most arraunt traytor that ever was lyvyng and + yet both his sonnys trew knightes. old sir roberd constable as ill as + he and all his blode trew men fynally my gode lordes if the kynges + highnes shuld wright to me to gather the army to gyders it is not + possible to be done. and for godds sake help that his highnes cause + not my lord of Suffolk to put any man to deth unto my comyng. nor + openly to call the lord darcy traytor and also to stay that I be not + in his displesure unto the tyme I may be herd and then Judge me + accordyng to my desertes scribled at tuxford at v in the mornyng this + sonday. + + yr owne + T. Norfolk.”[1258] + +Late as it was, Darcy and Aske rode to Pontefract on the evening of the +conference, and next morning, Saturday 28 October, they proclaimed the +truce and ordered the rearward to go home. It was easier to give the +order than to see it obeyed. The dalesmen had come far and were very +reluctant to go home empty-handed, without any definite triumph. They +had not been represented at the conference, and consequently felt that +the appointment need not bind them. Their captains, Lord Scrope, Sir +Christopher Danby, and the others, were willing to accept the truce, but +the commons were wild and much more difficult to control than those of +the forward divisions. Nevertheless in the end the commands, arguments +and persuasions of Aske, Darcy and Sir Richard Tempest, seconded by the +efforts of their own leaders, prevailed on the aggrieved and +disappointed rearward, and they sulkily set out on their homeward march, +leaving Pontefract empty for the rest of the army, which lay there that +night[1259]. + +On the same day Darcy received a message from Thomas Grice, who had +heard from Lancashire that the Earl of Derby intended to attack Sawley +Abbey[1260]. Aske immediately sent the news of the truce to the Pilgrims +there, and Darcy wrote to request Shrewsbury to stop Derby’s operations. +It has already been shown how these messages prevented a collision +between the opposing forces[1261]. At the same time Aske sent messengers +to all the places in which there had been risings with “the most special +letters that could be devised” commanding the Pilgrims to leave the +castles they were besieging, break off their musters and go peaceably +home[1262]. The reception of these letters has been described above. + +Norfolk despatched a messenger on Saturday to carry the news of the +truce to the King, and set out himself with Ellerker and Bowes on the +same day[1263]. + +On Sunday 29 October the King’s heralds, Chester and Carlisle, watched +the last men of the Pilgrims’ host “disparple” at Pontefract and take +their way home over Ferrybridge. The heralds were back at Doncaster +before noon, where Shrewsbury’s army was also disbanding[1264]. +Northward went the insurgents, southward the King’s men,—a strangely +peaceful parting. At Tadcaster William Stapleton bade farewell to his +men of Beverley, “desiring them to keep good rule” on the homeward +march, and went back to Wighill, returning to his usual autumn hunting +and shooting as though he had never been the captain of a rebel +host[1265]. Thus the uneasy quiet of an armed truce fell on England at +the end of October 1536. + +Norfolk’s anxious letter shows that he expected the King to be very +angry at the news of the truce. Yet all the advantages of it were on the +King’s side. It was very unlikely that the Pilgrims would have another +opportunity of striking so crushing a blow as that which they had +deliberately foregone. Henry did not fail to realise the advantages of +his position, although he was furious at the way in which they were +obtained. He felt it a blot on his honour that his lieutenants should +have made terms with the rebels, instead of scattering them, with or +without bloodshed, and selecting a suitable number for execution; but as +the rebels had dispersed, his experience taught him that they were very +unlikely to assemble again in such large numbers, and he was convinced +that with a little delay, a little diplomacy, and plenty of southern +musters, the north might be brought into complete subjection without any +concessions being made at all. + +When the problem is considered in the light thrown on Henry’s character +by the later events of his reign, it is surprising that the leaders of +the Pilgrimage should have expected him to give way so easily. It is +practically certain that while Henry lived and ruled he would never have +changed his policy. The rebels did not propose to dethrone him; yet by +no other means could his work be undone. This they never realised till +too late. It must be remembered that Henry had reigned for twenty years +before doing anything that greatly alarmed his most conservative +subjects. By making the truce, the Pilgrims preserved their consistency. +If the King refused their petition and civil war ensued, he and not they +would be responsible. But as a matter of fact, they did not believe that +the King was in earnest about the religious changes. In their eyes it +was all some devilry of Cromwell’s. It was too absurd that the +monasteries should be suppressed; they had been there for hundreds of +years,—and how could the country do without them? Except for the +wandering reformers and their scattered disciples, English people +believed the New Learning to be not only wicked but ridiculous. Within +two years of his death, Sir Thomas More was busily writing most +excellent and amusing little tracts proving that there was not really +the slightest danger that Catholic England would be infected with +heresy. Although things had now gone so much further, Aske and his +followers still believed implicitly in the strength of their cause. It +was impossible that the Faith should fail to triumph in the end. Wolsey +had suppressed monasteries and countenanced the hated divorce, but he +fell. Anne Boleyn had caused the death of More, Fisher, and the +Carthusian monks, but she had followed them to the scaffold. Cromwell +must go the same way. If once he were dead, and Norfolk, with the other +conservative lords, restored to full power, the work of the last four +years would disappear without difficulty—so the Pilgrims thought—and all +might go on as if no dark-haired coquette and no “Englishman Italianate” +had ever crossed the destinies of England. A complete reaction seemed +perfectly easy then. Looking back, it is equally easy to talk very +wisely of tendencies and inevitable results; but no age can tell whither +it is tending. The Pilgrims could not see that there was no going +back—that the New Learning was bound to triumph and to regenerate as +well as destroy—that despotism had yet a great part to play before it +was shaken and dragged down by civil war and revolution. They were so +sure of their own strength that they were pathetically willing to behave +with chivalrous moderation to the side which they regarded as the +weaker. + + + NOTES TO CHAPTER XI + + Note A. North-country readers will not need to be told that the + commander-in-chief at Flodden was Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, + afterwards second Duke of Norfolk, and that his eldest son, who + appears so frequently in this book as the third Duke of Norfolk, was + his second in command. The latter was then simply Lord Thomas Howard, + Admiral of England. He played an important part in the campaign. + Holinshed gives him the credit of suggesting the strategy which placed + the English forces between the Scots army and the Border. In the field + he commanded the vanguard, with the centre of which he fought. He was + said to have gone into battle loudly challenging the King of Scots to + single combat, and to have performed great deeds, slaying the Earl of + Crawford with his own hand. At the moment when the issue was most + doubtful,—when the dying Marmion cried:— + + “Tunstall lies dead upon the field, + His life-blood stains the spotless shield: + Edmund is down:—my life is reft; + The Admiral alone is left,”— + + Lord Thomas was actually standing firm in the face of the Scottish + attack; taking the Agnus Dei from his neck, he sent it to his father + as a token to hasten to his assistance. He was regarded as the hero of + the day no less than Surrey[1266]. + + Note B. M. Bapst has shown that the correct date of the letter from + Norfolk to Cromwell, printed in L. and P. XI, 21, as belonging to + 1536, is really 1537[1267]. + + + + + CHAPTER XII + THE FIRST WEEKS OF THE TRUCE + + +The King was at first as well satisfied with the advantage gained by the +appointment at Doncaster, as he was displeased with the means by which +it was obtained. “So sudden recess” was a stain on his honour “if the +contrary might have been maintained.” However, the thing was done, and +it only remained to bring the northern men to a sense of their +wickedness and graciously grant them a pardon on the same terms as the +pardon to Lincolnshire, namely, that they would take and deliver such +culprits as the King’s vengeance demanded, and submit themselves humbly +to his mercy, taking oaths of future obedience[1268]. + +Henry does not seem to have realised at first that there was any danger +of another rising. On Sunday 29 October he was summoning an army to meet +the rebels, which, he declared, he would lead in person[1269]. Next day +news of the appointment had come, and these musters were countermanded, +with the proviso that the men must be ready again at reasonable warning. +General pardons to all rebels dwelling north of Doncaster for offences +committed before 1 November were drafted on 2 November, in terms +resembling the Lincolnshire pardon. The excepted persons were Robert +Aske, Hutton of Snape, Kitchen of Beverley, William Ombler the bailiff, +Henry Coke of Durham shoemaker, Maunsell vicar of Brayton, and four +others unnamed[1270]. Henry considered that to demand only ten culprits +after a month of open rebellion was a display of the most princely +lenity, and no doubt from his own point of view he was right. It was +intended that this pardon, or rather promise of pardon—for each +individual was to sue in Chancery for his own—should be proclaimed +throughout the north by the King’s heralds, who must observe and report +on the state of the country, especially noticing how deep might be the +supposed penitence of the commons, and how far they were determined to +support the restored monks and nuns. The heralds were also to read long +lectures on the folly of the rebels’ demands, the wickedness of +rebellion, and the beneficence of the King[1271]. + +On Sunday 29 October Latimer preached the sermon at Paul’s Cross. His +text was “Put on all the armour of God,” and he took occasion to refer +to the northern men, who wore “the Cross and the Wounds before and +behind,” in order to “deceive the poor ignorant people, and bring them +to fight against both the King, the Church, and the Commonwealth.” He +compared the rebels to the Devil, who also professed to put on the +armour of God to deceive the ignorant, and he exhorted his hearers to be +steadfast and loyal, and to assume the true armour of a Christian, with +all the elaborate allegories and analogies for which the subject gives +scope[1272]. + +All the King’s plans were formed between 29 October, when news of the +appointment reached London, and 2 November, when Norfolk arrived at +court. It may be imagined with what anxious hearts Norfolk, Bowes and +Ellerker set out for Windsor on Saturday 28 October[1273]. They were +followed by Fitzwilliam as the representative of Suffolk and the other +lords at Lincoln, who were almost as uneasy as Norfolk with regard to +the King’s attitude[1274]. Norfolk was so much worn out by his exertions +that he could not travel more than thirty miles a day[1275]. From +Grantham on 30 October he wrote to ask whether he should bring Bowes and +Ellerker straight to court, or leave them in London until he and Lord +Talbot, who had come up with them, had seen the King[1276]. The whole +party was summoned to Windsor, where they arrived at ten o’clock on the +morning of Thursday 2 November, but Norfolk was commanded to come into +the royal presence first. After dinner the King sent for the northern +gentlemen. On first seeing them, Henry could not repress an outburst of +rage, but he allowed himself to be soothed by Norfolk and other members +of the Council, and in the end promised to write an answer to the +articles with his own hand[1277]. He seemed to be taking Norfolk’s +action so quietly that Fitzwilliam sent a reassuring letter to +Suffolk[1278]. + +Henry’s calm was partly due to the fact that he did not yet realise +fully the crisis to which affairs had come. He saw that the danger had +been very great, and that he was not yet in a position to punish +disaffection with severity, but he still believed that the worst was +over. The rebels had dispersed, and a temporary show of mildness on his +part was all that was required. He could not refuse a very wide pardon, +but there was no need to contemplate any concessions to the Pilgrims’ +impudent demands, which they were no longer able to press upon him. +Holding this opinion, he drew up an answer to the articles in his own +hand, “and no creature was privy thereto until it was finished.”[1279] +It ran as follows: + + “First, as touching the maintenance of the Faith; the terms be so + general, that hard they be to be answered; but if they mean the Faith + of Christ to which all Christian men be most obliged, we declare and + protest ourself to be he that always do and have minded to die and + live in the purity of the same, and that no man can or dare set his + foot by ours in proving of the contrary; marvelling not a little that + ignorant people will go about or take upon them to instruct us, (which + something have been noted learned), what the right Faith should be, or + that they would be so ingrate and unnatural to us, their most rightful + King, without any our desert, upon false reports and surmises, to + suspect us of the same, and give rather credence to forged light tales + than to the approved truth by us these twenty-eight years used, and by + our deeds approved. + + To the second, which toucheth the maintenance of the Church, and + liberties of the same; this is so general a proposition that without + distinctions no man with truth can answer it neither by God’s laws nor + by the laws of the realm. For first the Church which they mean must be + known; secondly, whether they be lawful or unlawful liberties which + they require; and these known I doubt not but they shall be answered + according to God’s law, equity and justice. But yet, for all their + generality, this I dare assever, that (meaning what Church they list) + we have done nothing in their prejudice that may not be abidden by, + both by God’s law and man’s; and in our own Church, whereof we be the + Supreme Head here in Earth, we have not done so much prejudice as many + of our predecessors have done upon much less grounds. Wherefore, since + it is a thing which nothing pertaineth to any of you our commons, nor + that you bear anything therein, I cannot but reckon a great unkindness + and unnaturalness, in that ye had liever a churl or two should enjoy + those profits of their monasteries, in supportation of vicious and + abominable life, than I your prince for supportation of my extreme + charges, done for your defence. + + The third toucheth three things; the laws, the common wealth, the + directors of the laws under us. Touching the laws, we expressly dare + testify that (blind men deeming no colours, nor yet being judges) it + shall be duly proved that there were never in any of our predecessors’ + days so many wholesome, commodious and beneficial acts made for the + common wealth, and yet I mean it since their time that would fain have + thank without desert. For Our Lord forbid (seeing we have been these + twenty-eight years your King) that both we and our Council should have + lost so much time as not to know now better than when we came first to + our reign, what were the common wealth and what were not. And though + outrecuidance of some may chance will not let them to acknowledge it + so, yet I trust and doubt not but the most part of our loving subjects + (specially those which be not seduced by false reports) do both think + it, accept it, and find it so. Now, touching the common wealth; what + King hath kept you all his subjects so long in wealth and peace; so + long without taking or doing wrong one to the other; so indifferently + minister[_ed_] justice to all, both high and low; so defended you all + from outward enemies; so fortified the frontiers of this realm, to his + no little and in a manner inestimable charges? and all for your + wealths and sureties. What King hath given among you more general or + freer pardons? What King hath been loather to punish his subjects, or + showed more mercy amongst them? These things being so true as no true + man can deny them, it is an unnatural and unkind demeanour of you our + subjects to believe or deem the contrary of it, by whose report so + ever it should be. As touching the beginning of our reign, where ye + say so many noblemen were councillors; who were then councillors I + well remember and yet of the temporalty I note none but two worthy + calling noble; the one Treasurer of England [_the Earl of Surrey, + Norfolk’s father_], the other High Steward of our house [_the Earl of + Shrewsbury_]; others, as the Lords Marney and Darcy, but scant well + born gentlemen; and yet of no great lands till they were promoted by + us and so made knights and lords; the rest were lawyers and priests, + save two bishops, which were Canterbury and Winchester. If these then + be the great number of noblemen that ye speak of and that ye seemed + then to be content withal, why then now be ye not much better content + with us, which have now so many nobles in deed both of birth and + condition? For first of the temporalty, in our Privy Council we have + the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis of Exeter, the + Lord Steward (when he may come), the Earl of Oxford, the Earl of + Sussex, the Lord Sandys our Chamberlain, the Lord Admiral Treasurer of + our House, Sir William Poulet Comptroller of our house: and of the + spiritualty, the Bishop of Hereford [_Edward Fox_], the Bishop of + Chichester [_Richard Sampson_], and the Bishop of Winchester [_Stephen + Gardiner_]. Now how far be ye abused to reckon that then there were + more noblemen in our Privy Council than now? But yet, though I now do + declare the truth to pull you from the blindness that you were led in, + yet we ensure you we would ye knew that it appertaineth nothing to any + of our subjects to appoint us our Council ne we will take it so at + your hands. Wherefore henceforth remember better the duties of + subjects to your King and sovereign lord, and meddle no more of those + nor such-like things as ye have nothing to do in. + + To the fourth; where ye the commons do name certain of our Council to + be subverters both of God’s law and the laws of this realm; we do take + and repute them as just and true executors both of God’s laws and ours + as far as their commissions under us do extend. And if any of our + subjects can duly prove the contrary, we shall proceed against them + and all other offenders therein according to justice, as to our estate + and dignity royal doth appertain. And in case it be but a false and + untrue report (as we verily think it is), then it were as meet and + standeth as well with justice that they should have the self same + punishment which wrongfully hath objected this to them, that they + should have had if they deserved it. And one thing amongst others + maketh me think that this slander should be untrue; because it + proceedeth from that place which is both so far distant from where + they inhabit, and also from those people which never heard them preach + nor yet knoweth any part of their conversation. Wherefore we exhort + you our commons to be no more so light of credit, neither of ill + things spoken of your King and sovereign, nor yet of any of his + prelates and councillors; but to think that your King, having so long + reigned over you, hath as good discretion to elect and choose his + councillors as those (whosoever they be) that hath put this in your + heads. + + Here, in this final point, which ye our commons of Yorkshire do desire + and also in the matter of the whole, we verily think that the rest of + our whole commons (whereof ye be in manner but an handful) will + greatly disdain and not bear it that ye take upon you to set order + both to them and us, your both sovereign; and that (though ye be + rebels) ye would make them as bearers and partakers of your mischief; + willing them to take pardon for insurrections which verily I think and + doubt not they never minded; but like true subjects to the contrary + hath, both with heart and deed, been ready at our call to defend both + us and themself. + + And now for our part; as to your demands, We let you wit that pardon + of such things as ye demand lieth only in the will and pleasure of the + prince; but it seemeth by your lewd proclamations and safeconducts + that there be amongst you which take upon them both the King’s and + councillor’s parts, which neither yet by us nor by consent of the + realm hath been admitted to any such room. What arrogancy then is in + those wretches (being also of none experience) to presume to raise you + our subjects without commission or authority, yea, and against us, + under a cloaked colour of your wealth and in our name; and as the + success will declare, (we being no more merciful than ye yet hitherto + deserve) to your utter confusions? Wherefore we let you wit, ye our + subjects of Yorkshire, that were it not that our princely heart cannot + reckon this your shameful insurrection and unnatural rebellion to be + done of malice or rancour, but rather by a lightness given in a manner + by a naughty nature to a commonalty and a wondrous sudden surreption + of gentlemen; we must needs have executed another manner of punishment + than (ye humbly knowledging your fault and submitting yourselves to + our mercy) we intend to do. And to the intent that ye shall all know + that our princely heart rather embraceth (of his own disposition) pity + and compassion of his offending subjects than will to be revenged of + their naughty deeds; we are contented, if we may see and perceive in + you all a sorrowfulness for your offences and will henceforth to do no + more so, nor to believe so lewd and naughty tales or reports of your + most kind and loving prince and his Council, to grant unto you all our + letters patent of pardon for this rebellion; so that ye will deliver + unto us ten such of the ringleaders and provokers of you in this + rebellion, as we shall assign to you and appoint. Now note the + benignity of your prince. Now note how easily ye may have pardon, both + gentlemen and other if ye list. Now note how effusion of blood may be + eschewed. Now note, what this little while of your rebellion hath + hindered yourselves and country. Now learn by a little lack to eschew + a worse. Now learn, by this small warning, to keep you true men. Thus + I, as your head, pray for you my members, that God may light you with + his Grace to knowledge and declare yourselves our true subjects + henceforth, and to give more credence to these our benign persuasions + than to the perverse instigations of maliciously disposed + persons.”[1280] + +Although the tone of this document was on the whole milder than that of +the reply to the Lincolnshire rebels, it must have caused dismay to +Norfolk, who knew that the Pilgrims would regard it as a declaration of +war. It contained no answer to any of their grievances, except the +statement that the King was entirely right, and they were entirely +wrong. The only hint of conciliation was the promise that if any members +of the Council could be proved to be subverters of the laws, they should +be punished, and this was qualified by the King’s certainty that no one +could prove anything of the sort. Even the promised pardon was not +general. Norfolk must have learnt enough of the Pilgrims’ feelings to +know that they would never accept this answer, and they were in a +position to attack Suffolk almost as soon as it was received, for their +musters were made on the spot, while the King’s troops had to be +conveyed there from a distance. Yet for the moment there seemed to be no +way in which the answer might be altered. The Council did not dare +openly to criticise the King’s own composition, and on the morning of +Sunday 5 November, Bowes and Ellerker set out from Windsor with the +King’s reply, which they themselves do not seem to have read. But at +noon a message was sent to Cromwell commanding him to stop them until +the King had consulted his Council again[1281]. Such news had been +received from the north that Fitzwilliam wrote that the ambassadors must +be stopped in London. If they had started, a post must be sent after +them[1282]. + +The particular report which had just arrived has not been preserved, but +its contents at last convinced the King that the time was not yet ripe +for his answer. He must temporise, not threaten. The same news which +made him realise this gave him an excuse for delay. It was possible to +declare that the Pilgrims had broken the truce, and that the King +therefore refused to negotiate with them[1283]. A message which Aske had +sent to Sir Marmaduke Constable was one of these alleged breaches[1284]. +It was also said that Leonard Beckwith had been attacked. He was a +receiver of the suppressed abbeys’ goods and therefore very unpopular. +His house was plundered by William Acclom and sixty commons, and his +mother put in such fear that she was ill for the next seven months; but +this had happened before the truce[1285]. The King also complained that +Aske had sent letters into Cumberland, Westmorland and Lancashire[1286]. +These were the letters which announced the truce and ordered the rebels +to disband. On these pretexts Bowes and Ellerker were detained and the +King embarked on a new policy. + +It must be placed to the credit of Henry’s honesty, if not of his +generalship, that he was unwilling to drop force and resort to +treachery, as Norfolk advised. From the time of the first outbreak in +Lincolnshire the King had been urging his lieutenants to proceed to +extremities. He frequently ordered them to give battle, and he seems to +have felt no doubt as to the result. It was not by his will that the +outbreak of hostilities had been delayed so long. The revolt might have +been finally crushed by one decisive blow, but on the other hand it was +even more likely that the rebels would have been victorious, and that +the battle which the King desired would have been the opening of a civil +war, the end of which no man could foresee. This may seem too confident +a statement to base on the reports of Norfolk, as their gloomy tone was +partly due to sympathy with the rebels, but there is positive evidence +of the weakness of the royal troops, apart from Norfolk’s letters. In +the first place, the royal forces were never concentrated at one place; +they straggled north in scattered contingents, which could easily have +been cut off in detail. In the second place, the King’s soldiers did not +receive regular and sufficient pay. In the third place, the Duke of +Suffolk, whose loyalty was unquestioned, was as unwilling as Norfolk to +risk a battle. Jealousy ran so high among Henry’s nobles that if Suffolk +could safely have made a great show of activity, in contrast to +Norfolk’s hesitation, or could have sent very cheerful reports, in +contrast to Norfolk’s desperate letters, there can be no doubt that he +would have done so, and won the King’s favour. Only the gravity of the +situation can have forced him to support Norfolk. + +These facts were obvious to Henry when he was cool enough to observe +them, and accordingly his blustering was temporarily suspended. He was +still absolutely determined that he would make no concessions to the +Pilgrims, but he was forced to resort to temporising and treachery, as +it was impossible for the moment to compel them to submit to his will. +Accordingly he laid his plans anew. + +His first object was to delay the northern messengers. All waste of time +was time gained. Hot blood would cool, and anger die down, men would +settle into their ordinary ways, and hopeful spirits would grow +despondent, if time was given them to realise the dangers and +difficulties of civil war. The return of Bowes and Ellerker would be +watched for less and less eagerly every day they tarried, and the King’s +answer, however unfavourable, might find the people readier to submit +than to rise again. The King’s second line of attack was directed +against the very citadel of the Pilgrims’ position—the loyalty of their +leaders. Letters of thanks were sent to all the gentlemen of the north +who had taken the King’s side, and they were encouraged to return to +their own homes, or remain there as the case might be, in order that +they might report the arrangements and movements of the Pilgrims, and +use their influence with the neighbouring gentlemen, often friends and +relatives, to bring them over to the King[1287]. Promises of pardon and +reward, hints at grants of land, perhaps belonging to the very +monasteries they had risen to defend, perhaps the property of men like +Darcy and Constable who would not escape unattainted, doubtless had the +desired effect on some of the gentlemen[1288]. The King might well +anticipate that these methods would bring such disunion into the +Pilgrims’ councils that any concerted action would be rendered +impossible and isolated outbreaks would be the worst that need be +feared. + +The Pilgrims from the first did their utmost to guard against the King’s +assault on their weak places. They strove to keep the gentlemen banded +together by frequent councils and constant communication. With the +commons their task was doubly difficult. They must keep unruly members +from spoils and other offences against the truce, and at the same time +encourage the fervent and patriotic spirit which was the mainstay of +their venture. Henry issued sermons and exhortations,—the Pilgrims +replied with poems. John Hallam returned home to Watton after the +disbanding at Pontefract, and brought with him “certain rhymes made +against my lord privy seal, my lord Chancellor, the Chancellor of the +Augmentations and divers bishops of the new learning which rhymes had +been sung abroad by minstrels.”[1289] He showed them to Friar John +Pickering, one of the Friars Preachers, who had taken refuge at the +Priory of Bridlington[1290]. Pickering was inspired to write something +better than these clumsy verses to encourage the Pilgrims in the good +cause. With this intention he composed a long poem in the elaborate +Latin style which seems to have been the fashion then in Yorkshire. He +“made the said rhyme by rhyme that the hearers might better bear it +away, but not that it might be sung by minstrels” and he himself showed +it only to a few friends, who all praised it. Nevertheless it soon +spread abroad and “was in every man’s mouth about Bridlington and +Scarborough.” It is difficult to understand how anyone could sing the +verses, for they have none of the rugged charm of the Pilgrims’ marching +song. They are long-winded, involved, and interspersed with scraps of +Latin. The Pilgrims are compared first to the Maccabees, afterwards to +Mordecai, with Cromwell in the character of Hamon: + + “This cruel Hamon by his false invention + In the north doth perceive the faithfull commonty, + By his great expenses intending utterly + Us to destroy and bring in captivity. + But great God above that ever doth procure + For his faithful people all that is necessary, + And even provide I you do ensure + His falsehood to be known and eke his policy. + No fair words we shall trust after my opinion + But boldly go forward in our peregrination.” + +The gist of the poem is an exhortation to be loyal to the King, but to +fight to the death against Cromwell[1291]. + +Thus both parties were working quietly and effectively to improve their +position, and in consequence were constantly accusing each other of +breaches of the truce. It cannot be denied that, however honest their +intentions, the first appointment at Doncaster was not well kept on +either side. The diplomacy of the King and the wildness of the +commons—to say nothing of mutual suspicion—were against it. Considering +all the circumstances it was perhaps as strictly observed as engagements +of the kind ever are. + +The presence of Suffolk in Lincolnshire made it absolutely necessary +for the Pilgrims to secure their borders. Norfolk, of course, had no +power to promise the dispersal of Suffolk’s army, even if the rebels +demanded anything so unreasonable; but he had undertaken that the +King’s Lieutenant in Lincolnshire should observe the truce and +threaten no invasion of Yorkshire[1292]. The Pilgrims had stipulated +that none of the prisoners at Lincoln should suffer execution till a +final settlement had been reached, which must have been all they +could do at the time for their unlucky fellows[1293]. But Suffolk, +instead of keeping all his host round Lincoln, where he himself lay, +sent garrisons to Grimsby, Barton and other towns on Trent and +Humber[1294]. These places were fortified, the river traffic was +controlled by their commanders and every effort was made to collect +the boats on their own side. Hull, the most important citadel on the +north of Humber, was known to favour the King, partly because of +Beverley’s devotion to the Pilgrims. Further east, Sir Brian +Hastings lay at Hatfield with his tenants and servants about five +hundred strong, ready to stand to arms at a word[1295]. Even at +Wakefield, right in the rebels’ country, Sir Henry Saville was +bullying and coaxing his neighbours to join the King[1296]. These +formed the King’s first line, pushed right to the frontiers of the +rebels. His second was the line of the Trent. The castles at Newark +and Nottingham were being garrisoned and re-fortified. Shrewsbury +was at his Derbyshire seat, Wingfield, ready to muster all the +country at the first warning from the north, and to hold the bridges +at Derby and Burton-on-Trent[1297]. Nor must it be forgotten that +the Pilgrims had also an enemy at their flank. The Earl of Derby had +orders to be on the alert. He kept nightly watch along the Pilgrims’ +borders and ascertained by constant musters the available strength +of Lancashire and Cheshire[1298]. + +Such were the King’s general defences, the details of which will appear +presently, and it remained for the Pilgrims to make themselves equally +secure. The defence of the Trent was not fully organised until the +middle of November, but the first line was prepared at the beginning of +the truce, and Hull was in some danger of falling by a sudden attack. + +The Pilgrims’ strongest line of defence was along the Humber, Ouse and +Aire, and such were its advantages, particularly in the way of scarcity +of bridges, that it could be made almost impassable, if properly +garrisoned with determined troops. But the commons had risen and joined +them through all the country south as far as the Don, Marshland, and the +Isle of Axholme, which lay between the Don and the Trent. In order to +keep this part of the country, they would be obliged to hold the line of +the Trent. The result of this was that the district south of the Ouse +became debatable ground, where each party was constantly complaining of +breaches of the truce. + +The first business of the rebel leaders was to stay the “wild” men of +the North Riding. It may be conjectured that the expected arrival of +these rough allies had something to do with the making of the truce, for +all the well-to-do Pilgrims were very shy of the commons who were more +bent on social reform than on religious conservatism. Although Darcy and +the captains were able to disband the forces that were at Pontefract and +Doncaster[1299], it was not to be expected that the remote districts +could be quieted at once. The truce was not acknowledged in Cumberland +until 3 November, as has been described, and then only in part and with +great reluctance[1300]. The monks of Furness were giving money to their +tenants and encouraging them to attend the musters on Hallowmas Eve, 31 +October[1301]. On his return from Jervaux to Richmond John Dakyn was +obliged to keep the freest hospitality he could, and distributed seven +nobles among his parishioners, that they might not rob him as they had +done some of the neighbouring clergy[1302]. + +As time went on the unrest became more marked, but for the moment there +was an uneasy lull, and the leaders of the Pilgrimage began to +strengthen their defences. Orders were given on the 30th that beacons +should be laid and that nightly watch should be kept in the church +towers of the East Riding, where some attempt might be made from +Lincolnshire[1303]. Aske spent the night of Sunday 29 October in York, +declaring the order and staying the country. Next day, Monday 30 +October, he turned his attention to the delicate problem of the Earl of +Northumberland’s position, and rode to Wressell Castle. On the way he +heard that Sir Marmaduke Constable, who had been in hiding, had returned +home at the news of the truce, and that the commons were threatening to +plunder his house if he would not take the oath. Aske wrote to Sir +Marmaduke advising him to come to Wressell for protection, but he fled +to Lincolnshire[1304]. This was the message of which the King complained +on 5 November. + +The unfortunate Earl of Northumberland, still lying ill at Wressell +Castle, was now besieged by most unwelcome visitors. First came Aske, +“to have agreed him and his brother Sir Thomas Percy.” The Earl refused +to have anything whatever to do with his brothers, but towards Aske his +attitude was on the whole friendly. The commons at Snaith had seized two +coffers of the Earl’s clothes, which had been sent from London. Aske +saved them from destruction and made a bill of the contents, “a gown and +doublet of crimson satin and the rest of small value.” He had sent word +to the Earl that he could have his coffers on sending for them, but he +made Aske a present of them, and now affirmed that if there had been +more Aske should have had it for saving his life from the commons[1305]. + +Failing in his principal object that day, Aske seems to have returned to +York for the night to take counsel with Sir Thomas. Next day, Tuesday 31 +October, Hallowmas Eve, they dined together at St Mary’s Abbey, York, +and then received news of the arrival of William Stapleton, who sent +word to Aske that he was about to ride to Wressell to pay his duty to +the Earl his master, and would be glad to be allowed to ride in Aske’s +company. But Aske and Sir Thomas Percy set off without him, and when +Stapleton reached the Castle Aske was with the Earl, trying in vain to +persuade him to make Sir Thomas lieutenant of one March and Sir Ingram +of the other. Afterwards Stapleton himself visited the Earl, whom he +found in bed “weeping, ever wishing himself out of the world, which the +said William was sore to see.” That night Sir Thomas, Aske and Stapleton +all slept at Wressell. + +Next day, Wednesday 1 November, Aske went to the Earl again, and they +came to terms. The Earl, under compulsion, consented to what Aske and +the lords had resolved upon, but he absolutely refused to make any +concessions to his brothers, or even to see Sir Thomas. It may be +imagined that he would not find it easy to face the brother whom he had +disinherited. Stapleton added his persuasions to those of Aske. He +really feared for the Earl’s life, as he had heard the commons say in +the field, “Strike off the head of the Earl and make Sir Thomas earl,” +and Sir Thomas Hilton had exclaimed, “He is now crept into a corner and +dare not show himself, he hath made a many of knaves gentlemen to whom +he has disposed much of his living and all now to do nought himself.” +The Earl’s obstinacy made Stapleton half-angry, but nothing could move +him to see his brother. The Earl was very earnest on behalf of the King +and Cromwell against the commons, and when Stapleton warned him that he +was actually in danger he only replied that “he cared not, he could die +but once, let them strike off his head and rid him of much pain.” The +upshot was that the Earl went to York, leaving Wressell in Aske’s hands. +Aske set out for Hull, Sir Thomas went to Seamer, and Stapleton went +home[1306]. + +Northumberland found no peace at York, for there he was visited by Sir +Ingram Percy, who had come up to demand seven hundred marks salary as +vice-warden of the East Marches and one hundred marks for the +lieutenancy. His brother consented to see him, but was shocked by the +language he used about Cromwell, “wishing him, being of the King’s most +honourable Council, to be hanged as they and he might look unto; and if +he were there present, as he wished to God he were, he would put his +sword in his belly.”[1307] Northumberland promptly deprived him of the +offices which he had obtained by his trick[1308], and appointed Robert +Lord Ogle vice-warden, and Sir Roger Grey and Sir John Widdrington +lieutenants, all three being of the Carnaby faction[1309]. After this +both Sir Thomas and Sir Ingram set out for the north. + +On or about Sunday 5 November, Shrewsbury sent his chaplain John Moreton +to discover the Earl’s state, and to try to obtain payment of her +allowance to his daughter the Countess, as she was now living with him. +The messenger went to Wressell, and was there taken by Aske’s men, who +were holding the castle[1310]. On 10 November Aske visited the Earl +again at Selby[1311]. Now that his brothers were gone he was more +tractable, and made over to Aske his castle of Wressell and his tenants, +for so long as Aske should lie in garrison there, and also his “spice +plate” which was at Watton Priory[1312]. By this formal deed he obtained +power to remove his “evidences” from the castle, and as he was very +anxious about them, he sent two servants, who brought them away at +midnight[1313]. + +Thus the Pilgrims received Wressell Castle, but before the negotiation +was completed Aske had been busy in a great many other places. After his +interview with Northumberland he rode to Watton, to arrange the affairs +of Watton Priory. The prior, a creature of Cromwell’s, had fled south +with all the money he could lay hands on, leaving “three or four score +brethren and sisters of the same house without forty shillings to +succour them.” They wished to elect a new prior, but Aske persuaded them +to accept the sub-prior as the defaulter’s deputy. This affair of the +Prior of Watton should not be overlooked, for it had a part in bringing +about the final tragedy. Next day Thursday 2 November Aske went on to +Hull[1314]. + +The Duke of Suffolk had caused considerable alarm to the Pilgrims by +occupying Grimsby and the neighbouring country[1315] in force as soon as +the truce was made. They considered that this was “contrary to the +appointment,”[1316] although of course the agreement did not include +Suffolk. Aske made Sir Robert Constable governor of Hull, and under his +directions the walls were put in a state of defence and a garrison of +two hundred soldiers was maintained there[1317]. Shipping was also +prepared, which alarmed the royalists in their turn. They thought that +the rebels’ object must be either to escape by sea, or to send for +powder and ordnance from abroad, and watch was kept to prevent +communications with Flanders; but as a matter of fact the preparations +were made partly in fear of an attack on Hull by sea, and partly to +intercept any succour which might be sent to Scarborough or +Berwick[1318]. + +The Pilgrims employed various methods to obtain the money needed for +their garrisons. Sir Robert Constable paid most of the expenses of Hull; +he “borrowed” the money, perhaps rather vigorously, from John Lambart, +who tried unsuccessfully to recover £165. 8_s_. 3_d_. from Sir Robert’s +brother Sir William Constable[1319]. Lambart had however received +sufficient security from Sir Robert[1320]. Dr Holdsworth the vicar of +Halifax had fled to his patron Sir Henry Saville. His goods were +confiscated and £10 of the money went to the defence of Hull[1321]. The +collector of customs attempted to fly to the King with three hundred +marks in his possession, but Sir Robert Constable seized him and swore +that that money should be spent first[1322]. The lead of Marton Priory, +which had already been removed from the building, was seized by the +rebels and assigned to Edmund (?) Copendale for sale. He paid over to +Aske for it in all £9. 13_s._ 4_d._[1323] Aske also obtained on 10 +November the Earl of Northumberland’s sign manual to use his “spice +plate” lying at Watton Priory, for the purposes of the rebellion. The +Prior of Ellerton was now in charge of the house during the absence of +the Prior of Watton[1324], and on the first summons refused to give the +plate up. Aske wrote again severely, saying that “it is pity to do +anything for that house that so unkindly orders me, who have done more +for religion than they can ever deserve,” and threatened that if he +complained of the prior’s conduct to the commons the house would be +plundered[1325]. Alarmed by this, the prior took the plate to Aske +himself, and the convent of Watton received Aske’s thanks four days +later[1326]. Some money may have been obtained by plundering the houses +of those who had fled to the King, but this was a very uncertain source +of revenue, as the plunder was usually divided among the spoilers who +carried out the work. Finally gifts were received from well-wishers, +particularly from the monasteries[1327]. + +In this connection may be mentioned the curious story of Harry Osborne +of Gloucester. He was serving with his father in the King’s army under +Sir Charles Trowen, and obtained leave “to go among the northern host to +know the fashion of them.” When he came back he seems to have drawn +freely upon his imagination; parts of his story are obviously untrue, +and the rest is very suspicious. He asserted in the first place that +Lord Stafford had joined the rebels with one thousand men[1328]. This +was not true, but it seems to have been widely rumoured. Wilfred Holme +thus enumerated the allies on whom the rebels depended: + + “They noised the Emperor with them was participate, + And the Bishop of Rome with the Scottish king commixed, + With them to commilitare they were clearly fundate, + And Ireland and Wales of their part was fixed, + The Earl of Derby outlawed, and of their part mixed, + And the Duke of Norfolk every cause accounted, + All commoners commoned with the Earl Staffort enixed, + And as for they of Lincolnshire a great sum surmounted.”[1329] + +Speed gives a list of the lords who were present at the second +appointment at Doncaster, among whom is Lord Streffre, which may stand +for Lord Stafford. All the names in this list are wildly misprinted, +e.g. Romemer for Bulmer and Clayer for Ellerker[1330]. Osborne also said +that “Lady Rysse,” i.e. Katherine Howard widow of Rice (Richard) ap +Griffith had joined them with three thousand men and had brought half a +cartload of plate, which was being coined for their use. Osborne +produced a groat which he asserted to be of their coinage, “and it is a +fay (true?) king Harry groat.” This story had an air of probability, for +Richard ap Griffith had been executed for treason in 1531, and his widow +might very well sympathise with the rebels[1331]. Also they would have +no difficulty in coining money, as there were mints at York and Durham, +and Hastings reported on 8 November that the rebels had made posts from +Hull by Templehurst, York and Durham to Newcastle “to prepare new +money.”[1332] These posts are mentioned again on 13 November[1333]. But +as nothing more is ever heard of “Lady Rysse” and her groats they may +have only existed in the vigorous imagination of Harry Osborne. + +Darcy depended for money on a cess regularly levied on the parishes. He +set to work to collect one as soon as the truce was proclaimed, and it +is a sign of the commons’ earnestness that they assisted in gathering +it. Sir Henry Saville seized the collectors at Dewsbury and forced them +to give up the money under pain of hanging as traitors, conduct which +caused much indignation among the Pilgrims[1334]. + +Meanwhile Aske left Hull for Wressell Castle, which he made his +headquarters, before Monday 6 November[1335]. On that day Suffolk wrote +to the Mayor of Hull requiring him to deliver up Antony Curtis, William +his servant, Robert Horncliff and Christopher Blaunde, who were lying in +prison in the town. The mayor and Sir Robert Constable refused to give +them up without a special order from the grand captain, who cannot +therefore have been in Hull that day[1336]. Curtis and Horncliff were +two of the messengers who had been sent by the Lincolnshire rebels to +Beverley. They had been cast into prison as liars on bringing news of +the failure of Lincolnshire[1337]. When this proved true they must have +been detained in revenge for the betrayal of Woodmancy who seems to have +been given up to Suffolk by the Lincolnshire men; for Morland, on flying +to Yorkshire, was driven out of Beverley because the magistrates said, +“Ye are worthy to have no favour here, nor ye may not tarry here, for +our messenger called Woodmancy, whom we sent into Lincolnshire, hath +been ill-entreated with you there and was cast into prison[1338].” On +Tuesday 7 November Suffolk sent the Mayor’s refusal to the King, with +the incorrect assertion that it came from Aske[1339]. On or before +Sunday 12 November, Horncliff and Curtis “brake the prison” and threw +themselves on the mercy of Sir Anthony Browne[1340] at Barton[1341]. He +sent them on to Suffolk at Lincoln, when they found that they had +escaped out of the frying-pan into the fire[1342]. A spy of Sir Francis +Brian’s reported that these two were said to have been “the beginners of +the mischief” and that Aske himself had told him that they “were the +first that sware him in Lincolnshire,” and afterwards raised +Yorkshire[1343]. After this information they were practically dead men, +and Suffolk at once petitioned the King that their property might be +bestowed on his own kinsmen[1344]. Yet even Suffolk seems to have +realised that the accusation was probably false, for Aske always said, +in authentic documents, that Hudswell first gave him the oath[1345]. +Nevertheless, Suffolk considered the story good enough to hang Curtis, +and he repeated it to him. Curtis was so indignant at the accusation +that he offered to go and kill Aske, although he was his kinsman. +Suffolk had the assassination of Aske a good deal at heart just then (20 +November), but he seems to have suspected that Curtis’ wrath was merely +an excuse for escaping back to the Pilgrims. At any rate he did not +accept the offer, though he reported it to the King. He also sent up +Curtis’ confession, but unfortunately it has not been preserved[1346]. + +Such was the position at the seat of war from Friday 27 October until +Sunday 5 November. Although Henry had resolved to suspend his answer to +the Pilgrims’ petition, Bowes and Ellerker were allowed to send a letter +to Pontefract by their servants. They described the progress of their +embassy and gave the reason for the delay in their return. Several +copies of this letter were sent for distribution among the northern +gentlemen, in order to test their temper towards the King. The servants +set out from Windsor for the north on Tuesday 7 November[1347]. At the +same time the King was preparing a swifter means of ending his +difficulty. + +On Tuesday the Duke of Norfolk sent for Percival Cresswell, a servant of +Lord Hussey, and ordered him to prepare to ride north. Next day Hussey +directed Cresswell to write in his (Hussey’s) name a certain letter to +Lord Darcy and to show it to the Council. After the Council had approved +of the letter Lord Hussey signed it, and Cresswell took it back to +Norfolk and the Bishop of Hereford. They sealed it up and gave it to him +with another letter from Norfolk to Darcy and also certain instructions +by word of mouth. His further orders were to ride post after the +servants of Bowes and Ellerker, and to pass through the rebels with +them: if he did not do this he must obtain a safeconduct, for on no +account must the letters be taken by the commons. + +Cresswell reached Doncaster before the servants and sent to Darcy for a +safeconduct, but before it came the other messengers arrived, and they +all went on towards Templehurst. One of Lord Darcy’s servants met them +and they arrived there on Friday 10 November. Darcy was in the garden +with about half-a-dozen of the commons and his servants. Cresswell paid +his respects to him, saying aloud that he trusted all should be well, +and secretly that he brought a private message from Norfolk and the +King. Darcy led him into the house, and on the way Cresswell managed to +pass the letters into his hands unobserved. Darcy went into an inner +room to read them, leaving Cresswell among the commons in an outer +chamber. They began to abuse Cromwell, and asked Cresswell whether he +had been dismissed from the King’s Council. Cresswell answered that he +had not seen Cromwell at court for the last two days, and that the +principal noblemen about the King were Norfolk, Oxford, Sussex, +Fitzwilliam, Paulet, and Kingston. Thereupon the commons exclaimed, “God +save the King and them all! for as long as such noblemen of the true +noble blood may reign and rule about the King all shall be well.” They +discussed the question of Cromwell’s dismissal a little longer, and then +told Cresswell that whatever answer Darcy and the gentlemen might make, +“If ye speak with the King’s highness ye shall show him, or else ye +shall show my lord’s Grace your master and other the foresaid true +noblemen of the Council, that if the King’s Grace do not send and grant +unto us our petitions, which we sent unto his Highness by the Duke’s +Grace your master, whatsoever letter, bill or pardon shall be sent on to +us we will not accept or receive the same, but send it to his Highness +again.” Cresswell remonstrated with them, but they replied, “if ye be a +true man ye will report the same, for that thing that moves us to this +is the faith we bear unto God, to the King’s person, and all his true +noble blood and the commonwealth.”[1348] + +Meanwhile Darcy had read the letters and had sent a messenger to summon +Aske[1349], who was at Selby that day[1350]. The letter to Darcy from +Norfolk was dated 6 November. It informed him that the King had written +answers to the articles “which be of such sort that in mine opinion +there is nothing to be amended therein.” Norfolk went on to complain of +the breaches of the truce. He then dropped into a confidential +vein,—people were saying unpleasant things about Darcy,—it was whispered +that he might have defended Pontefract longer,—that he was in an +agreement with Aske. Norfolk defended him as well as he could, and +always maintained, like a true friend, that Darcy had been constrained +by force; but what a splendid disproof of all these slanders it would be +if Darcy should capture Aske and send him up to Windsor “dead or alive, +but alive if possible, which will extinct the ill bruit and raise you in +the favour of his Highness.”[1351] Hussey’s letter was dated 7 November +and was much shorter. He had been in great trouble and danger, he said, +partly because he was accused of being Darcy’s confederate. The Duke of +Norfolk had delivered him, and now said that he would also befriend +Darcy if he would send up Aske “quick or dead.” Hussey therefore begged +him to accomplish the King’s pleasure[1352]. + +After reading these letters, Darcy sent for Cresswell. There were +several other gentlemen in the room, who were not very willing that +Darcy should speak to the messenger apart, but he promised to tell them +all that passed. Then he bade Cresswell declare his credence. Cresswell +replied that it was the same as the letters, in that Darcy would win the +King’s confidence and a great reward if he sent up Aske. Darcy’s answer +is rather refreshing reading: “I cannot do it in no wise, for I have +made promise to the contrary, and my coat was never hitherto stained +with any such blot. And my lord’s Grace your master knoweth well enough +what a nobleman’s promise is, and therefore I think that this thing +cometh not of his Grace’s device, nor of none other nobleman, and if I +might have two dukedoms for my labour I would not consent to have such a +spot in my coat.” Darcy evidently suspected that Norfolk’s message was +inspired by Cromwell, as Hussey’s letter undoubtedly had been. He did +not realise what a nobleman “of the true noble blood” was capable of +doing. Cresswell had nothing to say in reply, and they all went to +dinner. During the meal Aske arrived, and after dinner the captains of +the Pilgrimage held a council. On Saturday 11 November, after mass, +Darcy sent for Cresswell, and bade him tell the King that Darcy was now +doing him better service than he had ever done. As for Pontefract +Castle, he called the Archbishop and Archdeacon Magnus to witness that +there was neither powder, ordnance nor artillery in it, that the King +sent no reply to his letters, and that he had used all means to defend +it while he could. He begged the King to excuse him if he and the other +gentlemen “spake somewhat largely” against Cromwell, as that pleased the +commons best. To Hussey, Darcy sent no letter, but he bade Cresswell to +“have him recommended to him,” and to say that he was sorry for his +trouble[1353]. + +On Saturday at six o’clock in the evening Cresswell set out for Windsor +with letters from Darcy to Norfolk and to the ambassadors, and Aske’s +explanation of the alleged breaches of the truce. The captain stated +that he wrote to Sir Marmaduke Constable in Lancashire and Sir Thomas +Wharton in Westmorland only for their own protection. His other letters +were to stay the country. As for spoils, if there had been any since the +truce he was willing to make restitution, but he doubted if they could +be proved[1354]. Darcy’s letters are highly characteristic. To Bowes and +Ellerker he wrote that their delay was a far greater violation of the +agreement than anything that had happened in the north, and that their +letter was “taken but for a persuasion.” If they would bring back the +King’s answer themselves, it would do more good than twenty +letters[1355]. To Norfolk he expressed his joy that the King had been +graciously pleased to answer the articles in person. He denied that the +truce had been broken; on the contrary, he and the other gentlemen had +stayed Lancashire, Cumberland and Westmorland, although those counties +were not included in the appointment at Doncaster, because it was not +then known that they had risen. As for his surrender of Pontefract, he +had declared the whole circumstances to Cresswell, and again protested +his loyalty and his ill-treatment. Coming to the most important part of +the letter, the suggested capture of Aske, Darcy was as emphatic as he +had been to Cresswell. He was ready to serve the King as a scullion +“without a penny rent from his lands” but “alas, my good lord that ever +ye being a man of so much honour and great experience should advise or +choose me a man to be of any such sort or fashion to betray or disserve +any living man, Frenchman, Scot, yea, or a Turk; of my faith, to get and +win to me and mine heirs four of the best duke’s lands in France, or to +be king there, I would not do it to no living person.” Finally he +declared “roundly and truly” that there would be no satisfactory “stay” +until Bowes and Ellerker were sent back with the King’s full answer, and +in particular the promise of a free parliament and a full pardon, for +their letters were looked upon as mere persuasions[1356]. In writing +this letter Darcy, as perhaps he knew, signed his own death warrant. No +past service, no future pardon, could protect a man who so boldly +exalted his own honour above the King’s pleasure. + +After making his reply, Aske returned to Wressell Castle and sent out a +summons to all the gentlemen and leaders of the Pilgrimage to attend a +general council at York on Tuesday 21 November[1357]. It was hoped that +the messengers would have returned from London by that time; if they had +not, their letter would be shown and further steps would have to be +taken to bring the King to terms[1358]. No sooner had Aske and Darcy +disposed of one set of accusations than another sprang up. On Wednesday +8 November, the day that Cresswell left London, Sir Brian Hastings wrote +to tell Suffolk of a rumour that Darcy was about to march on Doncaster, +while Aske and Constable would transport the men of the East Riding, +Howden and Marshland by water to Gainsborough and Stockwith, and both +hosts would meet at Lincoln, where they intended to capture the weapons +collected there by Suffolk[1359]. On the same day Suffolk sent a force +from Lincoln to occupy Newark, led by Richard Cromwell, Sir John Russell +and Sir Francis Brian[1360]. This however was not in consequence of +Hastings’ report, for on Thursday 9 November Hastings received two +letters from Suffolk asking for news of the rebels. Hastings wrote back +the same day, referring to his earlier letter. He mentioned the arrival +of Percival Cresswell at Doncaster, and declared that if he had two guns +and ordnance he could keep the bridges there with his own men. He did +not think that the occupation of Newark was necessary, but there was +danger in north Lincolnshire. The rest of the letter was taken up with +his private grievances against Sir Arthur Darcy[1361]. Meanwhile he was +furthering the King’s cause in another way by acting as go-between from +the Earl of Shrewsbury to Sir George Darcy[1362]. Lord Darcy’s sons had +no sympathy with their father’s views. Sir George had joined the commons +only on compulsion, and was now eager to obtain a pardon and make his +peace with the King. + +Henry seems to have calculated a good deal on the effect that the +letters sent by Cresswell would have. If Darcy should kill or capture +Aske, there would certainly be another rising; leaderless and +disorganised by treachery, it would be easily suppressed. The King +therefore laid plans to deal with the situation which he hoped to +produce. Shrewsbury’s son Lord Talbot returned from court to Wingfield +on Thursday 9 November, bearing instructions that if the commons rose +again, Shrewsbury must advance to Derby and there hold the bridges. The +old Earl seems to have been quite tired of the whole business. He wrote +back that the water at Derby and the Trent four miles away at +Burton-on-Trent could not be held, there were so many fords and bridges, +and it would take ten thousand men or more to hold the Trent between +Newark and Burton. The rest of his letter contained better news for the +King; he mentioned the rumour that Darcy would seize Doncaster, which +gave an excuse for further delay of the messengers, and enclosed a +letter, which if revealed would endanger the life of the +sender,—probably one from Sir George Darcy[1363]. At the same time +Shrewsbury wrote to Cromwell begging to be excused from the chief +command on account of his age and feebleness[1364]. Of course the King +would not excuse Shrewsbury[1365]; his age, his great reputation, and +his well-known devotion to the Church of Rome made him too valuable to +be spared. + +Letters were sent on the 9th and 10th to the Earl of Derby and the +gentlemen of Cheshire and Lancashire, warning them to be ready to join +Shrewsbury at an hour’s notice[1366]. At the same time orders were sent +to the Earl of Rutland to occupy Nottingham, and he wrote to the King +that he had done so on Friday 10 November. His report was little more +encouraging than Shrewsbury’s. He had provisioned the castle and +inspected the river, but there were four bridges and nine fords. It +would require a great force to defend the castle and so much of the +river, but lying there was very chargeable. He had little money of his +own, as his rents from Yorkshire were stopped, and of the £500 that +Norfolk had sent him only £300 remained. The rest had been spent on +bringing up gunners, on posts and on fortifying the fords at Doncaster. +Moreover he had “no great experience in the war” and begged that some +expert man might be sent to help him[1367]. + +The news of these movements on the part of the royal troops shortly +reached the headquarters of the rebels. Roger Ratcliff was with Rutland +at Nottingham on Thursday 9 November. He was sent with letters from +Rutland to Derby, and returned with fresh letters from Derby to +Fitzwilliam, but as he passed through Wakefield he was captured by +Grice, who set him naked in the stocks and read his letters. News of +this reached Nottingham and was sent on Saturday 11 November in a letter +to one of Derby’s servants, which was also intercepted[1368]. + +The King now issued the proclamation and reply to the rebels which he +had drawn up as early as 2 November before seeing their articles[1369]. +This is the most probable explanation of a letter from the Council dated +11 November, which notified that the King had pardoned all the rebels of +Yorkshire except ten, and that the proclamation of this, with the King’s +answer to the rebels’ demands, was to be read in all market-towns[1370]. +Although the date of this letter is Saturday 11 November, it must really +have been issued earlier, for it was received that day at +Nottingham[1371], and what is more extraordinary at Skipton, where +Christopher Aske read it in Skipton market-place, to the great +indignation of the commons[1372]. + +All these proceedings on the King’s part show that he believed the +rising in Yorkshire to have collapsed as that in Lincolnshire had done. +He expected that by this time most of the commons would have gone +quietly home again and that the gentlemen would be ready and anxious to +make their peace. Only a few of the wilder spirits were still holding +out, and they could easily be dealt with, particularly if Darcy, as he +expected, captured or killed Aske. By acting on these assumptions Henry +nearly precipitated an outbreak. The commons were by no means pacified; +on the contrary they were with difficulty induced by the gentlemen to +observe the truce. The gentlemen realised that it was too late for +submission and that their only chance of safety lay in treating with the +King on equal terms. Finally Darcy indignantly rejected the suggestion +that he should betray Aske. Henry’s manœuvres set the whole of the north +simmering with irritation. Suffolk and the royal generals were very much +offended that messengers had been sent direct to the rebels, instead of +communicating first with themselves[1373]. Rutland, Shrewsbury and Derby +were grumbling at being ordered to carry out expensive operations +without money[1374]. Newark proved as difficult to defend as Nottingham +and Derby[1375]. Among the rebels the utmost suspicion was aroused by +the delay in the return of Bowes and Ellerker, by the vagueness of their +letter, and by the King’s proclamation, which seemed to throw back the +negotiations to the very beginning again. Darcy had his own reasons for +believing that the King did not intend to come to terms, and the +movements of the royal troops caused great uneasiness. + +The result of all this was an alarm which took place on the night of +Saturday 11 November. Men “in white coats” (the royal uniform) were +observed mustering secretly in a wood near Snaith. When Darcy was +informed of this he wrote to warn the honour of Pontefract[1376]. +Beacons were burned and the whole countryside rose[1377]. It was said +that Fitzwilliam had come “up the water to Thorne” with five thousand +men, and that he and Hastings intended to capture Darcy[1378]. To Darcy +this seemed the natural result of his reply to Norfolk’s letter. He +threatened that if Hastings burnt his house at Snaith he would “light +him with a candle to all the houses he had,” and prepared to go himself +to encounter the royal troops. His servant William Talbot saw him take +off his cap, saying that he set more by the King of Heaven than by +twenty kings, and though he might not ride he could go where he would if +he had a horse litter, and “the highest hill he could find there would +he be”; they might shoot at him as much as they pleased, for he would +kneel by his litter and say a prayer that would preserve both him and +all his servants. Then he caught Talbot “by the head and wrestled with +him and cast him down and swore by the (_illegible_) he waxed more cant +than he was of many day before.”[1379] In short Darcy was in high +spirits at the prospect of a fight at last. The alarm however was +quickly appeased. Hastings declared that he had only summoned his +neighbours because he heard that the rebels were going to raid his +cattle, as they had done before. The same night and next day letters +were despatched to Suffolk explaining the commotion and assuring him +that it was pacified[1380]. + +Nevertheless Darcy had many grounds for anxiety. Sir George Darcy’s +negotiations with Hastings and Shrewsbury, in which Sir Arthur Darcy and +William Maunsell, the vicar of Brayton’s brother, had also taken part, +were discovered by an intercepted letter, and the commons brought both +the letter and Sir George to his father[1381]. Darcy must also have +known that it was more than probable that his assassination had been +proposed as a test of loyalty to some other rebel, as Aske’s had been to +him. On Sunday 12 November he wrote to Shrewsbury, his old friend, in +whom he placed more confidence than in any of the other royalists[1382]. +The letter was sent by his servant Thomas Wentworth, who was instructed +to show openly a copy of the letter from Bowes and Ellerker, and to +Shrewsbury alone a copy of Darcy’s answer to Norfolk’s letter, “which +answer recites the effect of the whole letter, else I would have sent +both.” The other contents of the letter fall naturally into three parts. +First and most important, would Suffolk observe the truce or would he +not? Must the leaders of the Pilgrimage be constantly prepared for a +surprise attack, for capture or for assassination? Or would he lie quiet +until Bowes and Ellerker returned? On this point Darcy earnestly begged +that he might be told the whole truth. + +In the second place Darcy assured Shrewsbury that there could be no +permanent settlement until the messengers returned from the King with a +definite answer, and he begged him to use his influence to bring that +about. + +In the third place Darcy set forth his own grievances, for the Pilgrims +also had plenty of complaints to make about breaches of the truce. Sir +Henry Saville had prevented the levying of cesses, and now proposed to +go to the King[1383]. Sir Brian Hastings had caused the alarm the day +before; he was persuading gentlemen to forsake the commons, and had +arrested a load of corn at Doncaster[1384]. The Duke of Suffolk had sent +a herald with messages and had demanded prisoners from Hull[1385]. He +had also stopped the Duke of Norfolk’s servant and was making +threatening movements[1386]. Finally it was a great breach of the truce +that Bowes and Ellerker had not returned; the commons were very wild, +particularly in Cumberland, which was not really included in the +appointment; the gentlemen were doing their very best to stay +them[1387]. + +Shrewsbury replied to this letter on Monday 13 November. He assured +Darcy that the truce was being strictly observed by the royal troops, +and that Bowes and Ellerker would return shortly. Hastings had acted +only in self-defence, and if Saville had offended he should make +restitution. According to the terms of the truce all prisoners were to +be released; he for his part had sent back those that he had taken, and +he thought that Suffolk might fairly demand his. He concluded by +thanking Darcy for staying the commons[1388]. After Darcy’s servant had +returned, Shrewsbury received from Sir Brian Hastings his account of the +disturbance on Saturday night, and the capture of Sir George Darcy’s +letter[1389]. In other respects Hastings reported that the rebels were +“more gentle,” and that when they had examined a man and found nothing +against him they gave him “certain articles” which contained the oath to +be true to the King, his issue and the commonwealth, for the reformation +of heresies, the restoration of abbeys, the punishment of the subverters +of the law, and the re-appointment of noblemen to rule under the +King[1390]. Shrewsbury sent on all these documents and his own replies +to the King on Tuesday 14 November, at the same time expressing his +anxiety as to the fate of Sir George Darcy, and his hope that the King +would be satisfied with his answer to Darcy, as he had “not been +accustomed to make answer in any such causes.”[1391] This was as far as +Shrewsbury, who was an honourable man, dared go in condemnation of the +King’s plot against Aske. + +The alarm at Pontefract was only the beginning of further disturbances. +On Sunday 12 November there was an attempt to provoke a rising at +Beverley[1392]. On Thursday 16 November there were rumours of riots and +deer-slaying at Rawcliffe, Goole and Howden, and it was also said that +Scarborough was again besieged[1393]. The Earl of Derby heard on Monday +the 13th that Dent and Sedbergh were stirring again[1394], and shortly +afterwards there was a report in London that he had been attacked by his +own men, who were mutinous for want of pay[1395]. The Percys had +proclaimed the truce in Northumberland for twenty days, as soon as they +arrived there, at a county meeting which they summoned at Rothbury. But +they continued to plunder and hunt down the Carnabys; and the thieves of +Tynedale, especially little John Heron, were with Sir Thomas “as +familiar as they had been his own household servants.” Sir Thomas “took +upon him as lieutenant,” and even tried to hold the warden court with +the Scots wardens, but they suspected his authority and refused to meet +him[1396]. + +In Cumberland a muster was held on Wednesday 15 November at the summons +of Richard Dacre, who “took upon him to be grand captain of all +Cumberland,” and appointed as petty captains Christopher Lee a servant +of Dacre, William Pater and Alexander Appleby[1397]. The commons of +Westmorland wrote to Lord Darcy on the same day. They explained that +they would admit no gentlemen to their council, as they were afraid of +them, but they “had more trust in Darcy than any other” and they laid +their grievances before him[1398]. The questions raised by this list of +grievances will be considered later. The point at present is that +Cumberland and Westmorland were preparing to rise again. + +Meanwhile the royalists in Lincolnshire received some slight +encouragement. Gonson, who was lying with the royal forces at Grimsby, +sent out a “crayer” on 11 November, which captured two other “crayers,” +coming the one from York and the other from Hull, but as they were +harmlessly laden with salt they were set free on the 17th[1399]. By +means of a pursuivant communications were established with Hull on +Wednesday 15 November, and the King’s officers were able to buy wine and +sugar there[1400]. More important still was the fact that two gentlemen +of Marshland had contrived to convey professions of their loyalty to +John Cavendish at Burton; but as that part of the country was greatly +under Darcy’s influence, and as the commons were very suspicious, the +negotiations proceeded but slowly[1401]. + +The whole situation is best represented in the report which Thomas +Treheyron, Somerset herald, drew up of two interviews which he had with +Darcy on Tuesday 14 November. He had been sent to Templehurst by +Suffolk, nominally to inquire into the alarm of Martinmas day, but +actually to see what news he could pick up. His account is as follows: + + “The effect of the comynicacon betwene Thomas lord Darcy and Thomas + Treheyron[1402] otherwyse called Somerset herauld of arms and his + seyng etc. + + Apon Monday the xiii day of november Charles duc of Suffolk the kynges + lieu tenante in the countie of Lyncoln commanded Somerset the kynges + herauld of armes to goo from lyncoln in to the north to the lord + Darcy. And on tweysday the xiiii day he aryved at templehurst a goodly + place of the lord Darcys stondyng nygh the Ryver of ayre in the + countie of York. And at his comyng thyther, he was honorable reseyved + by the lordes offecers, and they brought hym through the hall in to a + fayre parler and Immedyatly that he was in the parlor the lord Darcy + sente one of his servants to hym prayng hym to take the payne to come + to the chamber to the lord his master and he went with hym were the + lord Darcy was; and whan he sawe hym he welcomed hym with his cappe + off and toke hym by the hande sayng Sir I thinkke ye have brought me + sum newys from the kyng our soverayn lord, and the herauld answered + that he came not from the Kyng but from the duc of suffolk lord lieu + tenante of the Kynges armye in the countie of lyncoln with certayn + messages from his Grace to [your _crossed out_] his [_written over + it_] lordshipe. than sayd the lord Darcy my felowe herauld I pray you + shewe me your messages sir sayd the herauld with a good wyll. + + The herauld. Sir my lord undrestondeth that apon Saterday last paste + a great nomber of the Kynges peple ded aryse abowght Pomfryte and this + partyes and sette bekyns on fyer. Sir his grace merueleth what they do + meane in so doyng, seyng that the entreate that was made betwene the + Duc of Norfolk, the erll of Shreysbury yow and other at Doncastre is + not it [_sic_, _probably_ yet] ended. Were-fore he desyeryth yow to + cause them to be in peax, and if they will not, his grace muste nedes + of necessite provyde for them of his parte, Whych he wold be vayrey + lothe to doo. + + The lord Darcy. my felowe herauld, my lord of Suffolk hath don lyke a + wyse prynce to send yow to me for this cause and I wyll Informe yow of + all the truyth thereof. it is true that on Saturday last paste, my + cossyn sir bryan hastynges sent XX of his men abowght his affayres to + a howse that he has on the other syde of the watter of don, and + beffore that tyme it was bruted amonges the comens, that he wold come + over the water in to this parties to th’ entent to take the goods of + the Inhabitance here In satisfacion for spollyngs and robyries don to + hym beffore that tyme, and after this Rumor [went? _word obliterated_] + amonges the peple, a folyshe woman perseyvyng his servantes in whyte + cotes nygh on to the water thinking verely they wold have come Indede, + to have Robbed them as it was beffore spokyn, Cryed owt alarum. and + other heryng this crye gyvyng therto to [_too_] lyght credens aryse, + and sett certayn bekins on fyer. but as sone as I hard thereof what + with love and fayre wordes I caused them to go home to ther howses in + peax and sythenz they haue ben all in peax, and to th’ entent that ye + may perseyve that this is true that I have sweed [_shewed?_] yow see + here a letter that my cossyn sir bryan hastynges sente to me, and by + that ye may perseyue the truyth[1403]. and he toke the letter and rede + it and the tenor thereof agreed with the wordes of the lord Darcy. + + The lord Darcy. my felowe nowe wyll I demand a questyon of yow, and + if your comyssion be so large I pray yow answere thereto beffore this + gentellman my cossyn and other that be here Sir it is comenly spokyn + amongest us that my lord of Suffolk is mynded to lay sege beffore the + town of hull and if he so do he shuld not do well as I think for it is + within our compossision What his grace plisure is therin I pray ye + swee us. + + The herauld. Sir by the fethe of a herauld my lord of Suffolk neuer + mynded to ley any sege to hull, ne to breke any poynte of the + compossicion made betwene the lordes and yow at Doncastre, nor hath + not stoped any of the passages, but suffreth every man as well on our + parties as of this to come [_and_] go with vytalle and to do any other + thinges at ther plesures, without any agen sayng of any man; but Sir I + am sure that suche speche cometh by cause that part of our armye lyeth + at barton apon Hombre and Grymsby, whyche ar nygh on to thos costes, + and you know my lord that so great a nomber of men as wee be can not + be vytalled and loged if they shuld lye all in one place and therfore + they do not remayn only in the townes affore named but also in the + Citie of lyncoln and all other townes and vyllages abowght the same, + to th’ entent they may be well vytalled and loged at ther ese, and not + for no other cause, and this my lordes grace commanded me to swee yowr + lordssip. + + The lord Darcy my felowe I am veray glade to here yow this say, and I + pray god thanke my lord of Suffolk for sending yow hyther to us with + this newys. and sirs I am glade yow ar here to here my felowes mesage + pray yow report it to our cappteyn and to other the comons for they + wylbe veryray glade to here it. for before they were in great dowght + thereof. + + The herauld sir my lord of Suffolks Grace understondeth that a lettre + that he wrotte to the lord of cumberland in comfortyng hym to kepe hym + self agenst the rebellyous[1404], for the whych name sum be angrye + therwith, he trusteth that yowr lordship: whych he hath hard ever + speke of so muche honor, ne no other man of nobillitie substance or + honest reputacion: will take hym self, in the lien of that name, but + they that be other and taketh them self for rebellyous his grace + thinkith he can not gyve them a fayrer name. + + The lord Darcy my felowe of truyth suche a letter came to our + cappteynes handes, and as toychyng rebellyous if ther be any suche I + wold to god, they were with my lord of Suffolk at lyncoln, and as for + me I trust to declare my self for non of them but for the Kynges true + servante, and I have don hym good servyce, I wyll shewe yow howe. Sir + at the first tyme that Aske reysed the peple here abowghtes [_noted in + margin_] I sayd to my ffryndes and servantz sirs wee can not do the + Kyng a hygher servyce, than take this felowe, and I layd suche wayte + for hym, that if he had kept the appoyntmentz that he made with + gentelmen to come and lye with them at ther howses at iii or iiii + nyghtes one after the other I had taken hym, but whan he appoynted to + be with ony of them at one nyght he wold not come in ii or iii nyghts + after, and whan I sawe I could not gett hym, and that the peple ded + aryse on every parte, ye and fother that I myghte not trust my own + tenantz, than I wente with as monye as I myght gett to the kynges + castell of pomifrytte to kepe and defende the same and I had with me + xiii^{xx} men at my own coste xiiii days, and put the kyng not to one + halfpenye of charge, and thyther came to me the archibussop of Yorke, + and master magnus thinkyng by cause I was an old man of warre, that by + my polycie they might have escaped. they can bere me record of all + this that I shew yow, and thair I sent lettres to the Kyng for yede + what answer I had from hys hyghnes I have redy to shewe, and also I + sent lettres to our lord lieu tenante and his answere I have in lyke + case to shewe, and every day the cappteyn wrytt letters charging me + apon payne of my lyff, that I shuld yeld the castell and do as they + wold do, and if I wold not, if they myght take me by fforce they wold + slee me, and all they that was with me, and ferther they wold born my + howses, and kylle my sons childern, than I beyng in this myschif seyng + no other remyde wold have made with them compossion, and this was on + the fryday at nyght, and I bade them xx li to spare me tell the morowe + ix of the cloke, and for all that I could doo with all the fryndes I + could make, they wold not respyte me but tell vii of the cloke, than + could I not hyere ne see no sucker come and I had not in the castell + so muche gowne-powdre as wold fylle a whalnot shell no nor I had not + so muche fuell as to dresse our supper, and ferther my vytalles that + shuld have come to me was eten and dronkyn in the strete beffore my + face, I than beyng an old man of warre and knowyng the feates therof, + perseyvyng my self in that danger and could escappe no otherwyse with + my lyff, for savegard of the same ded yelde my self, and I promysse + yow if I had not wrought politykly, it had cost me my lyff. + + The herauld my lord I think well that this is true that yow say, and + at that tyme ye could not have esscapped with yowr lyff no otherwyse + than ye dede, but whan yow were at the entreatie with the lordes + beffore dancastre, I am sure ye were a great dystance from the hoste, + I mervell than that yowr lordship had not gone from them with the + lordes for ye myght have esscapped ther handes at that tyme if it had + plesed yowr lordship. + + The lord Darcy my felowe I wyll shewe yow a taylle for that whan + Thomas fitz Garrard ded rebelle in Irelande he sente word to the duc + of Rychemonde howse [_whose_] sole god pardon that if he wold reseyve + hym he wold yeld hym to hym, and the duc answered full wysely and sayd + by my fethe if I were sure to gett hym his pardon, I wold be glade to + reseyve hym, but he that wyll ley his hed on the bloke, may haue it + sone stryken of [_note in the margin_: What he menyth by this and how + he knew that fizgarrard offred himself to my lorde of Rychmond]. + + and my felow I spake to my lord of Shryesbury with thes wordes Talbot + hold up thy longe clee and promyse me that I shall have the Kynges + favor and shalbe Indeferently hard, and I wyll come to dancastre to + yow, and th’ erll of Shryesbury sayd to me well lord Darcy, than ye + shall not come it [_sic_], and ferther if I had thought any treason I + myght have foughten with the duc of norfolk and th’ erll of + Shryesbury, on the othersyde of dancastre with ther own men and + brought never a man of our hoste with me. + + [_Note in margin_: how he knew that the duke of Norfolkes men woold + have fought agaynst hym.] + + The herauld my lord I think that muche that yow say is true but sir + were yow say that ye myght have foughten with the duc of Norfolk and + th’ erll of Shreysbury with ther own men by my truyth I thinke if ther + men ded promyse to tak your parte if ye wold come and fyght with them + they ded it to dysseve yow to the entent to haue gotten therby sum + pyllage or other profith, for they had not a subtillier meane to + dysseve ther enymys than to promyse them to fyght with them, and whan + it cometh to the poynt to fight agenst them, and so I think they wold + have proved yow and if you had proved them, and one thing I am sure of + that ther was never men more desyros to fyght with men than our men be + to fyght with yow and if it pleased the Kyng to suffre them. + + The lord Darcy well I pray god they be all as true as yow think they + be, but let that passe. if it please the Kynges highnes to send me my + pardon, although I have no nede of it if I myght be Indeferently hard, + onles they wyll say it is treason that I was amonges them, whych was + for savegard of my lyfe, as I have sayd, I wyll come to his highnes + were it will pleas hys grace to have me, and I hyere say that manye + persuacions be made by Cromwell and other to the gentillmen here to + come from hence to the kyng whome I pray god longe to preserve in + proprius helth hys highnes may well have them so that he pardon them, + but it is not so muche suerty for his own person to have them with hym + in brydwell as to have them here; for I can prove that wee have done + his highness as good servyce as though wee had byn in hys pryvye + chamber and as for my part I have byn and ever wylbe true both to kyng + henry the vii and to the kyng our soverayn lord and I defye hym that + wyll say the contrary, for as I have ever sayd one god one feth and + one kyng. + + The herauld. my lord ye say truyth wee can have but one god one feth + and one kyng, and my lord ye say that ye were true servant to kyng + henry vii and to the kyng our soverayn lord sir I think ye were true + to the kyng hys father and to his grace at ther coronacons whan yow + did your homage and fealty, my lord I pray yow pardon me that I am so + playn with your lordshipe, for ye I thinke may well say that ye were + ever true to kyng henry the vii, and by my feth I never hard the + contrary but my lord as to the kyng: howe can yow say that yow have + byn ever true to hym: seyng that yow have borne harnys agenst his lieu + tenante whych represented his own person for that tyme. + + The lord Darcy that that I ded was by constraynte for to save my lyf, + and that myght welbe perseyved whan we were at the entreatie at + dancastre, for by cause the lordes and wee tarried a whyll abowght the + entreatie our own hoste wold have ronned apon us to have kylled us + sayng that wee wold bytray them. + + The herauld well my lord of truyth in tymes paste whan I have byn + with your lordship at mortlake and at Westmynster I have hard yow + always speke of so muche honor truthe and fethfulnes, that if yow + shuld be falty in any of them ye were worthye beffore all other to + suffre for it. I trust yowr lordship will not be angrye with me that I + shewe yow as my hert thinkes. + + The lord Darcy no my felowe for yow say truth for I had rather have + my hed stryken of than I wold defyle my cote armor, for it shall never + be sayd that old Thome shall have one treators tothe in his hed, but + the King nor no other alyve: shall make me do any unlaufull acte, as + to stryke of your hed, and to send it hym in a sake, whych thing myght + be a rebuke to me and to my heyres for ever. [_Note in margin_ no. + the strykyng off the hede] + + The herauld my lord yow speke this as though sum mocyon hath byn made + to yow, to take your capptayn, and send hym to the Kyng, thinke yow my + lord that it were a unlaufull acte, to tak or kylle hym and send hym + to the Kyng, if he be a rebellyon as sum do take hym. + + The lord Darcy my felowe peraventure it were lawfull for yow and not + for me, for he that promysseth to be true to one, and deseyveth hym, + may be called a treator: whych shall never be seyd in me [_note in + margin_: no. the promise of the lord Darcy] for what is a man but is + [_his_] promysse, but for all laufull thinges whych is not agenst our + feth, he is not lyving that shalbe more redy to do his grace + comandement than I, for if his highness would comand me to go with yow + his herauld to defie the great Turk, by the fethe that I owe to god + and hym I wold do it with a good wyll as old as I am. + + The herauld my lord by cause ye speke of our feth howe say yow to the + excludyng of bushope [_sic_] of Rome, and his auctorytie, do yow + thinke that that is agenst our feth. + + The lord Darcy by my truth I think that is not agenst our feth, and + what I spake therin to Cromwell, he knoweth hym self well Inough. + + The herauld my lord I pray yow gyve me leve to aske other questyones + of yowr lordship. sir hyere yow that any other be upe ferther north. + + The lord Darcy my felowe is [_sic_] I hyer say that ther is a huge + nomber upe in Westmorland comberland and lancashyre, and have + mustered, and abowght the bushoppryche of Durem they begyn to spoylle, + and by cause yow shall hyere the truyth, ye shall hyere one of my + seruantz an honest hardy man, I wold the kyng had x m suche, and he + hath byn amongst them, and sawe ther musters, and than his seruante + whas called upe, and when he came, the lord Darcy commanded hym to + shewe the herauld what he had seen in Westmerland comberland and + lancashyre, than sayd his seruante that he had byn amongst them and + that he had seen them mustering and by ther report they were to the + nomber of vii{^xx} thowsand [140,000] men. + + The herauld I mervell not muche to hyre of that grete nomber that + yowr servante speketh of for I thinke well ther may be so many tage + and rage but truly of chosyn men of warre ther be not so many as I + think in al the north and half Scotland. + + The lord Darcy sir ye knowe not this countrey, for it is a countrey + greatly pepled Well I wyll speke no more thereof, but by my fethe + [_word obliterated_] letter that cometh nowe to my remembrance that + was sente to our cappteyn causeth my hert to blede, for it was wrytten + to hym out of thos parties that he shuld not shrynk in this busynes + and they wold send hym xxx, m men with a moneth wages in ther pursses + and ever that were don they wold send an other moneth wages and the + therd if nede shuld be, and besydes this they have xxx m men moo to + defend agenst the Scotts if they wylbe busie, for they have mustered, + and shewed ther selfes aginst the coste and all this is besydes our + companye. + + The herauld my lord if it be so it [_yet_] thanked be god the kyng + hath men Inough to meat with them all and one thing wee be sure of, + wee have the ryght if god be god, for I knowe that it is agenst the + lawe of god to be periured and ther is non that can fyght agenst the + King ther naturall soverayn lord ne agenst anie of his true subiectes + what quarell so ever it be with owt his grace comyssion, that can + excuse ther selves from periury. + + The lord Darcy ye say true if they were resonable men, but I wold to + Christ the King knowe the Jeobardy that is in it for as ferre as I can + perseyve by any thing that I can hyre the kyng is so encensed, that he + knoweth not the truyth, therefore I wold I myght speke with my son + bryan or my son Russell for I knowe that they dare and wyll speke to + the King the truyth I pray god all may be well, now my felowe by cause + it is cold, I pray yow take the payne to go with my servante ther, and + he shall brynge yow to a fyer to ese your self. + + And his servante brought hym into a fayre parlor were was a good fyer, + and brought hym a pasty of veneson brede wyne and bere, and made hym + good chere and after he had well esed hym self, the lord sent for hym + agen, and sayd My felowe have yow any thing els to say to me from my + lord of Suffolk. + + The herauld Sir ye, my lordes grace understondeth that it is comenly + noyssed here amonge yow, that our armye shuld Robe spoylle and vyolate + euery manes wyf doughter and servante and that ther shuld be put to + execution manye of the comons that hath submytted ther selfes, sir, + the truyth is that ther was never no suche actz comytted amongest us + except one Robyrie that was don on a preste for the whych one of our + own armye sir frances bryan servante was putt to execucion. + + The lord Darcy Sir shewe my lordes grace that wee hyre full well that + he doth good Justice, and specyally at Stamford by hym that cryed a + newe kyng[1405], for if he had byn amongest us in all our Rage he + shuld never have come to execusion, but wee wold have hewen hym in a + thowsande pees, wee love so our kyng, therefor it I say agen I wold he + were hanged by the neck that wyll refuce his pardon, for if his grace + wyll send it me not with stondyng I have no nede to have it if I myght + be Indeferently hard I wyll come to his grace let them burn this + house, and kyll my sons chyldern yf they wyll, so that I myght scappe + with my lyff from them, let this passe, sir I have reseyved a lettre + syns yow were here, I pray yow rede this artycle in it and the herauld + ded rede it, were in was wryten by hym that sent it after this maner, + My Lord I hard the Lord Cromwell say that yow were a notaryus treator, + and I answered that he was a false knave and yowr lordship shuld prove + your self a true man to the kyng, then sayd the lord Darcy, I beshrewe + hym for his labor, for I knowe I spak folyshe wordes of hym my self at + dancastre the whych nowe I am sorye for, for to say truth every man + had a begynyng and he that the kyng will have honored wee must all + honor and god forbyde that any subiect shuld goo abought to rule the + kyng in his owne realme or be agenst his plesure in any lawfull thing, + and my felow ther was sent me a ryme owt of Westmerland lancashyre and + comberland that makith me to lawgh, for by my truth I mervell how they + can make it, and yow shall have it with yow[1406], and he toke it to + the herauld whych brought it to the kyng, and ferther he sayd to the + herauld + + shewe my lord of Suffolk that the comens have beseged carlyell, and + the mayer hath proffered to be sorne [_sworn_] to them, and they wyll + not reseyve hym, but that they wyll have the towne, and the castell at + ther plesures, and also shew hym that my lord of comberland is in + great parell of his lyf for if the comens myght gette hym, they would + kylle hym for he is the worst beloved that ever I hard of, and + specially with his own tenants, and if ther be no remyde founde I + thinke he can not escappe, it the cappteyn [‘is his’ _crossed out_] + and he be come of ii sustres [_written in_] [son _crossed out_] and he + hath wrytten dyvers lettres for hym, I feth I wold he were in this + howse, than I wold trust to ryde hym out of ther haundes. + + The herauld my lord I pray you what means suld be founde to helpe + hym. + + The lord Darcy well my lord of Suffolk is wyse Inough and can devyse a + meane for hym full well, I pray yow have me humble recomended onto his + grace, and shewe hym that I pray god the kyng have not as muche nede + to tak side nerar home as here for and he sawe the lettres that cometh + dayly to our capteyn from all parties of this realme he wold mervell. + I pray god save the kyng. [_Note in margin_: An Interogatory upon + this.] + + and than the lord Darcy tok hym by the hand and gave hym a dowble + duket and to barwyk persyvante an angell and so wee tok our leve of + his lordship. + + + NOTES TO CHAPTER XII + +Note A. The date at which Sir Ingram Percy came to York is not known +with certainty, but his visit appears to have taken place about this +time. + + +Note B. Sir Brian Hastings misrepresented the summons in his letter of +13 November. “The rebels intended to have had a general council or +parliament at York on Saturday last but the posts from my Lord of +Norfolk, Sir Ralph Ellerker and Mr Bowes stayed them.”[1407] As a matter +of fact it was the posts which caused the Council to be summoned. +Hastings’ information was often inaccurate. + + +Note C. It seems that Ratcliff was either going to or returning from +Lancashire when he was captured, for otherwise he had no reason to go +near Wakefield, and as he was carrying letters to the Lord Admiral +[Fitzwilliam] it was probably his return journey. The letter containing +the news of his capture was written by Gervis Clyfton to Mr Bankes. +Robert Bankes gave evidence against the rebels before the Earl of Derby +on 2 December[1408]. He may have been the person to whom the letter is +addressed. + + +Note D. Thomas Treheyron, Somerset Herald, was murdered in Scotland by +two of the Lincolnshire refugees in November 1542[1409]. + + +Note E. The only other reference to this incident, which seems to have +been the appearance of the usual Yorkist pretender, is made by Wilfred +Holme, who says that + + ... “the commons before Doncaster + Ascribed a Carter to a king coequal in degree.”[1410] + + +Note F. There were a great many rhymes flying about and it is impossible +to identify this one. Many of the rebel manifestoes were roughly +metrical. The following is part of one which circulated in Westmorland +and Lancashire: + + “Gentle commons, have this in your mind, + Every man take his lands’ lord and ye have need, + As we did in Kendalland + Then shall ye speed. + Make your writings, command + Them to seal to grant you your petitions as your desire. + Lords spiritual and temporal, have it in your mind, + The world as it waveth, + And to your tenants be ye kind, + Then may you go on pilgrimage + Nothing you withstand, + And commons to you be true through all Christen land, + To maintain the faith of Holy Church + As ye have take on hand. + Adieu, gentle commons, thus I make an end. + Maker of this letter, pray Jesu be his speed, + He shall be your captain + When that ye have need.” + +This proclamation is printed twice in the Letters and Papers, vol. XI, +892 (3) and vol. XII (1), 163 (2). + +There was a song against Cromwell called Crummock, which was sung in +Westmorland in the time of the rebellion. It may have contained some +local allusion to Crummock Water[1411], but the commons of Yorkshire +also sang + + “Cosh, Crummock, cosh, I would we had thee here,”[1412] + +which must have likened the Lord Privy Seal to a bad-tempered cow. + +In the summer of 1538 Isaac Dickson commanded a minstrel who was singing +in an ale-house by Windermere to give the song called Crummock which he +had sung at Crossthwaite during the rebellion. The minstrel, who had to +adapt his wares to the party in power, did not dare to sing the song. +Dickson passed from threats to blows, but still the minstrel refused, +fearing the halter more than Dickson’s dagger. There was a brawl, and +both Dickson and the minstrel were arrested[1413]. + +In connection with Friar Pickering’s poem comparing Cromwell to Haman, +it may be noted that in the anonymous play of “Godly Queen Hester,” +which is attributed to Skelton, a similar parallel is drawn between +Haman and Wolsey, the suppression of monasteries by the latter being +likened to Haman’s persecution of the Jews. See “The Library” October +1913 “Early Political Plays” by M. H. Dodds. + + + + + CHAPTER XIII + THE COUNCIL AT YORK + + +On Tuesday 14 November 1536 the King decided that the Pilgrims’ +ambassadors must be sent back with some sort of answer, as the reports +from the north showed that delay was not producing so good an effect as +he had hoped[1414]. + +On Thursday 16 November Sir Brian Hastings sent to Lord Darcy a +complaint that the commons were killing the King’s deer[1415]. Darcy +wrote back next day in very good spirits, for he had heard that Sir +Ralph Ellerker and Robert Bowes were returning and would be at Doncaster +next day[1416]. Now that they were on their way home down the road over +which they had travelled with such anxious hearts three weeks before, +the two northern gentlemen made all the haste they could, and seem to +have reached Templehurst late on Friday 17 November[1417]. A post was +despatched on their arrival to summon Aske from Wressell, but rumour had +preceded it. Aske was told that Bowes and Ellerker had returned with +orders to arrest him, and he wrote to Darcy to inquire into the meaning +of this warning. Darcy replied with a most emphatic assurance that +“neither Sir Ralph Ellerker nor Robert Bowes, my cousins, nor myself +would for none earthly goods send to have you come hither but after a +just and true sort.” Darcy begged Aske to come at once, as his presence +was urgently required. A post must be sent to London that day, and +measures must be taken for the meeting at York and other matters. Darcy +advised him to bring William Babthorpe with him[1418]. + +The letter and credence of Bowes and Ellerker were laid before the small +council of the chief captains of the Pilgrimage at Templehurst on +Saturday 18 November[1419]. Darcy, Sir Robert Constable, Aske and +Babthorpe were present, and there may have been others. The report of +the messengers was not very satisfactory. The King’s reply to the +articles, written in his own hand, was not forthcoming. There was only a +verbal message, and when it was divested of Henry’s complaints about the +unnatural conduct of his subjects, reproaches for breaches of the truce, +and professions of clemency, all that remained was the statement that he +found their articles “general, dark, and obscure,” but that he would +send the Duke of Norfolk to Doncaster to make a full reply to them. The +rebels were to appoint three hundred representatives to meet the Duke, +and if they insisted they might have a safeconduct[1420]. Norfolk’s +letter was a little more explicit, as he suggested that the meeting +should take place on 29 November; he added that as a special compliment +to Darcy his kinsman Fitzwilliam had been appointed to attend the +meeting. As the letter was intended to be read openly, Norfolk made no +allusion to the capture of Aske, and merely replied to Darcy’s +remonstrance, “I have lived too long to think otherwise than truly and +honestly,” which was rather a doubtful argument[1421]. + +Darcy was very anxious that the King’s offer should be accepted at once. +He was better acquainted with Henry than the other gentlemen, and knew +that what appeared at first sight vague and unsatisfactory was really an +extraordinary condescension. He wanted to despatch a message of +acceptance immediately[1422], but the other captains were not so well +pleased and insisted on referring the letter and message, with the whole +question of peace or war, to the great council which had already been +summoned to meet at York[1423]. As it was to be held on Tuesday 21 +November, this meant only three days delay in the answer, which did not +seem an unreasonable length of time after the King had kept them waiting +for three weeks. The gentlemen had begun to assemble at York as early as +15 November[1424], and all would be ready on the appointed day. + +As the negotiations might come to nothing, the captains at Templehurst +debated as to what they should do if the treaty fell through and war was +declared. They made arrangements for garrisoning Hull, Pontefract, and +other places, and discussed the difficulties of obtaining provisions and +ammunition[1425]. It was decided that on the outbreak of hostilities +they must divide their forces into three armies to cross the Trent at +three different points, and a rendezvous was appointed on the south of +the river[1426]. They considered the question of opening communications +with the Emperor, who, they believed, would help them. Dr Marmaduke +Walby, vicar of Kirk Deighton and prebendary of Carlisle, had come to +Templehurst with Sir Robert Constable[1427]. It was resolved that he +should sail for the Netherlands to ask the Regent to send money, 2000 +arquebuses and 2000 horsemen, and to open communications with the Pope +on behalf of the Pilgrims. Darcy said that he would inform the Imperial +ambassador in London that Walby was going on this mission[1428]. Walby +was selected because he knew noblemen at the Regent’s court who had +formerly been ambassadors in England. He was given £20 for his expenses +and went to Hull, but before he embarked Darcy sent word that he was to +delay his journey; on hearing this he returned home and never took the +message[1429]. + +The captains who had met at Templehurst seem to have remained there +until it was time to go to York. Aske was at Templehurst on Sunday 19 +November[1430]. That night a warning was sent to Pontefract that Sir +Henry Saville had ordered all his men to muster at Rotherham on the +following day. Saville knew that “all the great men” were now “forth of +their business,” and it was feared that he was secretly cooperating with +the royal troops to capture Wakefield or Pontefract, possibly even +Templehurst and the captains there[1431]. This news was sent on from +Pontefract to Wakefield, where the energetic Thomas Grice seized Sir +Henry Saville’s men before they could set out, and compelled Brian +Bradford and others to take the Pilgrims’ oath before witnesses[1432]. + +Shrewsbury was told on 19 November that Thomas Grice was harassing Sir +Henry’s loyal tenants so that they were forced to fly to Rotherham and +elsewhere[1433]. On this report Shrewsbury wrote to Darcy to complain of +his steward’s conduct, and Darcy, after receiving Grice’s explanation, +wrote back to ask Shrewsbury to keep Sir Henry Saville in order[1434]. +It is possible that this was an actual attempt to capture the leaders of +the Pilgrimage when they were all together at Templehurst. Several +points suggest this explanation, as for instance the rumour which Aske +heard before he came to Templehurst[1435], the fact that no excuse for +Sir Henry Saville’s conduct was offered, although the previous alarm +caused by Sir Brian Hastings had been explained, Sir Henry Saville’s +prompt flight to Shrewsbury at Wingfield[1436], and Suffolk’s letter to +the King on Monday 20 November, the day after the supposed attempt had +been baffled by Grice’s vigilance. In this letter Suffolk wrote that the +apprehension of Aske and Constable was a very doubtful matter, which he +would not attempt unless he was sure that it could not come to their +knowledge until it was accomplished, as if suspected it would only cause +more mischief[1437]. This suggests that Suffolk had recently tried to +carry out the King’s request, but, having failed, wished to hide his +failure and to excuse himself from any further endeavour. + +Norfolk and Fitzwilliam had already set out from London, and had +advanced as far as “the house of Sir Robert a Lee,” at Quarrendon in +Buckinghamshire[1438], when they were met by a messenger from Bowes and +Ellerker sent to tell them that the Pilgrims had not yet decided to +treat with them[1439]. Norfolk wrote to Darcy on Monday 20 November, +complaining bitterly of the alarm on Martinmas day, which he attributed +to false persons who desired to prevent a peaceful settlement of the +trouble. He begged Darcy to use all his influence on behalf of peace, +and assured him that on the King’s side nothing was “thought or meant to +impeach the same our good purpose.”[1440] The Pilgrims’ suspicion had +naturally been awakened by the network of royal plots which they +discovered or half-discovered. They were no longer so sure as they had +been in the beginning that the King was the fountain of honour, and that +Norfolk was as straightforward as they were themselves. It was +unfortunate that they were cheated again by Norfolk’s fair words. + +In spite of the delay in the Pilgrims’ answer, Norfolk and Fitzwilliam +decided to continue their journey in order to review the royal troops, +inspect the fortifications at Nottingham and Derby, and consult with +Suffolk at Newark[1441]. + +On Tuesday 21 November the great council of the Pilgrims assembled at +York. The building where they held their meetings is never named. Darcy +was not present; the captains agreed to excuse him on account of the +difficulty which he had in travelling, and he remained at home until the +second great meeting which they had already determined to hold at +Pontefract[1442]. The captains who are named as being present at York +were Robert Aske, Sir Robert Constable, Sir Stephen Hamerton[1443], +Nicholas Tempest, Lord Latimer, Sir James Strangways, Robert Chaloner, +Sir Ralph Ellerker, Robert Bowes, William Babthorpe, William Stapleton, +Lord Scrope, Sir Nicholas Fairfax, and Sir Richard Tempest[1444]. There +were in addition about 800 of the lesser gentlemen and commons, as a +certain number had been chosen out of every wapentake or parish to +attend the meeting[1445]. The Abbot of Holm Cultram gave 40s. to the +representatives from Penrith[1446]. Among these less important persons +were Marmaduke Neville, a younger brother of the Earl of +Westmorland[1447], one Walker, John Fowbery, William Aclom, and Robert +Pullen[1448]. There were also some royal spies, for instance Hugh +Hilton, a servant of the Earl of Huntingdon[1449]. The most interesting +of these spies was Christopher Aske. He had arrived at Wressell Castle +on Friday 17 November, under safeconduct, to lay before Robert Aske the +injuries that the Earl of Cumberland had received from the commons. On +his arrival the two brothers fell into an argument as to whether Robert +could have taken Skipton Castle or not. Robert said that though it was +strong the defenders wanted artillery and powder, and he could have +taken it easily. Christopher replied that it was impregnable, and should +never be taken while the Earl and he himself were alive. In describing +this conversation to Norfolk months afterwards, Robert acknowledged that +he had been misled by an intercepted letter from Cumberland which really +related to the weakness of Carlisle, and consequently perhaps he could +not have taken Skipton. While the brothers were discussing this +interesting point, Darcy’s letter announcing the arrival of Bowes and +Ellerker was brought to Robert, who hastily prepared to ride to +Templehurst with about sixty of his men. His followers grumbled at the +sudden summons because they had not yet had their dinner, and said “a +man was worthy his meat, or else his service was ill.” Christopher took +the opportunity to assure his brother that the commons would turn +against him and either kill him themselves or give him up to his enemies +“like Jacques Dartnell, William Wallas and others.” Much the wisest and +safest course for Robert would be to go and make his peace with the +King. Robert, however, was no fine gentleman; he thoroughly understood +his rough followers, and paid not the smallest attention to +Christopher’s prognostications. His Yorkshiremen never betrayed +him,—that was reserved for the King. While Robert was away Christopher +contrived to go through his brother’s private papers, and found the +scheme for invading the south which had been drawn up in case the +negotiations at Doncaster should fail. Christopher afterwards went to +York and there “demeaned himself so covertly that he returned to +Cumberland knowing all their purposes.”[1450] + +The first business of the great council at York was to appoint two +hundred representatives to deal with the questions before them[1451]. +Robert Bowes gave an account of his mission to this body, telling them +everything that had been said and done before the King and his Council, +mentioning the proposed conference at Doncaster, and reciting “the +goodness of my lord Privy Seal to the commons promised by his word—and +therewith he stayed.” Henry and Cromwell had made good use of the time +that the ambassadors spent at court by winning them entirely to the +King’s side. Bowes and Ellerker were not influenced in any dishonourable +way, but they came back quite convinced of the King’s good faith and +mercy, and satisfied that the Pilgrims might safely disband, since their +purposes were accomplished. As far as they were personally concerned +they were right to believe in Henry’s goodwill, for they were both +trusted and employed by him after the rebellion. + +When Bowes had finished his speech Sir Robert Constable requested him to +withdraw while the council debated on it. Constable then laid before +them a very different matter[1452]. + +Young Sir Ralph Evers had been besieged in Scarborough Castle as early +as 17 October[1453]. Supplies had been sent to him about 27 October, +rather against the King’s will, as he was afraid the rebels would +capture them[1454]. They arrived safely, and after the truce, when the +siege was raised, Evers wrote to ask Suffolk for more[1455]. His request +was sent up to London on 5 November, and on 10 November Cromwell himself +wrote to Evers[1456] and sent the letter to Thomas Hatcliff at Lincoln. +Hatcliff despatched a trusty messenger with £100 and the letter to +Grimsby, where they were entrusted to Edward Waters to be conveyed to +Scarborough[1457]. On Wednesday 15 November he embarked in a “crayer,” +and for some days no further news was heard of him by his +comrades[1458]. He was, however, almost immediately captured by the +commons of Beverley and the Wold under the leadership of John Hallam, +and the siege of Scarborough Castle was at once renewed. Hallam “wrung +Waters by the beard” and threatened to cut his head off. By this +violence he extracted from him the confession that Cromwell had sent +him[1459]. To save himself Waters produced Cromwell’s letter. The +commons divided all the loose cash on the ship among them, receiving 3s. +each, but they sent to Aske the £100, Edward Waters, and Cromwell’s +letter. Waters remained with Aske, but his troubles were now over and he +was not treated like a prisoner. He had a servant, a chamber and a +feather bed of his own, and spent his time in hunting and +shooting[1460]. + +It was the letter which had been captured on this occasion that Sir +Robert Constable now read to the council of the Pilgrims at York, in +order that they might compare it with “the goodness of my lord Privy +Seal to the commons, promised by his word.” On 10 November Cromwell had +written that if the Pilgrims continued longer in rebellion they should +be so subdued that “their example shall be fearful to all subjects +whiles the world doth endure.”[1461] The reading of this letter +naturally made a great impression on the assembly. The flat +contradiction between the two messages confirmed the suspicion that the +King’s conduct had awakened. The Pilgrims doubted whether it would be +safe to treat with the King while he was under the influence of a man so +unscrupulous as Cromwell. Sir Robert Constable gave his advice most +decidedly, “as he had broken one point in the tables with the King he +would break another, and have no meeting, but have all the country made +sure from Trent northwards, and then he had no doubt all Lancashire, +Cheshire, Derbyshire and the parts thereabout would join with them. +Then, he said, he would condescend to a meeting.”[1462] But there were +strong influences on the other side. Darcy was known to be in favour of +the conference[1463]. Babthorpe spoke on the side of peace[1464]. Aske +adhered steadily to his policy of trying every means to obtain peaceful +redress of their grievances before they resorted to force. The King had +replied to the articles, although the Pilgrims had not yet received his +answer. It would be the height of inconsistency to present a petition +and then refuse to receive the reply. They would commit themselves to +nothing by agreeing to confer with the Duke of Norfolk, and much good +might result from the conference. The treachery which they all resented +so bitterly must be due to the evil influence of Cromwell, but +Cromwell’s power, as they hoped, was waning. They were going to treat, +not with Cromwell, but with Norfolk, and Norfolk was faithful and +honourable. He would perform his promises, and once he was restored to +his place at court he would bring the King back to a better frame of +mind. Such seem to have been the arguments employed by the advocates of +the conference, but no further record of the debate remains. In the end +the peace party prevailed, and it was decided that three hundred +representatives should be sent to Doncaster to meet Norfolk and to hear +the King’s reply on St Nicholas’ Eve, Tuesday 5 December[1465]. This +date was fixed upon in order to give time for sending messages into +distant parts of the country[1466]. + +The next point to be discussed was the King’s complaint that the +articles which had been sent to him were vague and obscure. To remove +this difficulty it was resolved that another general council should be +held at Pontefract two days before the conference at Doncaster. Every +shire or wapentake would be desired to send the discreetest men to +represent it, and the representatives must bring up a list of the +grievances of their own district[1467]. This order resembles the +“cahiers” of the Third Estate at the meeting of the States General in +1789. All the grievances were to be laid before the general council and +digested into a set of articles explanatory of the first, and this new +set of articles would be sent to Norfolk. At the same time the +Archbishop of York and other learned men were to be requested to draw up +spiritual articles setting forth all the grievances connected with +religion[1468]. It was further resolved that Lord Darcy should be +instructed to have everything prepared at Pontefract for the meeting, +and a list was drawn up of the districts from which the three hundred +were to be summoned, with the names of the principal gentlemen and the +number of commons who were to appear from each place[1469]. + +After the most important business of the meeting was completed, minor +points were considered. Complaints were made of the behaviour of Sir +Henry Saville, and it was decided that the whole matter should be +entrusted to Darcy, as he was already in communication with Shrewsbury +about it[1470]. A letter was drawn up requesting the Earl of Cumberland +to surrender Skipton Castle; Lord Scrope, Sir Richard Tempest and others +were appointed to carry it, but in the end it seems to have been sent by +Christopher Aske[1471]. All the resolutions of the meeting were written +down, and a report of them was sent to Darcy[1472]. + +This seems to have been all the business which was transacted that day, +and at the end of the afternoon sitting all dispersed to their +lodgings[1473], Constable and Bowes being at the house of Sir George +Lawson[1474]. + +Next morning Wednesday 22 November the council met again. Another +obstacle in the way of peace was laid before them. There were +disturbances in Lancashire, and in Dent and Sedbergh[1475]. Derby had +written to Fitzwilliam on 19 November to say that he was under an +obligation to melt down the lead and bells of the suppressed priory of +Burscough before 30 November, but he was afraid to do so as it might +provoke a fresh rising. He therefore asked the King to grant him +respite. As the letter was not despatched before Sunday 19 November, he +probably had received no answer and the rumour that he was going to +fulfil the obligation was causing fresh unrest[1476]. When the matter +was laid before the council at York, Sir Robert Constable again took the +side of resistance, and advised that nothing should be done to +discourage their allies in those parts. William Babthorpe spoke on the +other side, and in the end a compromise was reached[1477]. Darcy was +requested to communicate with Shrewsbury in order that the Earl of Derby +might be restrained[1478]. In the meantime, orders were sent to Craven, +Kendal, Dent, Sedbergh and Lonsdale that if Lancashire mustered they +were to muster also and send word to the captain[1479]. The council felt +justified in giving this order by Cromwell’s letter and the attempted +relief of Scarborough, which were “contrary to the appointment.”[1480] + +A letter was drawn up and sent to Norfolk to suggest arrangements for +the conference at Doncaster. This letter has been lost,—may we imagine +that Henry tore it up in a fit of rage?—but its contents seem to have +been as follows:— + + (1) The Pilgrims complained that Waters’ expedition to Scarborough was + a breach of the truce[1481]. + + (2) The meeting at Doncaster was to take place on St Nicholas Eve, 5 + December[1482]. + + (3) It was requested that there might be a truce for fourteen days + after that date[1483]. + + (4) The Pilgrims required safe conducts for those who were to meet + Norfolk, and hostages for Aske, as he ran the greatest risk[1484]. + + (5) They desired that the meeting might take place on neutral + ground[1485]. + +The other business which came before the council that day related to the +restored monasteries; as the rebels had put the monks in again the +latter turned to the leaders for help in the difficulties of their new +position. In reply to one of these appeals the council ordered that +Robert, Prior of Guisborough, should enjoy his office, and Sir John +Bulmer was required to see that the order was executed[1486]. The Prior +of Sawley had sent his chaplain to Aske to desire counsel touching the +house. The chaplain spoke to Nicholas Tempest, who advised him to find +friends to plead his cause at the great council at Pontefract[1487]. + +There remains no record of the business which the council at York +transacted on Thursday 23 November. There was probably some discussion +of the grievances which were to be considered more fully at Pontefract. +It was commonly said that the statute empowering the King to appoint his +successor by will had been framed in order that Cromwell himself might +be made the King’s heir. Earlier in the year it had been said that he +was plotting to marry the Lady Mary[1488]. Now the story went that he +was to have married Lady Margaret Douglas, the King’s niece, and that +when her secret marriage with Lord Thomas Howard was discovered, the act +of attainder against Lord Thomas had been procured so that it might +still be possible for Cromwell to marry Lady Margaret. When John Hallam +returned to Scarborough from the council at York, he reported that the +council had resolved that the statute must be repealed and that the Lady +Mary must be acknowledged as the King’s heir, for if these measures were +not taken the King would make Cromwell his heir[1489]. + +The commons stated very emphatically that they would have no pardon but +by Act of Parliament, and that Parliament must be held at some place +where all could come and go safely. On this point one of the petty +captains named Walker said to Aske at the council, “Look you well upon +this matter, for it is your charge, for if you do not you shall repent +it,”[1490] a prophecy which was sadly fulfilled. The commons of +Westmorland had already delivered a list of their grievances, and Aske +sent back instructions that they must inquire into the visitation of +Legh and Layton, and take the opinion of the clergy of Cumberland and +Westmorland on matters of faith[1491]. Altogether the sitting seems to +have been a stormy one, and a spy reported that he thought the Pilgrims +would come to no agreement with Norfolk at Doncaster[1492]. + +On Friday 24 November an order was made, by the advice of Bowes[1493], +that there should be no plundering, musters nor casting down of +enclosures until the meeting at Doncaster, unless “commanded by our +captain general or else warned by burning of beacons and ringing of +bells awkward,” which alarm would only be given on sufficient +grounds[1494]. There is no record of any other business, and the council +seems to have broken up on Saturday 25 November. + +The break up of the council at York was followed by an uneasy movement +through all the rebel country. Suffolk was alarmed by a report that the +beacons of Holderness, Howden and Marshland were burned on Thursday and +Friday, 23 and 24 November, and that musters were being held +there[1495]. Sir Ralph Ellerker returned to Hull on or before Sunday 26 +November, and the garrison tried to stop the communication which had +been established between Hull and Grimsby[1496]. On the night of 28 +November armed men with their faces blackened went round the parish of +Chorley in Lancashire, under the leadership of John the Piper, and +forced the inhabitants to take the oath to God, the King and the +commons[1497]. Lord Monteagle could not collect his rents in Kendal, and +arrested a vicar who spoke in favour of the rebellion[1498]. + +While the council at York was sitting Norfolk and Fitzwilliam were +inspecting the lines of defence prepared by the royal troops. Their +arrangement was as follows: + +Gonson was in command at Grimsby, and Sir Anthony Browne at Barton, with +his men disposed along the Trent from Barton to Gainsborough[1499]. Sir +Brian Hastings held Doncaster, and had fortified the bridge, while on 22 +November the Earl of Rutland sent Sir Nicholas Sturley with six pieces +of ordnance, 100 men and gunners to occupy Tickhill Castle, five miles +south of Doncaster. Shrewsbury had made sure of Rotherham, as the idea +of fortifying Derby had been given up[1500]. + +Suffolk and his staff were at Lincoln. The Duke occupied the Dean’s +house, and in the Cathedral was the harness which had been collected +from the Lincolnshire rebels. In the castle were about 140 prisoners, +several of whom had been saved from execution by the truce. The villages +along the Humber and the Trent were occupied, and the boats had been +collected so that they might be instantly destroyed if there was an +alarm. The council, that is probably Suffolk’s council, had resolved to +build a tower on a hill between Lincoln and the Trent[1501]. + +The captains at Newark were Sir Francis Brian and Sir John Russell with +700 men. This was also Richard Cromwell’s post, but he had been sent up +to the King. The castle was supplied with ordnance, and the people of +the neighbourhood had been ordered to bring in a certain quantity of +grain from each township. They were submissive and feared Lord Borough +and the Lincolnshire captains. The bridge was being fortified, and a +drawbridge over the Trent was being built at Muskham, a village to the +south of Newark, but the river was very shallow and difficult to defend, +except when the floods were out[1502]. After the wet October, the +weather was better about the middle of November and the water fell. The +castle would only hold 100 men and had no supply of water[1503]. + +At Nottingham the castle was held by the Earl of Rutland with four or +five hundred men, and the gentlemen of the neighbourhood, who sat in +council with him weekly. It was provisioned and supplied with corn in +the same way as Newark. Rutland had built a new drawbridge and +fortifications. The country people were loyal[1504]. The castle was well +supplied with ordnance, but more gunners and powder were needed, as +Suffolk and Shrewsbury were always sending for powder, which Rutland +could ill spare[1505]. + +All the royal commanders were constantly writing for money, but a fairly +adequate supply was now forthcoming[1506], though the King was so +anxious to be economical that John Henneage received orders to pay none +of the monastic pensions or debts in Lincolnshire except in very urgent +cases. On 27 November Suffolk remonstrated warmly against such an +impolitic means of saving. He would rather pay the pensions out of his +own pocket, he declared, if he had the money, than that the men of +Lincolnshire should be made to remember their late folly, and to suspect +that the charges of the suppressed houses would not be paid[1507]. Half +the debt was paid and the other half held over[1508]. + +When he despatched Ellerker and Bowes to the north, the King wrote to +Suffolk on 14 November that a free pardon might be proclaimed to all +Lincolnshire men except those who were in prison. Henry stated that he +was moved to this clemency by comparing the repentant demeanour of +Lincolnshire with the continued rebellion of Yorkshire. Part of the +weapons which had been collected might be restored to the most +trustworthy gentlemen, to distribute among men of approved loyalty, but +great care must be exercised in this. If Norfolk summoned Suffolk to be +present at Doncaster, he must leave Sir Francis Brian and Sir William +Parre as his deputies at Lincoln[1509]. Suffolk received these orders on +the 16th, and wrote back to report the position on the 18th. He begged +the King to appoint some place for storing the weapons which were not +given back; the orders as to fortifying Doncaster, Newark and other +places had been carried out, but Suffolk reminded the King that he had +only 3600 men to hold a river line of fifty miles[1510]. + +Such was the general disposition of the royal troops while the Pilgrims +were holding their council at York. + +Norfolk and Fitzwilliam approached slowly. On Wednesday 22 November they +had reached Towcester and received news of the alarm caused by Sir Henry +Saville on the 19th. Norfolk wrote Darcy a letter of reproof for +“innovations attempted,” which he forgot to sign[1511], and it must have +given Darcy some small satisfaction to be able to point this out in his +reply of Sunday 26 November to “your letter, as I think by the seal, but +it is unsigned.” His reply contained only an assurance that the +disturbance was entirely due to Saville, and that he desired peace as +much as Norfolk[1512]. Darcy had written to Sir Brian Hastings as early +as 20 November to arrange for lodgings in Doncaster for the +conference[1513], but the King’s captains were surprised to hear a +rumour that he intended to bring 10,000 men there on Thursday 30 +November and that 10,000 more were summoned to meet at Wakefield on the +following Monday[1514]. + +Norfolk and Fitzwilliam reached Leicester on Friday 24 November, where +they received the letter which had been drawn up by the council at York +on the 22nd[1515]. They despatched a copy of it to Suffolk[1516] and +sent the original to the King, who replied to it on Monday 27 +November[1517]. + +Henry’s answer is one of those documents which fill the reader with +reluctant admiration and reveal the secret of his constant success. It +shows the attitude which the King had deliberately assumed towards the +rebellion. According to his version of the event, a few unscrupulous +persons had misled the commons of Yorkshire by false stories about the +acts of the King’s parliament. The ignorant commons had thereupon risen +and forced the gentlemen to join them by threatening their lives. The +gentlemen, however, although they had taken the treasonable oath, had +succeeded in staying the commons, and after inducing them to disperse +quietly had sent two gentlemen to the King to explain their unwilling +treason and to sue for pardon. This the King was willing to grant to +them, in consideration of the ignorance of the commons and the force +used to the gentlemen, on condition that the seditious persons who had +first stirred up the tumult were taken and surrendered to the royal +justice. The chief of these seditious persons of course was Aske. Henry +put forward this account of the rising so consistently and so firmly +that he convinced not only his contemporaries but also his historians, +and it has been so universally accepted that it is necessary to consider +whether it is really true, and all the foregoing history a mere +exaggeration. The answer to this question is given by the preparations +against the rebels which have just been described. Henry was the last +man in the world to garrison a chain of forts from Grimsby to Nottingham +and to spend thousands of pounds on keeping an army under arms for two +months merely to suppress a trivial rising of discontented labourers. +The gravity of the situation was perfectly apparent to the King, but he +knew the value of telling a consistent and dignified story, not only to +foreign courts and to the south, where news came so slowly and +uncertainly that the King’s account was sure to be accepted, but even to +the rebels themselves. It is difficult at all times to believe that a +clear, firm statement is a deliberate lie, and it was particularly +difficult for the northern gentlemen to believe that the King was lying. +The whole tone of the King’s letter was such as to make the gentlemen +feel small and ashamed of themselves, and yet to suggest that if only +they would be sensible and come up to the King, as any reasonable person +would do, they might still be safe and recover their self-respect. + +Henry began by marvelling at the expressions used in their last letter, +which sounded almost as if they made themselves a party with the +commons. As for their complaint that he had broken the truce by +attempting to send letters and money to Scarborough, he did not even +condescend to reply to it directly. Of course the King must be at full +liberty to send anything he pleased to any of his subjects at any time +or place. + +He went on to declare that he would not send Norfolk and Fitzwilliam to +the Pilgrims until he was better assured of their loyalty. Now the +Pilgrims did not want Norfolk to come before 5 December; until then they +would have been much better pleased if he had stayed with the King. But +Henry contrived to put his threat in such a way that the readers of the +letter would probably never think of that, and would feel that Norfolk +really must be allowed to continue his journey if possible. + +In the third place Henry remonstrated against the suggestion that his +own subjects, resorting to the man appointed as his deputy, should +require a safeconduct, a neutral meeting-place, a special truce and +hostages. It was not like subjects petitioning their king, but like a +war between princes. They were perfectly mad to make such a demand, and +if they were not careful he would take measures to cut them off as +corrupt members. + +In the fourth place, Henry “thought no little shame” that the northern +gentlemen allowed “such a villain as Aske” to subscribe their letter +before them all. Aske was “a common pedlar in the law,” whose “filed +tongue and false surmises have ... brought him in this unfitting +estimation among you.” In the opinion of Henry and all his nobles the +honour of the gentlemen was greatly touched in that they had allowed +such a thing. + +This was the boldest and cleverest stroke in the whole letter. The +gentlemen complained that the King’s minister Cromwell was base-born and +not fit to sit on the royal council. The King retorted that their leader +was a villain, that is, not a scoundrel in the modern sense, but a +villein or serf, a man born unfree. Henry’s accusation was quite +groundless; Aske’s family was armigerous, and he was cousin to half the +gentlemen in Yorkshire. Nevertheless the King’s assertion was likely to +do almost as much harm as if it had been true. The grand captain was +regarded with jealousy by many gentlemen who had not the courage to hold +his post, and if the King told them that their honour was touched in +following him, then it must be touched; the King must know best. + +Finally Henry closed his letter by declaring that in spite of everything +he would still be merciful. If the Pilgrims would permit free recourse +to the King on the part of his subjects, withdraw from the castles and +towns they were holding, send the ship that they had taken to Evers, and +“show their submission by deeds,” _i.e._ by surrendering Aske to the +King, he would perhaps be graciously pleased to pardon them, though he +did not actually promise to do so, but if they did not do all this +immediately then he did not intend that Norfolk should “common with them +further.”[1518] + +Though he took this high tone in writing to the Pilgrims themselves, +Henry did not neglect other precautions. He instructed Norfolk to make +sure of Doncaster and Rotherham[1519], and told Suffolk that he might +promise pardons to the gentlemen of Marshland who had entered into +communication with him[1520]. On receiving a copy of the Pilgrims’ +letter, Suffolk had written to the King in great alarm to excuse himself +from any complicity in the despatch of Waters to Scarborough[1521], but +Henry was quite prepared to pass over that incident and did not even +refer to it. As he believed that Sir Robert Constable was still at York, +he ordered Suffolk to practise with the townsfolk of Hull, in order that +the town might be seized at the first favourable opportunity[1522]. + +Other measures were also taken. The royal spies in the north endeavoured +to frighten the commons by spreading reports that the Emperor and the +King of France were coming to help Henry, each with 40,000 men, and by +exaggerating the number of the musters at Ampthill. They reported that +the commons were in great dread of the King’s ordnance, having little of +their own[1523]. + +As it was the religious grievances which made the rising so threatening, +the King proceeded to demonstrate his orthodoxy in the usual way, by +persecuting the heretics. “This year, 12 November, being Sunday, there +was a priest bore a faggot at Paul’s Cross standing in his surplice for +heresy, which priest did celebrate at his mass with ale.”[1524] On 17 +November Barnes was imprisoned in the Tower, and Field, Marshall, +Goodall and “another of that sort of learning,” probably Rastell, were +all arrested[1525]. John Bale was examined on 19 November concerning +certain heretical doctrines which he was accused of preaching. The +interrogatories put to him have not been preserved, but one of his +answers might have been laid to heart by the inquisitors of all +religious parties; he said that “he would fain know of his accusers who +is so familiar with God as may know that secret point?”[1526] Field and +Rastell appear to have been examined at the same time[1527]. + +On 19 November Henry issued a circular to his bishops. It was drawn up +in two forms, one for heretical bishops, reproving them for their +offences, the other, for those who had not gone so far, cautioning them +as to their behaviour. The bishops were ordered to explain personally +the King’s Articles to their flocks, to preach passive obedience to the +King, to observe and maintain all laudable ceremonies, and to prevent +all unlicensed preaching and contemptuous words about usages and +ceremonies[1528]. Several little tracts on the advantages of peace and +the duty of obeying the King were also circulated, and the King’s reply +to the Lincolnshire rebels was printed and issued[1529]. + +An allusion has already been made to the report that Henry would receive +help from abroad. A marriage between Mary and the Duke of Angoulême, now +Orleans, had long been hinted at by the French and English ambassadors +at the respective courts. On 11 October 1536 Henry wrote to Gardiner and +Wallop, his ambassadors in France, that they were not to allow it to +appear that he desired the match, but were to induce the French to make +all the advances[1530]. + +In the same letter he mentioned the rising in Lincolnshire, but treated +it very lightly[1531]. On 5 November he wrote again to declare that the +reports of the insurrection were very much exaggerated, that it was all +over, and the two shires of York and Lincoln lay entirely at his mercy. +Pomeroy had arrived from France to treat of the marriage of Mary and +Angoulême, but Henry was not satisfied with the form of his credentials, +which he considered too unceremonious. He had referred the ambassador to +the Council, and intended to give him no certain answer[1532]. + +On 10 November the Imperial ambassador was informed that the Council was +considering the French match and that Francis was so anxious to bring it +about that he was willing to consent if Mary were only declared the +King’s heir in default of legitimate issue, and given a title and an +income. The Emperor had been proposing a marriage between Mary and Don +Luis of Portugal, which Mary herself would have preferred. The +negotiations with France were used to bring the Imperial ambassador to +the point of making a formal proposal for her hand, and on 23 November +Chapuys wrote to ask for instructions, as Mary informed him that Francis +had offered to settle an income of 80,000 ducats on her marriage with +Angoulême, but her father still made little of the proposal[1533]. So +long as Henry could tantalize both monarchs with the offer of Mary’s +hand, he knew he need not fear that either of them would help the +rebels. + +Such were the King’s measures of precaution; to which may be added the +vigilant watch kept upon the southern counties, to repress the first +signs of disaffection. William Constable, Sir Robert’s son, who was +wandering about the country with his schoolmaster, was arrested at Stowe +in November[1534], and afterwards detained at Ross in the Christmas +holidays[1535]. Two men were arrested and examined in London because +they came from Louth[1536], and information was received against another +Lincolnshire man, who was said to have used seditious language at +Fittleworth in Sussex[1537]. Norfolk’s complaint that he could not trust +his soldiers receives some confirmation from reports of the musters in +Kent and in Suffolk, where some of the men were heard to declare that +the northern men had right on their side and that they themselves would +not fight against the rebels[1538]. On 22 November a pedlar was +committed to Canterbury gaol for spreading sedition[1539]. From time to +time a bold parish priest ventured to express his sympathy with the +rebels. On 26 October the parson of Wimborne, Dorset, “preached +purgatory.”[1540] In the Isle of Wight on 11 November the vicar of +Thorley denied the royal supremacy[1541], and the parson of Wickham in +Hampshire fled from an accusation of sedition[1542]. The parson of +Radwell in Hertford preached against the suppression of the abbeys in +November[1543]. + +On 19 October Bishop Latimer sent to Cromwell copies of some ancient +Latin verses, containing a lament over the oppression of the Church, and +also some fantastic prophecies. The Bishop remarked that he sent them +because he knew that Cromwell loved antiquities, and that the bearer +would explain how some people expounded the lines[1544]. These were no +doubt some of the prophecies which were being circulated by Cromwell’s +opponents[1545]. A man was imprisoned at Bath on 20 October for +repeating a prophecy, although he protested that he did not know its +meaning[1546], and another was accused in December of speaking against +Cromwell at the Antelope inn in Worcester[1547]. + +During the time of the insurrection Cromwell kept himself a good deal in +the background, for the hatred he inspired was as strong a bond between +gentlemen and commons as religious enthusiasm. He was as much in favour +with the King as ever, and was always within reach of the court, but he +did not reside there[1548]. He was in London when Bowes and Ellerker +were with the King at Windsor, and Cresswell had not seen him at court +for two days together[1549]. On 21 November the King was at Richmond, +and Cromwell still was not with him[1550], but his absence did not +deceive the watchful eyes which were upon him. The Pilgrims had friends +in the south who were able to send them information on such points. One +of these secret friends came to Aske after the council at York. He found +the captain sick of a “severe colic,” which prevented him from riding to +Templehurst, as he had intended to do after the council. The secret +friend, whose name is unknown, reported that the King was at Richmond, +and “Cromwell only the ruler about him.” Cromwell was more bitterly +hated than ever, and the south parts longed for the coming of the +Pilgrims, but they must be on their guard, for on Thursday 23 November +ten ships of war took ordnance from the Tower, and it was said that +Suffolk was advancing with 20,000 men. Aske was not sure whether to +believe the last news, but he considered it a suspicious circumstance +that Sir Anthony Browne had occupied Doncaster. He wrote to ask Darcy to +remonstrate about the fortification of Doncaster Bridge and to watch +Ferrybridge and Pontefract[1551]. + +Not only did the rebels receive news from the south but in spite of all +precautions on the part of the government the rebel manifestoes found +their way southward, and even one copy could travel far and quickly. +Richard Fletcher, the gaoler of Norwich, was at Lynn on Sunday 29 +October, and there met some of Norfolk’s disbanded troops. One of these +men, who was the clerk of Mr Fermor, son and heir of Sir Harry Fermor, +gave Fletcher a bill to deliver to John Manne of Norwich; his story was +that his master had been given this bill by the Duke of Norfolk. +Fletcher supped at the Bell at Lynn, and by the desire of the company +the bill was read aloud. The goodman of the inn, George Wharton, was so +much struck by its contents that he caused one of Fletcher’s prisoners +to make two copies of it. It seems in fact to have been Aske’s second +manifesto. When Fletcher reached Norwich he showed the bill to several +people including the Mayor, Mr Fermor, who “marvelled that such a bill +should be suffered to go abroad,” but did not attempt to suppress it. +Fletcher delivered the original to John Manne, but kept a copy for +himself, which he continued to show to his friends. At length he went up +to London, and while there Leonard Stanger, servant to Mr Willoughby, +saw the bill and “said it was naught and took it away to burn it.” +Meanwhile George Wharton of the Bell at Lynn gave one of his copies of +the bill to some Cornish soldiers who were coming from the north on a +pilgrimage to Walsingham. This gift may have had curious results[1552]. +His other copy he lent out among his neighbours[1553]. At Templehurst on +18 November Aske was heard to say that he had given a copy of the oath +to a gentleman of Norfolk, who would forward the matter in the +south[1554]. + +Another manifesto which had probably been going about the country for +some time was taken at Bromsgrove, Worcester, on 12 December[1555]. A +fourth was circulating in a higher rank of society. On Sunday 19 +November Sir George Throgmorton attended the morning sermon at St +Paul’s, and there met his friend Sir John Clarke. After the sermon they +dined together at the Horse Head in Cheapside, and when the goodman and +his wife had left the room the two gentlemen began to discuss the rising +in the north. Sir George had read the King’s printed reply to the +Lincolnshire rebels, but he did not know what the Yorkshiremen demanded. +Sir John promised to let him see a copy of their articles[1556]. They +walked back to St Paul’s together and parted, and that night Sir John’s +servant brought Throgmorton a copy of the Pilgrims’ oath, the five +articles, and one of Aske’s proclamations[1557]. + +A few nights later Sir George Throgmorton supped at the Queen’s Head in +Fleet Street betwixt the Temple gates[1558]. At this inn there was an +informal club of lawyers and members of parliament, who, if they had +dared to say so, were in opposition to the government[1559]. On this +particular evening Sir George met another frequenter of the Queen’s +Head, Sir William Essex, and again the conversation turned on the +northern rebellion. Sir William was curious about the demands of the +Pilgrims, and Sir George sent his servant to find and bring back his +copy of the oath, etc., which he had “thrown into a window,” _i.e._ put +into the box under the window-seat. Sir William kept the papers for +several days, caused his servant to copy them, and returned them to +Throgmorton. After this Essex returned to his home near Reading. His own +copy of the papers he kept carefully put away, but his chamber-boy, +Geoffrey Gunter, who had copied them for him, had also made another copy +for himself[1560]. Geoffrey Gunter was not discreet. He lent his copy to +William Wyre, the host of the Cardinal’s Inn at Reading, and within a +week there were several copies circulating in the town. Richard Snow, +vicar of St Giles, obtained one and Richard Turner another, but they +were uneasy about the matter, and on 30 November they gave their copies +to the bailiff and the serjeant of Reading, to be laid before the +magistrates of the town. The justices on 2 December examined all the +parties in Reading, and sent their replies to Cromwell[1561]. They were +all summoned to London immediately. On their way they met Sir George +Throgmorton, who was going to visit Sir William Essex. He was told about +the affair, and although he tried to make light of it, saying that +everybody in London was reading the rebels’ articles and Aske’s letters, +yet secretly he was very much disturbed, and burnt his copy. Sir William +Essex, who had burnt his also, was almost ill with anxiety, and on +receiving orders to examine Gunter and send him up to London, Essex set +out to throw himself upon the King’s mercy. Throgmorton, hearing nothing +from him, followed him up to London, only to find that Essex was in the +Tower and that he himself must join him there[1562]. In January 1537 +they were still prisoners, and it was thought that the charges against +them were very grave[1563], but towards the end of the month they were +released[1564]. It does not appear whether Sir John Clarke was ever +called to account for his share of the business. + +The presence of secret friends of the Pilgrims in the south was more +alarming than the mutterings of discontent among the peasantry. They +might be found anywhere, in the army, at court, in the King’s Council. +Henry never more than half believed Norfolk’s reports of the rebels’ +strength, because he knew that the Duke secretly sympathised with the +enemy. But though that altered the direction of Henry’s fears, it did +not allay them, for a king is in a dangerous position when he cannot +trust his own commander-in-chief. There were continual rumours that +Norfolk had either gone over to the Pilgrims or allowed himself to be +taken by them[1565]. He himself said that he could not trust his +men[1566], and there was even a story that one of the soldiers had +attacked him with a dagger[1567]. The loyalty of the Marquis of Exeter, +who was sent with Norfolk and Shrewsbury against the rebels[1568], was +still more doubtful than that of Norfolk. He held his command, however, +until the first appointment at Doncaster[1569], and offered to advance +the King money for the payment of his men[1570]. As soon as he was ready +to set out in the first instance, he was stopped by a countermand[1571], +and when he did start, on 18 October, he was behind Norfolk, who +contrived to obtain all the money sent down from the Treasury. On 21 +October Exeter had “not a penny to convey himself and his train toward +my lord Steward.”[1572] Money was sent to him at Ampthill on 23 +October[1573]. He joined Norfolk in the end[1574], but he took very +little part in the campaign[1575]. When the truce was made he returned +to court, where his wife had been in waiting on the Queen since the +middle of October[1576]. As a reward for his services he received a +grant of the dissolved priory of Breamore on 9 November[1577]. Reginald +Pole’s brothers, Lord Montague and Sir Geoffrey Pole, were ordered to +provide men at the beginning of the rebellion, and Montague was to +attend on the King’s own person[1578]. + +A little more light is thrown on the mystery of the Pilgrims’ southern +correspondents by a letter from Chapuys to Charles V, which was +despatched on 22 November. It is in the form of a journal, written from +day to day from the beginning of the month. His earliest news was that +the Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis and others had gone to confer with the +rebels, and that if they had not wisely resolved on this step, the King +would have been in great danger. The ambassador’s informant was “one of +the principal gentlemen in the King’s army.” Chapuys next heard that +Norfolk had come up to court, both to justify his own action and to +forward the petitions of the northern men. Norfolk was bringing with him +two ambassadors from the rebels “Master Raphael Endecherche and Master +Dos.” Norfolk and the other noblemen “were all good Christians”; they +did not wish for a battle, and showed as openly as they dared that they +thought the rebels had right on their side. + +Chapuys gave a brief account of the rebels’ position. They were reported +to be 40,000 strong, and among them were 10,000 cavalry. They were in +good order, but required money and musketeers. Their banner was a +crucifix, and Lord Darcy and the Archbishop of York were with them. +Their numbers would probably increase, as the south parts sympathised +with them, and presently news came that another province (Cumberland and +Westmorland) had risen because the return of the ambassadors was +delayed. The lack of money might ruin everything, but this would be +remedied if the Pope sent Reginald Pole with supplies, and want of money +was not felt on one side only, for Henry had complained to Mary that the +insurrection had cost him £200,000. + +When Ellerker and Bowes first arrived Chapuys heard that their articles +were: + + (1) that their petition might be authorised by Parliament, + + (2) that Parliaments might be held in the ancient way, and that all + pensioners and government servants might be excluded, + + (3) that the Princess’ (Mary’s) affairs might be dealt with by + Parliament, + + (4) that the King might not take money from his people except in time + of war. + +These articles were said to be signed by all the gentlemen. In the third +particular Chapuys was mistaken, but (1), (2), and (4) were all points +on which the rebels insisted, and later in the letter he mentioned that +he had been mistaken about (3); the rebels had not ventured to name +Mary, for fear the King did her harm. + +Chapuys believed that the King would not give way, as he boasted that +the Duke of Orleans (Angoulême) was willing to marry Mary although she +was not legitimate, and that the King of France would help him with four +or five thousand men. Later Chapuys found that his conjecture was +correct. The King would not change anything that had been determined by +Parliament, and told the rebels that they had no right to meddle with +his Privy Council. Nevertheless the news of the fresh rising might force +him to alter his decision, and Norfolk was using his influence on the +Pilgrims’ side. Finally Bowes and Ellerker were sent back with no better +answer. “The King said he would rather lose his crown than be so limited +by his vassals.” Five or six ships were being prepared, and Henry +boasted that he would go against the rebels in person, but first he had +despatched Norfolk and Fitzwilliam to corrupt them by secret means if +possible. Chapuys, however, thought that it was more likely that the +King’s emissaries would go over to the rebels themselves. + +Chapuys heard that Lord _Hussey_ had sent a message to the King that the +rebels were ready to fight, for they were a third more numerous than the +King’s troops, with provisions and money, and they expected the Emperor +to help them. “Hussey” is probably a mistake for “Darcy”; Chapuys had +great difficulty with English names, and his account of the message +seems to be derived from Darcy’s interview with Somerset Herald. + +In a very interesting passage, Chapuys says that “among fifteen or +twenty articles which the northern ambassadors have proposed” there were +two which he thought unreasonable,—(1) that the King should give an +account of his expenditure, showing what had become of his father’s +treasure and of all the money he had obtained from the Church and by +taxation, and (2) that in cases of treason the criminal’s property +should not be confiscated, but should be restored to his heir, and that +the lands of Buckingham and others who had been executed should be thus +restored. Chapuys feared that if the King yielded on the main points, +the rebels might lose all by insisting on these or similar minor +details[1579]. The interesting point is that no detailed list of demands +had yet been drawn up by the rebels. They had only sent in the five +general articles, and did not think of going into particulars until the +King replied that their demands were “general, dark and obscure.” The +resolution to draw up a detailed list of grievances was taken at York on +21 November, and the list was not compiled until the council met at +Pontefract. Moreover, the complete articles do not contain either of the +two demands which Chapuys mentions. + +Where then did the ambassador hear of the fifteen or twenty articles of +which these were two? The reference to the Duke of Buckingham suggests +that his informant was one of the Poles. The northern Pilgrims had no +particular interest in Buckingham, and the clause is not likely to have +been inserted in a northern petition, but if, as is possible, the Poles +were the secret friends who communicated with Aske, they may have drawn +up a list of their own complaints, shown it to Chapuys, and then sent it +north. There is one letter which may possibly be connected with this. +John Heliar, the vicar of East Meon in Hampshire, and rector of +Warblington, had fled to France some time before. Warblington was the +home of the Poles, and Heliar was their friend and dependent; Sir +Geoffrey Pole was accused of having aided his escape[1580]. On 21 +December 1536, after the second conference at Doncaster, Richard +Langgrische, a priest, wrote from Havant, a town near Warblington, to Mr +Heliar beyond the seas: “I have been so far north since your being +beyond sea that I lacked messengers, but now having your servant ready +to bear my letters, I could no longer use unkind silence. I trust to +settle in my own country among my friends within a few years. Not that I +like the north so ill, but mine own country so well. Everyone desires +your prosperous return.”[1581] There is not much in this, only the fact +that a priest who lived in the same neighbourhood as the Poles, and knew +a self-exiled friend of theirs, had been in the north at the time of the +Pilgrimage, and was in hopes that better times were at hand. Still the +circumstances suggest that he may have been the messenger to the rebels. +This, however, is only a conjecture. Chapuys derived his information +partly from Mary, partly from a gentleman in the royal army, and partly +from someone at court who had good, but not first-hand, information. For +instance the informant cannot have had direct communication with Bowes +and Ellerker, or he would have known that their articles were not +signed, and that Mary was not mentioned; on the other hand, he reported +the general tone of the articles rightly, and corrected the mistake +about Mary. The identity of this informant, however, cannot be +discovered. + +The Pilgrims were firmly convinced that they had the sympathy of Europe, +and in particular of the Emperor, who was very popular in England. In +order to trace the impression which the news of the rising made abroad, +it may be as well to recapitulate the various letters to and from the +ambassadors. + +Henry was nominally the ally of Francis I, but relations between them +were strained at this time, as James V of Scotland had arrived in France +on 27 August 1536[1582] with the avowed intention of marrying a French +princess, although Henry was bitterly opposed to such a marriage. In his +letter of 11 October Henry instructed Gardiner and Wallop to make +themselves fully acquainted with the nature and qualities of the young +King[1583]. + +On 23 October the Bishop of Faenza, the papal nuncio in France, wrote to +Rome that the rising in England against the suppression of abbeys was so +serious that the King would probably be forced to yield. The passages +from England had been closed, and it was difficult to get news, but this +showed how grave the situation must be. James V was winning favourable +opinions everywhere, and was to marry Francis’ daughter Madeleine. +Cardinal du Bellay suggested that by means of this marriage Francis +might be influenced to act against Henry, who was very unpopular among +the French nobles[1584]. Du Bellay had a correspondent in London who on +24 October sent news that the Lincolnshire rebels had dispersed, but +that there was a much more serious rising in Yorkshire[1585]. After this +no further news reached France for some time. The Bishop of Faenza +believed that Henry was purposely preventing communications for fear the +King of Scotland should learn the extent of the insurrection[1586]. On 3 +November there was a rumour that Henry himself was besieged in a +castle[1587]. The Pope wrote to Francis I on 7 November to congratulate +him on the Scots marriage and to exhort him not to help Henry against +the rebels[1588]. It was known in France on 19 November that Henry was +negotiating with the rebels, and James V sent civil messages to the +Pope, promising to serve him if possible[1589]. + +The betrothal of Madeleine de Valois to James V took place on 26 +November[1590]. The papal nuncio was delighted. He reported that Francis +and James were both ready and even anxious to act against Henry. +Francis, however, said that the disturbances in England were now at an +end; nevertheless he would let Faenza know when the time came to +move[1591]. James was very affable to the nuncio, but treated the +English ambassadors with marked coldness. Du Bellay was in hopes that +the time had almost arrived to strike at Henry. The movement in England +had been premature and without a leader, but though it was now pacified, +the malcontents would rise again at the summons of the King of +Scotland[1592]. On 28 November Faenza sent to the Pope further +professions of James’ goodwill, and his readiness to act against his +uncle[1593], and on 29 November he reported that James was entering into +negotiations for a treaty with Denmark which would be very prejudicial +to Henry[1594]. + +From all this it appears that Francis was ready to turn against Henry if +he dared, but he was afraid of precipitating an alliance between England +and the Emperor. Faenza suggested that to prevent this the Pope might +excommunicate Henry, and make it impossible for anyone to become his +ally openly[1595]. The party in the French court which was hostile to +Henry and the papal nuncio himself built great hopes on James. They did +not realise that there was no other prince in Christendom whose +interference in English affairs would not have been preferred by the +most ardent Pilgrim to that of James V. Of all Henry’s reproaches to the +rebels the one which had most effect was that they were exposing their +country to the danger of a Scots invasion[1596], and reports were spread +by the royalists that the Scots were mustering on the borders[1597]. The +Pilgrims professed themselves willing to help the King against the Scots +at any time[1598], and an attempt on James’ part would have strengthened +Henry by rallying the whole kingdom to his side against their ancient +enemies. + +The Imperial ambassador in England watched the progress of events with +no less interest than the French. His reports have already been quoted, +and need only be mentioned briefly. In his despatch on 7 October Chapuys +alluded to the Lincolnshire rising, which he believed to be more +threatening than the King would admit[1599]. His despatch was sent to +the Emperor at Genoa[1600]. Next day he wrote to the Count of Cifuentes, +the Imperial ambassador at Rome, chiefly about Mary’s affairs; at the +end of his letter he alluded to the rising, but thought it might turn +out to be nothing after all[1601]. On 14 October he reported to the +Empress that there was certainly a rebellion, and from the King’s +preparations it seemed to be a great one, but he still had no certain +information[1602]. The next day, apparently, he had obtained +information, and sent his nephew with an elaborate account of the whole +affair to the Regent of the Netherlands, advising her to help the +rebels[1603]. By this time negotiations for peace had been opened +between Charles and Francis, but the project proceeded slowly, though +the Pope was very anxious to reconcile them, in order that they might +unite against Henry[1604]. + +The Regent of the Netherlands sent to Calais for news on 24 October, and +professed her willingness to help Henry against the rebels[1605]. Lord +Lisle, as in duty bound, replied before 28 October that the disturbances +were ended[1606], and on 6 November received congratulations from the +Netherlands on the restoration of peace in England[1607]. These +professions of friendship did not receive much credit in England. John +Hutton, the English agent at Brussels, wrote to Cromwell on 9 December +that “there is large talking of the rebellions in England.”[1608] +Cromwell ordered him to buy “500 pair of Almain rivets,” but the +Regent’s Council refused to license the export of harness, giving the +excuse that the Emperor needed all that could be procured. Cromwell was +afraid that the rebels were procuring arms from the Low Countries, but +Hutton assured him that they could not obtain much, as the Regent was +favourable to Henry, and the customs officers were so strict that it +would be difficult to smuggle weapons. Three ships had sailed from +Zeeland for Newcastle-upon-Tyne in November which might have carried +arms, but there was only one Newcastle vessel at Antwerp on 13 December, +with some men from Newcastle and York, and one from Hull. Hutton +promised to take care that she carried nothing for the rebels[1609]. +There is no evidence to prove that the Pilgrims obtained any armour from +the Netherlands, but when William Morland entered Sir Robert Constable’s +service at Hull his master gave him a pair of Almain rivets, which he +wore when he carried Sir Robert’s banner[1610]. + +On 22 November Chapuys despatched from England the full account of the +Pilgrimage which has been described above[1611], and on 24 November it +was noted on one of the Emperor’s despatches that the rebels in England +had dispersed only after obtaining terms which were disgraceful to the +King[1612]. Charles V, however, refused to move at all in the matter, +either for or against the Pilgrims[1613]. + +The persons to whom the rising was of the greatest importance were the +Pope and Reginald Pole. At the beginning of October Paul III summoned +Pole to Rome, and, in spite of Henry’s positive prohibition, Pole +obeyed. He was at Sienna on his way there on 10 October[1614]. On his +arrival he was lodged at the Vatican, and was treated most kindly by the +Pope[1615]. It is exceedingly difficult to calculate how long it took +for news to travel from England to Rome, but it seems probable that when +Pole arrived some account of the Lincolnshire insurrection had been +received there, as the Bishop of Faenza wrote on 1 November to Ambrogio, +the Pope’s secretary, alluding to the rising as something of which they +both had knowledge[1616], and on 6 November Dr Pedro Ortiz reported to +the Empress that a letter had come from the Regent of the Netherlands +with news that the rebels numbered 30,000 to 40,000 men[1617]. This was +probably taken from Eustace Chapuys’ letter of 15 October[1618]. + +When he heard this news, Reginald Pole cannot have failed to see that a +great opportunity lay before him. The question was how to use it for the +good of the Church. In circumstances not apparently so favourable Henry +of Richmond had invaded England, defeated the King, married the rightful +heiress, and established his dynasty upon the throne. If Pole had been a +man of that type, he would have procured letters of censure upon Henry +from the Pope, together with all the money he could raise, and would +have embarked for England at once. But Pole’s was no ignoble personal +ambition, and, although he was not yet ordained, all his hopes and +interests were bound up in the Church of Rome. Though he abstained from +taking the vows of celibacy for many years, and was thus free to wed +Mary if necessary, he never seems to have looked upon the hypothetical +marriage as anything but a disagreeable duty which he might be called +upon to perform for the good of the Church. As far as he himself was +concerned he desired no part in the government of England. + +Pole was no adventurer, but he was also no crusader. His heart did not +leap up at the call to arms. He did not say to himself, “My countrymen +are prepared to fight and die for the True Faith. I must be by their +side.” His idea of his own mission was that of a highly honoured +ecclesiastic, returning, fully accredited, amidst the most respectful +enthusiasm, to his native land to reconcile to a gracious Pope a deeply +penitent monarch and a humbly joyful nation. His dream at last came +true, but the Lincolnshire rising gave no immediate prospect of its +fulfilment. In deciding whether or no to join the rebels, Pole was +really forced to choose between his opinions and his prejudices. He had +himself stated in his book that he believed subjects were sometimes +justified in rebelling against their sovereign, and that Englishmen +would in fact be justified in rebelling against Henry. But that was a +strange and terrible opinion, which he had expressed more to frighten +Henry than for any other reason. The book was kept a dead secret, and +only his most intimate friends knew its contents. It was all very well +to write such things in a book, but if it came to putting his theories +into practice, he would be obliged to steal back to England secretly, in +constant fear of arrest, to go marching about in the mud with a mob of +undisciplined commons, to hold councils with their boorish leaders in +unknown provincial towns; and in doing all this he would be acting +openly and avowedly against Henry, the theologian, the musician, his own +cousin and early patron. The idea was revolting to Pole, who was an +aristocrat to his finger-tips. Accordingly he simply remained in Rome, +awaiting developments. + +When Paul III first heard of the rebellion he was anxious to take +advantage of it. On 7 November he wrote to exhort Francis I to unite +with other Christian kings against Henry[1619], and about the same time +the suggestion was made that Pole should be created a cardinal. The news +of this proposal reached England on 18 November, and was received by +Henry with the utmost indignation. Starkey wrote to Pole in the King’s +name and in the most positive terms forbade him to accept such +promotion[1620]. But Pole seems to have refused before the prohibition +could have reached him. Perhaps the above suggestions as to his feelings +are not wholly just, and his real reason for declining to stir may have +done his heart more credit. His mother and brothers were in Henry’s +power, and he knew that any movement on his part might endanger their +lives. Accordingly he declined the honour which the Pope proposed to +bestow upon him expressly on account of his family[1621]. Pole did not +realise that he had already endangered their lives to such an extent +that only the most vigorous action could save them. Henry would never +forgive “De Unitate Ecclesiastica” and Pole’s journey to Rome. +Henceforward the King would bide his time, but in the end he would +strike. The unfortunate Poles did not perceive this. They still thought +that they had not gone too far for pardon, and thus, fearing to injure +them, Reginald Pole lost the last chance of saving the lives of his +nearest relatives. + +On 21 November it was reported in Rome that the insurrection in England +was nearly pacified, and that Henry had marched against the rebels in +person[1622]. This referred, however, only to the Lincolnshire rising. +Chapuys knew as early as 14 November that the Pope was thinking of +sending Reginald Pole to England, and the ambassador encouraged the idea +warmly[1623]. + +On 24 November Cifuentes, the Imperial ambassador at Rome, told the Pope +that according to despatches from England, part of the rebels had been +crushed, and the rest were dispersing for want of a leader[1624]. The +Pope replied that he had had a letter from France, dated 3 +November[1625], from which it appeared that the rebels were holding +their own, and that they had a leader whose name ended in “folc” +(Norfolk). The Pope also said that he had sent the rebels money by means +of a secret go-between in Picardy. There is no further record of this +money. Perhaps the secret Picard stole it. At this time there was a +rumour that the bull of privation against Henry VIII had been printed. +It was not published in Rome, but it was suspected that the Pope +intended to send it secretly to England[1626]. + +On 26 November Faenza wrote that the insurrection in England was +appeased, and that Pole could not go there now without manifest danger, +but he ought to be in readiness, for it would be well to send him as +soon as fresh disturbances arose, the people held him in so much esteem. +Faenza proposed that Pole’s writings should be disseminated in England +to encourage people in the true faith[1627]. The letter was sent from +Paris, and cannot have reached Rome until at least a week after the date +of writing. In the meanwhile, on 29 November a letter arrived at Rome +from England which was dated 10 November. It does not appear who wrote +it, but it contained the news that there were seventy or eighty thousand +of the rebels, that the King’s troops were disaffected, and that the +leaders on both sides had determined to treat. Three honoured persons +were sent from the rebels to the King, hostages being given for them, +and they laid before him their demands: + + (1) that the Pope should be acknowledged supreme head of the Church; + + (2) that Queen Katharine’s marriage should be declared valid and Mary + proclaimed the legitimate heir to the throne; + + (3) that the abbeys should not be suppressed; + + (4) that recent statutes should be repealed; + + (5) that Parliaments should be held as of old, without pensioners or + placemen. + +It was believed that the King would be compelled to grant these demands, +although he was very reluctant to do so[1628]. Naturally this news +caused the greatest rejoicing in Rome. Next day arrived letters dated 12 +November from the Regent of the Netherlands, in which it was reported +that Henry had quelled the first rebellion by sending the Duke of +Norfolk to the rebels with a promise of a general pardon, but that when +the insurgents had dispersed, the King seized and executed fifty of the +ringleaders. This caused a much greater insurrection all over the +island, and the Duke of Norfolk, indignant at the King’s breach of +faith, had joined the rebels, who had seized several towns and forced +the King to fly to London[1629]. It is interesting to see how distorted +the facts at the base of this spirited narrative have become as they +passed from mouth to mouth. + +A more sober version of events came from France in a letter announcing +the betrothal of James V and Madeleine de Valois. In this it was said +that the rebels in England were negotiating with Henry, and that the +rising was practically at an end[1630]. There was a story afloat on 16 +December that the King of England had consented to James’ marriage while +the rebels were in arms, but that as soon as they dispersed he had +written to forbid it, though his letter did not arrive until after the +betrothal had taken place[1631]. As a matter of fact Henry’s consent had +never been asked, and the rebels had not interested themselves in the +subject. The satisfactory tidings from England and France encouraged the +Pope to make an effort himself. Pole’s hesitation was overcome, and on +22 December, 1536, he was made a cardinal[1632]. + +It is clear from these despatches that foreign courts were bewildered +between the English ambassadors’ assurances that the rebellion was of no +importance, on the one hand, and, on the other, the exaggerated +successes attributed to the Pilgrims in the letters which from time to +time eluded Henry’s vigilance. + +It is plain that neither Francis nor Charles had any real intention of +moving in the matter, Francis because he was still half-tempted by the +marriage between Mary and Orleans, and because in any case he would only +act through Scotland, Charles because he was afraid of precipitating +Mary’s French marriage, and because he was exhausted by his disastrous +Italian campaign. + +The Pope was half inclined to take action, and any encouragement from +him might really have had a good effect on the rebels, but there was no +one to advise him as to the measures which he ought to take. Pole, +having twice defied Henry, did no more, and the precious time was +allowed to slip away. If Pole had accepted the Pope’s first offer of the +cardinalate he might have been in England by the time the news of the +offer reached the King on 18 November, for it was easy then to travel as +fast as a letter. Pole might have filled the pulpit at Pontefract in +which Archbishop Lee proved so ignominious a failure. His presence could +not, of course, have prevented the Reformation, but might have altered +its whole progress in England, whether for better or for worse. But +these are mere fancies. He did not come. + + + + + CHAPTER XIV + THE COUNCIL AT PONTEFRACT + + +At the great council which was now approaching, the Pilgrims were +confronted by the very serious business of stating and justifying their +position. Obedience to the government in the sixteenth century was not +merely a theory or a convenience, as at the present day; it was a +fundamental duty. There were none of the methods of peaceful opposition +which are so common now. To resist the government meant civil war and +social anarchy—cattle driven, houses burnt, women ravished, men +slaughtered. The duty of non-resistance was the first principle of +self-preservation, and the Pilgrims were not fulfilling that duty. They +had risen in arms, and they were seriously anxious to show that they had +sufficient grounds for this desperate step. Their justification was that +the Church was in danger. The Church had always upheld the duty of +obedience to the secular government, with but one important reservation, +that the Pope had the power to release subjects from their allegiance if +the King’s conduct was such that to obey him was mortal sin. In the +opinion of Pope Paul III, the crisis in England entitled him to use this +extreme power. He had prepared a bull of deposition against Henry, but +he lacked courage to publish it. Though the people of England had heard +rumours of this bull, they knew nothing with certainty. The Pilgrimage +of Grace had lasted for two months without the smallest sign of approval +arriving from Rome. + +It was of the utmost importance to the success of the movement that both +gentlemen and commons should be convinced of the justice of their cause, +for it was their unity in faith alone which held them together. As the +Pope made no sign, the leaders resolved to obtain the sanction of the +Church, if possible, from her chief representatives among themselves. + +Even before the council at York, it had been proposed that the clergy of +the northern parts should be asked to define clearly the ancient faith +for which the Pilgrims had risen. After the truce at Doncaster, Aske +requested Archbishop Lee to make a “book of the spiritual promotions,” +but Lee did not reply[1633]. At York it was resolved that the spiritual +men of the north should be bidden to prepare themselves for an assembly +at Pontefract, where they were requested to declare their opinion +touching the faith[1634]. William Babthorpe took this order to the +Archbishop, who was very reluctant to obey such a summons. He tried to +persuade Sir Robert Constable to give him leave to remain at home, but +Sir Robert would only agree to this if he would send his opinion to the +council in writing. Shortly before the assembly at Pontefract Sir Ralph +Ellerker, Robert Bowes and William Babthorpe waited on the Archbishop +and told him that he was expected to draw up articles for the conference +with Norfolk; Lee was very much alarmed, though they explained that they +meant articles concerning the faith. He replied that he must first know +on what points the Pilgrims wished to consult the clergy, and Babthorpe +wrote to Aske for a statement of them, giving his own advice in the +letter. + +Aske with unsuspecting candour sent the Archbishop an outline of the +articles which he thought should be considered[1635]. This list of +questions proposed to the clergy may be the one contained in an existing +document, without heading or signature[1636]. Most of the subjects +mentioned in it were afterwards discussed at Pontefract, but there was +one point of great importance which was not raised there. “If one oath +be made and after one other oath to the contrary, and by the latter oath +the party is sworn to repute and take the first oath void, whether it +may be so by [_spiritual_] law or not[1637]?” + +This was a pressing question to most of the Pilgrims; nearly all, even +the commons, had taken an oath of allegiance to the King, and although +their new oath had been framed so that it should not directly contradict +the former one, they could not hide from themselves that its meaning was +very different. But this problem did not confront only the laymen. The +English bishops had all taken an oath of canonical obedience to the Pope +on their first installation, before the breach with Rome. The clergy had +sworn to obey the bishops in all lawful and canonical mandates, and to +oppose all heresies condemned by the Church. But in February 1535 the +bishops had made a solemn renunciation of any sort of obedience to the +Pope, and in June of the same year the oath of the clergy had been +altered to include a similar renunciation. In these cases also some +attempt had been made to avoid a direct contradiction of their first +oaths. The form laid before the bishops was not an oath, but a +renunciation. The clergy had not sworn to obey the Pope, but only to +obey their diocesans, who in turn obeyed the Pope[1638]. The parallel of +the Pilgrims’ case with that of the clergy was obvious, and might be so +inconvenient that it is no wonder they did not choose to argue the +point. + +When he sent his list of questions, Aske referred them wholly to the +Archbishop as metropolitan[1639], and begged that the clergy should +determine the points “whereupon we may danger battle.” Lee assured +Cromwell that as soon as he read this he resolved to go to Pontefract, +in order that he might explain to the misguided people that they had +nothing to fight for, as the King had taken pains to have the faith +clearly set forth in the Ten Articles, with the consent of the bishops +and clergy[1640]. It is impossible to avoid the suspicion that he really +went because he found the Pilgrims were resolved to have either his +written or his spoken word, and it was easier to explain away the latter +than the former. + +A letter was sent to all the northern clergy “that they should go a +procession every day and send their minds, out of Holy Scripture and the +four doctors of the Church, touching the commons’ petition.” Lee did not +admit that he had anything to do with this letter, though it was issued +in his name[1641]. + +The leading north-country divines were summoned in person; the less +important clergy were requested to send their opinions in writing[1642]. +Grice brought one of these written opinions to Pontefract, probably from +a priest who lived near Wakefield[1643]. Hallam brought two others from +Watton. The alleged letter from the Archbishop was brought to Watton by +William Horskey, and the curate of Watton forwarded it to a bachelor of +divinity named Wade, who lived near by. When he received it Wade said +that there was not time before the meeting to deal with such a difficult +subject. The other theologians of the neighbourhood were not so +diffident. Thomas Asheton, a young monk of Watton Priory, wrote a paper +on the supremacy “comparing Peter and his apostles.” Dr Swinburne, who +lived thereabouts, also wrote out his opinion on the same subject[1644]. + +As early as Tuesday 28 November the Pilgrims had begun to assemble at +Pontefract, and Shrewsbury was alarmed by the report of their numbers. +Sir Anthony Browne was sent by Norfolk to guard the bridges at Doncaster +and Rotherham[1645]. On 30 November Darcy wrote from Templehurst to +Shrewsbury and Hastings to assure them that the meeting at Pontefract +had no other object than to draw up articles to lay before Norfolk, that +the truce should be observed, and that no treachery was intended at +Doncaster, but all earnestly hoped for peace[1646]. + +The leaders rode into Pontefract on Saturday, 2 December. Lord Darcy +took up his abode at the Castle; Aske went to the Priory, and Lord +Lumley to “Mr Henryson’s, the late mayor,” where he displayed the banner +of the Five Wounds[1647]. From all the districts concerned in the +Pilgrimage the “worshipful men” had been summoned, as well as a certain +number of yeomen and “well-horsed commoners.”[1648] These, with the +gentlemen’s servants, formed a picked force, which Norfolk had some +reason to regard with misgiving, especially as more came than were +summoned, a proof that the Pilgrims’ zeal had not cooled. The towns were +also represented. For York the lord mayor and his council had elected +Sir George Lawson, the sheriff of the city, and six burgesses, with +servants. They were given money for new coats, presumably of the city +livery, ranging in price from 6_s._ 6_d._ for Lawson’s to 2_s._ 4_d._ +for the servants’. Their expenses were paid by the city which also +provided them with a tent and all other necessaries[1649]. With them +came Richard Bowyer, who was a burgess but not one of the chosen +delegates[1650]. The companies marched into Pontefract well harnessed +and bringing with them the latest achievement of military engineering, a +bridge “to shoot over any arm of the sea in this realm.” It was a device +which had been constructed by “one Diamond of Wakefield, a poor +man,”[1651] and must have been designed to make the Pilgrims independent +of the guarded bridges of the Don. + +Early on this morning the leaders at Pontefract wrote to Norfolk and +Shrewsbury saying that as yet there were not above a hundred assembled +there, that they intended no treachery, and were awaiting the +safeconduct to treat with Norfolk. They expected the safeconduct to +arrive on Sunday, 3 December[1652]. + +The Pilgrims’ council at Pontefract seems to have sat only from +Saturday, 2 December to Monday, 4 December, 1536. Aske frequently +remarked that the time was very short for all the work that had to be +done. + +Among those present were: + +_Lords._ Scrope, Latimer, Conyers, Lumley, Darcy and Neville. + +_Knights._ Robert Constable, James Strangways, Christopher Danby, Thomas +Hilton, William Constable, John Constable, Peter Vavasour, Ralph +Ellerker, Christopher Hilliard, Robert Neville, Oswald Wolsthrope, +Edward Gower, George Darcy, William Fairfax, Nicholas Fairfax, William +Mallory, Ralph Bulmer, William Bulmer, Stephen Hamerton, John Dawnye, +Richard Tempest, Thomas Johnson, Henry Gascoigne. + +_Gentlemen._ Robert Bowes, Robert Chaloner, William Babthorpe[1653], +John Norton, Richard Norton, Roger Lassells, Mr Place, Mr Fulthorpe, +Richard Bowes, Delariver, Barton of Whenby, Richard Lassells, Mr Redman, +Hamerton, Mr Ralph Bulmer, Rither, Metham, Saltmarsh, Palmes, Aclom, +Rudston, Plumpton, Middleton, Mallory of Wothersome, Allerton[1654], +Marmaduke Neville[1655]. + +_Commons._ Robert Pullen, Nicholas Musgrave and six others from +Penrith[1656], William Collins and Brown from the borough of Kendal, Mr +Duckett, Edward Manser, Mr Strickland, Anthony Langthorn, John Ayrey and +Harry Bateman from the barony of Kendal[1657]. + +The only important captains who did not attend were Sir Thomas Percy, +who was busy in Northumberland, and Sir Thomas Tempest, who had caught a +chill “through being plunged in water in coming from York”; Tempest sent +an apology for his absence, and as the best proof of his good faith he +communicated his opinion on the various points to be considered to +Robert Bowes in writing[1658]; this was a length to which few of the +gentlemen would go, as it was making permanent evidence against +themselves. + +It is not certain whereabouts in Pontefract the council was held, but +probably it was at the Priory. + +The first business was to choose a certain number of gentlemen, who +should go to the Duke of Norfolk to lay before him the articles and to +bring back the safeconduct for the three hundred who were to treat with +the Duke[1659]. The procedure was as follows: the Herald was sent to the +Duke with the names of the first party, and brought back safeconducts +for them on Sunday, 3 December[1660]. The chosen gentlemen were Sir +Thomas Hilton, Sir William Constable, Sir Ralph Ellerker, Sir Ralph +Bulmer, Roger Lassells, Robert Bowes, Nicholas Rudston, John Norton, +William Babthorpe and Robert Chaloner, each with two servants[1661]. On +Monday, 4 December, they were to take the articles to Doncaster and +bring back the second safeconduct. On Tuesday, 5 December, the great +meeting was to take place, at which it was hoped the leaders on both +sides would be able to make a satisfactory treaty. + +After the gentlemen had been chosen, and the Herald despatched with +their names, it was necessary to agree upon the articles. These had +already been prepared by Aske in consultation with Darcy and the other +leaders from lists of grievances brought in by the delegates, and from +opinions in writing contributed by Sir Thomas Tempest, Babthorpe, +Chaloner and others. Aske copied out the articles upon which they were +all agreed, and returned the writings to their owners[1662]. The list +thus compiled was laid before the full assembly. Each article was read +aloud, and when it was accepted the word “fiat” was written against +it[1663]. + +The articles may be divided into four groups, containing respectively: +I. Religious, II. Constitutional, III. Legal, IV. Economic Grievances. + + +I. RELIGIOUS GRIEVANCES. + + Article (1) “To have the heresies of Luther, Wyclif, Husse, Melangton, + Elicampadus, Burcerus, Confessa Germanie, Apologia Melanctonis, the + works of Tyndall, of Barnys, of Marshall, Raskell, Seynt Germayne and + other such heresy of Anabaptist destroyed.” + +The impressive list of heretics was probably drawn up from books which +Richard Bowyer laid before the council as being heretical[1664]. This +was merely a general article to which the King would certainly have +agreed, and therefore it does not require further discussion. + + (2) “The supremacy of the Church touching ‘_cura animarum_’ to be + reserved to the See of Rome as before. The consecration of the bishops + to be from him, without any first fruits or pensions to be paid to + him, or else a reasonable pension for the outward defence for the + Faith.” + +This was an article of the greatest importance. It was on this point +that the papers brought in by Grice and Hallam had been written. Two +other papers on the same subject were put into Aske’s hand, as poor +men’s petitions. One, written in Latin, he gave to Archbishop Lee, but +he did not receive the other, which was in English, until the conference +was over[1665]. Sir Francis Bigod wrote down his views in a paper which +was a source of much future trouble[1666]. There also remain some +fragments of a list of Articles drawn up in the form of a petition to +the King, which was doubtless brought by some of the representatives to +Pontefract, although it cannot be ascertained from which district it +came[1667]. + +The number of papers on the question of the Supremacy shows what deep +feeling it aroused. Aske stated that every man grudged against the +Statute of Supremacy because it would cause England to be divided from +the universal Church[1668]. The council of the Pilgrims was ready to +petition that the Act might be annulled altogether, but Aske advised +them to insert the clause “touching _cura animarum_.”[1669] Even on this +point there were differences of opinion among the Pilgrims. It will be +remembered that the commons of Caistor in Lincolnshire had said that +they were ready to take the King for supreme head of the Church[1670]. +Darcy did not consider that excluding the Pope from England was against +the Faith[1671], and Aske made it appear that both Darcy and Constable +agreed to include this among the articles at his own request[1672]. The +papal scandals of the last century and the growing spirit of nationality +made Henry’s proclamation of independence not altogether distasteful, +and there was a feeling that the authority of the Pope in England might +be limited in some way, if the King could come to an agreement with him +to preserve the unity of Christendom. The nameless petition accepted the +King’s title of “supreme head of the Church in that it may stand with +the law of Christ,” but complained that “heretics, bishops ... naughtily +understanding that term ... enforce your Grace through flattery and +blind fables to grant them commissions and authorities to exercise all +manner of jurisdiction as well against the laws of God as the authority +of those [_the Pope’s_] councils, and so to make acts in your +parliaments and convocations to annul all laws and the sequel that by +the laws of God, of the Church, and of these councils should be good +throughout all the world approved and admitted for laws.”[1673] In the +list of questions which may be Aske’s, it is suggested that “where his +Highness is recognised to be the supreme head of the Church of England,” +yet as he is a temporal man and the cure of souls and administration of +sacraments are spiritual, “whereof necessity must be one head,” and as +the Bishop of Rome is the most ancient bishop and has been admitted in +all realms to have such cure, it may please “our said sovereign lord” to +admit him head of spiritual matters, giving spiritual authority to the +archbishops of Canterbury and York, “so that the said bishop of Rome +have no further meddling[1674].”? + +In after days a compromise on these lines was long a cherished dream of +the high church party in England, and if Henry would have allowed the +discussion of his title, such an arrangement might have been effected. + + (4)[1675] “The suppressed abbeys to be restored to their houses, lands + and goods.” + +Here lay the chief cause of the rebellion. Aske constantly maintained +that the suppression of the abbeys and the divisions among the preachers +were alone sufficient to have made the commons rise, apart from any +other real or imaginary grievances. The case for the monasteries was set +forth by Aske in the answer to an interrogatory which he wrote in the +Tower. The draft is hastily written, in some parts corrected, in others +scarcely grammatical, but the skilful use of words, and the swing and +balance of the sentences show that Henry had reason to fear Aske’s +“filed tongue”: + + “[As] to the statute of suppression, he did grudge against the same + and so did all the whole country, because the abbeys in the north + parts gave great alms to poor men and laudably served God; in which + parts of late days they had but small comfort by ghostly teaching. And + by occasion of the said suppression the divine service of almighty God + is much minished, great number of masses unsaid, and the blessed + consecration of the sacrament now not used and showed in those places, + to the distress of the faith and spiritual comfort to man’s soul; the + temple of God russed[1676] and pulled down, the ornaments and relics + of the church of God unreverent used, the towns [_tombs_] and + sepulchres of honourable and noble men pulled down and sold, none + hospitality now in those places kept, but the farmers for the most + part lets and taverns[1677] out the farms of the same houses to other + farmers, for lucre and advantage to themselves. And the profits of + these abbeys yearly goeth out of the country to the King’s highness, + so that in short space little money, by occasion of the said yearly + rents, tenths and first fruits, should be left in the said country, in + consideration of the absence of the King’s highness in those parts, + want of his laws and the frequentation of merchandise. Also divers and + many of the said abbeys were in the mountains and desert places, where + the people be rude of conditions and not well taught the law of God, + and when the said abbeys stood, the said people not only had worldly + refreshing in their bodies but also spiritual refuge both by ghostly + living of them and also by spiritual information, and preaching; and + many their tenants were their fee’d servants to them, and serving-men, + well succoured by abbeys; and now not only these tenants and servants + want refreshing there, both of meat, cloth and wages and knoweth not + now where to have any living, but also strangers and baggers of corn + as betwixt Yorkshire, Lancashire, Kendal, Westmorland, and the + Bishopric, [for there] was neither carriage of corn and merchandise + [but was] greatly succoured both horse and man by the said abbeys, for + none was in these parts denied, neither horsemeat nor mansmeat, so + that the people were greatly refreshed by the said abbeys, where now + they have no such succour; and wherefore the said statute of + suppression was greatly to the decay of the commonwealth of that + country, and all those parts of all degrees greatly grudged against + the same, and yet doth, their duty of allegiance always saved. + + “Also the abbeys were one of the beauties of this realm to all men and + strangers passing through the same; also all gentlemen [were] much + succoured in their needs with money, their young sons there succoured, + and in nunneries their daughters brought up in virtue; and also their + evidences and money left to the uses of infants in abbeys’ hands, + always sure there; and such abbeys as were near the danger of sea + banks, [were] great maintainers of sea walls and dykes, maintainers + and builders of bridges and highways, [and] such other things for the + commonwealth.”[1678] + +Even more enthusiastic evidence as to the virtues of the monasteries was +given by a Yorkshireman who lived near Roche Abbey in the reign of +Edward VI. He too praised the monks for repairing the highways, for +lending money to the needy, and for their hospitality and charity. In +addition he said that they were good landlords, who never enclosed the +common lands, and when corn was scarce, would sell it “under the market” +to bring down the price[1679]. The Pilgrims’ marching song sets forth +their praises with the greatest simplicity: + + “Alack, alack! + For the church’s sake + Poor commons wake + And no marvel! + For clear it is + The decay of this + How the poor shall miss + No tongue can tell. + + For there they had + Both ale and bread + At time of need + And succour great + In all distress + And heaviness + And well entreat. + + In trouble and care + When that we were + In manner all bare + Of our substance. + We found good bate + At churchmen’s gate + Without checkmate + Or variance.”[1680] + +The anonymous petition is to the same effect, “Our petition is, the same +[_the statute of suppression_] to be annulled and a new qualified order +commodious to your Grace to be taken, so that the said monasteries may +stand and your commonalty and poor subjects therein to be relieved, and +the prayer for the founders and service of God maintained.”[1681] + +It will be observed that the monks are praised for their public virtues. +They might have done all this, except the education of children, even if +their private lives were stained with as many vices as are mentioned in +the Comperta. The people judged the monks by their deeds, and that their +deeds were on the whole good is shown by the very fact that the King +attacked them for their private lives, concerning which it was +impossible that there should be very reliable evidence. + +Allowance must be made for the fact that these eulogies were written by +partisans of the monks. Even in Yorkshire all the monasteries did not +attain this high standard, as for instance in the case of Whitby, where +the Abbot lived on his cliff like a robber baron, in league with the +pirates of the coast, and his fee’d men fought with the townspeople, and +carried on feuds with the servants of the neighbouring gentlemen[1682]. +Nevertheless from the whole evidence it appears that in the north the +abbeys still performed useful social duties, and that their destruction +was therefore a severe blow. In the south, which was more civilised, +their functions had been to a great extent superseded and consequently +their loss was less felt. The wholesale suppression of all the +monasteries, without more than nominal discrimination between the useful +and the useless, was rightly felt by the Pilgrims to be a great +injustice to the north. + +In addition to the general objections to the suppression, Aske, being a +lawyer, noticed a flaw in the printed version of the statute. He pointed +out to Darcy and Constable that the Act granted to the King all +monasteries under the value of £200, without any definition as to where +the monasteries were situated, whether in England or abroad. In +consequence of this Aske considered the statute in that form to be void, +although he supposed that there might be “another statute” [i.e. the +original] which was fully and legally drawn up[1683]. + + (5) “To have the tenths and first fruits clearly discharged of the + same [monasteries] unless the clergy will grant a rent charge in + generality to the augmentation of the Crown.” + +The arguments against the Act of Annates[1684], which granted the first +fruits to the King, were: + +(_a_) that no King of England had ever received them before; + +(_b_) that it had not been accepted by the Convocation of York; + +(_c_) that in the case of monasteries it impoverished the monks unduly, +as they had nothing to live on during the first year of a new abbot; + +(_d_) that the money was sent out of the north, where there was too +little coin already; + +(_e_) that ecclesiastical benefices might by death, deprivation, or +resignation become vacant several times in one year, and as the King +demanded first fruits on each new appointment, the value of the benefice +was for the time reduced to nothing, and in the case of monasteries the +brethren were completely ruined[1685]. + +This last complaint expresses the origin of the whole trouble. The +King’s argument was that tenths and first fruits had always been paid to +the Pope, and that the clergy were just as well able to pay them to him. +Also it was better that the money should be kept in the kingdom and +spent on the needs of the government than that it should be sent abroad +and nothing received in return. But the payments to Rome had only fallen +due at reasonably long intervals; even then they had been a grievance, +but now that they were collected by the King at close quarters, and made +to yield as much as could possibly be squeezed out of the Church, the +grievance became intolerable. + +The clergy themselves naturally wished that all the payments should be +abolished[1686], but the laymen were of the opinion that though the +Statute of Firstfruits was “a decay to all religion,” the tenths “might +be borne well enough.”[1687] They were themselves petitioning against +the heavy taxes, and they did not intend that the clergy should escape +their share of the burden, although the laity were willing to defend the +clergy from extortion. The Pilgrims thought that the case might be met +by a fixed rent charge paid by the Church to the Crown. The same idea is +expressed in two of the articles attributed to Aske. One complains of +the “first fruits, augmentations and other extortions that the lord +Chancellor, lord Cromwell and their servants yearly collect from all +parts of the realm.” The other, which is mutilated at the beginning, +proposes that a charge should be reserved, probably upon the monastic +lands, “which is thought to be sufficient for defence of the said realm +and maintenance of lawful war, if it be kept for the same use.”[1688] + + (6) “To have the Friars Observants restored to their houses.” + +As this order had been suppressed earlier than the others, by different +means and for different reasons[1689], the repeal of the Act of +Suppression would not be sufficient to restore it, and it was therefore +mentioned separately. + + (7) “To have the heretics, bishops and temporal, and their sect, to + have condign punishment by fire or such other, or else to try the + quarrel with us and our partakers in battle.” + +Aske said that this was taken from the Lincolnshire articles[1690], +although it differed from them in naming none of the heretics. The +article was probably drawn up in this general form because the question +as to who were heretics was being very carefully discussed. The ten +articles of religion were accepted as being a satisfactory exposition of +the Faith. Archbishop Lee considered that they were all that could be +desired. Reginald Pole found no fault with their contents, which he held +to be in accordance with the Roman standard, although he was shocked +that they should be issued by the King’s authority[1691]. The Pilgrims +evaded this last difficulty by laying stress on the part which +Convocation had taken in drawing up the articles. In the propositions +attributed to Aske, it is desired “that the book of articles lately +commanded, by the advice of the Catholic bishops and doctors, be +taught,” and that those who offended against it should be punished. +Among the supposed offenders are named the Archbishop of Canterbury, the +Bishops of Rochester and Dublin, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Privy +Seal, and probably others whose names are lost[1692]. + +In order that heresy should be clearly defined, Robert Chaloner laid +before Aske, Constable, and the other leaders who drew up the Pilgrims’ +articles, a memorial on the subject. “In that book first were, as it had +been interrogatories to the spirituality, touching our faith, to prove +whose works and books were heresy by their opinion, and who of the +bishops and others preached and maintained these books, being heresy, +and by that means to have proved who, by their opinion, had been +heretics, as then it was said friar Barnes was for his opinions put in +the Tower.”[1693] Richard Bowyer laid before Aske certain books which he +“articled to be heresy.”[1694] In the course of the discussion, Darcy +declared that “he would be none heretic in consenting to the opinions” +expressed in “the new preaching of certain new bishops.”[1695] + +The books and the interrogatories were laid before the council of +divines in order that they might pronounce on their doctrines, and +meanwhile the laity expressed their opinion in this general resolution. + +Although no names were entered in the petition, the commons “noted the +bishops of Canterbury [_Cranmer_], Worcester [_Latimer_], Rochester +[_Hilsey_] and St David’s [_Barlow_] to be heretics.”[1696] It was +objected against all of them that they had been named in the +Lincolnshire petition, that they favoured the new learning and the +opinions of Luther and Tyndale, that they preached against the religious +orders and supported the Act of Suppression, disregarded the customs and +ceremonies of the Church, preached against the Pope, and supported the +royal supremacy. In particular it was alleged against the Bishop of +Worcester that “he was before abjured, or else should have borne a +faggot for his preaching,” and against the Archbishop of Canterbury that +he had not received his pall from Rome, and that he had pronounced the +divorce between the King and Queen Katharine[1697]. It was also said, +with a manifest allusion to the execution of More and Fisher, that the +King should mingle mercy with justice, for though he had the power of +life and death, he could not bring to life a man who had been executed, +and therefore no one should be condemned without the counsel of the most +virtuous bishops, not of those who were mere time-servers[1698]. + +It is easier to unite in hate than in love; all the Pilgrims may not +have been sound on the question of the papal supremacy, but none of them +had a good word to say for the heretic bishops. Still the Pilgrims +endeavoured to act fairly even by these men, for though it cannot be +denied that they would dearly have liked to burn them, they referred +their case for further consideration to the spirituality. + + (11)[1699] “That Dr Legh and Dr Layton have condign punishment for + their extortions from religious houses and other abominable acts.” + +After the council at York, Aske sent orders into Cumberland and +Westmorland that evidence should be collected as to the behaviour of the +monastic commissioners[1700]. The clergy in those parts were out of +sympathy with the Pilgrims and would determine nothing[1701], but +similar orders were probably sent into other districts where the +witnesses were more willing. Only one fragment of their evidence is +preserved, and that not of a very serious character; it was said that +the servants of the commissioners used the vestments from the suppressed +abbeys for saddle-cloths[1702]. It is not certain what further +accusations were brought against Legh and Layton on this occasion, but +in 1539 one of Bishop Tunstall’s servants told a similar story. The +commissioners stripped the gold and silver from the relics of the saints +and threw the bones contemptuously away. On one occasion they gave some +ornamented relics to a bystander and “bade him pluck off the silver and +garnish his dagger withal,” but he, horror-stricken, preserved what they +gave him intact, and afterwards gathered up the bones they had +dishonoured[1703]. Such outrages against popular feeling aroused the +greatest indignation and “in all parts of the realm men’s hearts much +grudge ... against the visitors, especially against Doctors Legh and +Layton.”[1704] + + (18) “The privileges and rights of the Church to be confirmed by Act + of Parliament. Priests not to suffer by the sword unless degraded. A + man to be saved by his book. Sanctuary to save a man for all causes in + extreme need, and the Church for forty days, and further according to + the laws as they were used in the beginning of the King’s days.” + +The first clause of this article is one of several which show the +Pilgrims’ respect for constitutional procedure. It was not enough that +the King should promise to grant their petition, the articles must be +ratified by the act of the whole nation. + +The later clauses are frankly reactionary, but it may be urged in their +favour that the laws at that time were very severe, and were enforced +with great inequality. Any custom which tended to mitigate their +severity had a certain use, and might serve to give the poor man a +little protection against the rich. The abolition of privileges, even of +those which were open to so much abuse as the right of sanctuary, made +the weak more helpless. + +In the case of the punishment of priests without degradation, it might +fairly be maintained that a serious subject had been treated too +hastily, as the clause which put an end to this privilege had been +tacked on to the end of a re-enactment of some earlier statutes dealing +with sanctuary and benefit of clergy[1705]. + + (19) “The liberties of the Church to have their old customs, as the + county palatine of Durham, Beverley, Ripon, St Peter of York, and such + other, by Act of Parliament.” + +The policy of the Tudors was centralisation, but while the central +government was still so ineffective, the advantages of centralisation +were not as obvious as they are at present. Local feeling was very +strong, and all of the “liberties of the Church” keenly resented any +interference with their privileges, although with the passing of the +feudal system the reasons for their exemption had disappeared. While the +King was anxious to abolish privileges he was slow to grant the +equivalent rights; for instance, most of the privileges of the county +palatine of Durham were abolished, but the shire of Durham was not +allowed to send representatives to the House of Commons. This article +was included in deference to the feelings of the men of Durham, Beverley +and elsewhere, but the point was not of much importance in itself. + + +II. CONSTITUTIONAL GRIEVANCES. + + (3) “That the Lady Mary may be made legitimate, and the former statute + therein annulled for the danger of the title that might incur to the + crown of Scotland: that to be by parliament.” + +All Henry’s efforts to obtain a legitimate male heir had ended in +plunging the question of the succession into hopeless confusion. The +acknowledgment of Mary was the solution which would be most acceptable +to the nation at large. She was beloved for her own sake and for her +mother’s, she was undoubtedly Henry’s daughter, she represented the old +faith, and she stood between the crown and the detested Scots claim. The +arguments in her favour were set forth as follows: + +(_a_) Mary was legitimate “if any laws in Christendom may have place.” +The process by which her mother’s marriage was declared void had been +hurried through by the King while the cause was still before the Court +of Rome, the authority which both the parties had acknowledged. “This +cannot stand, a man to be both judge in his own case and party.”[1706] +Although the Archbishop of Canterbury had pronounced the marriage null, +yet he had no power to do so while the cause was being tried before his +superior, the Pope, and the Archbishop’s own consecration was doubtful, +as he had not received the pall from Rome[1707]. + +(_b_) The statute which pronounced Mary to be illegitimate was passed +before the Pope’s decision on her mother’s appeal was known in +England[1708], and it was unjust to condemn her to the penalty before +the judgment had been delivered[1709]. + +(_c_) If the Pope’s decision was in her favour, she would still be +illegitimate by statute, from which it would appear that the statute had +been made “more for some displeasure towards her and her friends, than +for any just cause.”[1710] The wording of this objection shows that the +decision of the papal Consistory Court was not generally known in +England, although judgment had been given in favour of Katharine more +than two years before, on 23 March 1534[1711]. + +(_d_) She and her friends did not deserve displeasure; they ought rather +to receive the highest consideration, as through her mother she was +related to the greatest European monarch, whose family had long been +allied with England[1712]. + +(_e_) “The said Lady Mary ought to be favoured for her great virtues +then and yet esteemed to be in her ... for the said Lady Mary is +marvellously beloved for her virtue in the hearts of the people.”[1713] + +(_f_) She ought to be restored to the succession because her cousin, +Charles V, might take up her cause, and prohibit the valuable trade with +Flanders[1714]. + + (8) “Lord Cromwell, the Lord Chancellor [Audley] and Sir Richard Riche + to have condign punishment, as subvertors of the good laws of the + realm and maintainers and inventers of heretics.” + +Aske said little against Cromwell and his underlings except in the +matter of heresy[1715]. The expressions of less moderate men may be +learnt from the only one of the “books of advice” laid before the +council of Pilgrims which has been preserved. Aske mentioned three such +papers, Chaloner’s, Babthorpe’s and Sir Thomas Tempest’s[1716]. +Chaloner’s related principally to religion, and Babthorpe’s “touched but +few matters in the petitions;”[1717] it therefore seems probable that +the extant paper is the one which Sir Thomas Tempest sent to Pontefract +because he was too ill to come himself. In form it is to some extent a +reply to the King’s letter to the gentlemen. The exordium is that “the +King should [condescend to] our petition against the lollard and traitor +Thomas Cromwell, his disciples and adherents, or at least exile him and +them forth of the realm.” The writer begins by discussing the question +whether subjects have a right to appoint the King’s Council, which Henry +angrily denied. The Pilgrims, however, pointed out that it was essential +for the welfare of the kingdom that the Council should be composed of +patriots. If the King appointed men merely because they were personally +pleasing to him, his subjects for his own sake must take some +precaution, as in the case of “the council of Paris in France,” for if +the King preferred his favourites to the nobles, baronage and +commonwealth of the realm, he would come to a miserable end like +Rehoboam, Edward II, and Richard II. After touching on some other +points, the writer enumerated Cromwell’s offences. He was a traitor to +the King, for he encouraged him to break his coronation oath, and caused +him to lose the love of his subjects by pillaging them, and to lose the +respect of foreign princes by his perjury. Cromwell had boasted that he +would make the King the richest prince in Christendom, but instead of +that he had made him the poorest, for the riches of his kingdom were +spent, his subjects were in rebellion, and his allies abroad had grown +hostile. The writer concluded by a solemn warning that there could be no +safety for any of the Pilgrims until Cromwell was dead. They saw what +was the fate of the Lincolnshire rebels. Cromwell must be executed, and +the treasure which he and his disciples had accumulated might be used +for the good of the realm. If Cromwell were not put out of the way, it +would be better to fight while the rebels’ situation was so promising. +The Duke of Norfolk and the other southern noblemen ought to help on the +destruction of the archtraitor, “for their part is not unlike to be in +after this.”[1718] + +This invective shows clearly how successful Henry had been in throwing +the whole responsibility for his measures upon Cromwell’s shoulders. The +Pilgrims believed that they were saving both the King and the country +from the power of a wicked man. They did not realise that Cromwell was +the tool, not the principal. + +Audley and Riche were not so much considered. They came in for a share +of the hatred excited by Cromwell, because they were looked upon as his +dependents. They had succeeded to the offices formerly held by the good +Sir Thomas More, Audley as Chancellor and Riche as Speaker of the House +of Commons[1719]. + + (12) “Reformation for the election of knights of the shire and + burgesses, and for the use among the lords in the parliament house + after their ancient custom.” + +Henry asserted that Parliament had sanctioned everything which he had +done. The Pilgrims retorted that “these parliaments were of none +authority nor virtue, for if they should be truly named, they should be +called councils of the King’s appointment, and not parliaments.”[1720] +Sir Thomas Tempest, if it was he, declared that members were no longer +elected, but were appointed by the King. As an instance he mentioned Sir +Francis Brian, who knew nothing about the affairs of the borough[1721] +which he nominally represented in the last parliament. His seat was +given to him in order that he might speak against religion and make the +grants which the King demanded. Moreover it was no longer permitted that +the King’s affairs should be discussed in parliament, although the whole +realm suffered for the King’s sin, as Israel did for David’s[1722]. + +The propositions attributed to Aske mention the same points. + + “Such persons as were elected to the said parliament were named in the + King’s letters.... + + Every burgess of parliament ought to be [an] inhabitant within the + borough he represents; yet many were to the contrary, yea, that of the + worst sort. + + The old custom was that none of the King’s servants should be of the + Commons’ House; yet most of that house were the King’s servants. + + If a knight or a burgess died during parliament his room should + continue void to the end of the same[1723]; and it is not unknown + that—” + +Here the manuscript is mutilated, but at the end the writer seems to be +arguing that the acts of this packed House of Commons were all +void[1724]. + +Another parliamentary grievance was the insufficient representation of +the north. This was not due to any malice on the part of the King, but +rather to the poverty and indifference of the Yorkshire boroughs. +Members were returned by fifteen boroughs, besides those for the shire +and city of York, in the reigns of Edward I and Edward III[1725], but of +these all but two had become virtually disfranchised long before the +reign of Henry VIII. In the case of Pontefract, it was recorded that in +the time of Henry VI a return had been made for this place, but the +inhabitants could not afford to send a member[1726]. The other boroughs +must have fallen off in the same way during the Scots wars and the Wars +of the Roses. In 1529 Yorkshire sent to Westminster two knights of the +shire, two members each from the city of York and the borough of Hull, +which were separate counties, and two from the borough of +Scarborough[1727]. The returns for the parliament of 1536 are lost, but +according to Aske’s statement Scarborough was the only Yorkshire borough +represented in it, apart from York and Hull[1728]. It is interesting to +see that reawakened interest in political affairs made the Yorkshire +gentlemen regret the loss of their members, which was due to the +indifference of their ancestors. + +It was suggested at Doncaster that burgesses should be returned by +Beverley, Ripon, Richmond, Pontefract, Wakefield, Skipton and +Kendal[1729], but it is not certain whether this point was discussed at +Pontefract[1730]. + +As for the ancient customs of the House of Lords, Darcy described to +Aske recent innovations. In the first place, matters touching the +spiritual authority had formerly been determined in Convocation and not +by the Lords. + +Secondly, it had been usual for the Lords to begin their proceedings +after mass, by reading the first chapter of Magna Carta, “touching the +rights and liberties of the Church,” but this custom had been +discontinued. It seems to be alluded to in the list of propositions +attributed to Aske, “that the Church of England may enjoy the liberties +granted them by Magna Carta, and used until six or seven years +past.”[1731] The Pilgrims anticipated the “discovery” of Magna Carta (so +far as it affected the Church) by the parliamentary opponents of the +Stewarts[1732]. + +Thirdly, when any bill touching the prerogative of the crown was +introduced into the House of Commons, it had been customary for the +Lords to request to have a copy of it, that they might take counsel’s +opinion as to whether the bill was constitutional; but of late they had +had great difficulty in obtaining copies of the bills, partly through +“default in those of the Chancery in the use of their office amongst the +lords,” and partly because the bills were rushed through both houses +without proper warning[1733]. + +Thus the twelfth article in the Pilgrims’ petition comprised the +following points: + +(_a_) that the King should not interfere in elections; + +(_b_) that complete freedom of speech should be enjoyed in the House of +Commons; + +(_c_) that additional representation should be given to Yorkshire; + +(_d_) that spiritual matters should be dealt with by Convocation; + +(_e_) that the House of Lords should be supplied with copies of the +bills laid before the House of Commons. + + (15) “To have a parliament at Nottingham or York, and that shortly.” + +This was the necessary corollary of the last article. The reformed +parliament must meet at once to undo the work of its corrupt +predecessors, and it must be held at some place where it would not be so +completely in the power of the King as it was at Westminster. The +Pilgrims did not believe that there would be freedom of debate so near +the Tower, but at York a brave man might venture to utter an opinion +which it would be mere suicide to whisper in London. + +This article and the preceding one bear upon the vexed question of +whether there was or was not freedom of speech in Henry VIII’s +parliaments. Without plunging into that controversy, we must simply note +that the Pilgrims believed there ought to be freedom of speech, but did +not believe that it existed. One scrap of evidence comes from Lord +Montague, who used to talk over the business just transacted in +Parliament with the Earl of Huntingdon. They both “did always grudge and +murmur against things determined there,” and “would say they were but +knaves and heretics that gave over, and that such as did agree to things +there did the same for fear.”[1734] This may have been merely the +peevishness of a defeated opposition[1735], but the Pilgrims had some +grounds for their belief, as Darcy, after opposing a royal measure, had +not been allowed to resume his seat in the House of Lords. In any case +this demand of the Pilgrims is worth noting. Their expedient for +securing free speech appears rather primitive, but it is necessary to +bear in mind what a great difference there was at that period between +the home counties and the more remote parts of England. Henry himself +could not seize a man until he came within his reach, and the King’s arm +was not long. This makes it the more extraordinary that he was able to +lure so many of his victims into his grasp. + + (17) “Pardon by Act of Parliament for all recognizances, statutes and + penalties new forfeited during the time of this commotion.” + +The general act of indemnity was the first work which the new parliament +would be called upon to do. + + (16) “The statute of the declaration of the crown by will to be + repealed.” + +This statute aroused great indignation. Among the commons it was +believed to have been framed in order that Cromwell himself might be +brought into the succession[1736]. Aske and his more enlightened +colleagues were not deceived by this wild fancy, but they had +substantial reasons to urge against the statute: + +(_a_) First and most important from an Englishman’s point of view, there +had never been such a law before[1737]. + +(_b_) Private men did not enjoy the right of bequeathing their lands as +they pleased, although such a right would be very beneficial to them for +the payment of their debts and provision for their younger children. It +was unreasonable to give this power to the King, who required it less +than a private man, and thereby to make a distinction between +inheritance of the crown of England and inheritance of private property +in England[1738]. This is an allusion to the unpopular Statute of Uses. + +(_c_) Henry IV had made an entail of the crown, but Edward IV had +repealed it, by the advice of his wise men. Henry VII had also wished to +make an entail, but had been prevented, “and King Henry VII was bruited +and called the wisest prince and king of the world.”[1739] + +This point was characteristic of all the Lancastrian kings. As their +title to the crown by descent was defective, they sought to have it +confirmed by parliament[1740]. It is curious that Aske should have +thought that Henry VII did not make such a settlement, for the first +statute of his first parliament confirmed the crown of England to +himself and his heirs, as had been done in the case of Henry IV[1741]. +There is however a great difference between these acts and that of Henry +VIII. In the earlier measures the crown was expressly entailed on the +King’s heirs according to the law of the land, whereas Henry was +empowered to name his own heir. + +(_d_) If the King willed the crown away from the rightful heir apparent, +i.e. his next of kin, the result would be a war of succession, as it +would be impossible to try the case, because there were no +precedents[1742]. One of the questions to be put to the clergy, in the +list which is possibly Aske’s, bears on this point,—“If the King by his +last will will his realm after his death, especially out of the right +line of inheritance, whether his subjects are bound by God’s laws to +obey the will?”[1743] + +In this objection Aske goes right to the heart of the position taken up +by the defenders of the act. They are unanimous in saying that the +nation delegated such power to the King in order to avoid civil war on +his death. But it appeared to the Pilgrims that the act, far from +averting a war of succession, made such a catastrophe almost inevitable. +If the King merely named his natural heir as his successor, the act was +pointless, for that person would have succeeded in any case. The late +King’s will might strengthen his or her position, but could have no +material importance. The only object of the statute, they thought, must +be to enable the King to alter the succession “out of the right line of +inheritance,” and there could be no possible guarantee that the +disinherited heir by birth would acknowledge the statute to be binding. +The Pilgrims concluded from these arguments that the statute should +either be annulled altogether, leaving the crown to descend according to +the law of the land, or else that the King’s heir should be named at +once by act of parliament[1744]. + +(_e_) The next objection brought against the statute shows the direction +which the gentlemen’s fears were taking. “If the crown were given by the +King’s highness to an alien, as we doubt not his grace will not do so, +how should this alien by reason have it, for he in his person was not +made able to take it, no more than if I would give lands to an alien, it +is a void gift to the alien, because he is not born under the allegiance +of this crown.”[1745] + +The gentlemen did not believe that Henry could or would make Cromwell +his heir, but they feared that he might bring into the succession the +King of Scotland, or still more probably James V’s half-sister, Lady +Margaret Douglas. The idea of a Scots monarch sitting on the throne of +England was detested in the north, and if Henry VIII had allowed his +bitterness against his daughter Mary to carry him so far as to alter the +succession in favour of her cousins, there can be no doubt that war +would have followed. + +(_f_) Finally it would appear very strange and ridiculous to other +nations that in England there should be one law for the King and another +for the people, and, what was still more inconvenient, that it should +not be known who was the heir to the crown until after the King’s +death[1746]. + +For all these reasons and many more “not necessary to be opened, unless +it were in parliament,” the Pilgrims determined that the statute ought +to be repealed. + + +III. LEGAL GRIEVANCES. + + (10) “The statute of handguns and crossbows to be repealed, except in + the King’s parks or forests.” + +This statute was a re-enactment of two earlier statutes, which +prohibited the use of handguns and crossbows to persons whose income was +less than £100 a year. Exceptions from its operation were made in favour +of towns and fortresses on or within seven miles of the coast, or the +Scots marches, and also in favour of the inhabitants of Northumberland, +Durham, Westmorland and Cumberland[1747]. Its object was to keep up the +practice of shooting with the long bow, which was falling into disuse, +but all such attempts at coercion are inevitably unpopular, and this +statute must have been particularly resented in Yorkshire, by reason of +the contrast with the neighbouring counties which were exempted from its +provisions. + +Apart from any such local feeling there was a deeper motive in the +opposition to this statute. The men of England dimly perceived that in +their weapons lay their last hope of freedom. Legislation even about the +nature of their weapons roused their suspicions. They felt that it would +make a distinction between themselves and the regular soldiers whom the +King might employ. The long bow, still the principal instrument of war +in England, was becoming obsolete and the English bowmen respected if +they did not fear the arquebus men used in the continental wars. The +success of the Pilgrimage up to this point was in fact due to the +absence of any trained soldiers in England. The revolt in Germany was +crushed by the veterans who returned home from Italy after the battle of +Pavia[1748]. The Norfolk rebellion in 1549 was suppressed by means of +German and Italian mercenaries[1749]. Henry’s foreign wars had been too +brief to produce bodies of seasoned troopers, and it must be put to his +credit that he had not yet employed mercenaries. But he might do so +whenever he saw fit, and to equalise matters as far as possible the +commons wished to be free to use whatever weapons they found most +effective. + + (20) “To have the statute that no man shall not will his lands + repealed.” + +This was the Statute of Uses, which has already been discussed so +fully[1750] that it is not necessary to do more than recapitulate Aske’s +arguments against it. He seems to have considered that the law with +respect to the inheritance of land held in chief of the King had been +unsatisfactory before the statute was passed, and he said that this +article would not have been included if it had not occurred in the +Lincolnshire petition. When he went to court he declared his opinion of +the old law fully to the King[1751]. In the propositions attributed to +Aske there are two mutilated articles which appear to suggest that the +King should cause inquisition to be made, and the Exchequer rolls to be +searched, in order that it might be clearly ascertained which were the +lands held in chief of the King, as at present much trouble and expense +was caused by uncertainty on this point[1752]. + +But Aske did not consider that the Statute of Uses was rightly framed to +reform the old state of things. In the first place it gave a man in some +ways more opportunity of defeating the royal claims on his lands; +secondly, it altered the old forms of pleading at law and introduced +great confusion; thirdly, it prevented men from raising money on their +lands by making it possible for their sons to repudiate their +debts[1753]. + +The first objection roused the interest of his examiners, and they +wanted to know how the King’s rights might now be defeated[1754]. Aske +replied that it was difficult for him to set forth the matter, as he had +been separated from his books for so long, but the judges and others +deeply learned in the law could explain it, and there was one case which +he himself could give from his own knowledge[1755]. “If a man held land +of the King as of his duchy or of the crown, and have licence to alien +and do alien to an estranger to the use of the stranger, upon condition +that he shall execute an estatute to him for term of his life, the +remainder thereof to his son or heir apparent, and to the heirs of his +body legitime, the remainder in fee simple to a younger of his sons or +daughters or to an estranger, in this case his son cannot be in ward, +nor the lands, for he comes in after his father as a purchaser; and +collusion it cannot be, because the remainder of the fee simple is in a +stranger.”[1756] + +Aske was expressing the lawyer’s point of view in this. Most of the +gentlemen assembled at Pontefract would object to the Statute of Uses, +not because it could be evaded, but because they did not for the moment +see how to evade it. In the end Aske’s view proved to be correct, and +the effects of the statute were the very opposite to those which the +King expected[1757]. + + (21) “The statutes of treasons for words and such-like made since 21 + Henry VIII to be repealed.” + +The chief reason that the people grudged against the treason laws was +that they were prohibited from discussing the King’s title of supreme +head of the Church. They “thought it very strait that a man might not +declare his conscience in such a great case,” for it was a matter that +touched the health of their souls[1758]. There seem to be one or two +allusions to the treason laws in the paper attributed to Sir Thomas +Tempest. One has been noted above[1759]. Another may be implied when the +writer refers to the good days of Henry VII, who allowed men condemned +to death to buy their pardons, and “if the faulter had amend[ed] his +condition and grown to be a good man again, when he had amended the King +would have withdrawn his wrath and by one mean or other have looked so +of him that he should have had such a thing as should help him as much +as his fine hindered him.”[1760] In the propositions attributed to Aske +it is requested that “acts of parliament ... contrary to the law of God +may be avoided [made void] and the acts concerning high treason +reformed.”[1761] + +On the whole there was little discussion of these terrible laws, because +no one ventured to criticise them. Aske’s reply to a question on the +subject breaks off suddenly, as if even his examiners in the Tower did +not dare to hear all that an outspoken man could say on the +subject[1762]. + + (22) “That the common laws may have place as was used in the beginning + of the reign, and that no injunctions be granted unless the matter has + been determined in Chancery.” + +This and the following article are included in one among the +propositions attributed to Aske: “that the laws may be used as at the +beginning of the King’s reign, and that injunctions, subpoenas, and +privy seals be not granted so commonly and into countries distant from +London as of late time they have been.”[1763] In another place Aske +accused Audley the Lord Chancellor of “playing of ambedexter in granting +and dissolving of injunctions.”[1764] + +The theory which underlay the Chancellor’s power to grant injunctions is +well known. The Common Law courts administered justice according to law +and precedent, but this, although sufficient in the average case, might +bear hardly on individuals in special cases. When this happened, the +individual had the power to appeal to the Chancellor who, as keeper of +the King’s conscience, was able to grant “grace,” “conscience,” or +“equity,” in the form of an injunction which bound the other party in +the suit either to refrain from prosecuting in a particular court, or to +cease from the conduct which was causing complaint[1765]. There was no +objection to this power in general, except the universal one that the +remedy was in practice open only to the rich, but in the hands of such a +man as Audley the granting of injunctions was liable to abuse. The +Pilgrims’ article “means that the chancery may interfere with an action +at common law, only if that action is opening a question already decided +in the chancery.”[1766] + +At this particular period, however, the Chancellor’s power had another +and more dangerous aspect. There is some reason to believe that England +was on the verge of a “Reception” of the Civil Code of Justinian similar +to that which took place in Germany. Although Reginald Pole was an +admirer of the Civil Law[1767], yet its chief advocates were found among +Henry’s chosen servants, Gardiner, Bonner, Layton, Legh[1768] and +others, and “partly by injunctions, as well before verdicts, judgments +and executions as after, and partly by writs of Sub Poena issuing out of +the King’s court of chancery” the “Common Laws of this realm ... hath +not been only stayed of their direct course, but also many times altered +and violated by reason of Decrees made in the said court of chancery, +most grounded upon law civil and upon matter depending in the conscience +and discretion of the hearers thereof, who being civilians and not +learned in the Common Laws, setting aside the said Common Laws, +determine the weighty causes of this realm according either to the said +Law Civil or to their own conscience; which Law Civil is to the subjects +of this realm unknown, and they not bound nor inheritable to the same +law, and which judgments and decrees grounded upon conscience are not +grounded nor made upon any rule certain or law written.”[1769] + +The great bulwark of English Common Law against the Civil Law was the +body of lawyers of the inns of court[1770], and these champions were +numerously represented among the Pilgrims, in whose ranks they carried +on the struggle with weapons in their hands. Maitland says, “It will be +seen that in 1536 the cause of ‘the common laws’ found itself in very +queer company; illiterate, monkish and papistical company, which +apparently has made a man of ‘Anibaptist.’”[1771] If the great jurist +had gone more deeply into the Pilgrimage of Grace, he would have been +surprised to find how familiar that company was to him. + + (23) “That men north of Trent summoned on subpoena appear at York, or + by attorney, unless it be directed on pain of allegiance, or for like + matters concerning the King.” + +This article is closely connected with the preceding one. It is another +illustration of the wide separation that there was between London and +the North, when the journey was long, costly and dangerous, and the +countryman in London found himself in a strange land. + + (24) “A remedy against escheators for finding false offices and + extorting fees.” + +This was one of the grievances connected with the Statute of Uses, and +it is mentioned in the propositions attributed to Aske under that +heading. As the lands held _in capite_ are not certainly known “certain +of the Exchequer for money finds untrue offices against the King and in +like case oftentimes bribes and extortions the King’s —.” Here the +manuscript is mutilated[1772]. + +Complaints against escheators are older than the Statute of Uses, and +occur among the grievances of the rebels in almost all revolts, both +before and after the Pilgrimage. The escheators were the King’s +servants, who used their authority to bully and plunder the provincials. +Another of the propositions attributed to Aske refers to the same +injuries; it is against those who obtain “rooms” and “offices” “for +maintenance of their authority and their children’s blood,” and who have +“bribed and extortioned the King’s subjects.” It is requested that they +may be punished and honourable men put in their places[1773]. + +The Pilgrims associated all such abuses with Cromwell. The writer +supposed to be Sir Thomas Tempest complained that Cromwell’s servants +and his servants’ servants “thinks to have the law in every place here +ordered at their commandment, and will take upon them to command +sheriff, justices of peace, coram and of session in their master’s name +at their pleasure, witness Brabson and Dakyns.”[1774] + + +IV. ECONOMIC GRIEVANCES. + + (9) “That the lands in Westmorland, Cumberland, Kendal, Dent, + Sedbergh, Furness, and the abbey lands in Mashamshire, Kirkbyshire, + Netherdale, may be by tenant right, and the lord to have, at every + change, two years’ rent for gressom, according to the grant now made + by the lords to the commons there. This to be done by Act of + Parliament.” + +The “gressom,” “ingressum” or “gyrsuma” was the fine paid by a tenant on +entering upon his lands. In order to understand the peasants’ grievances +with respect to this fine, it is necessary to sketch the position of the +tenant with regard to his landlord in these districts. + +The commons of the districts named in the article held their lands by +tenant right. “In this mode of tenure, the lord could not impose his +will on the tenant—they were joint owners. The rights of lord and tenant +were determined by the custom of the manor. When a tenant died, his +estate escheated to the lord till the heir was declared as in tenure in +capite. The lord was obliged to admit the heir, and the fine on +admission was not arbitrary, like some other phases of tenure, but +according to the custom of the manor.” In the thirteenth century a fine +of one year’s rent seems to have been usual[1775]. After the Black +Death, when it was very difficult to find tenants, the lords of manors +were often content with merely nominal fines; in 1358 at Pittington in +Durham a tenant came in on payment of “one urchinne,” i.e. a +hedgehog[1776]. But with the increase of enclosure and sheep-farming, +the position of the lord altered completely. The tenant was no longer +necessary to him, and the lord therefore began to disregard the custom +of the manor and to demand much higher fines. If the tenant could pay, +it was so much ready money into the lord’s pocket. If he could not, he +was evicted and the farm was thrown open as part of the lord’s sheep +pastures. This was going on all over the country. In a case which was +brought before the Court of Star Chamber in 1527, the fine of land at +Thingdon in Northamptonshire was raised from 6_s._ 3½_d._ to +30_s._[1777] The commons of Kendal complained that where the ingressum +had been 4 marks it was now £40[1778]. When they took up arms the first +thing they did was to force their landlord to promise that he would +observe their ancient customs with regard to the ingressum. From the +wording of the article it appears that such promises had been obtained +in other districts also. + +The commons of Westmorland demanded that “consernynge ye gyrsumes for +power mens to bee layd aparte bot only penny farm penny gyrsum.”[1779] +The fixing of the fine at two years’ rent, as requested in the article, +finally became law in 1781[1780]. + +The rising in Cumberland and Westmorland bears a much closer resemblance +to the various peasant revolts in Germany than do the movements in the +other counties[1781]. Thus in the proclamation drawn up at Penrith by +Robert Thompson, the rebels were commanded to say daily five aves, five +paters and a creed, which recalls the Bruchsal insurgents of 1502, who +bound themselves to say five aves and five paternosters daily[1782]. +There is a striking correspondence between the petition of the commons +of Westmorland dated 15 November 1536[1783], and the Twelve Articles of +the Swabian Peasants in 1525[1784], despite the fact that the former +were rising, nominally at least, on behalf of the Church, and the latter +against it. + +The first of the Twelve Articles required “that ministers should be +chosen by the whole congregation,—If they misconducted themselves their +parishioners should be empowered to remove them.” The commons of +Westmorland wished to turn out non-resident incumbents “ytt we may putt +in yair rowmes to serve God oder yt wald be glad to keep hospytallyte +for sum of yam ar no preestes yt hath ye benefyce in hand and oder of +yam is my lord Cr[om]well chapplaynes.” + +The second of the Twelve Articles required that “only the great tithes +[of wheat and other grain] ... should be in future exacted, and not the +small tithes [of the produce of animals and the minor crops].” The +commons of Westmorland wished “all ye tythes to remayn to every man hys +owne doynge yerfor accordynge to yair dewtye,” which must mean that the +tithes should be replaced by a voluntary subscription. + +In the sixth article the peasants demanded that “no feudal services were +to be exacted beyond those which could be proved to be of immemorial +antiquity.” This is paralleled by the demand of the Westmorland commons +“to haffe nowte Gyelt and sargeant corne layd downe qwyche we thynke war +a Great welthe for all ye power men to bee layd downe.” It is not +necessary for the present purpose to go into the vexed question of the +original significance which belonged to the payment of “nowt geld,” i.e. +neat [cattle] geld or cornage[1785]. In Henry VIII’s reign the feudal +origin of the payments was forgotten, and the levying of cornage and +serjeant corn, otherwise called bailiff oats, probably did not differ +materially from what it was a hundred years later, when in 1634 the +tenants made another effort to free themselves. The neat geld was a +fixed annual payment made by the townships in the barony of Westmorland +and varying from £5. 5_s._ 8_d._ paid by Milburn to 1_s._ paid by +Croftormount. The serjeant corn was still paid in kind, the oats being +collected by the bailiff between St Andrew’s Day [30 November] and +Candlemas [2 February]; the amount due from each township was measured +in two ancient pecks, one containing 8 and the other 10 quarts. A +perpetual quarrel raged between the bailiff and the tenants as to +whether the measures ought to be “striked,” i.e. filled level with the +brim, or upheaped[1786]. + +A comparison of the two articles shows how much further the English had +advanced on the road to freedom than the Swabian peasants. In Germany +the actual services were still demanded, and new ones might be exacted. +In England the commons were trying to free themselves from the mere +relics of the ancient services. + +In the eighth article the Swabians required that “rents, which were in +the majority of cases excessive, should be reduced to reasonable +amounts.” This may be compared with the complaint against the ingressum. + +The tenth article required that “common land on which the lords had +encroached should be restored to the community.” This grievance was +equally felt by the insurgents of both nations. In the Westmorland +petition it is requested that “all the intakes yt [are] noysom for power +men [ought] to be layd downe.” On this point more will be said below. + +One clause in the Westmorland petition has no parallel in the Twelve +Articles, namely that “taxes [be] casten emongst ye benefest men as well +yam in abbett within us as yai yt is nott incumbent.” The clergy voted +their grants of money to the King in convocation, apart from the money +bills in the House of Commons, and paid separately from the laity[1787]. +When the taxes were fixed sums raised by each district, as in the case +of the tenth and fifteenth, it would be a relief to the small farmer if +the clergy of the district shared in the lay taxes, instead of being +assessed separately. The commons probably did not reflect that if clergy +and laity paid together the King would demand a larger total than if the +laity paid alone. As the subsidy was not levied in Cumberland and +Westmorland all the taxes were paid in the old manner; none were +assessed directly. In Germany the question of taxation cannot have +arisen, as government taxes scarcely existed. + +It is to be noticed that only two of the articles in the Westmorland +petition, those relating to fines and to enclosures, were included in +the list of articles drawn up at Pontefract. An assembly in which the +knightly and clerical elements were so strong had little sympathy with +demands drawn up entirely from the commons’ point of view. The clergy +could not be expected to acknowledge that parishioners might dispossess +the incumbent, for although those particular incumbents were very +unsatisfactory characters, still the principle, if once admitted, might +easily be carried a great deal too far. The same argument applies to the +question of tithes and taxation. The gentlemen, indeed, having accepted +the great point of the fines, might have consented to waive the +half-obsolete feudal dues, but the point may not have appeared of +sufficient importance to be included in the Pilgrims’ petition, as it +applied only to one district, and might be settled privately between +landlord and tenant. + + (13) “The statute for enclosures and intacks to be put in execution + and intacks since 4 Henry VII to be pulled down, except mountains, + forests and parks.” + +This was a point on which the government was at one with the labourers, +but both were powerless. Acts of parliament had been passed with a view +to remedying the evil, but the King could not enforce them in the face +of the passive resistance of the country gentlemen. During the rebellion +the labourers sometimes took matters into their own hands, and pulled +down the enclosures[1788]. It is to be observed that the enclosure +movement in the north was not quite the same as that in the south; “it +was not the characteristic enclosure of the period, that of the open +fields, which is most prominent [during the Pilgrimage of Grace], but +the much older and long-continued enclosure of the commons.”[1789] + +The gentlemen and their tenants at Pontefract must have united to insert +this article in their petition, but it is perhaps not unjust to imagine +that each of the gentlemen thought the reform ought to begin on somebody +else’s lands. + + (14) “To be discharged of the quinzine and taxes now granted by Act of + Parliament.” + +Something has already been said about the attitude of all classes +towards taxation[1790]. Briefly, they did not see why they should be +taxed at all. Instead of looking upon the taxes as a necessary incident +of government, they regarded them as something extraordinary, which were +required only on account of the King’s wilful extravagance. Therefore in +every rising it was usual to demand that the taxes should be +remitted[1791]. Although the fifteenth is mentioned by name, the subsidy +appears to have been the most keenly resented, because it was being +assessed directly. + +The leaders of the Pilgrimage might have been expected to know that it +was absolutely necessary for the government to have money, and the +article may have been included to please the rank and file. Some of the +gentlemen, however, cherished the belief that the King could obtain what +he needed without troubling them. The writer supposed to be Sir Thomas +Tempest, dwells upon the means by which Henry VII increased his wealth; +first, by selling pardons; secondly, by some rather obscure dealings in +bishoprics, described as follows: “when a bishopric fell he would +promote his chaplain, and thereby by such exchange he would have the +profit of the temporalities of all the sees in the realm and content all +his prelates by the same, for he amended all their lineage thereby, and +hurt none, and yet increased his own riches marvellously”; thirdly, by +encouraging foreign trade[1792]. It is amusing to see how the gentlemen +now turned fond eyes back to the reign of Henry VII, who while he lived +was so bitterly hated for his extortion. + + +Such were the articles to be treated upon by the leaders of the +Pilgrimage and the King’s representatives. In reviewing them, it is +evident that they were not the clamour of peasants driven mad by +suffering, but ignorant of the remedy for their wrongs; nor were they +the work of blind fanatics who insisted on a complete reaction. The +articles show willingness to accept a reasonable compromise on every +important point. + +The Pilgrims were ready to acknowledge the Ten Articles of Religion, as +issued by the King. They were prepared to agree to his possession of all +the substantial power attached to his title of Supreme Head of the +Church, if he would lay down the unlimited pretensions which were +implied in it. This was precisely what was done by his daughter +Elizabeth. The Pilgrims suggested that the King should receive an annual +rent charge from the monasteries, a permanent source of income which the +wholesale suppression destroyed for ever. They asked the King to burn +heretics, but he had never shown himself reluctant to perform that duty. +They asked him to punish Cromwell, but Henry had no sentimental scruples +about destroying a minister who had ceased to be useful. They desired +the repeal of a number of statutes, but they were willing to refer that +to a free parliament, and Henry always declared that he was glad to +summon a free parliament at any time. The question of the succession was +a thorny one, but it was to be solved next year by the birth of Prince +Edward; consequently, if it had been referred to parliament it would not +have proved a permanent obstacle. + +It may be questioned whether it would not have been a wiser as well as a +more honourable course if Henry had entered into serious negotiations +with the Pilgrims, considered their demands, and established the Church +of England on the basis of an agreement between the opposition and +himself. That Church, when at last it was established, was the result of +a compromise, and there seems to be no vital reason why some compromise +should not have been made at once. No doubt the settlement would have +been on more conservative lines than were adopted later, and therefore +it would have had perhaps less chance of permanence, but it would have +been a rallying-point for the moderate men of all parties in the +troubled reigns which followed, and might have prevented much violent +change and consequent suffering. + +The King himself seems to have been swayed for a little while by this +prospect. Stephen Gardiner, in a sermon preached at Paul’s Cross on 2 +December, 1554, said, “When the tumult was in the north, in the time of +King Henry VIII, I am sure the King was determined to have given over +the supremacy again to the Pope; but the hour was not then come, and +therefore it went not forward, lest some would have said that he did it +for fear.”[1793] Gardiner was on an embassy in France during the +rebellion, and therefore cannot have been speaking from first-hand +knowledge, but his opinion carries a certain weight. + +A still more interesting witness to the King’s hesitation is the draft +for an act of parliament, which, it has been conjectured, was to be +submitted to the free parliament which the Pilgrims demanded. It +represents Henry’s idea of a compromise on the subject of the +monasteries. In the first place all the monasteries which had been +suppressed were to remain so; the King would give up nothing which had +come into his hands, but it was to be enacted that the grantees must +reside upon the lands and maintain hospitality as the monks had done. In +the second place, all houses north of Trent which had not yet been +suppressed were to be expressly preserved by the act. The monks in these +houses must observe the new rules for their conduct which had been drawn +up in 1535, and a governor appointed by the King was to administer the +revenues of every house. No monastery was to be permitted to have an +income of more than 1000 marks a year. In the third place, the surplus +revenue of the monasteries was to be made over to a court, to be called +the Curia Centenariorum, presided over by the lord admiral. The funds +belonging to this court were to be devoted to maintaining a standing +army both in peace and war in the towns, castles and fortresses of the +realm[1794]. This scheme is stamped with Henry’s own peculiar form of +humour. In effect he said to the north:—“You insist on keeping the +monasteries? Very well. But you shall keep a standing army too.” It was +easy to see that the greater part of this army would be garrisoned in +the north. The project is a very striking one, but of no practical +importance, as it was never carried out. + +Against these symptoms of yielding, slight as they were, Henry’s own +argument may be used, that it would have been foolish to take serious +notice of demands put forward by the ignorant and backward north. The +policy of the government ought to be controlled by the more enlightened +south. But it is clear that sympathy was felt for the northern movement +all over the country. This was not a mere fancy of the Pilgrims. Apart +from the abortive risings in other counties[1795], there is abundant +evidence that many, perhaps most, of the “southern men” would have +rejoiced at a compromise of the kind suggested above[1796]. + +In their negotiations with the King, the Pilgrims were handicapped by +having among their leaders no nobleman above the rank of a baron. It was +here that the Earl of Derby’s loss was severely felt. He would at any +rate have made a respectable figure-head for negotiations. The only +ecclesiastical dignitary of importance with them was the Archbishop of +York, whose timid, unstable character made him worse than useless. + +Nevertheless, in spite of these drawbacks, the fact remains that the +King was forced to enter into negotiations with the Pilgrims, even +though they were northern men and lacked representatives in the peerage. +Henry saved his honour, in his own opinion, by the mental reservation +that he would not observe the terms any longer than he was compelled to +do so by force. He was obliged to treat, but at least he need not do it +sincerely. It was bad enough to be reduced to such an extremity, but he +had not fallen so low as to make a serious treaty and to keep his +promises. In this spirit, therefore, he rejected the opportunity of +establishing the Church of England upon the consent of the people. For +the remaining nine years of his reign his will was absolute in +ecclesiastical matters. The doctrines of the catholic faith were to be +accepted by his subjects not on the authority of “the Holy Church +throughout all the world” but on that of the reigning king. There was +therefore no security for the conservatives that the King would not +alter these doctrines at his pleasure, and in fact there is reason to +believe that Henry contemplated further changes of a more sweeping +character in the doctrine and practice of the Church at the time of his +death. The most probable explanation of his attitude in ecclesiastical +matters seems to be that he overrated his own power. He believed that he +could establish a church upon his own absolute will, and that yet, after +his own death, the church would stand. The event showed his mistake. On +his death religion in England fell into chaos. + +The council at Pontefract had already done a good day’s work, but it was +not yet ended. In addition to agreeing upon the articles, a list of +instructions was drawn up for Sir Thomas Hilton and his +companions[1797]. One of these alone requires comment here: “That +Richard Cromwell nor none of his kind nor sort be at our meeting at +Doncaster.” This was resolved upon because— + +(_a_) Norfolk had stated that he was coming to Doncaster unaccompanied +save by Sir Anthony Browne’s band, and the Pilgrims were annoyed to hear +that Richard Cromwell was also with him. + +(_b_) There was great danger that if the commons knew that Cromwell’s +men were there they would insist upon attacking them. + +(_c_) One of Robert Bowes’ servants, while in London, had quarrelled +with one of the Lord Privy Seal’s servants, and would pursue the feud if +he had the chance. + +(_d_) Richard Cromwell had “spoken extreme words against the commons of +Lincolnshire.”[1798] + +Before the council broke up, Lord Latimer suggested that the Archbishop +and the divines now assembled should be requested to “show their +learning whether subjects might lawfully move war in any case against +their prince.”[1799] There was no debate on the question, but Aske +undertook to lay it before the clergy, and it was hoped that the +Archbishop would deal with the problem in the sermon which he was to +preach next day[1800]. + +Lee had already arrived at Pontefract. The first thing that he did was +to attempt to play the same trick on Darcy which had succeeded so well +with Aske. His chaplain, Dr Brandsby, carried a verbal message to Darcy +that the Archbishop wished to have his written opinion as to how the +divines there assembled should show their learning. But Darcy was not to +be caught. He answered Dr Brandsby not in writing but by word of mouth, +and “like a knight, and neither as an orator nor lawyer nor +dissembler.”[1801] From this it may be inferred that his language was +forcible, not to say profane. At any rate he upset Lee’s plan for +collecting the treasonable opinions of the Pilgrims without stating his +own. + +Meanwhile the other priests were assembling at Pontefract. Richmond was +represented by John Dakyn and the rector of Wycliffe, who was probably +Dr Rokeby[1802]. The rector of Wycliffe was not popular with his +parishioners, as one of his uncles was a surveyor of the abbeys. On the +outbreak of the rebellion the commons had threatened Rokeby, calling him +a lollard and a puller down of abbeys[1803]. It was Sir William +Tristram, the warlike chantry priest of Lartington, who told him that he +must go to Pontefract with Dakyn. On this news Rokeby went to consult +Dakyn, and they both appealed to Robert Bowes for advice. He assured +them that the Archbishop wanted their counsel, and they therefore both +went to Pontefract. They arrived in the afternoon on Saturday 2 +December, and waited on the Archbishop in his chamber[1804]. He seems to +have been at the Priory, as he refused to go to the Castle[1805]. On +seeing Dakyn and Rokeby he expressed some surprise. They told him that +they understood from Bowes that he sent for them. He denied that he had +summoned anyone to a conference, although the letters had been sent out +in his name. He admitted, however, that he had received a list of +articles from the rebels, and had been requested to pronounce on their +truth. Although he would not acknowledge that he possessed the articles, +he sent Rokeby and Dakyn to Dr Brandsby for a copy. These seem to have +been the articles that Aske had sent to him[1806]. + +After this, the laymen’s conference having broken up, Lord Latimer came +to the Archbishop and asked him to declare next day in his sermon +whether it was lawful for subjects to wage war against their sovereign, +and to do it briefly, as there was to be a council at the Castle at nine +o’clock. Lee felt himself driven into a corner. With the resolution of +despair he promised to obey and asked Latimer to attend the sermon +instead of the council[1807]. Richard Bowyer, who seems to have acted as +clerk to the council, came to the Archbishop the same night with the +articles which had been passed by the Pilgrims that day. To him Lee +assumed the pose of a martyr: “Ye do see I cannot better it. How I am +entreated ye know.”[1808] + +It has been said before, and may here be repeated, that it is incredible +that Archbishop Lee should have been allowed to preach at this critical +point if he really uttered all the loyal sentiments and made all the +protests which he afterwards attributed to himself. There were many +prominent divines at Pontefract who were heart and soul with the +Pilgrims. One of these, Friar John Pickering for example, would have +been asked to preach if it had been known that the Archbishop was such a +convinced supporter of passive obedience. In spite of his subsequent +protests, Lee was regarded on all hands as the ecclesiastical leader of +the opposition to Cromwell’s innovations. So long as conservatism was +safe, he had been a bigoted conservative[1809]. He had vigorously +attacked the very moderate reforming tendencies of Erasmus[1810]. He is +supposed to have burnt a man and a woman at York for heresy, although +the evidence in this case is defective[1811]. It was at this very time +reported in the host on the authority of Sir Robert Oughtred that Lee +had said “that there was no way for the commons but battle.”[1812] His +determination to preach was opposed by three of his chaplains and his +suffragan, but it does not appear whether they knew what he was going to +say, or merely did not wish him to preach at all[1813]. + +Service was held in the parish church of Pontefract on the morning of +Sunday 3 December before nine o’clock. Lord Darcy was not present[1814], +but everyone else thronged to hear the Archbishop’s sermon. It seems +that the gentlemen and divines filled the body of the church, and that +most of the commons were in a gallery, “up a height in the +church.”[1815] + +Lee afterwards represented himself as coming to the pulpit “indifferent +to live or die,” resolved only to save the bodies and souls of his flock +by telling them at any cost that they did evil in resisting the +King[1816]. But this was not what his audience anticipated, and it was +some time before the drift of his sermon appeared. His text +unfortunately has not been preserved, but he began his discourse by +speaking of the sacraments of baptism, penance and communion, and of the +creed, which had been set forth in the Ten Articles of Religion[1817]. +This was non-controversial matter, as the Ten Articles were accepted by +both parties. He next ventured on the rather bolder assertion that lands +which were given to the Church might not be put to profane uses. This +was what the congregation expected, and they waited eagerly for what +followed. The Archbishop continued that priests ought not to fight in +any circumstances[1818]; as for making a “peregrynage”—and on this word +he paused[1819]. There was a little stir and bustle round the door, and +Lancaster Herald came into the church. He had arrived with the +safeconduct, and very properly attended divine service on Sunday morning +at the first opportunity[1820]. + +The appearance of the Herald had a decisive influence on the +Archbishop’s sermon. It either gave him courage to carry out his purpose +of condemning the Pilgrimage[1821], as he said, or drove away the little +courage that he had and prevented him from blessing it, as his audience +believed[1822]. After this little pause he took up his discourse again +and declared that in the King’s Book of Articles the Faith was +sufficiently determined, that the sword was given to none but a prince, +and that no man might draw it but by his prince’s orders. + +At this the fury of the commons broke loose. They cried out that the +Archbishop was a false dissembler[1823], and in the midst of the uproar +Aske and the other gentlemen hurried Lee away[1824]. He afterwards dwelt +pathetically on the danger that he had incurred[1825], but it cannot +have been very great, as it appears that the commons were some distance +from him in the gallery, and that he was surrounded by the gentlemen, +who, however angry they might be, would do him no bodily harm. Darcy did +not think much of his peril. He told the Archbishop that he reckoned +that the King and his honourable councillors would accept him after the +true meaning of that and all his sermons, without his seeking the King’s +favour by desiring, in letters, to die for his faith. “Whosoever desires +such high perfection may, with the King’s licence, be sped in Africa or +Turkey.”[1826] Darcy obtained “such high perfection” much nearer home, +but it was denied to Archbishop Lee. + +It was natural that the gentlemen should resent Lee’s sermon. When a man +is risking his lands and life for a cause, it is very annoying to be +told by the representative of that cause that he is acting wickedly, and +that the cause has no need of him. Lee dined with Darcy that Sunday, and +begged him to use his influence for peace[1827], but it may be imagined +that he was not very warmly received. He heard many unfavourable +opinions of his sermon in the next few days. Sir Robert Constable used +“cruel words far unfitting to be uttered by his mouth against me that +have the cure of his soul,” complained the aggrieved Archbishop[1828]. +To appease the commons and perhaps to give vent to his own feelings, +Constable had said that the Archbishop would make amends hereafter. As +soon as he was safely home at Cawood, Lee wrote to remonstrate with Sir +Robert for using such words, and declared that he had nothing to make +amends for[1829]. Robert Aske was reported to have said that if he had +known what the sermon would be he would have pulled Lee out of the +pulpit[1830], but what he really said was that if he had known “my lord +of York would preach as he did, he should not have preached.”[1831] Lee +was told that when Darcy heard that he had said no one might lawfully +resist the King, he exclaimed “By God’s mother that is not true.”[1832] +Lee wrote to complain of this to Darcy, who denied the words; but the +bitterly contemptuous tone of his letter shows what he thought of the +Archbishop[1833]. + +All this chorus of condemnation arouses a certain amount of sympathy for +the Archbishop in the modern mind. The doctrine of non-resistance at its +highest is perhaps the noblest conceivable. Lee was upholding +non-resistance, and there is an odd resemblance between his position and +that of the Tolstoian hero in Zangwill’s _War God_. But the likeness +breaks down when tested. In order to win acceptance the professor of +non-resistance must be unflinchingly brave and absolutely consistent. +Lee did not fulfil either of these conditions. He had not dared to +proclaim his doctrine, or he would not have been allowed to preach that +day, and he did not protest against all war. On the contrary, he praised +those who fought for the King and condemned only rebellion. Finally even +non-resisters agree that a body of men may unite to indicate peacefully +but firmly that they disapprove of the government’s action. At this +crisis of the Pilgrimage there was a reasonable hope that the Pilgrims +would obtain all they desired by peaceful means if they stood firmly +together. Lee’s sermon did a great deal to destroy that hope. This was +far from being his intention. Whatever may be thought of his conduct, it +is quite certain that he sincerely desired peace. Yet he had adopted a +very unfortunate method of bringing it about. His sermon not only +exasperated the commons, but increased their constant suspicion of the +gentlemen. After the fiasco in Lincolnshire they naturally feared that +the gentlemen would make their own peace with the King and abandon the +commons to Cromwell’s vengeance. Lee’s condemnation of the Pilgrimage +increased this distrust. It seemed only too probable that he had been +inspired by the leaders, who might already have secretly come to terms +with Norfolk. If this were so, they were now anxious to dismiss the +commons to their homes in order that, disunited and helpless, they might +fall into the hands of the royal troops. On account of these inevitable +suspicions Aske deeply regretted that he had allowed the Archbishop to +preach. The sermon had the air of an official statement, and though Lee +might have made himself safe with the King, he had embarrassed the +position of the leaders. Quarrelling broke out among the commons, and +tumults arose. Aske’s servants cut the red crosses off the coat of +Richard Bowyer, who was in the coat at the time. It does not appear what +he had done to annoy them, but he seems to have been a meddlesome +fellow. Sir George Lawson expressed a wish to know what the assembly of +divines resolved upon, and Bowyer tried to be present at their meeting. +He succeeded in entering the room while they were at dinner, but when +they came back, they declined his offer to act as secretary and turned +him out[1834]. + +The convocation of divines met in the Priory on Monday 4 December[1835]. +They were summoned to the Priory church by Dr William Cliff, chancellor +to the Archbishop of York, chaunter of York and rector of Waverton in +Cheshire[1836], who was acting for his master, and were led by the Prior +of Pontefract into a private chamber. The persons present were John +Ripley[1837], Abbot of Kirkstall; his chaplain; Dr Sherwood, chancellor +of Beverley minster[1838]; Dr Cliff; Dr Langrege, Archdeacon of +Cleveland[1839]; Dr Geoffrey Downes, Chancellor of York; Dr John +Brandsby, the Archbishop’s chaplain and master of the collegiate church +of Sutton[1840]; Dr Cuthbert Marshall, Archdeacon of Nottingham; James +Thwaites, Prior of Pontefract; Dr Waldby, rector of Kirk Deighton and +prebendary of Carlisle; Dr Pickering the Friar Preacher; Dr Rokeby; a +friar; Dr George Palmes, rector of Sutton-upon-Derwent[1841]; and Dr +Dakyn, rector of Kirkby Ravensworth and vicar-general of York, who was +requested to sit in the midst and take the minutes. The Prior of +Pontefract and the friar seem to have been the only persons present who +were not doctors either of law or of divinity[1842]. + +The divines had before them the questions and propositions which Aske +had originally sent to Lee, but Aske said that they made no direct reply +to his list, and that he could not remember who drew up the questions +which they answered[1843]. These questions may perhaps have been +Chaloner’s interrogatories concerning heresy[1844]. + +The divines’ first resolution was:— + + “We thynke yt preachynge agaynste purgatory, worshuppynge of Sayntes, + pylgrymage, Images and all bookes set forth agenst ye same or + sacramentes or sacramentallis of ye Churche be worthy to be reproved + and condempned by Convocacion, and ye payne to be executed yt is + devysed for ye doars to ye contrary, and proces to be made herafter in + heresye as was in ye dayes of kynge henry ye 1111 th and ye new + statutes wherby heresyes now lately have ben greatly norysshed to be + annolled and abrogated, and yt ye holydaes may be observed accordyng + to ye lawes and lawdable Customes, and yt ye byddynge of beadys and + preachinge may be observed as hath ben used by olde Custume.”[1845] + +Over this there was little debate, for even Archbishop Lee objected to +the abolition of holydays[1846], but the second resolution was that + + “ye kynges highnes ne any temporall man may not be supreme hedd of ye + churche by ye lawes of god to have or exercise any jurysdiccons or + poer spirituall in ye same, and all actes of parliamente made to ye + contrary to be revoked.” + +There was a long discussion over this. Marshall, Pickering, Brandsby and +Waldby maintained the papal cause, urging the primacy of St Peter. The +three last named had been present in Convocation when the momentous +resolution in the King’s favour was passed. They took out of their +purses protests which had been made then[1847], and complained that the +saving clause “in quantum per legem Christi licet[1848]” was omitted. +Dakyn, Cliff and Rokeby thought that the question ought to be referred +to a General Council. Dakyn was not opposed to some limitation of the +Pope’s authority, for he had been in the Court of Arches and had learnt +there how much trouble and delay were caused by appeals to Rome. Dr +Sherwood was more inclined to the royal supremacy than the rest. Finally +they agreed that the King might retain the title of “Caput Ecclesiæ,” +but that he might exercise no jurisdiction such as visitation[1849]. + +The third question seems to have referred to Mary’s legitimacy, upon +which they resolved + + “we be not suffycyently instructed in ye facte ne in ye proces therin + made but we refarre it to ye determynation of ye Churche to whom it + was appealed.” + +The other resolutions were + + “yt no clerke oughte to be put to death withoute degradacyon by ye + lawes of ye Churche. + + yt no man ought to be drawen owte of sentuary but in certayne causes + expressed in ye lawes of ye Churche. + + To ye vi^{th} we saye yt ye clargye of ye northe parties hath not + graunted nor consentyd to ye pamente of ye tenthes or ffyrste frutes + of benefices in ye Convocan and also we may make no suche personall + graunte by ye lawes of ye Churche and we thynke yt no temporall man + hathe auctoryte by ye lawes of god to claym any suche tenthes or + ffyrst frutes of any benyfyce or spirituall promocyon. + + To ye vii^{th} we thinke yt landis gyven to god, ye churche or + relygyouse men ma not betaken away and put to prophane uses by ye + lawes of god. + + To ye viii^{th} we thynke yt dispensacons upon Iuste causes lawfully + graunted by ye pope of Rome to be good and to be accepted, and pardons + have ben allowed by generall Counsels of lateran and Vyenna and by + lawes of ye churche. + + To ye ix^{th} we thynke yt by ye lawes of ye Churche, Generall + counselles, interpreta [_torn_] ys of approved doctors and consente of + Crysten people ye poope of Rome hath ben taken for ye hedd of ye + Churche and Vycare of Cryste and so oughte to be taken. + + To ye x^{th} we thinke yt ye examynacon and Correxion of dedly synne + belongith to ye mynisters of ye Churche by ye lawes of ye same, wch be + consonante to goddes lawes.” + +This was the conclusion of the interrogatories, which were ten in +number. In the debate Cliff and Palmes were most eager for the repeal of +the various statutes, and Dakyn for the restoration of the monasteries, +as he had been very much shocked by the profanation of sacred +things[1850]. + +In the afternoon Aske himself brought the laymen’s articles to the +divines. He found them sitting with their books before them, and with +their articles almost ready[1851]. They read over the laymen’s petition +to the King, but they did not consider the temporal articles within +their province. Aske offered to lend them a book written by the Bishop +of Rochester [Fisher], which would assist them if they were in any +difficulty[1852], and besought them to speak their minds on all points +openly and without fear[1853]. He himself was ready to fight and die for +the old faith and the papal supremacy[1854]. + +On Tuesday 5 December the divines debated on the first eight articles of +the petition, namely (1) the suppression of heresies, (2) the supremacy +of the Pope, (3) the legitimacy of Mary, (4) the restoration of the +abbeys, (5) the abolition of tenths and first fruits, (6) the +restoration of the Friars Observants, (7) the punishment of heretics, +(8) the punishment of Cromwell, Audley and Rich. + +In this they were going over the same ground as on the day before, and +they had only to confirm the lay articles. In addition to their answers +to the questions which they had received, the divines passed some +resolutions of their own:— + + “ffarther we thynke it convenyente yt ye lawes of ye churche may be + openly redde in Unyversyties as hath ben used here to ffore, and yt + suche clarkys as be in pryson or ffledde owte of ye realme for + withstandyng ye kynges supporyorite in ye Church may be set at + lybertye and restored withoute danger and yt suche bookys and workes + as do entreate of ye primacye of ye Churche of Rome may be ffrely + kepte and redde notwithstandyng any prohybyssion to ye contrary and yt + ye artycles of praemynire may be declared by actes of parlamente to + the entente no man be in daunger therof withoute a prohibicyon fyrste + awarded and yt suche apostataes as be goon from relygion withoute + suffycyente and lawfull dyspensacyon of ye See of Rome may be + compelled to returne to theyre howses, and yt all Sommes of mony as + tenthes fyrste frutes and other Arreragis [_torn_] graunted unto ye + kynges highnes by parlyamente or convocacyon and dew to be payed + before ye fyrst day of ye nexte parliament may be remytted and + forgyven for ye causes and reasones above expressed. + + And we ye saide clargie saye yt for lacke of tyme and instruccyon in + thies artycles and wante of bookys we declare this our opynyon for + this tyme refarrynge our determynacon in ye premysses to ye nexte + Convocacyon. + + Also we desyre yt ye statute Cammanndynge ye clergye to exhibyte ye + dyspensacons graunted by ye pope byfore ye ffeaste of michelmas nexte + commynge may be revoked at ye nexte parliamente.” + +On Tuesday evening the articles were ready, and the assembled divines +carried them to the Archbishop[1855]. Aske was present[1856], as Lee had +been urging him to come to terms with Norfolk, to disclose everything, +and to inquire whether Lee should proceed with the collection of the +tenth[1857]. The Archbishop read over the articles, but when he came to +the declaration of the papal supremacy, he objected that it was +unnecessary. There was a long debate over this. Marshall and Pickering +defended the article[1858]. Aske questioned the Archbishop as to what he +really believed on this point. Lee replied that the supremacy touching +the cure of souls did not belong to the King, but the punishment of sin +rested with him as the head of his people, and therein he was supreme +head. Aske was surprised at the distinction, as he had never before +heard anyone make it[1859]. In the end Lee permitted the clause to +stand, as it expressed the consent of Christian people[1860]. The +articles were then delivered to Aske[1861]. That night, probably after +they had left Lee’s presence, Aske laid before the divines the problem +which the Archbishop had solved in so unexpected a fashion. Was it ever +lawful for subjects to resist their sovereign? To this they returned no +answer[1862], but on the whole their attitude was much more +satisfactory, from Aske’s point of view, than Lee’s had been. Their +resolutions were certainly bold enough; probably the timid spirits were +encouraged and hurried on by the ardour of Pickering and the more +enthusiastic priests. It is true that afterwards they all represented +themselves as having been in terror of the commons, but the statement of +Dakyn, who was a very simpleminded man, throws some light on that point. +He explained that when he, Marshall and Cliff were summoned to court to +account for their conduct, they agreed together that they would say they +had done everything from fear; and Dakyn innocently goes on to repeat +exactly the words they had agreed upon, that every man came through +fear, and was weary of his part, and doubtful what to do[1863]. If this +were true, the reason of the Pilgrims’ failure is not far to seek. No +one could drag to victory such very flabby and reluctant upholders of +the Church. But a statement made with such an obvious motive does not +command much belief. No doubt the priests were anxious and afraid. An +assembly of elderly clergymen are very uncomfortably situated in the +midst of a rebel army, and very dangerously employed in drawing up a +manifesto hostile to the government. But it was the King, not the +commons, whom they chiefly feared. + +On this point Aske was closely interrogated. After some questions as to +the matters laid before the clergy, he was asked, “Was it not a double +iniquity to fall into rebellion and also after to procure matter to be +set forth to justify that rebellion?”[1864] To which he replied with +that touch of humour which is sometimes perceptible in his answers, “If +the clergy did declare their minds contrary to the laws of God, it was a +double iniquity,” and again, “as he thinks, the spiritual men were +willing enough of themselves to declare their minds as they did in those +points that they answered unto, but in that point, whether subjects +might fight against their prince, he thinks they were not willing, +because they made no determination at all touching the same.”[1865] + +In short, it is an injustice to the learned men to say that they did not +mean what they resolved. Aske expressed the confidence of all the +Pilgrims when he said, “They thought none other like but that the said +clergy would have showed their minds according to their learning and +conscience, and [they] had no violence offered them in the world to do +the contrary.”[1866] + + + NOTES TO CHAPTER XIV + +Note A. The points which indicate that this paper was drawn up by Aske +are: + +(1) The questions are not the same as those which were laid before the +clergy at Pontefract, and Aske said afterwards that his questions were +not used there[1867]. + +(2) Several of the questions are on points on which Aske was examined, +e.g. the contradictory oaths, the rights of the Church according to +Magna Carta, and the Statute of Uses. The opinions expressed in the +questions agree with those in Aske’s replies. + +(3) The questions were found together with a paper in Latin on the +clause in the Creed “Credo in Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam.”[1868] This +paper would probably be given to Archbishop Lee, who also had Aske’s +questions in his possession[1869]. He may have sent both to the King +together. + +Note B. The Articles of Pontefract are printed in the Letters and +Papers, XI, 1246, in Speed’s History of Great Britain, Book IX, chap. +21, and in Froude’s History of England, II, chap. XIII, in a foot-note. +In the present work the articles have been grouped in a new order, but +the numbering of the original order has been retained for convenience of +reference. + +Note C. Against this article is written “ney,” but it is uncertain when +or by whom the note was made. It is difficult to believe that there was +a division of opinion among the Pilgrims as to the conduct of the +notorious commissioners, and there seems to be no reason to suppose that +this article was opposed or rejected after it was laid before the +general council, for Aske stated that “they all agreed to the Articles +and none to the contrary of them.”[1870] Possibly the word may have been +written when Aske was being examined to indicate that he had not yet +been interrogated on this article, as his reply to it occurs in his last +examination[1871]. + +“Non” is written in the margin against article 9, probably for a similar +reason. + +Note D. Bye-elections were not accepted as a constitutional practice +even as late as the seventeenth century[1872]. + +Note E. The boroughs were Ripon, Doncaster, Tickhill, Ravenspur, Yarm, +Pickering, Hedon, Beverley, Thirsk, Northallerton, Malton, +Knaresborough, Pontefract, Hull and Scarborough[1873]. + +The other northern counties had electoral grievances as well as +Yorkshire, for instance, Durham was not represented at all. The members +for Cumberland in 1523 were nominated by the King but this was because +no one would volunteer to stand[1874]. + +Note F. The name is illegible in his confession[1875], and as he had +received his benefice in August 1536 it cannot be discovered from the +Valor Ecclesiasticus. Dakyn, however, mentions that Dr Rokeby was at +Pontefract[1876], and the unknown writer names his uncle William Rokeby. +Friar Pickering adds to the list of divines, Mr Bachelor of Meux and a +secular man. He also says that the friar was an Observant[1877]. + +Note G. There are galleries in All Hallows, the parish Church of +Pontefract, at the present day[1878], but as the church was almost +completely destroyed during the Civil War it is impossible to say +whether there were galleries in the original building[1879]. + +Note H. These articles are printed by Strype, Memorials, I (ii), 266, +and by Wilkins, Concilia, III, 812, but as neither of these copies is +very accurate a fresh one has been made from the original in the British +Museum, Cotton MS. Cleop. E. V, 381 (old numbering), 413 (modern +numbering). A very much condensed summary is printed in the Letters and +Papers, XI, 1245. The Articles are also printed in “The Acts of the +Northern Convocation” (Surtees Soc.), but they are erroneously +represented as being the reply of the Northern Convocation to the King’s +Ten Articles. + + + END OF VOLUME ONE. + + + CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS + +----- + +Footnote 1: + + 28 Hen. VIII, c. 7. + +Footnote 2: + + L. and P. Hen. VIII, XI, 148. + +Footnote 3: + + Ibid. preface, p. iv, and No. 6. + +Footnote 4: + + Ibid. X, 1134, 1150. + +Footnote 5: + + Cunningham, The Growth of Eng. Ind. and Com. I, chap. V, sections 1 + and 6. + +Footnote 6: + + L. and P. VIII, 121. + +Footnote 7: + + L. and P. XI, 1244. + +Footnote 8: + + Ibid. 1182. + +Footnote 9: + + Porritt, The Unreformed House of Commons, I, pt III, chap. XVII. + +Footnote 10: + + Dictionary of National Biography; Merriman, Life and Letters of Thomas + Cromwell, I, chap. VI. + +Footnote 11: + + Ibid. I, chap. I. + +Footnote 12: + + Ibid. I, chap. IV. + +Footnote 13: + + 21 Hen. VIII, c. 13. + +Footnote 14: + + Dixon, Hist. of the Ch. of Eng. I, chap. I. + +Footnote 15: + + 28 Hen. VIII, c. 13. + +Footnote 16: + + Dixon, op. cit. I, chap. I. + +Footnote 17: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 18: + + 22 Hen. VIII, c. 15. + +Footnote 19: + + Gee and Hardy, Doc. illus. of Eng. Ch. Hist. nos. XLVI, XLVII, XLVIII. + +Footnote 20: + + 23 Hen. VIII, c. 20. + +Footnote 21: + + 25 Hen. VIII, c. 20. + +Footnote 22: + + Gee and Hardy, op. cit. no. LVIII. + +Footnote 23: + + Ibid. no. LIX. + +Footnote 24: + + 26 Hen. VIII, c. 1. + +Footnote 25: + + L. and P. VIII, 623. + +Footnote 26: + + Dixon, op. cit. I, chap. IV. + +Footnote 27: + + 27 Hen. VIII, c. 28. + +Footnote 28: + + 27 Hen. VIII, c. 14. + +Footnote 29: + + 28 Hen. VIII, c. 10. + +Footnote 30: + + 25 Hen. VIII, c. 21. + +Footnote 31: + + 28 Hen. VIII, c. 16. + +Footnote 32: + + L. and P. XI, 148. + +Footnote 33: + + 21 Hen. VIII, c. 2; 23 Hen. VIII, c. 1. + +Footnote 34: + + 28 Hen. VIII, b. XIII, 1. + +Footnote 35: + + Hardwick, Hist. of the Articles, chap. III. + +Footnote 36: + + Ibid. App. I. + +Footnote 37: + + Ibid. chap. III. + +Footnote 38: + + Frere and Kennedy, Visitation Articles and Injunctions, II, 5, n. 3. + +Footnote 39: + + Frere and Kennedy, Visitation Articles and Injunctions, II, 1 et seq. + +Footnote 40: + + Wriothesley, Chronicle (Camden Soc.), I, 55, n. + +Footnote 41: + + 25 Hen. VIII, c. 22. + +Footnote 42: + + 26 Hen. VIII, c. 2. + +Footnote 43: + + 26 Hen. VIII, c. 13. + +Footnote 44: + + L. and P. VIII, preface, p. xxxiv, n. + +Footnote 45: + + Froude, Reign of Henry VIII, II, chap. IX; Cal. of Venetian St. P. V, + no. 125; Pollard, Henry VIII, chap. XII. + +Footnote 46: + + Froude, loc. cit. + +Footnote 47: + + Cunningham, op. cit. chap. V, section 6. + +Footnote 48: + + Dowell, Hist. of Tax in Eng. I, Bk III, chap. I, pt II, sections 1 and + 2. + +Footnote 49: + + 27 Hen. VIII, c. 10. See F. Pollock, The Land Laws (The English + Citizen Series), 89–104; Holdsworth, Hist. of Eng. Law, I, 241. + +Footnote 50: + + 27 Hen. VIII, c. 12. + +Footnote 51: + + See below, chap. IV. + +Footnote 52: + + 25 Hen. VIII, c. 13. + +Footnote 53: + + 27 Hen. VIII, c. 22. + +Footnote 54: + + Leadam, Select Cases in the Court of Star Chamber (Selden Soc.), II, + pp. xxxviii-liv. + +Footnote 55: + + 25 Hen. VIII, c. 2. + +Footnote 56: + + See below, chap. IV. + +Footnote 57: + + D. N. B., Pole and Courtenay. + +Footnote 58: + + Ibid. Stafford. + +Footnote 59: + + L. and P. III (1) 1293. + +Footnote 60: + + L. and P. XI, 92. + +Footnote 61: + + Haile, Life of Reginald Pole. + +Footnote 62: + + Haile, Life of Reginald Pole, chap. IX. + +Footnote 63: + + Ibid. chap. X. + +Footnote 64: + + See note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 65: + + Pollard, op. cit. chap. XIII. + +Footnote 66: + + D. N. B., Darcy. + +Footnote 67: + + See note B at end of chapter. + +Footnote 68: + + L. and P. XII (1) 667; printed in full, Papers of the Earl of + Hardwicke, I, 41. + +Footnote 69: + + D. N. B. loc. cit. + +Footnote 70: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 71: + + L. and P. V, 805. + +Footnote 72: + + L. and P. XII (1) 901, p. 410. + +Footnote 73: + + L. and P. VII, 121. + +Footnote 74: + + L. and P. XII (2) 186 (63). + +Footnote 75: + + Tonge’s Visitation of Yorks. (Surtees Soc.), p. 22. + +Footnote 76: + + D. N. B., Hussey. + +Footnote 77: + + L. and P. XI, 969. + +Footnote 78: + + D. N. B. loc. cit. J. H. Round, Peerage Studies, Henry VIII and the + Peers. + +Footnote 79: + + L. and P. VII, 1036; op. cit. vol. XI, no. 222. + +Footnote 80: + + L. and P. XII (1) no. 899; printed in part by Froude, op. cit. II, + chap. XIV. + +Footnote 81: + + L. and P. vol. VII, no. 1206. + +Footnote 82: + + Ibid. VIII, 750. + +Footnote 83: + + Ibid. VII, 1206. + +Footnote 84: + + Ibid. 962 (X). + +Footnote 85: + + Ibid. VIII, Preface, pp. ii-iv. + +Footnote 86: + + L. and P. VIII, 355. + +Footnote 87: + + Ibid. VII, 1206. + +Footnote 88: + + Ibid. VIII, 272. + +Footnote 89: + + Ibid. I. + +Footnote 90: + + Ibid. Preface, pp. i-ii. + +Footnote 91: + + See note C at end of chapter. + +Footnote 92: + + L. and P. VIII, 750. + +Footnote 93: + + L. and P. XII (1) 576. + +Footnote 94: + + L. and P. VIII, 1018. + +Footnote 95: + + L. and P. VII, 1426; ibid. VIII, Preface, p. iii. + +Footnote 96: + + L. and P. IX, 776. + +Footnote 97: + + See note D at end of chapter. + +Footnote 98: + + L. and P. IX, 861. + +Footnote 99: + + Ibid. VII, 1036. + +Footnote 100: + + L. and P. XI, 222. + +Footnote 101: + + Ibid. 7. + +Footnote 102: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 103: + + Ibid. 219; 220. + +Footnote 104: + + Ibid. 10. + +Footnote 105: + + Ibid. 222. + +Footnote 106: + + Ibid. 969. + +Footnote 107: + + See chap. X. + +Footnote 108: + + Lapsley, County Palatine of Durham (Harvard Hist. Studies), p. 259. + +Footnote 109: + + L. and P. XII (2), 186 (38). + +Footnote 110: + + L. and P. IV (2), 4336. + +Footnote 111: + + De Fonblanque, Annals of the House of Percy, I, chap. IX. + +Footnote 112: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 113: + + De Fonblanque, Annals of the House of Percy, I, chap. IX; cf. + Wriothesley, Chronicle (Camden Soc.), Introduction, vol. I, p. + xxxviii. + +Footnote 114: + + L. and P. VIII, 80, 255, 1143; XII (2) 1090. + +Footnote 115: + + L. and P. VIII, 1, 121. + +Footnote 116: + + L. and P. VIII, 166. + +Footnote 117: + + L. and P. V, 727; cf. XII (1) 1090. + +Footnote 118: + + L. and P. VIII, 1143. + +Footnote 119: + + De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, chap. IX; L. and P. XII (1), 577. + +Footnote 120: + + L. and P. VIII, 166. + +Footnote 121: + + L. and P. XI, 714. + +Footnote 122: + + 27 Hen. VIII, c. 47. + +Footnote 123: + + De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, chap. IX. + +Footnote 124: + + L. and P. X, 246 (12), (13). + +Footnote 125: + + L. and P. VIII, 1143 (4). + +Footnote 126: + + L. and P. XII (1), 491, 393; printed in full, de Fonblanque, op. cit. + I, chap. IX. + +Footnote 127: + + L. and P. XI, 785. + +Footnote 128: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1090. + +Footnote 129: + + Dic. of Nat. Biog., Henry Clifford, 1st Earl of Cumberland. + +Footnote 130: + + Star Chamber Proceedings, Henry VIII, Bundle XXX, no. 6; and see + below. + +Footnote 131: + + L. and P. XI, 1236; printed in full, State Papers, I, 521. + +Footnote 132: + + L. and P. XII (1) 372, and see Dic. Nat. Biog. loc. cit. + +Footnote 133: + + J. Scott, Berwick-upon-Tweed, chap. VII. + +Footnote 134: + + L. and P. XII (1), 419. + +Footnote 135: + + L. and P. XI, 993; XII (1) 439. + +Footnote 136: + + See above, chap. I. + +Footnote 137: + + L. and P. XI, 503. + +Footnote 138: + + Foster, Durham Visitation Pedigrees, Bowes. + +Footnote 139: + + Plantagenet-Harrison, Hist. of Yorks., Aske of Aske. + +Footnote 140: + + L. and P. XI. 1143. + +Footnote 141: + + F. W. Maitland, The Year Books of Edward II (Selden Soc.). + +Footnote 142: + + L. and P. XII (2), 100. + +Footnote 143: + + Tonge’s Visitation of Yorks. (Surtees Soc.), p. 25. + +Footnote 144: + + L. and P. I, 4462. + +Footnote 145: + + Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, vol. II, no. 134; L. and P. II, 2733. + +Footnote 146: + + Hall, Chronicle, ann. 1519. + +Footnote 147: + + Brewer, Reign of Henry VIII, I, chap. XIII. + +Footnote 148: + + Ibid. I, chap. XI. + +Footnote 149: + + Halliwell-Phillipps, Letters of the Kings of England, I, Hen. VIII to + the Earl of Surrey. + +Footnote 150: + + Raine, Testa. Ebor. (Surtees Soc.) VI, 306. + +Footnote 151: + + See above, chap. II. + +Footnote 152: + + Raine, loc. cit. + +Footnote 153: + + Tonge, op. cit. 25. + +Footnote 154: + + Raine, op. cit. VI, 306. + +Footnote 155: + + Tonge, op. cit. 25. + +Footnote 156: + + Ord, Hist. of Cleveland, Pedigree of Bulmer; Brenan and Statham, The + House of Howard, I, chap. V. + +Footnote 157: + + Foster, Yorkshire Visitation Pedigrees, Bulmer of Pinchinthorpe. + +Footnote 158: + + Wriothesley, Chron. (Camden Soc.) I, 64. + +Footnote 159: + + Grey Friars’ Chron. (Camden Soc.) p. 41; see note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 160: + + L. and P. XII (1) 1199 (2). + +Footnote 161: + + Ibid. 236. + +Footnote 162: + + Foster, op. cit., Bulmer of Pinchinthorpe. + +Footnote 163: + + L. and P. XII (1), 66, 236. + +Footnote 164: + + Tonge, op. cit. 25. + +Footnote 165: + + Dur. Cursitor’s Rec. portf. 171, no. 2. + +Footnote 166: + + L. and P. XIII (1) 366, 707. + +Footnote 167: + + Raine, op. cit. IV, 215 n. + +Footnote 168: + + Tonge, op. cit. 67. + +Footnote 169: + + Ibid. 64. + +Footnote 170: + + See above. + +Footnote 171: + + Raine, op. cit. V, 306 n. + +Footnote 172: + + Archaeologia Aeliana (new ser.) III, 214. + +Footnote 173: + + L. and P. VIII, 135. + +Footnote 174: + + Raine, op. cit. VI, 68 n.; Yorks. Arch. and Top. Journ. VIII, 404. + +Footnote 175: + + Raine, op. cit. V, 55. + +Footnote 176: + + Ibid. VI, 223. + +Footnote 177: + + Dic. Nat. Biog., Francis Bigod; Raine, op. cit. V, 55. + +Footnote 178: + + Dic. Nat. Biog. loc. cit. + +Footnote 179: + + L. and P. VIII, 135, 735; XI, 23. + +Footnote 180: + + Tonge, op. cit. 67. + +Footnote 181: + + L. and P. XII (1) 271. + +Footnote 182: + + Yorks. Arch. and Top. Journ. II, 246–51. + +Footnote 183: + + Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, XXVII, no. 131. + +Footnote 184: + + Yorks. Arch. and Top. Journ. II, 246–51. + +Footnote 185: + + L. and P. IX, 216. + +Footnote 186: + + L. and P. X, 47–49, 238. + +Footnote 187: + + Ibid. 611, 679. + +Footnote 188: + + Ibid. 1167. + +Footnote 189: + + Dic. Nat. Biog. loc. cit. + +Footnote 190: + + L. and P. VIII, 849, 854, 869, 1082. + +Footnote 191: + + Ibid. 1025, 1033, 1069. + +Footnote 192: + + Ibid. IX, 37. + +Footnote 193: + + L. and P. X, 49. + +Footnote 194: + + Ibid. 742. + +Footnote 195: + + Tonge, op. cit. 68. + +Footnote 196: + + Gentleman’s Mag. 1835 (1), pp. 151–2. + +Footnote 197: + + L. and P. XII (1), 851; see note B at end of chapter. + +Footnote 198: + + Froude, op. cit. II, chap. XIII. + +Footnote 199: + + Dic. Nat. Biog., Robert Constable. + +Footnote 200: + + See above, chap. II. + +Footnote 201: + + Arch. Ael. (new ser.), vol. III, p. 214. + +Footnote 202: + + Ibid. p. 225. + +Footnote 203: + + L. and P. II, 2735. + +Footnote 204: + + Ibid. 3446. + +Footnote 205: + + Gentleman’s Mag. 1835 (1), p. 153. + +Footnote 206: + + L. and P. III (1), 654–5. + +Footnote 207: + + Ibid. 1236, 1260. + +Footnote 208: + + L. and P. III (2), 3240; cf. Brown, Yorks. Star Chamber Proc. (Yorks. + Arch. Soc. Rec. Ser.), I, nos. IX and LXXXI. + +Footnote 209: + + Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, bundle 22 no. 162. + +Footnote 210: + + The Plumpton Letters (Camden Soc.), vol. IV (1839), pp. 227–8; Brown, + Yorks. Star Chamber Proc. (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Rec. Ser.) I, no. XXVII. + +Footnote 211: + + L. and P. XIII (1) 708. + +Footnote 212: + + A. F. Leach, Beverley Town Documents (Selden Soc.), preface, p. xxxvi, + pp. 64, 65. + +Footnote 213: + + Yorks. Arch. and Top. Journ. VIII, p. 401. + +Footnote 214: + + Archaeological Journ. XXV, 170. + +Footnote 215: + + J. Foster, Glover’s Visitation of Yorks. p. 441. + +Footnote 216: + + Tonge, op. cit. 64. + +Footnote 217: + + Raine, Testa. Ebor. (Surtees Soc.) IV, 123. + +Footnote 218: + + Tonge, op. cit. 64. + +Footnote 219: + + Raine, op. cit. IV, 257. + +Footnote 220: + + Ibid. VI. 21. + +Footnote 221: + + For the marriages of the Askes see Flower’s Visit. of Yorks. (Harl. + Soc.), XVI, 7; B. M. Add. MS 38133, fol. 45b–46a. + +Footnote 222: + + See below, chap. VI. + +Footnote 223: + + L. and P. XI, 622; XII (1), 852. + +Footnote 224: + + L. and P. XII (1), 191. + +Footnote 225: + + Durham Cursitor’s Rec. portf. 177, no. 9. + +Footnote 226: + + Tonge, op. cit. 64. + +Footnote 227: + + Raine, Testa. Ebor. VI, 165. + +Footnote 228: + + L. and P. XVI, 653; XVII, 8, 283 (8). + +Footnote 229: + + Raine, op. cit. IV, 123; L. and P. XII (1), 1186 and 1321. + +Footnote 230: + + Raine, Mem. of Hexham Priory (Surtees Soc.), I, App. p. clxii n. + +Footnote 231: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1321. + +Footnote 232: + + Raine, loc. cit. + +Footnote 233: + + Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, Bundle XXVII, no. 143. + +Footnote 234: + + Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, Bundle XXVII, no. 135; cf. Bundle + XVIII, no. 164, printed in full, Yorks. Star Chamber Proc. (Yorks. + Arch. Soc. Rec. Ser.), II, no. 15. + +Footnote 235: + + Star Chamber Proc. Henry VIII, Bundle XXX, no. 6. + +Footnote 236: + + Raine, Mem. of Hexham Priory, I, p. clxii. + +Footnote 237: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1321. + +Footnote 238: + + Raine, op. cit. p. clxii. + +Footnote 239: + + See below, chap. XIX. + +Footnote 240: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1186. + +Footnote 241: + + Arch. Journ. XXV, 171. + +Footnote 242: + + Ibid.; facsimile in Gentleman’s Magazine, Aug. 1754. See note C at end + of chapter. + +Footnote 243: + + See note D at end of chapter. + +Footnote 244: + + Raine, Testa. Ebor. VI, 21; Exch. Inq. ser. 2, 983/4. + +Footnote 245: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1223, 1224. + +Footnote 246: + + Notes and Queries, 11th ser. vol. IV, p. 441. + +Footnote 247: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 248: + + L. and P. XI, 1175. + +Footnote 249: + + Hall, Chronicle, ann. 1536. + +Footnote 250: + + L. and P. XI, 1103. + +Footnote 251: + + See note E at end of chapter. + +Footnote 252: + + L. and P. VIII, 475, 892; IX, 463. + +Footnote 253: + + L. and P. IX, 37. + +Footnote 254: + + Ibid. 463. + +Footnote 255: + + L. and P. IX, 404. + +Footnote 256: + + See note F at end of chapter. + +Footnote 257: + + L. and P. VIII, 457. + +Footnote 258: + + L. and P. XII (2), 369 (3). + +Footnote 259: + + Ibid. 316, 369. + +Footnote 260: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 261: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, J. C. Cox, William Stapleton + and the Pilgrimage of Grace; see note G at end of chapter. + +Footnote 262: + + Yorks. Arch. and Top. Journ. VIII, p. 403. + +Footnote 263: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392, see below, chap. VII. + +Footnote 264: + + Now Hutton Wandesley in Long Marston parish. + +Footnote 265: + + Yorks. Arch. Journ. XX, 362. + +Footnote 266: + + Morris, The Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers, 1st Ser., The + Bapthorpes. + +Footnote 267: + + L. and P. VIII, 457; see note F at end of chapter. + +Footnote 268: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 330 et seq. + +Footnote 269: + + L. and P. XI, 1244. + +Footnote 270: + + G. Brenan and E. P. Statham, op. cit. I, chap. V; Foster, loc. cit. + +Footnote 271: + + Raine, Testa. Ebor. (Surtees Soc.), IV, 257; B. M. Add. MS 38133, f. + 45 b–46 a. + +Footnote 272: + + Printed in full, Yorks. Star Chamber Proc. (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Rec. + Ser.), II, nos. xiv, xxiii, xxvii. + +Footnote 273: + + Printed in full, Yorks. Star. Proc. (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Rec. Ser.), I, + no. lxxxii. + +Footnote 274: + + L. and P. VIII, 457. See below, chap. IV. + +Footnote 275: + + William Stapleton and the Pilgrimage of Grace, Trans. of the East + Riding Rec. Soc., vol. X. + +Footnote 276: + + Gasquet, Hen. VIII and the Eng. Mon. I, chap. VI. + +Footnote 277: + + Merriman, Life of Thomas Cromwell, I, chap. VII. + +Footnote 278: + + Gasquet, Henry VIII and the English Mon. I, chap. V. + +Footnote 279: + + Brand, Newcastle-on-Tyne, I, 335 n. + +Footnote 280: + + Gasquet, loc. cit. + +Footnote 281: + + See note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 282: + + L. and P. VIII, 626; the document is quoted by Froude, op. cit. chap. + XIV. + +Footnote 283: + + L. and P. VIII, 624. + +Footnote 284: + + L. and P. VII, 595; VIII, 480; IX, 189, 315. + +Footnote 285: + + L. and P. X, 594; Gasquet, op. cit. II, chap. VII. + +Footnote 286: + + L. and P. IX, 1118, printed in Latimer’s Sermons and Remains (Parker + Soc.), II, 373. + +Footnote 287: + + L. and P. IX, 179. + +Footnote 288: + + L. and P. IX, 740. + +Footnote 289: + + L. and P. X, 462. + +Footnote 290: + + Ibid. 1027, 1099. + +Footnote 291: + + Ibid. 790. + +Footnote 292: + + L. and P. VIII, 480; IX, 704. + +Footnote 293: + + L. and P. VIII, 20; X, 296. + +Footnote 294: + + L. and P. IX, 1130. + +Footnote 295: + + Ibid. 1091. + +Footnote 296: + + L. and P. X, 804, 891. + +Footnote 297: + + Dixon, Hist. of the Church of Eng. I, chap. IV. + +Footnote 298: + + L. and P. IX, 100, X, 14. + +Footnote 299: + + L. and P. IX, 408. + +Footnote 300: + + L. and P. VIII, 406. + +Footnote 301: + + L. and P. IX, 46; XII (2), 518. + +Footnote 302: + + L. and P. IX, 1066. + +Footnote 303: + + L. and P. VIII, 480; IX, 789. + +Footnote 304: + + L. and P. VIII, 589, 770, 776; IX, 846; X, 1140; XII (2), 505. + +Footnote 305: + + Barnes was afterwards (30 July 1540) put to death at Smithfield on the + famous occasion when three heretics, of whom he was one, and three + romanists were executed together. + +Footnote 306: + + L. and P. IX, 1059. + +Footnote 307: + + Bradfield St Clare. + +Footnote 308: + + L. and P. VIII, 196, quoted by Merriman, op. cit. I, chap. VII; see + note E at end of chapter. + +Footnote 309: + + L. and P. VIII, 278; quoted by Merriman, loc. cit. + +Footnote 310: + + L. and P. XIII (2), 307. + +Footnote 311: + + See above, chap. I. + +Footnote 312: + + L. and P. VIII, 844; IX, 864, 1123; X, 1205. + +Footnote 313: + + L. and P. XI, 300 (ii); quoted by Merriman, loc. cit. + +Footnote 314: + + L. and P. IX, 883. + +Footnote 315: + + L. and P. X, 722. + +Footnote 316: + + L. and P. IX, 74; quoted by Merriman, loc. cit. + +Footnote 317: + + L. and P. XI, 407; Merriman, op. cit. II, nos. 161, 164; L. and P. XII + (1), 109. + +Footnote 318: + + L. and P. X, 693 (ii); see note F at end of chapter. + +Footnote 319: + + L. and P. XII (1), 407. + +Footnote 320: + + L. and P. VIII, 386. + +Footnote 321: + + See note E at end of chapter. + +Footnote 322: + + L. and P. VIII, 955. + +Footnote 323: + + L. and P. IX, 704, 742; X, 172. + +Footnote 324: + + L. and P. VIII, 1024. + +Footnote 325: + + L. and P. VIII, 1020. + +Footnote 326: + + Ibid. 1005; printed by Strype, Eccles. Mem. I (ii), 274. + +Footnote 327: + + L. and P. IX, 135. + +Footnote 328: + + See above, chap. I. + +Footnote 329: + + L. and P. IX, 791. + +Footnote 330: + + L. and P. VIII, 457. For the date see above, chap. III, note F. + +Footnote 331: + + L. and P. VIII, 863, 970, 984, 991; IX, 150, 196, 427. + +Footnote 332: + + L. and P. X, 77. + +Footnote 333: + + Ibid. 733. + +Footnote 334: + + Ibid. 745. + +Footnote 335: + + L. and P. VI, 355, 537. + +Footnote 336: + + See above, chap. I. + +Footnote 337: + + See note B at end of chapter. + +Footnote 338: + + L. and P. X, 1264. + +Footnote 339: + + A. F. Pollard, Henry VIII, chap. XII. + +Footnote 340: + + Froude, The Dissolution of the Monasteries, Frazer’s Mag. 1857. + +Footnote 341: + + L. and P. X, 1221. + +Footnote 342: + + L. and P. XI (1), 70 (xi), 481; XI, 854 (ii), 768 (2). + +Footnote 343: + + L. and P. XI, 768 (2); printed in State Papers, I, 482. + +Footnote 344: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 345: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (vi). + +Footnote 346: + + See above, chap. I. + +Footnote 347: + + L. and P. XI, 768 (2); printed in St. P. I, 482. + +Footnote 348: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 349: + + See above, chap. I. + +Footnote 350: + + L. and P. XI, 768 (2); printed in St. P. I, 482. + +Footnote 351: + + L. and P. XII (1), 70 (x), (xi). + +Footnote 352: + + L. and P. XI, 405. + +Footnote 353: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901; see below, chap. VII. + +Footnote 354: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; see below, chap. VII. + +Footnote 355: + + L. and P. XI, 841; see below, chap. VII. + +Footnote 356: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 331. + +Footnote 357: + + E. B. Bax, The Peasants’ War in Germany, 1524–25, p. 37. + +Footnote 358: + + L. and P. XI, 319; printed by Raine, Mem. of Hexham Priory (Surtees + Soc.), I, p. clvi, n. + +Footnote 359: + + L. and P. XI, 434, 470. + +Footnote 360: + + L. and P. XI, 543. + +Footnote 361: + + The serving-man’s master, i.e. Cromwell. + +Footnote 362: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (vii). + +Footnote 363: + + L. and P. XII, (1), 481. + +Footnote 364: + + L. and P. XI, 841. + +Footnote 365: + + L. and P. XII (1), 590. + +Footnote 366: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (xii). + +Footnote 367: + + Ibid. 972. + +Footnote 368: + + See below, chaps. V and VII. + +Footnote 369: + + L. and P. XII (1), 70 (viii). + +Footnote 370: + + L. and P. XI, 1120. + +Footnote 371: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392. + +Footnote 372: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 373: + + L. and P. VIII, 809. + +Footnote 374: + + Ibid. 949. + +Footnote 375: + + Ibid. 771. + +Footnote 376: + + Furnivall, Ballads from MS (Ballad Soc.), I (2), 317. + +Footnote 377: + + Bax, op. cit. 59. + +Footnote 378: + + L. and P. VIII, 736. + +Footnote 379: + + L. and P. X, 911. + +Footnote 380: + + L. and P. XII (1), 841, 3 (ii) and 4. For similar sayings see + Furnivall, loc. cit. and Early Eng. Text Soc., Thomas of Ercildoune, + vol. 61, p. 61. + +Footnote 381: + + L. and P. XII (1), 534. + +Footnote 382: + + L. and P. XIV (1), 186; Merriman, op. cit. I, chap. XI. + +Footnote 383: + + L. and P. IX, 846. + +Footnote 384: + + L. and P. X, 614. + +Footnote 385: + + Ibid. 1207. + +Footnote 386: + + Lansd. MS, 762. + +Footnote 387: + + E. E. T. Soc. 61, p. lix. + +Footnote 388: + + Ibid. 52–61. + +Footnote 389: + + See note C at end of chapter. + +Footnote 390: + + Cf. The Prophecies of Rymour, Beid and Marleyng, E. E. T. Soc. vol. + 61, App. 2. + +Footnote 391: + + See note D at end of chapter. + +Footnote 392: + + L. and P. XII (1), 318. + +Footnote 393: + + L. and P. XII (2), 1212, 1231. + +Footnote 394: + + The Mirror for Magistrates, II, 71. The Legend of Glendour. + +Footnote 395: + + Henry IV, pt. 1, Act III, sc. 1. + +Footnote 396: + + Wilfrid Holme, The Fall and Evil Success of Rebellion. + +Footnote 397: + + Longstaffe, Hist. of Darlington, 98, n. + +Footnote 398: + + L. and P. XI, 501; printed in St. P. I, 459. + +Footnote 399: + + E. E. T. Soc. vol. 61, App. 2. + +Footnote 400: + + L. and P. VI, 1193; M. A. Everett Green, Letters of Royal and + Illustrious Ladies, II, no. xcvii. + +Footnote 401: + + L. and P. X, 702. + +Footnote 402: + + Ibid. 929 (ii). + +Footnote 403: + + Ibid. 1015 (26). + +Footnote 404: + + L. and P. XI, 381 (A). + +Footnote 405: + + Wriothesley, Chron. (Camden Soc.), I, 61. + +Footnote 406: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1194–95; see below, chap. XIX. + +Footnote 407: + + L. and P. XI, 780 (2); printed St. P. I, 463. + +Footnote 408: + + Leadam, The Domesday of Inclosures, I, pp. 8, 243. + +Footnote 409: + + Ibid. 244. + +Footnote 410: + + Ibid. 245, 251, 255. + +Footnote 411: + + Froude always alludes to Moigne as Mayne. The name is spelt in many + different ways. + +Footnote 412: + + Wriothesley, Chronicle (Camden Soc.), I, 61; cf. Inderwick, Cal. of + Inner Temple Records, I, pp. 94, 104, 107–8, 110–14. + +Footnote 413: + + Star Chamber Cases, Bundle XXVIII, no. 120. As usual the result of the + case is unknown. + +Footnote 414: + + See note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 415: + + L. and P. XI, preface, pp. xi-xii. + +Footnote 416: + + Ibid. p. XV. + +Footnote 417: + + Gasquet, op. cit. II, chap. II. + +Footnote 418: + + L. and P. XII (1), 481, 380. + +Footnote 419: + + Ibid. 481. + +Footnote 420: + + i.e. Dr Raynes, Chancellor of the Bishop of Lincoln. + +Footnote 421: + + L. and P. XI, 975 (4). + +Footnote 422: + + L. and P. XII (1), 481. + +Footnote 423: + + L. and P. XI, 975 (4). + +Footnote 424: + + Ibid. 854, 828 (1). + +Footnote 425: + + See note B at the end of the chapter. + +Footnote 426: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380; extracts are printed by Gasquet, Henry VIII + and the English Mon. II, chap. II. + +Footnote 427: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (iii). + +Footnote 428: + + Ibid. (1). + +Footnote 429: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 430: + + Ibid. 70 (1). + +Footnote 431: + + L. and P. XI, 854. + +Footnote 432: + + Ibid. 828 (1). + +Footnote 433: + + Ibid. 324. + +Footnote 434: + + Ibid. 854. + +Footnote 435: + + Ibid. 135. + +Footnote 436: + + Ibid. 828 (1). + +Footnote 437: + + See below, chap. VII. + +Footnote 438: + + L. and P. XI, 567. + +Footnote 439: + + See above, chap. IV. + +Footnote 440: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (xii). + +Footnote 441: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (iii). + +Footnote 442: + + Ibid. (xii). + +Footnote 443: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 444: + + L. and P. XI, 568, 852. + +Footnote 445: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 446: + + Ibid. 853. + +Footnote 447: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 448: + + Ibid. 828 (xii). + +Footnote 449: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 450: + + L. and P. XI, 971. + +Footnote 451: + + Ibid. 853. + +Footnote 452: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 453: + + See note E at end of chapter. + +Footnote 454: + + Robert Aske’s brother-in-law, see above, chap. III. + +Footnote 455: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 456: + + L. and P. XI, 853. + +Footnote 457: + + Ibid. 534, 568. + +Footnote 458: + + Ibid. 568. + +Footnote 459: + + L. and P. XI, 534 (St. P. Hen. VIII, vol. 106, p. 250. R. O.) + +Footnote 460: + + L. and P. XI, 568. + +Footnote 461: + + Ibid. 533. + +Footnote 462: + + Ibid. 536. + +Footnote 463: + + Ibid. 563. + +Footnote 464: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 465: + + Ibid. 532. + +Footnote 466: + + Ibid. 531. + +Footnote 467: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 468: + + L. and P. XI, 971. + +Footnote 469: + + Ibid. 852, 973. + +Footnote 470: + + Ibid. 531, 971, cf. 879 (2). + +Footnote 471: + + Ibid. 585. + +Footnote 472: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 473: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 474: + + L. and P. XI, 967 (xi). + +Footnote 475: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 476: + + L. and P. XI, 971. + +Footnote 477: + + Ibid. 539. + +Footnote 478: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 479: + + L. and P. XI, 536. + +Footnote 480: + + Ibid. 828 (2). + +Footnote 481: + + Ibid. 975 (2). + +Footnote 482: + + Ibid. 828 (2). + +Footnote 483: + + L. and P. XII (1), 70 (ix). + +Footnote 484: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 485: + + L. and P. XII (1), 70 (ix). + +Footnote 486: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380, 481. + +Footnote 487: + + See above. + +Footnote 488: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 489: + + Christopher Hales. + +Footnote 490: + + Richard Riche. + +Footnote 491: + + L. and P. XII (1), 70 (iii, vii, x, xi); ibid. 380. + +Footnote 492: + + L. and P. XI, 852. + +Footnote 493: + + Ibid. 620. + +Footnote 494: + + Ibid. 852. + +Footnote 495: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 496: + + L. and P. XI, 969. + +Footnote 497: + + L. and P. XII (1), 70 (iii). + +Footnote 498: + + L. and P. XI, 620. + +Footnote 499: + + Ibid. 828 (2). + +Footnote 500: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 501: + + L. and P. XI, 563. + +Footnote 502: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full by Cox, op. cit. + +Footnote 503: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (v). + +Footnote 504: + + Ibid. (vii). + +Footnote 505: + + Ibid.(x). + +Footnote 506: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (viii). + +Footnote 507: + + Ibid. 593. + +Footnote 508: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 331. + +Footnote 509: + + The third was probably Thomas Portington’s eldest son. + +Footnote 510: + + L. and P. XII (1) 6; Eng. Hist. Rev. loc. cit. + +Footnote 511: + + L. and P. XI, 853. + +Footnote 512: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 513: + + Ibid. 828 (i). + +Footnote 514: + + Ibid. 828 (2). + +Footnote 515: + + See description of Lionel Dymmoke’s tomb, G. Weir, Hist. Sketches of + Horncastle, 30, and S. Lodge, Scrivelsby, Append. 3. + +Footnote 516: + + L. and P. XI, 828, iii (2), 585. + +Footnote 517: + + L. and P. XI, 971. + +Footnote 518: + + L. and P. XII (1) 6, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 333. + +Footnote 519: + + See note C at end of chapter. + +Footnote 520: + + L. and P. XI, 805. + +Footnote 521: + + L. and P. XI, 576, 714. + +Footnote 522: + + L. and P. XI, 576; printed also in Cal. S. P. Spanish, V (2), 104; L. + and P. XI, 714. + +Footnote 523: + + L. and P. XI, 538. + +Footnote 524: + + See note D at end of chapter. + +Footnote 525: + + L. and P. XI, 536. + +Footnote 526: + + Ibid. 537. + +Footnote 527: + + Ibid. 860. + +Footnote 528: + + Ibid. 557. + +Footnote 529: + + Ibid. 545; see above chap. I. + +Footnote 530: + + L. and P. XI, 576. + +Footnote 531: + + Ibid. 552. + +Footnote 532: + + See note E at end of chapter. + +Footnote 533: + + L. and P. XI, 561. + +Footnote 534: + + Ibid. 552. + +Footnote 535: + + Ibid. 553. + +Footnote 536: + + Ibid. 852. + +Footnote 537: + + L. and P. XI, 852, 969. + +Footnote 538: + + Ibid. 561. + +Footnote 539: + + Ibid. 578, 561. + +Footnote 540: + + Ibid. 561. + +Footnote 541: + + Ibid. 852. + +Footnote 542: + + Ibid. 853. + +Footnote 543: + + Ibid. 828 (xii). + +Footnote 544: + + Ibid. 853. + +Footnote 545: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 546: + + Ibid. 587 (2). + +Footnote 547: + + Ibid. 853. + +Footnote 548: + + Ibid. 828 (2). + +Footnote 549: + + L. and P. XI, 853. + +Footnote 550: + + Ibid. 939. + +Footnote 551: + + Ibid. 805. + +Footnote 552: + + Ibid. 571. + +Footnote 553: + + Ibid. 585. + +Footnote 554: + + See note E at end of chapter. + +Footnote 555: + + L. and P. XI, 567. + +Footnote 556: + + Ibid. 587. + +Footnote 557: + + Ibid. 620. + +Footnote 558: + + Ibid. 852. + +Footnote 559: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 560: + + Ibid. 854; see note E at end of chapter. + +Footnote 561: + + L. and P. XI, 852. + +Footnote 562: + + Ibid. 969. + +Footnote 563: + + Ibid. 852. + +Footnote 564: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 565: + + L. and P. XI, 853, 854. + +Footnote 566: + + Ibid. 852. + +Footnote 567: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 568: + + Ibid. 587. + +Footnote 569: + + Ibid. 589. + +Footnote 570: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (1). + +Footnote 571: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 572: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 573: + + Ibid. 828 (v). + +Footnote 574: + + Ibid. (vii). + +Footnote 575: + + Ibid. 828 (2); XII (1), 70 (ii). + +Footnote 576: + + L. and P. XI, 971. + +Footnote 577: + + Ibid. 828 (v). + +Footnote 578: + + Ibid. 780 (2); 828 (5). + +Footnote 579: + + L. and P. XI, 971. + +Footnote 580: + + Holinshed, Chronicle, III, 800. + +Footnote 581: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 582: + + L. and P. XI, 536. + +Footnote 583: + + Ibid. 537. + +Footnote 584: + + Ibid. 562. + +Footnote 585: + + Ibid. 612; printed by Merriman, op. cit. II, 33. + +Footnote 586: + + L. and P. XI, 715–16. + +Footnote 587: + + L. and P. XII (2), 436. + +Footnote 588: + + L. and P. XI, 579, 580. + +Footnote 589: + + Ibid. 584; printed in part by Froude, op. cit. chap. XIII. + +Footnote 590: + + L. and P. XI, 576. + +Footnote 591: + + Ibid. 558, 560, 562, 581, 590. + +Footnote 592: + + Ibid. 590. + +Footnote 593: + + Ibid. 576, 714. + +Footnote 594: + + Ibid. 593. + +Footnote 595: + + Ibid. 585. + +Footnote 596: + + Ibid. 584. + +Footnote 597: + + Ibid. 714; printed in “The Pilgrim,” ed. Froude, p. 113. + +Footnote 598: + + L. and P. XI, 568. + +Footnote 599: + + Ibid. 587. + +Footnote 600: + + Ibid. 563. + +Footnote 601: + + L. and P. XI, 592. + +Footnote 602: + + Ibid. 587 (2). + +Footnote 603: + + Ibid. 581, 587. + +Footnote 604: + + Ibid. 714. + +Footnote 605: + + Ibid. 600. + +Footnote 606: + + Ibid. 607. + +Footnote 607: + + Probably Monday, 16 Oct. + +Footnote 608: + + L. and P. XI, 579 (2). + +Footnote 609: + + Ibid. 576. + +Footnote 610: + + Ibid. 615. + +Footnote 611: + + Ibid. 601. + +Footnote 612: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 613: + + L. and P. XI, 603. + +Footnote 614: + + Ibid. 625. + +Footnote 615: + + Ibid. 626. + +Footnote 616: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 617: + + Ibid. 605. + +Footnote 618: + + Ibid. 662. + +Footnote 619: + + Ibid. 598. + +Footnote 620: + + L. and P. XI, 611. + +Footnote 621: + + Ibid. 714. + +Footnote 622: + + Ibid. 621. + +Footnote 623: + + Ibid. 615. + +Footnote 624: + + Ibid. 569. + +Footnote 625: + + Ibid. 616. + +Footnote 626: + + Ibid. 615. + +Footnote 627: + + Ibid. 617. + +Footnote 628: + + Ibid. 658. + +Footnote 629: + + Ibid. 638. + +Footnote 630: + + L. and P. XI, 650. + +Footnote 631: + + Ibid. 658; see above, chap. V. + +Footnote 632: + + Ibid. 658. + +Footnote 633: + + L. and P. XI, 888. + +Footnote 634: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 635: + + Ibid. 70 (x). + +Footnote 636: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (xi). + +Footnote 637: + + L. and P. XII (1), 70 (ii). + +Footnote 638: + + See above, chap. V. + +Footnote 639: + + L. and P. XII (1), 70 (xi). + +Footnote 640: + + L. and P. XI, 853. + +Footnote 641: + + L. and P. XII (1), 70 (x). + +Footnote 642: + + See note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 643: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (viii), 969. + +Footnote 644: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 645: + + See note B at end of chapter. + +Footnote 646: + + L. and P. XI, 971. + +Footnote 647: + + Ibid. 975 (3). + +Footnote 648: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 649: + + Ibid. 939. + +Footnote 650: + + Ibid. 971. + +Footnote 651: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 652: + + L. and P. XI, 969. + +Footnote 653: + + Ibid. 828 (V). + +Footnote 654: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 655: + + L. and P. XI, 658. + +Footnote 656: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 657: + + Ibid. 661. + +Footnote 658: + + Ibid. 694. + +Footnote 659: + + L. and P. XI, 971; XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 660: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 661: + + L. and P. XI, 694 (2); printed in St. P. I, 462. + +Footnote 662: + + L. and P. XI, 854. + +Footnote 663: + + Ibid. 690, 718; printed St. P. I, 468. + +Footnote 664: + + L. and P. XI, 971. + +Footnote 665: + + Ibid. 843. + +Footnote 666: + + Ibid. 828, i, (2); XII (1), 70 (xiii). + +Footnote 667: + + L. and P. XI, 672. + +Footnote 668: + + Ibid. 680. + +Footnote 669: + + L. and P. XI, 672. + +Footnote 670: + + Ibid. 854, 691. + +Footnote 671: + + Ibid. 854 (ii). + +Footnote 672: + + Ibid. 828, i, (2). + +Footnote 673: + + Ibid. 808. + +Footnote 674: + + Ibid. 694. + +Footnote 675: + + Ibid. 587. + +Footnote 676: + + L. and P. XI, 625. + +Footnote 677: + + Ibid. 584. + +Footnote 678: + + Ibid. 852. + +Footnote 679: + + Ibid. 620. + +Footnote 680: + + Ibid. 852. + +Footnote 681: + + Lincolnshire Pedigrees (Harl. Soc.), Ped. of Carr of Sleaford. + +Footnote 682: + + L. and P. XI, 969. + +Footnote 683: + + L. and P. XI, 975 (4). + +Footnote 684: + + Ibid. 852. + +Footnote 685: + + Ibid. 969. + +Footnote 686: + + L. and P. XI, 656; printed by Tierney, Dodd’s Church Hist. of Eng. I, + Append. + +Footnote 687: + + See note C at end of chapter. + +Footnote 688: + + See note D at end of chapter. + +Footnote 689: + + L. and P. XI, 714; the translation of another copy is printed by + Froude, The Pilgrim, p. 113. + +Footnote 690: + + L. and P. XI, 720–1. + +Footnote 691: + + Ibid. 808. + +Footnote 692: + + Ibid. 717. + +Footnote 693: + + L. and P. XI, 718; printed in St. P. I, 468. + +Footnote 694: + + L. and P. XI, 717. + +Footnote 695: + + Ibid. 756. + +Footnote 696: + + Ibid. 854. + +Footnote 697: + + L. and P. XI, 780 (1). + +Footnote 698: + + L. and P. XI, 780 (2); printed in St. P. I, 463. + +Footnote 699: + + See above, chap. V. + +Footnote 700: + + Bax, op. cit. 108. + +Footnote 701: + + Bax, op. cit. 137–41. + +Footnote 702: + + Ibid. 141–2. + +Footnote 703: + + L. and P. XI, 842; printed in St. P. I, 490. + +Footnote 704: + + Bax, op. cit. 44, 108. + +Footnote 705: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 330 et seq.; + see chap. IV. + +Footnote 706: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1186. + +Footnote 707: + + Ibid. 6, printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 331. + +Footnote 708: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 333. + +Footnote 709: + + See above, chap. V. + +Footnote 710: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 711: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 712: + + L. and P. XI, 563. + +Footnote 713: + + See chap. V. + +Footnote 714: + + See chap. V. + +Footnote 715: + + L. and P. XI, 760. + +Footnote 716: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 717: + + L. and X. XI, 605. + +Footnote 718: + + Ibid. 563. + +Footnote 719: + + Ibid. 605. + +Footnote 720: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1186. + +Footnote 721: + + L. and P. XI, 841. + +Footnote 722: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, J. C. Coxe, William Stapleton + and the Pilgrimage of Grace (Trans. of the East Riding Antiq. Soc. X). + +Footnote 723: + + See chap. I. + +Footnote 724: + + L. and P. XI, 841. + +Footnote 725: + + Ibid. 647; append. 10. + +Footnote 726: + + L. and P. XII (1), 370; XI, 841. + +Footnote 727: + + L. and P. XII (1), 370. + +Footnote 728: + + Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 729: + + L. and P. XI, 841. + +Footnote 730: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 731: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 333. + +Footnote 732: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, J. C. Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 733: + + See chap. V. + +Footnote 734: + + L. and P. XI, 628; printed by Russell, Kett’s Rebellion, 33, n. + +Footnote 735: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392. + +Footnote 736: + + See above, chap. III. + +Footnote 737: + + See above, chap. III. + +Footnote 738: + + See map no. 3. + +Footnote 739: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, J. C. Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 740: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 334. + +Footnote 741: + + L. and P. XI, 622. Copied from original at R. O. + +Footnote 742: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 334. + +Footnote 743: + + L. and P. XII (1), 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, + chap. IX. + +Footnote 744: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1186. + +Footnote 745: + + L. and P. XI, 841. + +Footnote 746: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 747: + + L. and P. XI, 841. + +Footnote 748: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 749: + + Ibid. 1186. + +Footnote 750: + + Ibid. 1022. + +Footnote 751: + + Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 752: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1021. + +Footnote 753: + + Ibid. 370, 1018. + +Footnote 754: + + Ibid. 392. + +Footnote 755: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 756: + + See chap. V. + +Footnote 757: + + L. and P. XII (1), 201, pp. 89–90. + +Footnote 758: + + L. and P. XII (1), 201, p. 90. + +Footnote 759: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (xii). + +Footnote 760: + + L. and P. XII (1), 201, p. 90. + +Footnote 761: + + Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 762: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 763: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 764: + + L. and P. XII (1), 201, p. 94. + +Footnote 765: + + Ibid. 392. + +Footnote 766: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 334. + +Footnote 767: + + Ibid. 852 (ii). + +Footnote 768: + + Ibid. 6. + +Footnote 769: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 770: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 771: + + L. and P. XII (1), 201, p. 85. + +Footnote 772: + + Ibid. 392. + +Footnote 773: + + Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 334. + +Footnote 774: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392. + +Footnote 775: + + Ibid. 901 (28); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 560. + +Footnote 776: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392. + +Footnote 777: + + L. and P. XI, 828 (xii). + +Footnote 778: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 779: + + L. and P. XI, 818. + +Footnote 780: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392. + +Footnote 781: + + L. and P. XI, 818. + +Footnote 782: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 783: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 784: + + L. and P. XI, 1103. + +Footnote 785: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 786: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392. + +Footnote 787: + + L. and P. XI, 789; copied from the original at the R. O. + +Footnote 788: + + L. and P. XI (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 789: + + L. and P. XI, 819 and 820. + +Footnote 790: + + L. and P. XI, 658, 672. + +Footnote 791: + + Ibid. 627. + +Footnote 792: + + Ibid. 1086; see above, chap. VII. + +Footnote 793: + + L. and P. XI, 646. + +Footnote 794: + + Ibid. 663. + +Footnote 795: + + Ibid. 664. + +Footnote 796: + + Ibid. 635; see below, chap. IX. + +Footnote 797: + + L. and P. XI, 678; see below, chap. IX. + +Footnote 798: + + See above, chap. VII. + +Footnote 799: + + L. and P. XI, 1402; see note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 800: + + See above, chap. VII. + +Footnote 801: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1225. + +Footnote 802: + + See above, chap. VI. + +Footnote 803: + + L. and P. XI, 692; see note B at end of chapter. + +Footnote 804: + + Ibid. 687. + +Footnote 805: + + Ibid. 1086. + +Footnote 806: + + L. and P. XI, 702. + +Footnote 807: + + Ibid. 695. + +Footnote 808: + + Ibid. 694; copied from the original at the R. O. + +Footnote 809: + + See above, chap. VI. + +Footnote 810: + + L. and P. XII (1), 783. + +Footnote 811: + + Ibid. 1087 (p. 497); see note C at end of chapter. + +Footnote 812: + + L. and P. XI, 706. + +Footnote 813: + + Ibid. 715. + +Footnote 814: + + Ibid. 723; printed in full, St. P. I, 468. + +Footnote 815: + + L. and P. XI, 729; see below, chap. IX. + +Footnote 816: + + L. and P. XI, 739. + +Footnote 817: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 818: + + L. and P. XI, 749. + +Footnote 819: + + L. and P. XII (1), 306. + +Footnote 820: + + Ibid. 1018. + +Footnote 821: + + L. and P. XI, 729. + +Footnote 822: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1018. + +Footnote 823: + + L. and P. XI, 729. + +Footnote 824: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 331. + +Footnote 825: + + L. and P. XI, 705 (3); copied from the original at the R. O., T. R. + Misc. Bk. 118, p. 41; St. P. I, 466. + +Footnote 826: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 334. + +Footnote 827: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 828: + + L. and P. XII (1), 306. + +Footnote 829: + + L. and P. XI, 705; see note D at end of chapter. + +Footnote 830: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (21); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 551 + et seq. + +Footnote 831: + + L. and P. XII (1), 306. + +Footnote 832: + + Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 334. + +Footnote 833: + + L. and P. XI, 759. + +Footnote 834: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1018. + +Footnote 835: + + L. and P. XI, 784 (ii); printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd + Earl of Derby (Chetham Soc.), p. 51. + +Footnote 836: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 335. + +Footnote 837: + + Wilfred Holme, The Downfall of Rebellion. + +Footnote 838: + + L. and P. XI, 1319. + +Footnote 839: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1018. + +Footnote 840: + + Ibid. 1320. + +Footnote 841: + + See note E at end of chapter. + +Footnote 842: + + L. and P. XI, 1402. + +Footnote 843: + + L. and P. XI, 762. + +Footnote 844: + + Ibid. 1402; XII (1), 852 (iii). + +Footnote 845: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 335. + +Footnote 846: + + L. and P. XII (1), 852 (iii). + +Footnote 847: + + L. and P. XI, 762. + +Footnote 848: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6 and 901 (28); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 336 and 560. + +Footnote 849: + + See below chap. IX. + +Footnote 850: + + L. and P. XII (1), 945 (68). + +Footnote 851: + + L. and P. XI, 705 (4); printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl + of Derby (Chetham Soc.), p. 50; Tierney, Dodd’s Church Hist. of Eng. + I, Append. no. XLIII; Stowe, Chron. ann. 1536; Speed, Hist. of Gt + Britain, Bk IX, chap. XXI. + +Footnote 852: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1021, 1034. + +Footnote 853: + + L. and P. XII (1), 945 (65). + +Footnote 854: + + Ibid. 6, 945 (67). + +Footnote 855: + + See below chap. IX. + +Footnote 856: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1018. + +Footnote 857: + + Ibid. 1264. + +Footnote 858: + + L. and P. XI, 1372. + +Footnote 859: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1018. + +Footnote 860: + + Ibid. 1264. + +Footnote 861: + + Ibid. 1018. + +Footnote 862: + + L. and P. XI, 774. + +Footnote 863: + + Ibid. 1402. + +Footnote 864: + + See note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 865: + + L. and P. XI, 760. + +Footnote 866: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 867: + + L. and P. XI, 1086. + +Footnote 868: + + Ibid. 774. + +Footnote 869: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 870: + + L. and P. XI, 759. + +Footnote 871: + + L. and P. XII (1), 852 (iii); L. and P. XI, 1402. + +Footnote 872: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 873: + + L. and P. XI, Append. 11. + +Footnote 874: + + See note F at end of chapter. + +Footnote 875: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 335–6. + +Footnote 876: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 877: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6, 1022. + +Footnote 878: + + L. and P. XI, 1086. + +Footnote 879: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 880: + + L. and P. XII (1), 853. + +Footnote 881: + + L. and P. XI, 1086. + +Footnote 882: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 883: + + Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 336. + +Footnote 884: + + See below chap. IX. + +Footnote 885: + + Bates, Border Holds, Introduction, pt V; Arch. Ael. (new ser.) I, 87; + Gasquet, op. cit. II, chap. X. + +Footnote 886: + + See below chap. XIV. + +Footnote 887: + + See below chap. XX. + +Footnote 888: + + Dowell, op. cit. I, Bk III, chap, I, pt II, section 2. + +Footnote 889: + + Raine, Mem. of Hexham Priory (Surtees Soc.) preface p. cxxii. + +Footnote 890: + + Ibid. Append. p. cxxvi; Wright, Suppression of the Monasteries (Camden + Soc.), 123; Burnet, Hist. of Reformation, VI, 139; L. and P. X, 716. + +Footnote 891: + + L. and P. XI, 689. + +Footnote 892: + + Ibid. 449. + +Footnote 893: + + L. and P. XI, 689. + +Footnote 894: + + Ibid. 504; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. I, p. cxxvii. + +Footnote 895: + + L. and P. XI, 689. + +Footnote 896: + + Ibid. 535. + +Footnote 897: + + L. and P. XI, 544, 760 (2). + +Footnote 898: + + See below. + +Footnote 899: + + Ibid. 689. + +Footnote 900: + + Bates, Border Holds, 316. + +Footnote 901: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1090; printed in full in Raine, op. cit. I, Append. + p. cxl et seq. + +Footnote 902: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1090; printed in full, Raine, loc. cit. + +Footnote 903: + + Ibid.; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. p. cxxxvi. + +Footnote 904: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1090; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. p. cxlv. + +Footnote 905: + + Ibid.; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. p. cxxxvi. + +Footnote 906: + + L. and P. XI, 68. + +Footnote 907: + + Ibid. 736. + +Footnote 908: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 909: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1090; Raine, op. cit. p. cxxxvi. Also printed by De + Fonblanque, Annals of the House of Percy I, App. lii. + +Footnote 910: + + L. and P. XII (1), 351, 467; printed by De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, + App. liv. + +Footnote 911: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1090; Raine and De Fonblanque, loc. cit. + +Footnote 912: + + L. and P. VIII, 1143 (1). + +Footnote 913: + + L. and P. XIII (1), 1253. + +Footnote 914: + + L. and P. XII (1), 85, 219. + +Footnote 915: + + Ibid. 1090; printed in full, Raine, loc. cit. + +Footnote 916: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 917: + + L. and P. XI, 677. + +Footnote 918: + + Ibid. 729. + +Footnote 919: + + L. and P. XII (1), 788. + +Footnote 920: + + Ibid. 789. + +Footnote 921: + + Ibid. 775. + +Footnote 922: + + Ibid. 789. + +Footnote 923: + + Ibid. 1035. The Abbot says “the Wednesday after Michaelmas,” i.e. 4 + October, but he seems to have made a week’s error in his reckoning. + +Footnote 924: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1035. + +Footnote 925: + + Ibid. 369, 789. + +Footnote 926: + + Ibid. 786 (11). + +Footnote 927: + + L. and P. XI, 1284. + +Footnote 928: + + L. and P. XII (1), 369; printed in full by Milner and Benham, Records + of the House of Lumley, 32–45. + +Footnote 929: + + L. and P. XII (1), 22. + +Footnote 930: + + L. and P. XI, Append. 14. + +Footnote 931: + + L. and P. XI, 381 (B). + +Footnote 932: + + Ibid. Append. 14. + +Footnote 933: + + Ibid. 1271. + +Footnote 934: + + L. and P. XII (1), 22. + +Footnote 935: + + Ibid. 789. + +Footnote 936: + + Ibid. 29. + +Footnote 937: + + Ibid. 369; XI, 945. + +Footnote 938: + + D.N.B. + +Footnote 939: + + L. and P. XII (1), 369; see note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 940: + + Ibid. 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. 43. + +Footnote 941: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1035. + +Footnote 942: + + L. and P. XII (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. + 33, 43. + +Footnote 943: + + Fowler, Dur. Acct. Rolls (Surtees Soc.), II, 483. + +Footnote 944: + + L. and P. XII (2), 536; Greenwell, Boldon Buke (Surtees Soc.), + vii-viii; Lapsley, Co. Pal. of Durham, App. iii, 327. + +Footnote 945: + + L. and P. XII (1), 578. + +Footnote 946: + + Ibid. 789. + +Footnote 947: + + Ibid. 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. 34, 35. + +Footnote 948: + + Leadam, Select Cases from the Court of Star Chamber (Selden Soc.), + pref. p. xcv; p. 75 et seq. + +Footnote 949: + + L. and P. XII (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. + 43. + +Footnote 950: + + Ibid. 788. + +Footnote 951: + + L. and P. XI, 1207, 1372. + +Footnote 952: + + L. and P. XII (1), 259. + +Footnote 953: + + L. and P. XI, 1372. + +Footnote 954: + + Dep. and Eccles. Pro. at York Castle (Surtees Soc.), 45. + +Footnote 955: + + See above, chap. IV. + +Footnote 956: + + L. and P. XI, 841. + +Footnote 957: + + Ibid. 563, 742. + +Footnote 958: + + See above. + +Footnote 959: + + L. and P. XI, 604. + +Footnote 960: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1186. + +Footnote 961: + + See above. + +Footnote 962: + + L. and P. XI, 712. + +Footnote 963: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 964: + + Ibid. 927. + +Footnote 965: + + Ibid. 760. + +Footnote 966: + + Ibid. 759. + +Footnote 967: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1269. + +Footnote 968: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1269. + +Footnote 969: + + Ibid. 698 (3). + +Footnote 970: + + Sharp, Mem. of the Reb. of 1569, pp. 275, 277. + +Footnote 971: + + See above, chap. III. + +Footnote 972: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1186. + +Footnote 973: + + L. and P. XI, 892; Hist. MSS. Com. Report VI, 446; Correspondence of + the 3rd Earl of Derby (Chetham Soc.), 47 et seq. + +Footnote 974: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1034. + +Footnote 975: + + Ibid. 1014; printed in Yorks. Arch. Journ. XI, 251. + +Footnote 976: + + Yorks. Arch. Journ. XI, 261–2. + +Footnote 977: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1034. + +Footnote 978: + + See above. + +Footnote 979: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1186; printed in part by Froude, op. cit. chap. + XIII. + +Footnote 980: + + L. and P. XII (1), 698 (3). + +Footnote 981: + + L. and P. XI, 927. + +Footnote 982: + + L. and P. XII (1), 787, 789. + +Footnote 983: + + See below, chap. X. + +Footnote 984: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 331 et seq. + +Footnote 985: + + See below, chap. XI. + +Footnote 986: + + Eure, Ewer, Ewers, Evers, Ewry, Ivers, Yevars, and many other forms. + +Footnote 987: + + Hamilton Papers (Scot. Rec. Soc.), II, 565. + +Footnote 988: + + Sir Walter Scott, The Eve of St John. + +Footnote 989: + + L. and P. XII (1), 535. + +Footnote 990: + + L. and P. XI, 760 (2). + +Footnote 991: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 992: + + L. and P. XII (2), 1212 (vi). + +Footnote 993: + + Lord Herbert of Cherbury, Reign of Henry VIII (ed. 1672), 478. + +Footnote 994: + + L. and P. XI, 989. + +Footnote 995: + + L. and P. XIII (1), 45. + +Footnote 996: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 331 et seq. + +Footnote 997: + + See above, chap. IV. + +Footnote 998: + + Also spelt Salley. + +Footnote 999: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6. + +Footnote 1000: + + L. and P. XI, 784. + +Footnote 1001: + + Ibid. 786 (3); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 331; J. Horsfall + Turner, Yorkshire Anthology, 143; The Antiquary, November 1880. + +Footnote 1002: + + L. and P. XI, 786 (2); cf. 1421. + +Footnote 1003: + + Gasquet, Hen. VIII and the Eng. Mon. I, chap, III; L. and P. IV (1), + 1253. + +Footnote 1004: + + L. and P. XII (1), 849 (29). + +Footnote 1005: + + L. and P. XI, 635. + +Footnote 1006: + + See note B at end of chapter; cf. L. and P. XI, 486. + +Footnote 1007: + + L. and P. XI, 681, 787, 1019, 1212; Gasquet, op. cit. II, chap. II. + +Footnote 1008: + + L. and P. XI, 859. + +Footnote 1009: + + Ibid. 635. + +Footnote 1010: + + L. and P. XII (1), 578. + +Footnote 1011: + + Ibid. 518; printed in Yorks. Arch. Journ. XI, 261–2; see note D at end + of chapter. + +Footnote 1012: + + L. and P. XII (1), 853. + +Footnote 1013: + + L. and P. XI, 634; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of + Derby (Chetham Soc.), 18. + +Footnote 1014: + + L. and P. XI, 783; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of + Derby, 28. + +Footnote 1015: + + L. and P. XI, 807. + +Footnote 1016: + + L. and P. XI, 807. + +Footnote 1017: + + Ibid. 804. + +Footnote 1018: + + Ibid. 1155 (1), 1251; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl + of Derby (Chetham Soc.), 67. + +Footnote 1019: + + L. and P. XII (1), 914. + +Footnote 1020: + + L. and P. XI, 783. + +Footnote 1021: + + Ibid. 894. + +Footnote 1022: + + See above. + +Footnote 1023: + + L. and P. XI, 947 (2); printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl + of Derby, 38. + +Footnote 1024: + + L. and P. XII (1), 652. + +Footnote 1025: + + See above, chap. V, note B. + +Footnote 1026: + + L. and P. XII (1), 841 (3). + +Footnote 1027: + + L. and P. XI, 947 (2). + +Footnote 1028: + + L. and P. XII (1), 698 (3). + +Footnote 1029: + + Ibid. 914. + +Footnote 1030: + + L. and P. XI, 947 (2); printed in full, Correspondence, 38. + +Footnote 1031: + + L. and P. XII (1), 914. + +Footnote 1032: + + Yorks. Arch. Journ. XI, 253 and L. and P. XII (1), 1034. + +Footnote 1033: + + Yorks. Arch. Journ. XI, 256. + +Footnote 1034: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1034. + +Footnote 1035: + + L. and P. XI, 947 (2). + +Footnote 1036: + + L. and P. XII (1), 914. + +Footnote 1037: + + L. and P. XI, 947. + +Footnote 1038: + + L. and P. XI, 900, 901, 922; nos. 901 and 922 are printed in full in + Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby, 36 and 37. + +Footnote 1039: + + L. and P. XI, 947. + +Footnote 1040: + + Yorks. Arch. Journ. XI, 256. + +Footnote 1041: + + See note C at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1042: + + L. and P. XI, 319; printed in full, Raine, Priory of Hexham, I Append, + p. clvi n. + +Footnote 1043: + + L. and P. XII (1), 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, The Monasteries + of Cumberland and Westmorland, no. XXII. + +Footnote 1044: + + L. and P. XII (1), 687 (1); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. XXI. + +Footnote 1045: + + See above. + +Footnote 1046: + + L. and P. XII (1), 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. + XXII. + +Footnote 1047: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1048: + + V. C. H. Cumberland, II, 48. + +Footnote 1049: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1259; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. nos. + XXIV-XXVII and Raine, op. cit. I, p. cliv. + +Footnote 1050: + + L. and P. XII (1), 687 (1). + +Footnote 1051: + + L. and P. XII (1), 687 (2). + +Footnote 1052: + + L. and P. XI, 742; see above. + +Footnote 1053: + + Ibid. 927. + +Footnote 1054: + + L. and P. XII (1), 687 (1), (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. + nos. XXI and XXII. + +Footnote 1055: + + L. and P. XI, 927. + +Footnote 1056: + + L. and P. XII (1), 687 (1), (2). + +Footnote 1057: + + Ibid. 1090; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. I, Append, p. cxxx et + seq.; De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, Append. LII. + +Footnote 1058: + + L. and P. XI, 647, 846. + +Footnote 1059: + + Ibid. 1331. + +Footnote 1060: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1061: + + L. and P. XII (1), 687 (1). + +Footnote 1062: + + L. and P. XI, 993; XII (1), 687 (1); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. + no. XXI. + +Footnote 1063: + + L. and P. XI, 1096, 1331. + +Footnote 1064: + + L. and P. XI, 1080; XII (1), 687 (2). + +Footnote 1065: + + Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, V, 343, quoted by Bax, op. cit. 109. + +Footnote 1066: + + Bax, op. cit. 61. + +Footnote 1067: + + Ibid. 88. + +Footnote 1068: + + L. and P. IX, 183; XII (2) 597. + +Footnote 1069: + + Nicholson and Burn, Westmorland and Cumberland, I, 11–12. + +Footnote 1070: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 343. + +Footnote 1071: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 1072: + + Ibid. 901 (41); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 568. See above, + chap. III. + +Footnote 1073: + + L. and P. XI, 807. + +Footnote 1074: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (1), (28); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 560. See above, chap. IX. + +Footnote 1075: + + See note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1076: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 336. + +Footnote 1077: + + L. and P. XI, 826 (2). + +Footnote 1078: + + See notes B and C at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1079: + + L. and P. XII (1), 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, + chap. IX; L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 1080: + + L. and P. XII (1), 393. + +Footnote 1081: + + L. and P. XI, 792. + +Footnote 1082: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1018. + +Footnote 1083: + + Ibid. 1090; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit., I, App. LII. + +Footnote 1084: + + L. and P. XII (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Bentham, Records + of the House of Lumley, chap. V. + +Footnote 1085: + + L. and P. XII (1), 393, printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, + chap. IX. + +Footnote 1086: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1019. + +Footnote 1087: + + L. and P. XII (1), 369; Milner and Bentham, op. cit. chap. V. + +Footnote 1088: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (41); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 568. + +Footnote 1089: + + L. and P. XII (1), 852 (iv). + +Footnote 1090: + + L. and P. XI, 879. + +Footnote 1091: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1175. + +Footnote 1092: + + See above, chap. VI. + +Footnote 1093: + + L. and P. XI, 879. + +Footnote 1094: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 1095: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1320. + +Footnote 1096: + + Ibid. 392. + +Footnote 1097: + + L. and P. XII (1), 784. See above, chap. V, for the message from + Halifax to Lincoln. + +Footnote 1098: + + See above, chap. IV. + +Footnote 1099: + + L. and P. XII (2), 369 (4). + +Footnote 1100: + + Star Chamber Cases, vol. XX, fol. 9. + +Footnote 1101: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6, printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. vol. V, p. 340. + +Footnote 1102: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 1103: + + L. and P. XII (1), 698 (3). + +Footnote 1104: + + Ibid. 946 (118). + +Footnote 1105: + + Fowler, Rites and Monuments of Durham (Surtees Soc.), 26. + +Footnote 1106: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (73); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 571. + +Footnote 1107: + + Hall, Chronicle, ann. 1536; see note D at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1108: + + L. and P. XII (1), 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, + chap. IX. + +Footnote 1109: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392. + +Footnote 1110: + + Ibid., see below, chap. XIII. + +Footnote 1111: + + L. and P. XII (1), 946 (118). + +Footnote 1112: + + L. and P. XII (1), 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. chap. + IX. + +Footnote 1113: + + L. and P. XII (1), 900 (73–87); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 554–5. See above, chap, II, and note D at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1114: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (73). + +Footnote 1115: + + Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 1116: + + L. and P. XI, 826 (2), (4). + +Footnote 1117: + + Spanish Chron. of King Henry VIII (ed. M. A. S. Hume), chap. XVII. + +Footnote 1118: + + See above, chap. V. + +Footnote 1119: + + L. and P. XI, 625. + +Footnote 1120: + + Ibid. 626. + +Footnote 1121: + + Ibid. 642. + +Footnote 1122: + + L. & P. XI, 671. + +Footnote 1123: + + Ibid. 659. + +Footnote 1124: + + Ibid. 671. + +Footnote 1125: + + Ibid. 642. + +Footnote 1126: + + See above, ch. VI. + +Footnote 1127: + + L. and P. XI, 670, 720, 721. + +Footnote 1128: + + Ibid. 642. + +Footnote 1129: + + Ibid. 659. + +Footnote 1130: + + Ibid. 726. + +Footnote 1131: + + Ibid. 715, 717. + +Footnote 1132: + + See above, ch. VI. + +Footnote 1133: + + L. and P. XI. 726. + +Footnote 1134: + + Ibid. 716. + +Footnote 1135: + + Ibid. 723; see above, ch. VIII. + +Footnote 1136: + + L. and P. XI, 726. + +Footnote 1137: + + Ibid. 716. + +Footnote 1138: + + Ibid. 749. + +Footnote 1139: + + Ibid. 704. + +Footnote 1140: + + Ibid. 768. + +Footnote 1141: + + See above, chap. IV. + +Footnote 1142: + + L. and P. XI, 768. + +Footnote 1143: + + Ibid. 834. + +Footnote 1144: + + See above, ch. VII. + +Footnote 1145: + + L. and P. XI, 879. + +Footnote 1146: + + Ibid. 738. + +Footnote 1147: + + L. and P. XI 727; printed in full, E. Bapst, Deux Gentilshommes-poètes + de la Cour de Henri VIII, 220 n. + +Footnote 1148: + + L. and P. XI, 738. + +Footnote 1149: + + Ibid. 800. + +Footnote 1150: + + See above, chap. VI. + +Footnote 1151: + + L. and P. XI, 694. + +Footnote 1152: + + Ibid. 758. + +Footnote 1153: + + Ibid. 772. + +Footnote 1154: + + Ibid. 758. + +Footnote 1155: + + L. and P. XI, 772. + +Footnote 1156: + + Ibid. 774; see above, chap. VIII. + +Footnote 1157: + + L. and P. XI, 776. + +Footnote 1158: + + L. and P. XI, 793. + +Footnote 1159: + + Ibid. 803. + +Footnote 1160: + + Ibid. 800, 803. + +Footnote 1161: + + Ibid. 800. + +Footnote 1162: + + Ibid. 803. + +Footnote 1163: + + L. and P. XI, 799, 823, 824, 825, 835 etc. + +Footnote 1164: + + Ibid. 831; copied from the original at the R. O. + +Footnote 1165: + + L. and P. XI, 771. + +Footnote 1166: + + Ibid. 826; see above, ch. X. + +Footnote 1167: + + L. and P. XI, 840. + +Footnote 1168: + + Ibid. 816, 822; printed in full, St. P. I, 488. + +Footnote 1169: + + L. and P. XI, 816. + +Footnote 1170: + + L. and P. XI, 845. + +Footnote 1171: + + See above, ch. IX. + +Footnote 1172: + + L. and P. XI, 846; see note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1173: + + L. and P. XII (1), 854. + +Footnote 1174: + + L. and P. XI, 846, 909. + +Footnote 1175: + + L. and P. XII (1), 854. + +Footnote 1176: + + Ibid. 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, chap. IX. + +Footnote 1177: + + L. and P. XII (1), 29. + +Footnote 1178: + + Ibid. 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, chap. IX. + +Footnote 1179: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1175. + +Footnote 1180: + + Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 337. + +Footnote 1181: + + L. and P. XII (1), 393. + +Footnote 1182: + + Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 1183: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 1184: + + Duff, Eng. Provincial Printers to 1557, Lecture II, York. + +Footnote 1185: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6, 392, 1175. + +Footnote 1186: + + L. and P. XI, 846; XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 337. + +Footnote 1187: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 337. + +Footnote 1188: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 1189: + + Ibid. 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. V. + +Footnote 1190: + + L. and P. XII (1), 946 (117). + +Footnote 1191: + + Ibid. 1022. + +Footnote 1192: + + Ibid. 29, (2), (3). + +Footnote 1193: + + L. and P. XII (1), 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, + chap. IX. + +Footnote 1194: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 1195: + + L. and P. XII (1), 393. + +Footnote 1196: + + Ibid. 392. + +Footnote 1197: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (73); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 571–2. + +Footnote 1198: + + L. and P. XII (1), 29, 393, 946 (118), 1175 (ii) (3). + +Footnote 1199: + + Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V. 337. + +Footnote 1200: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392, 1175 (ii) (3). + +Footnote 1201: + + L. and P. XI, 887; printed in full, State Papers, I, 495. + +Footnote 1202: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1175 (ii) (4). + +Footnote 1203: + + L. and P. XI, 909; 1319; extracts printed in Froude, op. cit. chap. + XIII. + +Footnote 1204: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1175 (ii) (4). + +Footnote 1205: + + L. and P. XI, 1319; XII (1), 6, 29, 1175 (ii) (5). + +Footnote 1206: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6. + +Footnote 1207: + + L. and P. XI, 1241. + +Footnote 1208: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1175 (ii) (4). + +Footnote 1209: + + Ibid. 6. + +Footnote 1210: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1175 (ii) (4). + +Footnote 1211: + + Ibid. 900 (72); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 554. + +Footnote 1212: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (21); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 559. + +Footnote 1213: + + L. and P. XII (1), 916 (2), (118). + +Footnote 1214: + + Ibid. 1175 (ii) (4). + +Footnote 1215: + + Ibid. 946 (2), (118). + +Footnote 1216: + + L. and P. XI, 864; copied from the original at the R. O. + +Footnote 1217: + + Ibid. 884; printed in full, State Papers, I, 493; L. and P. XI, 909. + +Footnote 1218: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1175 (ii) (4). + +Footnote 1219: + + Ibid. 201 (p. 90). + +Footnote 1220: + + L. and P. XI, 909. + +Footnote 1221: + + L. and P. XII (1), 29, (2), (3). + +Footnote 1222: + + Ibid. loc. cit.; 900 (74), (87); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 554, 555. + +Footnote 1223: + + L. and P. XI, 786; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 344. + +Footnote 1224: + + L. and P. XI, 1402. + +Footnote 1225: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; 1175 (ii) (3), (4). + +Footnote 1226: + + Ibid. 29. + +Footnote 1227: + + Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 336–7. + +Footnote 1228: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1175 (ii) (4). + +Footnote 1229: + + L. and P. XII, 1022. + +Footnote 1230: + + L. and P. XI, 902; printed in full, State Papers, I, 496. + +Footnote 1231: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 1232: + + Thomas, The Pilgrim (ed. Froude). + +Footnote 1233: + + L. and P. XII (1), 900 (93); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 555. + +Footnote 1234: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 337. + +Footnote 1235: + + L. and P. XI, 1300. + +Footnote 1236: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6. + +Footnote 1237: + + Ibid. 1315. + +Footnote 1238: + + Ibid. 456. + +Footnote 1239: + + L. and P. XI, 1319; extracts printed in Froude, op. cit. chap. XIII. + +Footnote 1240: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 1241: + + Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 338. + +Footnote 1242: + + L. and P. XI, 1086. + +Footnote 1243: + + clee, _claw_ or _hand_. + +Footnote 1244: + + L. and P. XI, 1086. + +Footnote 1245: + + L. and P. XII (1), 778. + +Footnote 1246: + + Herbert, op. cit. 628. + +Footnote 1247: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1162. + +Footnote 1248: + + Ibid. 1192. + +Footnote 1249: + + Herbert, loc. cit. + +Footnote 1250: + + L. and P. XI, 1086. + +Footnote 1251: + + L. and P. XII (1), 424. + +Footnote 1252: + + E. Bapst, op. cit.; see note B at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1253: + + Herbert, op. cit. 492. + +Footnote 1254: + + See below, chap. XX. + +Footnote 1255: + + L. and P. XII (1), 946 (118). + +Footnote 1256: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 338. + +Footnote 1257: + + He was an usher of the King’s Privy Chamber. + +Footnote 1258: + + L. and P. XI, 909; copied from the original at the R. O. + +Footnote 1259: + + L. and P. XI, 928, 1045. + +Footnote 1260: + + L. and P. XI, 899; see above, chap. IX. + +Footnote 1261: + + L. and P. XI, 900, 901; 901 printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd + Earl of Derby (Chetham Soc.), 36. + +Footnote 1262: + + L. and P. XI, 928; XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 338. + +Footnote 1263: + + L. and P. XI, 902; printed in full, St. P. I, 496. + +Footnote 1264: + + L. and P. XI, 910, printed in full, St. P. I, 497; XII (1), 6, printed + in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 338. + +Footnote 1265: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392. + +Footnote 1266: + + Arch. Ael. (N. S.) XVI, 351 et seq. + +Footnote 1267: + + Bapst, op. cit. p. 227 n. + +Footnote 1268: + + L. and P. XI, 944. + +Footnote 1269: + + Ibid. 885, 886, 906. + +Footnote 1270: + + Ibid. 955. + +Footnote 1271: + + L. and P. XI, 956. + +Footnote 1272: + + Latimer’s Remains (Parker Soc.), p. 29. The sermon is misdated 1535. + +Footnote 1273: + + L. and P. XI, 909. + +Footnote 1274: + + Ibid. 914. + +Footnote 1275: + + Ibid. 1009. + +Footnote 1276: + + Ibid. 921. + +Footnote 1277: + + Ibid. 1009. + +Footnote 1278: + + Ibid. 979. + +Footnote 1279: + + L. and P. XI, 957, 995. + +Footnote 1280: + + L. and P. XI, 957; printed in full, State Papers, I, 506. + +Footnote 1281: + + L. and P. XI, 985. + +Footnote 1282: + + Ibid. 986. + +Footnote 1283: + + Ibid. 995, see below. + +Footnote 1284: + + L. and P. XI, 1009. + +Footnote 1285: + + L. and P. XII (1), 536, 1163; see above, chap. VIII. + +Footnote 1286: + + L. and P. XI, 1009. + +Footnote 1287: + + L. and P. XI, 1002, 1003, 1005, 1032, 1037. + +Footnote 1288: + + Ibid. 1027, 1077, 1120. + +Footnote 1289: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1021 (3). + +Footnote 1290: + + Ibid. 1019, 1207 (8). + +Footnote 1291: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1021 (5); printed in full, Longstaff, A Leaf from + the Pilgrimage of Grace; see note F at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1292: + + L. and P. XI, 1049, 3 (3), (6), (7); 1058 (4). + +Footnote 1293: + + L. and P. XI, 909. + +Footnote 1294: + + Ibid. 990, 1075, 1077. + +Footnote 1295: + + Ibid. 966. + +Footnote 1296: + + Ibid. 960. + +Footnote 1297: + + See below. + +Footnote 1298: + + L. and P. XI, 992, 1010, 1022, 103; printed in full, Correspondence of + the third Earl of Derby (Chetham Soc.), pp. 53, 55, 56. + +Footnote 1299: + + See above and L. and P. XI, 902. + +Footnote 1300: + + See above, chap. IX. + +Footnote 1301: + + L. and P. XII (1), 841 (2), (3). + +Footnote 1302: + + Ibid. 789 (i). + +Footnote 1303: + + L. and P. XI, 924, 1048. + +Footnote 1304: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 338. + +Footnote 1305: + + L. and P. XII (1), 698. + +Footnote 1306: + + L. and P. XII, 392; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, chap. + IX; and Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 1307: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1090; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. I, App. p. + cxxxvii; see note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1308: + + See above, chap. IX. + +Footnote 1309: + + Raine, op. cit. I, App. p. cxxxiv n. + +Footnote 1310: + + L. and P. XI, 1048. + +Footnote 1311: + + Ibid. 1039. + +Footnote 1312: + + L. and P. XII (1), 849 (53); printed in full, De Fonblanque, I, App. + no. liii. + +Footnote 1313: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1062. + +Footnote 1314: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 338–9. + +Footnote 1315: + + L. and P. XI, 966, 990, 998. + +Footnote 1316: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 339. + +Footnote 1317: + + L. and P. XI, 990; XII (1), 6. + +Footnote 1318: + + L. and P. XI, 998; XII (1), 6. + +Footnote 1319: + + L. and P. XI, 1070. + +Footnote 1320: + + L. and P. XII (1), 698 (2). + +Footnote 1321: + + Ibid cf. XI, 997. + +Footnote 1322: + + L. and P. XI, 1169. + +Footnote 1323: + + L. and P. XII(1), 698(2). + +Footnote 1324: + + See below, chap. XVII. + +Footnote 1325: + + L. and P. XI, 1039. + +Footnote 1326: + + Ibid. 1069. + +Footnote 1327: + + L. and P. XII (1), 853. + +Footnote 1328: + + L. and P. XI, 1195. + +Footnote 1329: + + Holme, The Downfall of Rebellion. + +Footnote 1330: + + Speed, Hist. of Great Britain, Book IX, chap. 21. + +Footnote 1331: + + Froude, op. cit. II, chap. IX. + +Footnote 1332: + + L. and P. XI, 1017. + +Footnote 1333: + + Ibid. 1059. + +Footnote 1334: + + Ibid. 960, cf. 1139. + +Footnote 1335: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 339. + +Footnote 1336: + + L. and P. XI, 996. + +Footnote 1337: + + See above, chap. VII. + +Footnote 1338: + + L. and P. XII (1), 481. + +Footnote 1339: + + L. and P. XI, 1004. + +Footnote 1340: + + Ibid. 1075. + +Footnote 1341: + + Ibid. 1095. + +Footnote 1342: + + Ibid. 1075. + +Footnote 1343: + + Ibid. 1103. + +Footnote 1344: + + Ibid. 1104–5. + +Footnote 1345: + + Ibid. 1120; see above, chap. VI. + +Footnote 1346: + + L. and P. XI, 1120. + +Footnote 1347: + + Ibid. 1009. + +Footnote 1348: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1013. + +Footnote 1349: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 339. + +Footnote 1350: + + L. and P. XI, 1039. + +Footnote 1351: + + Ibid. 995. + +Footnote 1352: + + Ibid. 1007. + +Footnote 1353: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1013. + +Footnote 1354: + + L. and P. XI, 1046 (3); cf. L. and P. XII (1), 392 (p. 193). + +Footnote 1355: + + L. and P. XI, 1046 (1). + +Footnote 1356: + + L. and P. XI, 1045. + +Footnote 1357: + + See note B at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1358: + + L. and P. XII (1) 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 339. + +Footnote 1359: + + L. and P. XI, 1017. + +Footnote 1360: + + Ibid. 1016. + +Footnote 1361: + + Ibid. 1026. + +Footnote 1362: + + L. and P. XI, 1027. + +Footnote 1363: + + Ibid. 1028. + +Footnote 1364: + + Ibid. 1029. + +Footnote 1365: + + Ibid. 1063. + +Footnote 1366: + + Ibid. 1022, 1031; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of + Derby (Chetham Soc.), p. 56. + +Footnote 1367: + + L. and P. XI, 1037, 1038. + +Footnote 1368: + + Ibid. 1042. The letter is endorsed in Darcy’s hand. See note C at end + of chapter. + +Footnote 1369: + + See above. + +Footnote 1370: + + L. and P. XI, 1040. + +Footnote 1371: + + Ibid. 1042. + +Footnote 1372: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1186. + +Footnote 1373: + + L. and P. XI, 1006, 1035, 1036. + +Footnote 1374: + + Ibid. 1066, and see above. + +Footnote 1375: + + L. and P. XI, 1087, 1094. + +Footnote 1376: + + Ibid. 1048. + +Footnote 1377: + + Ibid. 1056. + +Footnote 1378: + + Ibid. 1059. + +Footnote 1379: + + L. and P. XII (1), 853. + +Footnote 1380: + + L. and P. XI, 1044, 1050, 1056. + +Footnote 1381: + + Ibid. 1059. + +Footnote 1382: + + Ibid. 1049. + +Footnote 1383: + + Ibid. 960, 1051. + +Footnote 1384: + + Ibid. 1117. + +Footnote 1385: + + Ibid. 1049. + +Footnote 1386: + + Ibid. 1050. + +Footnote 1387: + + L. and P. XI, 1049. + +Footnote 1388: + + Ibid. 1058, 1068. + +Footnote 1389: + + Ibid. 1067. + +Footnote 1390: + + Ibid. 1059. + +Footnote 1391: + + Ibid. 1067. + +Footnote 1392: + + Ibid. 1078. + +Footnote 1393: + + Ibid. 1088. + +Footnote 1394: + + Ibid. 1060, 1092; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of + Derby (Chetham Soc.), pp. 59, 61. + +Footnote 1395: + + L. and P. XI, 1097, cf. 1178; printed in full, loc. cit. p. 65. + +Footnote 1396: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1090; printed in full, Raine, op. cit. I, pp. + cxxxi-cxxxiv; De Fonblanque, op. cit. I, App. no. lii. + +Footnote 1397: + + L. and P. XI, 1331. + +Footnote 1398: + + Ibid. 1080. + +Footnote 1399: + + Ibid. 1095. + +Footnote 1400: + + Ibid. 1075, 1078, 1095. + +Footnote 1401: + + Ibid. 1077. + +Footnote 1402: + + See note D at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1403: + + L. and P. XI, 1059. + +Footnote 1404: + + Ibid. 1005. + +Footnote 1405: + + See note E at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1406: + + See note F at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1407: + + L. and P. XI, 1059. + +Footnote 1408: + + Ibid. 1230; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Derby + (Chetham Soc.), p. 70. + +Footnote 1409: + + Hamilton Papers, I, no. 242. + +Footnote 1410: + + Wilfred Holme, The Downfall of Rebellion. + +Footnote 1411: + + Froude, op. cit. II, chap. XIV. + +Footnote 1412: + + Wilfred Holme, op. cit. + +Footnote 1413: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1346, 1370. + +Footnote 1414: + + L. and P. XI, 1061. + +Footnote 1415: + + Ibid. 1088, cf. 1168. + +Footnote 1416: + + Ibid. 1096. + +Footnote 1417: + + Ibid. 1103. + +Footnote 1418: + + Ibid. 1107. + +Footnote 1419: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (42–3); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 569. + +Footnote 1420: + + L. and P. XI, 1064 (2). + +Footnote 1421: + + Ibid. 1065. + +Footnote 1422: + + Ibid. 1107, cf. XII (1), 901 (44), printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 570. + +Footnote 1423: + + L. and P. XI, 1115, 1116. + +Footnote 1424: + + Ibid. 1077. + +Footnote 1425: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (43); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 569. + +Footnote 1426: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1186. + +Footnote 1427: + + Ibid. 1081; ibid. (2), 268; see above, chap. II. + +Footnote 1428: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1080; cf. ibid. XII (2), 292 (III). + +Footnote 1429: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1080. + +Footnote 1430: + + L. and P. XI, 1115. + +Footnote 1431: + + Ibid. 1114. + +Footnote 1432: + + Ibid. 1113. + +Footnote 1433: + + Ibid. 1112. + +Footnote 1434: + + Ibid. 1122, 1123, 1141. + +Footnote 1435: + + See above. + +Footnote 1436: + + L. and P. XI, 1139. + +Footnote 1437: + + Ibid. 1120. + +Footnote 1438: + + M. A. Everett Green, op. cit. III, no. lxxi. + +Footnote 1439: + + L. and P. XI, 1126. + +Footnote 1440: + + Ibid. 1121. + +Footnote 1441: + + Ibid. 1126. + +Footnote 1442: + + L. and P. XI, 1116. + +Footnote 1443: + + Ibid. 1115. + +Footnote 1444: + + Ibid. 1135; Yorks. Arch. Jour. XI, 260; L. and P. XI, 1127; XII (1), + 392, 698 (3). + +Footnote 1445: + + Ibid. 466, 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xxii. + +Footnote 1446: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1259 (2), (3). + +Footnote 1447: + + Ibid. 29. + +Footnote 1448: + + Ibid. 466, 536, 687; printed in full, Raine, Hexham Priory (Surtees + Soc.) I, Append. p. cliv. + +Footnote 1449: + + L. and P. XI, 1171. + +Footnote 1450: + + L. and P. XII (1), 698 (3), 1186. + +Footnote 1451: + + Ibid. 466. + +Footnote 1452: + + Ibid. 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 1453: + + L. and P. XI, 760 (2). + +Footnote 1454: + + Ibid. 883. + +Footnote 1455: + + Ibid. 989. + +Footnote 1456: + + Ibid. 1032; printed in full, Merriman, op. cit. II, no. 169. + +Footnote 1457: + + L. and P. XI, 1106, 1162. + +Footnote 1458: + + Ibid. 1103, 1106. + +Footnote 1459: + + Ibid. 1088, 1116; XII (1), 201 (ii) (iv), 202. + +Footnote 1460: + + L. and P. XI, 1128. + +Footnote 1461: + + Ibid. 1032; printed in full, Merriman, op. cit. II, no. 169. + +Footnote 1462: + + L. and P. XII (1), 466. + +Footnote 1463: + + See above. + +Footnote 1464: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 1465: + + L. and P. XI, 1127; XII (1), 29. + +Footnote 1466: + + L. and P. XI, 1139. + +Footnote 1467: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 339. + +Footnote 1468: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (25); and 945 (88–90); printed in full, Eng. + Hist. Rev. V, 570, 573; cf. L. and P. XI, 1127; XII (1), 1175 (ii). + +Footnote 1469: + + L. and P. XI, 1155, (1), (2), (4). + +Footnote 1470: + + Ibid. 1127. + +Footnote 1471: + + L. and P. XII (1), 698 (3). + +Footnote 1472: + + L. and P. XI, 1127. + +Footnote 1473: + + L. and P. XII (1), 29. + +Footnote 1474: + + Ibid. 946 (118). + +Footnote 1475: + + Yorks. Arch. Journ. XI, 260–1. + +Footnote 1476: + + L. and P. XI, 1118; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of + Derby (Chetham Soc.), p. 128. + +Footnote 1477: + + L. and P. XII (1), 392; printed in full, Coxe, op. cit. + +Footnote 1478: + + L. and P. XI, 1134, 1140, 1153, 1154. + +Footnote 1479: + + L. and P. XI, 1135. + +Footnote 1480: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (28); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 560. + +Footnote 1481: + + L. and P. XI, 1162. + +Footnote 1482: + + Ibid. 1127. + +Footnote 1483: + + Ibid. 1174. + +Footnote 1484: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1485: + + Ibid. 1175. + +Footnote 1486: + + Ibid. 1135 (2). + +Footnote 1487: + + Yorks. Arch. Journ. XI, 261. + +Footnote 1488: + + L. and P. XI, 41. + +Footnote 1489: + + L. and P. XII (1), 533. + +Footnote 1490: + + L. and P. XI, 1170. + +Footnote 1491: + + L. and P. XII (1), 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. + XXII. + +Footnote 1492: + + L. and P. XI, 1171. + +Footnote 1493: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (107); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 570. + +Footnote 1494: + + L. and P. XI, 1155, (1) (ii), (2) (ii). + +Footnote 1495: + + Ibid. 1166. + +Footnote 1496: + + Ibid. 1169. + +Footnote 1497: + + L. and P. XI, 1230; printed in full, Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of + Derby (Chetham Soc.) 70–75. + +Footnote 1498: + + L. and P. XI, 1232. + +Footnote 1499: + + Ibid. 1095. + +Footnote 1500: + + Ibid. 1136. + +Footnote 1501: + + Ibid. 1155, (5) (ii). + +Footnote 1502: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1503: + + Ibid. 1087, 1094, 1103. + +Footnote 1504: + + L. and P. XI, 1155, (5), (ii). + +Footnote 1505: + + Ibid. 1136. + +Footnote 1506: + + Ibid. 958, 1093, 1124, 1152, 1163. + +Footnote 1507: + + Ibid. 1180. + +Footnote 1508: + + Ibid. 1268. + +Footnote 1509: + + Ibid. 1061. + +Footnote 1510: + + Ibid. 1103. + +Footnote 1511: + + L. and P. XI, 1139. + +Footnote 1512: + + Ibid. 1167. + +Footnote 1513: + + Ibid. 1147. + +Footnote 1514: + + Ibid. 1170. + +Footnote 1515: + + Ibid. 1174. + +Footnote 1516: + + Ibid. 1162. + +Footnote 1517: + + Ibid. 1174. + +Footnote 1518: + + L. and P. XI, 1175. + +Footnote 1519: + + Ibid. 1174. + +Footnote 1520: + + Ibid. 1176; see above, chap. XI. + +Footnote 1521: + + L. and P. XI, 1162. + +Footnote 1522: + + L. and P. XI, 1176. + +Footnote 1523: + + Ibid. 1170. + +Footnote 1524: + + Wriothesley, op. cit. I, 58; cf. L. and P. XII (1), 876. + +Footnote 1525: + + L. and P. XI, 1097, and note p. 718; cf. 1424. + +Footnote 1526: + + Ibid. 1111. + +Footnote 1527: + + Ibid. and 1487. + +Footnote 1528: + + Ibid. 1110 (1), (2); (3) printed in full, Halliwell-Phillipps, op. + cit. I, 354. + +Footnote 1529: + + L. and P. XI, 780 (2), 936, 987, 988, 1215, 1405–6, 1409, 1420, + 1422–3. + +Footnote 1530: + + L. and P. XI, preface, p. X. + +Footnote 1531: + + Ibid. 656; printed in full, Tierney, ed. Dodd, Church Hist. of Eng. + vol. I, Append. no. xlii. + +Footnote 1532: + + L. and P. XI, 984; extracts printed by Tierney, op. cit. I, Append. + no. xliv. + +Footnote 1533: + + L. and P. XI, 1143; Cal. S. P. Spanish, V (2), 114, 116. + +Footnote 1534: + + L. and P. XI, 1008. + +Footnote 1535: + + L. and P. XII (1), 30. + +Footnote 1536: + + L. and P. XI, 1177; printed in full, Merriman, op. cit. II, no. 171. + +Footnote 1537: + + L. and P. XI, 920. + +Footnote 1538: + + Ibid. 841 (iv); 1111; cf. XII (1), 1318. + +Footnote 1539: + + L. and P. XI, 1133. + +Footnote 1540: + + Ibid. 876. + +Footnote 1541: + + L. and P. XII (1), 275. + +Footnote 1542: + + L. and P. XI, 1265. + +Footnote 1543: + + L. and P. XII (1), 572. + +Footnote 1544: + + L. and P. XI, 790; printed in full, Latimer’s Remains (Parker Soc.), + II, 375; cf. Merriman, op. cit. II, no. 168. + +Footnote 1545: + + See above, chap. IV. + +Footnote 1546: + + L. and P. XI, 809. + +Footnote 1547: + + Ibid. 1328; XII (2), 515. + +Footnote 1548: + + L. and P. XI, 879. + +Footnote 1549: + + See above, chap. XII. + +Footnote 1550: + + L. and P. XI, 1124; printed in full, State Papers, I, 510. + +Footnote 1551: + + L. and P. XI, 1128. + +Footnote 1552: + + See below, chap. XIX. + +Footnote 1553: + + L. and P. XI, 1260. + +Footnote 1554: + + L. and P. XII (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. + chap. V. + +Footnote 1555: + + L. and P. XI, 1286, 1292. + +Footnote 1556: + + Ibid. 1406. + +Footnote 1557: + + Ibid. 1405. + +Footnote 1558: + + Ibid. 1406. + +Footnote 1559: + + L. and P. XII (2), 952. + +Footnote 1560: + + L. and P. XI, 1406. + +Footnote 1561: + + L. and P. XI, 1231. + +Footnote 1562: + + Ibid. 1406. + +Footnote 1563: + + L. and P. XII (1), 86. + +Footnote 1564: + + Ibid. 237. + +Footnote 1565: + + Cal. S. P. Spanish, V (2), 114, 116, 122; L. and P. XI, 1143, 1159; + Cal. Venetian S. P. V, 125, 126. + +Footnote 1566: + + L. and P. XI, 909. + +Footnote 1567: + + Ibid. 1195. + +Footnote 1568: + + Ibid. 726; see above, chap. XI. + +Footnote 1569: + + L. and P. XI, 737, 750, 751, 769, 776, 788, 803, 825, 834, 845, 850. + +Footnote 1570: + + Ibid. 793. + +Footnote 1571: + + Ibid. 776. + +Footnote 1572: + + Ibid. 822. + +Footnote 1573: + + Ibid. 842. + +Footnote 1574: + + Ibid. 887. + +Footnote 1575: + + Ibid 1143. + +Footnote 1576: + + Ibid. 860. + +Footnote 1577: + + Ibid. 1217 (6). + +Footnote 1578: + + Ibid. 580 (1), (2). + +Footnote 1579: + + L. and P. XI, 1143. + +Footnote 1580: + + L. and P. XIII (2), 797. + +Footnote 1581: + + L. and P. XI, 1350. + +Footnote 1582: + + Ibid. 631. + +Footnote 1583: + + Ibid. 656; printed in full, Tierney, ed. Dodd, Church Hist, of Eng. I, + Append. no. xlii. + +Footnote 1584: + + L. and P. XI, 848. + +Footnote 1585: + + L. and P. XI, 860. + +Footnote 1586: + + Ibid. 953. + +Footnote 1587: + + Ibid. 976. + +Footnote 1588: + + Ibid. 1012. + +Footnote 1589: + + Ibid. 1119. + +Footnote 1590: + + Ibid. 1172, 1183. + +Footnote 1591: + + Ibid. 1173. + +Footnote 1592: + + Ibid. 1183. + +Footnote 1593: + + Ibid. 1194. + +Footnote 1594: + + Ibid. 1203. + +Footnote 1595: + + Ibid. 1173. + +Footnote 1596: + + L. and P. XI, 826 (2), 955, 1064 (2); XII (1) 1175 (ii). + +Footnote 1597: + + L. and P. XI, 1044, 1170. + +Footnote 1598: + + Ibid. 1086, see above, chap. IX. + +Footnote 1599: + + L. and P. XI, 576; see Cal. S. P. Spanish, V (2), 104. + +Footnote 1600: + + L. and P. XI, 779. + +Footnote 1601: + + Ibid. 597; Cal. S. P. Spanish, V (2), 105. + +Footnote 1602: + + L. and P. XI, 698; Cal. S. P. Spanish, V (2), 110. + +Footnote 1603: + + L. and P. XI, 713, 714; Froude, “The Pilgrim,” p. 113. + +Footnote 1604: + + L. and P. XI, 744, 779. + +Footnote 1605: + + Ibid. 861. + +Footnote 1606: + + Ibid. 905. + +Footnote 1607: + + Ibid. 1000. + +Footnote 1608: + + Ibid. 1275. + +Footnote 1609: + + L. and P. XI, 1296. + +Footnote 1610: + + L. and P. XII (1), 380. + +Footnote 1611: + + L. and P. XI, 1143; Cal. S. P. Spanish, V (2), 114, 116. + +Footnote 1612: + + L. and P. XI, 1159 n. + +Footnote 1613: + + Ibid. 1159. + +Footnote 1614: + + Ibid. 654. + +Footnote 1615: + + Ibid. 1100. + +Footnote 1616: + + Ibid. 953. + +Footnote 1617: + + Ibid. 1001; Cal. S. P. Spanish, V (2), 115. + +Footnote 1618: + + See above, chap. VI. + +Footnote 1619: + + L. and P. XI, 1012. + +Footnote 1620: + + Ibid. 1100, 1101. + +Footnote 1621: + + Haile, op. cit. chap. X. + +Footnote 1622: + + L. and P. XI, 1131. + +Footnote 1623: + + L. and P. XI, 1143; Cal. S. P. Spanish, V (2), 114, 116. + +Footnote 1624: + + L. and P. XI, 1159; Cal. S. P. Spanish, V (2), 120, 122. + +Footnote 1625: + + L. and P. XI, 976; cf. Cal. S. P. Venetian, V, 125. + +Footnote 1626: + + Cal. S. P. Venetian, V, 125; L. and P. XI, 1160; see above, chap. I. + +Footnote 1627: + + L. and P. XI, 1173. + +Footnote 1628: + + Ibid. 1204; Cal. S. P. Spanish, V (2), 124. + +Footnote 1629: + + Cal. S. P. Venetian, V, 126. + +Footnote 1630: + + Ibid. 127. + +Footnote 1631: + + Ibid. 129. + +Footnote 1632: + + Haile, op. cit. chap. X; L. and P. XI, 1353. + +Footnote 1633: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 1634: + + See above, chap. XIII. + +Footnote 1635: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022; 698 (3); 901 (107), printed in full, Eng. + Hist. Rev. V, 570. + +Footnote 1636: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (2); see note A at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1637: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (2). + +Footnote 1638: + + Dixon, op. cit. I, chap. IV. + +Footnote 1639: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (107); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 571. + +Footnote 1640: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 1641: + + Ibid. 201 (3), (2). + +Footnote 1642: + + Ibid. 853, 1011. + +Footnote 1643: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (1). + +Footnote 1644: + + L. and P. XII (1), 201, p. 99. + +Footnote 1645: + + L. and P. XI, 1187. + +Footnote 1646: + + L. and P. XI, 1209, 1210. + +Footnote 1647: + + Ibid. 1253. + +Footnote 1648: + + Ibid. 1155 (1) and (2). + +Footnote 1649: + + York City Records. House Book Vol. XIII, 23 Nov. 1536. + +Footnote 1650: + + L. and P. XII (1), 306. + +Footnote 1651: + + L. and P. XII (1), 946 (119). + +Footnote 1652: + + L. and P. XI, 1223. + +Footnote 1653: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (25); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 560. + +Footnote 1654: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 340. + +Footnote 1655: + + L. and P. XII (1), 29. + +Footnote 1656: + + Ibid. 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. XXII. + +Footnote 1657: + + Ibid. 914. + +Footnote 1658: + + L. and P. XI, 1211. + +Footnote 1659: + + L. and P. XI, 1246; printed in full, Speed, op. cit. bk IX, ch. 21. + +Footnote 1660: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (p. 409); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 566; cf. L. and P. XI, 1223. + +Footnote 1661: + + Ibid. 1243 (2). + +Footnote 1662: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (25); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 560. + +Footnote 1663: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; 29. + +Footnote 1664: + + Ibid. 901 (30); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 560. + +Footnote 1665: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 565. + +Footnote 1666: + + See below, chap. XVI. + +Footnote 1667: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (3). + +Footnote 1668: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (19); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 559. + +Footnote 1669: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (17); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 559. + +Footnote 1670: + + L. and P. XI, 853; see above, chap. V. + +Footnote 1671: + + L. and P. XI, 1086. + +Footnote 1672: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (44); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 570. + +Footnote 1673: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (3). + +Footnote 1674: + + Ibid. (2). + +Footnote 1675: + + See note B at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1676: + + _injured._ + +Footnote 1677: + + _leases._ + +Footnote 1678: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 561–2. + +Footnote 1679: + + Cunningham, op. cit. I, bk. V, section 5. + +Footnote 1680: + + Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 345. + +Footnote 1681: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (3). + +Footnote 1682: + + See above, chap. III. + +Footnote 1683: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (44); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 569. + +Footnote 1684: + + See above, chap. I. + +Footnote 1685: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 562–3. + +Footnote 1686: + + L. and P. XI, 1245. + +Footnote 1687: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (19); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 559. + +Footnote 1688: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (2). + +Footnote 1689: + + See above, chap. IV. + +Footnote 1690: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (30); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 560. + +Footnote 1691: + + L. and P. XI, 376. + +Footnote 1692: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (2). + +Footnote 1693: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (107); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 570. + +Footnote 1694: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (30); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 560. + +Footnote 1695: + + L. and P. XII (1), 945 (48); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 572. + +Footnote 1696: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (31); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 560–1. + +Footnote 1697: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (32); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 567. + +Footnote 1698: + + L. and P. XI, 1244. + +Footnote 1699: + + See note C at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1700: + + See above, chap. XIII. + +Footnote 1701: + + L. and P. XII (1), 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. + XXII. + +Footnote 1702: + + L. and P. XII. (1), 786 (ii). + +Footnote 1703: + + L. and P. XIV (2), 750. + +Footnote 1704: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 342. + +Footnote 1705: + + See above, chap. I. + +Footnote 1706: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (3). + +Footnote 1707: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (32); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 562. + +Footnote 1708: + + Froude, op. cit. I, chap. VII. + +Footnote 1709: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 562. + +Footnote 1710: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1711: + + Pollard, op. cit. chap. XII. + +Footnote 1712: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 562. + +Footnote 1713: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 562. + +Footnote 1714: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1715: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (54); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 571. + +Footnote 1716: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (25); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 560. + +Footnote 1717: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (27 misprinted 107); printed in full, Eng. + Hist. Rev. V, 570. + +Footnote 1718: + + L. and P. XI, 1244. + +Footnote 1719: + + Dict. Nat. Biog. arts. Audley and Riche. + +Footnote 1720: + + L. and P. XI, 1244. + +Footnote 1721: + + Its name is illegible. + +Footnote 1722: + + L. and P. XI, 1244. + +Footnote 1723: + + See note D at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1724: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (2). + +Footnote 1725: + + See note E at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1726: + + Park, Parliamentary Representation of Yorkshire, Pontefract. + +Footnote 1727: + + Ibid. York, Hull, Scarborough. + +Footnote 1728: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6 (ii); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 343. + +Footnote 1729: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1730: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (37); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 567. + +Footnote 1731: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (2). + +Footnote 1732: + + Pollard, op. cit. chap. II. + +Footnote 1733: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (39) and (40); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. + V, 568. + +Footnote 1734: + + L. and P. XIII (2), 804 (6). + +Footnote 1735: + + Pollard, op. cit. chap. X. + +Footnote 1736: + + See above, chap. XIII. + +Footnote 1737: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 563–4. + +Footnote 1738: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23, 2, 5); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 564. + +Footnote 1739: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1740: + + Stubbs, Constit. Hist, of Eng. III, chap, XVIII, sect. 310, 313, 358. + +Footnote 1741: + + Pollard, The Reign of Henry VII from Contemporary Sources, II, no. 8. + +Footnote 1742: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 564. + +Footnote 1743: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (2). + +Footnote 1744: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23, 2, 5); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 564. + +Footnote 1745: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1746: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1747: + + 25 Hen. VIII, cap. 17. + +Footnote 1748: + + Bax, op. cit. 50, 322–4. + +Footnote 1749: + + Russell, op. cit. 91, 121, 141. + +Footnote 1750: + + See above, chap. I. + +Footnote 1751: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 563. + +Footnote 1752: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (2). + +Footnote 1753: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 563. + +Footnote 1754: + + L. and P. XII (1), 945 (4); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 566. + +Footnote 1755: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23). + +Footnote 1756: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1757: + + Pollock, op. cit. 98. + +Footnote 1758: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (44); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 570. + +Footnote 1759: + + See article 7. + +Footnote 1760: + + L. and P. XI, 1244. + +Footnote 1761: + + Ibid. 1182 (2). + +Footnote 1762: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 565. + +Footnote 1763: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (2). + +Footnote 1764: + + L. and P. XII (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 343. + +Footnote 1765: + + Baildon, Select Cases in the Court of Chancery (Selden Soc.), preface. + +Footnote 1766: + + Maitland, English Law and the Renaissance, note 51. + +Footnote 1767: + + Maitland, op. cit. ibid. note 11. + +Footnote 1768: + + Ibid. note 33. + +Footnote 1769: + + Acts of the Privy Council, 1547–50, pp. 48–50. + +Footnote 1770: + + Maitland, op. cit. + +Footnote 1771: + + Maitland, op. cit. note 51; see above, art. 1. + +Footnote 1772: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (2). + +Footnote 1773: + + Ibid. + +Footnote 1774: + + Ibid. 1244. + +Footnote 1775: + + Information supplied by the Rev. J. Wilson; cf. Leadam, Select Cases + in the Court of Star Chamber, II, pp. lxiii-lxv; Cunningham, op. cit. + I, bk. V, chap. 5, section 152, and references there; Tawney, The + Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century, 47, 50, 146–50, 297, 301. + +Footnote 1776: + + Booth, Halmota Prior. Dun. (Surtees Soc.), p. 21. + +Footnote 1777: + + Leadam, op. cit. pp. lxii-iii. + +Footnote 1778: + + L. and P. XII (1), 914; cf. Ibid. 478 and 687. + +Footnote 1779: + + L. and P. XI, 1080. + +Footnote 1780: + + Leadam, op. cit. p. XC. + +Footnote 1781: + + See above, chap. IX. + +Footnote 1782: + + Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 73. + +Footnote 1783: + + L. and P. XI, 1080. + +Footnote 1784: + + Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 72. + +Footnote 1785: + + See V. C. H. Dur. I, 272, art. Boldon Book, by T. G. Lapsley, and + references there; V. C. H. Cumberland, I, 313, art. Domesday Book, by + J. Wilson, and references there. + +Footnote 1786: + + Nicolson and Burn, op. cit. I, 292–4. + +Footnote 1787: + + Dowell, op. cit. I, book III, chap. 1, part 2, section 1. + +Footnote 1788: + + L. and P. XI, 960, 1155 (2) (ii). + +Footnote 1789: + + Royal Hist. Soc. Trans, XVIII, 196; cf. Tawney, op. cit. 88, 239–43, + 322–7, 334–5, 360–1. + +Footnote 1790: + + See above, chap. I. + +Footnote 1791: + + Royal Hist. Soc. Trans, XVIII, 199. + +Footnote 1792: + + L. and P. XI, 1244. + +Footnote 1793: + + Foxe, Book of Martyrs (ed. Milner), p. 597. + +Footnote 1794: + + Cotton MSS. Cleopatra E 4, fol. 215. B.M.; quoted by Froude, op. cit. + II, chap. XIII. + +Footnote 1795: + + See chap. XIX. + +Footnote 1796: + + See chaps. III and XIII. + +Footnote 1797: + + L. and P. XI, 1244; printed in full, Speed, Hist. of Great Britain, + bk. IX, chap. 21. + +Footnote 1798: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1175. + +Footnote 1799: + + Ibid. 945 (100–1); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 573. + +Footnote 1800: + + L. and P. XII (1) 901 (102); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 572. + +Footnote 1801: + + L. and P. XI, 1336. + +Footnote 1802: + + See note F at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1803: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1011; see above, chap. IX. + +Footnote 1804: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1011. + +Footnote 1805: + + Ibid. 1022. + +Footnote 1806: + + Ibid. 1011. + +Footnote 1807: + + Ibid. 1022. + +Footnote 1808: + + Ibid. 306. + +Footnote 1809: + + Dic. Nat. Biog. art. Edward Lee. + +Footnote 1810: + + Seebohm, The Oxford Reformers, chap. XVI, sections IV, IX. + +Footnote 1811: + + Duff, op. cit. p. 45. + +Footnote 1812: + + L. and P. XII (1), 532, 533. + +Footnote 1813: + + Ibid. 1022. + +Footnote 1814: + + L. and P. XI, 1336. + +Footnote 1815: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1021; see note G at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1816: + + L. and P. XI, 1300. + +Footnote 1817: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1021. + +Footnote 1818: + + Ibid. 786 (ii, 2). + +Footnote 1819: + + Ibid. 1021. + +Footnote 1820: + + Ibid. 901 (102); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 572. + +Footnote 1821: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 1822: + + Ibid. 901 (102); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 572. + +Footnote 1823: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1011, 1021. + +Footnote 1824: + + L. and P. XI, 1300; XII (1), 1021. + +Footnote 1825: + + L. and P. XI, 1300; XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 1826: + + L. and P. XI, 1336. + +Footnote 1827: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 1828: + + L. and P. XI, 1300. + +Footnote 1829: + + L. and P. XII (1), 33. + +Footnote 1830: + + Ibid. 1022. + +Footnote 1831: + + Ibid. 786 (ii, 2). + +Footnote 1832: + + L. and P. XI, 1300. + +Footnote 1833: + + Ibid. 1336. + +Footnote 1834: + + L. and P. XII (1), 306. + +Footnote 1835: + + Ibid. 786 (ii, 1). + +Footnote 1836: + + Valor Eccles. V, 207. + +Footnote 1837: + + Baildon, Monastic Notes (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Rec. Ser.), I, 107. + +Footnote 1838: + + Valor Eccles. V, 132. + +Footnote 1839: + + Ibid. 95. + +Footnote 1840: + + Ibid. 110. + +Footnote 1841: + + Ibid. 140. + +Footnote 1842: + + L. and P. XII (1), 786 (ii, 1); 1021. + +Footnote 1843: + + L. and P. XII (1), 945 (97); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 573. + +Footnote 1844: + + L. and P. XII (1), 901 (107); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 570. + +Footnote 1845: + + See note H at end of chapter. + +Footnote 1846: + + L. and P. XII (1), 786 (6). + +Footnote 1847: + + Ibid. 786 (ii, 2), 1021. + +Footnote 1848: + + See above, chap. I. + +Footnote 1849: + + L. and P. XII (1), 786 (ii, 2). + +Footnote 1850: + + L. and P. XII (1), 786 (ii, 2). + +Footnote 1851: + + Ibid.; and 698 (3). + +Footnote 1852: + + Ibid. 1021. + +Footnote 1853: + + Ibid. 698 (3). + +Footnote 1854: + + Ibid. 786 (ii, 2), 1021. + +Footnote 1855: + + L. and P. XII (1), 786 (ii, 3). + +Footnote 1856: + + Ibid. 698 (3). + +Footnote 1857: + + Ibid. 1022. + +Footnote 1858: + + Ibid. 786 (ii, 3). + +Footnote 1859: + + Ibid. 698 (3). + +Footnote 1860: + + Ibid. 786 (ii, 3). + +Footnote 1861: + + Ibid. 698 (3). + +Footnote 1862: + + L. and P. XII (1), 945 (100–5); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 573. + +Footnote 1863: + + L. and P. XII (1), 789 (ii). + +Footnote 1864: + + Ibid. 900 (93); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 555. + +Footnote 1865: + + L. and P. XII (1), 945 (93, 104, 105); printed in full, Eng. Hist. + Rev. V, 573. + +Footnote 1866: + + L. and P. XII (1), 945 (94, 95); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, + 573. + +Footnote 1867: + + L. and P. XII (1), 945 (97); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 573. + +Footnote 1868: + + L. and P. XI, 1182 (1). + +Footnote 1869: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1022. + +Footnote 1870: + + Ibid. 901 (23); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. V, 566–7. + +Footnote 1871: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1175 (ii). + +Footnote 1872: + + Pollard, op. cit. chap. XII. + +Footnote 1873: + + Park, op. cit. under the respective boroughs. + +Footnote 1874: + + L. and P. III, 2931. + +Footnote 1875: + + L. and P. XII (1), 1011. + +Footnote 1876: + + Ibid. 786 (ii, 1). + +Footnote 1877: + + Ibid. 1011; 1021. + +Footnote 1878: + + Yorks. Arch. Journ. XIII. 390. + +Footnote 1879: + + Boothroyd, Pontefract, 346. + +------------------------------------------------------------------------ + + + + + TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES + + + ● Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained. + ● Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last + chapter. + ● Did not make the "Additions and Corrections" to the document. + ● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. + ● Enclosed bold and blackletter font in =equals=. + ● The caret (^) serves as a superscript indicator, applicable to + individual characters (like 2^d) and even entire phrases (like + 1^{st}). + ● HTML alt text was added for images that didn’t have captions. + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77706 *** |