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diff --git a/77590-h/77590-h.htm b/77590-h/77590-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..75cfe9e --- /dev/null +++ b/77590-h/77590-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,3105 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html> +<html lang="en"> +<head> + <meta charset="UTF-8"> + <meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1"> + + <title> + Outlook Editorials | Project Gutenberg + </title> + + <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover"> + + <style> + +/* DACSoft styles */ + +body { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + +/* General headers */ +h1 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; +} + +/* Chapter headers */ +h2 { + text-align: center; + font-weight: bold; + margin: .75em 0; +} + +div.chapter { + page-break-before: always; +} + +.nobreak { + page-break-before: avoid; +} + +/* Indented paragraph */ +p { + margin-top: .51em; + margin-bottom: .49em; + text-align: justify; + text-indent: 1em; +} + +/* Unindented paragraph */ +.noi {text-indent: 0em;} + +/* Centered unindented paragraph */ +.noic { + text-indent: 0em; 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*/ + position: absolute; + right: 3%; +/* left: 92%; */ + font-size: x-small; + font-style: normal; + font-weight: normal; + font-variant: normal; + text-align: right; + color: gray; +} /* page numbers */ + +/* Alignment */ +.right {text-align: right;} + +/* Text appearance */ +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + +/* Small fonts and lowercase small-caps */ +.smfont { + font-size: .8em; +} + +.smfontr { + font-size: .75em; + text-align: right; +} + +/* Illustration caption */ +figcaption { + font-size: .75em; + font-weight: bold; +} + +/* Illustration classes */ +.illowe2 {width: 2em;} +.illowe3 {width: 3em;} + +/* Images */ +img { + max-width: 100%; /* no image to be wider than screen or containing div */ + height:auto; /* keep height in proportion to width */ +} + +.figcenter { + margin: auto; + text-align: center; + page-break-inside: avoid; + max-width: 90%; /* div no wider than screen, even when screen is narrow */ +} + +/* Transcriber's notes */ +.tnote { + background-color: #E6E6FA; + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + padding: 0.5em; +} + +.tntitle { + font-size: 1.25em; + font-weight: bold; + text-align: center; + clear: both; +} + +/* Title page borders and content. */ +.halftitle { + font-size: 1.5em; + text-align: center; + clear: both; +} + +.author { + font-size: 1.25em; + text-align: center; + clear: both; +} + +.works { + font-size: .75em; + text-align: center; + clear: both; +} + + </style> +</head> + +<body> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77590 ***</div> + + +<figure class="figcenter x-ebookmaker-drop" id="cover_sm"> + <img class="x-ebookmaker-drop" src="images/cover_sm.jpg" alt="book cover" title="book cover"> + <figcaption> + <p class="noic">Transcriber’s Note: New original cover art included with this eBook, +and derived from the book's cover and title page, is granted to the public domain.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + + + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p class="noi halftitle">Outlook Editorials</p> +</div> + + + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<figure class="figcenter" id="i_frontispeice"> + <img src="images/i_frontispeice.jpg" alt="" title=""> + <figcaption> + <p class="noic">Theodore Roosevelt</p> + <p class="noic smfont">At His Desk in the Outlook Office</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> +</div> + + + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<h1>Outlook Editorials</h1> + +<p class="noi author">Theodore Roosevelt</p> + +<figure class="figcenter" id="i_tpflower"> + <img class=" illowe2" src="images/i_tpflower.jpg" + alt="title page deco" title="title page deco"> +</figure> + +<p class="p6 noic smfont">New York</p> + +<p class="noic">The Outlook Company</p> + +<p class="noic smfont">1909</p> +</div> + + + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p class="noic">Copyright 1909 by</p> + +<p class="noi author">The Outlook Company</p> + +<p class="noic">New York</p> + +<p class="noic">All rights reserved</p> +</div> + + + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p class="noic">The first eleven editorials of<br> +Theodore Roosevelt, published<br> +in The Outlook from March<br> +sixth to July seventeenth,<br> +nineteen hundred and nine</p> +</div> + + + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Contents"> + Contents + </h2> +</div> + + +<table> +<colgroup> + <col style="width: 90%;"> + <col style="width: 10%;"> +</colgroup> +<tr> + <th class="tdl"> </th> + <th class="smfontr smcap">Page</th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><a href="#Believe">Why I Believe in the Kind of American +Journalism for Which The Outlook Stands</a></td> + <td class="tdrb">1</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><a href="#Judicial">A Judicial Experience</a></td> + <td class="tdrb">11</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><a href="#Scientific">A Scientific Expedition</a></td> + <td class="tdrb">23</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><a href="#Cannot_Work">Where We Cannot Work With Socialists</a></td> + <td class="tdrb">29</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><a href="#Can_Work">Where We Can Work With Socialists</a></td> + <td class="tdrb">51</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><a href="#Cure-Alls">Quack Cure-Alls for the Body Politic</a></td> + <td class="tdrb">65</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><a href="#Japanese">The Japanese Question</a></td> + <td class="tdrb">71</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><a href="#Tolstoy">Tolstoy</a></td> + <td class="tdrb">81</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><a href="#Southerners">A Southerner’s View of the South</a></td> + <td class="tdrb">95</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><a href="#Thraldom">The Thraldom of Names</a></td> + <td class="tdrb">101</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><a href="#Poverty">Give Me Neither Poverty Nor Riches</a></td> + <td class="tdrb">121</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + <h2 class="x-ebookmaker-important nobreak" id="Welcome"> + <i>By Way of Welcome</i> + </h2> +</div> + +<p class="noi works"><i>From The Outlook of March 6, 1909</i></p> + +<figure class="figcenter" id="i_chflower"> + <img class="p2 illowe3" src="images/i_chflower.jpg" + alt="chapter deco" title="chapter deco"> +</figure> + + +<p class="p2 cap"><i>It would be a singular affectation to introduce +to the readers of The Outlook its new +Associate Editor, Theodore Roosevelt. He +is the most widely known representative of the +present world movement towards industrial democracy. +It is needless here to describe that +movement, so fully has it been described by editorials +in The Outlook, and by the public addresses +and state papers of the retiring President +of the United States. Unconsciously co-operating, +we have pursued a common end, which in the +future we shall pursue in conscious co-operation. +Our object is to bring the industrial institutions +of democracy into harmony with its political and +educational institutions. Our resolve is that the +money power in America, as its political and educational</i> +<i>power, shall come from the people, be +exercised for the people, and be controlled by the +people. Our motto is, Special privilege for none, +equality of opportunity for all. In the name of +the editorial and publishing departments of The +Outlook, I frankly acknowledge our gratification +that Theodore Roosevelt has chosen this journal +to be the medium for his published utterances on +social, economic and political subjects, and in their +name I welcome him as an Associate to its editorial +staff.</i></p> + +<p class="right"><i>LYMAN ABBOTT.</i></p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[1]</span></p> + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Believe"> + Why I Believe in the Kind + of American Journalism for + Which The Outlook Stands + </h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[2]</span></p> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[3]</span></p> +</div> + +<p class="cap">I first came into close contact with +The Outlook when Governor of New +York, ten years ago, and I speedily +grew to have a peculiar feeling of respect and +regard for Dr. Abbott and his associates. +We did not always agree, and as our convictions +were strong our disagreements were +sometimes positive; but experience taught me +that, in the first place, Dr. Abbott and his +associates always conscientiously strove to be +fair, and that, in the second place, they not +only desired to tell the truth, but made a +serious endeavor to find out the facts. I +found, moreover, that they combined to a +peculiar degree a number of qualities, each of +them good, but rarely found in combination.</p> + +<p>Every owner, editor, or reporter of a +conscientiously and ably conducted newspaper +or periodical is an asset of real value to the +whole community. It would be difficult to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[4]</span>overestimate the amount of good which can +be done by the men responsible for such +a publication—responsible for its editorial +columns, responsible for its news columns, +responsible for its general policy. We have +many newspapers and periodicals, big and +little, of this kind. But we also have many +that are emphatically not of this kind.</p> + +<p>During the last few years it has become +lamentably evident that certain daily newspapers, +certain periodicals, are owned or +controlled by men of vast wealth who have +gained their wealth in evil fashion, who desire +to stifle or twist the honest expression of public +opinion, and who find an instrument fit for +their purpose in the guided and purchased +mendacity of those who edit and write for +such papers and periodicals. This style of +sordid evil does not even constitute a temptation +to The Outlook; no influence of any kind +could make the men who control The Outlook +so much as consider the question of abandonment +of duty; and they hold as their first +duty inflexible adherence to the elementary +virtues of entire truth, entire courage, entire +honesty.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span></p> + +<p>Moreover, they are as far removed as the +poles from the apostles of that hideous yellow +journalism which makes a cult of the mendacious, +the sensational, and the inane, and +which, throughout its wide but vapid field, +does as much to vulgarize and degrade the +popular taste, to weaken the popular character, +and to dull the edge of the popular +conscience, as any influence under which the +country can suffer. These men sneer at the +very idea of paying heed to the dictates of a +sound morality; as one of their number has +cynically put it, they are concerned merely +with selling the public whatever the public +will buy—a theory of conduct which would +justify the existence of every keeper of an +opium den, of every foul creature who ministers +to the vices of mankind. Here, again, +it is perhaps not especially to the credit of +Dr. Abbott and his associates that they have +avoided this pit; fortunately, they are so constituted +that it is a simple impossibility for +them to fall into it.</p> + +<p>But they do deserve very great credit for +avoiding another type of temptation which +has much fascination for men of cultivation +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span>and of refined taste, and which is quite as +fatal to their usefulness as indulgence in yellow +journalism. A newspaper or periodical +which avoids vulgar sensationalism, which +takes and cultivates an interest in serious matters, +and things literary, artistic, and scientific—which, +in short, appeals to people of +taste, intelligence, and cultivation—may nevertheless +do them grave harm, and be within +its own rather narrow limits an element of +serious mischief; for it may habitually and +consistently practice a malign and slanderous +untruthfulness which, though more refined +than, is at least as immoral as, the screaming +sensationalism of any representative of the +journalism which it affects to despise. A cultivated +man of good intelligence who has +acquired the knack of saying bitter things, +but who lacks the robustness which will enable +him to feel at ease among strong men of +action, is apt, if his nature has in it anything +of meanness or untruthfulness, to strive for a +reputation in what is to him the easiest way. +He can find no work which is easier—and less +worth doing—than to sit in cloistered aloofness +from the men who wage the real and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span>important struggles of life and to endeavor, +by an unceasing output of slander in regard +to them, to bolster up his own uneasy desire +to be considered superior to them. Now a +paper edited by men of this stamp does not +have much popular influence, and therefore +is less detrimental to the people at large than +yellow journalism; but it may, to the extent +of its power, exert a very real influence for +evil, by the way in which it teaches young +men of good education, whose talents should +be at their country’s service, that decent and +upright public men are as properly subjects of +foul attack as the most debased corruptionist; +that efficiency and wickedness are interchangeable; +and that the correct attitude to adopt, +in facing the giant problems of our great and +troubled time, is one of sneering and supercilious +untruthfulness.</p> + +<p>Dr. Abbott and his associates have avoided +this pitfall also. With them cultivation and +good taste have not implied weakness. Demand +for righteousness in others has not led +to abandonment of truth on their own part.</p> + +<p>The Outlook has stood for righteousness, +but it has never been self-righteous. It stands +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span>for the things of the spirit, and yet it remembers +the needs of the body. It serves lofty +ideals, it believes in a lofty idealism. But it +knows that common sense is essential above +all other qualities to the idealist; for an +idealist without common sense, without the +capacity to work in hard, practical fashion +for actual results, is merely a boat that is all +sails, and with neither ballast nor rudder. +The Outlook’s belief in gentleness and tenderness, +in the spirit of brotherly love, never +blinds it to the necessity of cultivating those +hardy, rugged, and vigorous qualities for the +want of which in the individual as in the +Nation, no gentleness, no cultivation, and, +above all, no gift of money-making and no +self-indulgence in the soft ease of living, can +in any way atone.</p> + +<p>The Outlook has shown a fine scorn of +untruth in every form, of unfairness and +injustice to any man or any cause. It is not +given to humanity never to err; but The +Outlook makes a resolute effort to find out +what the facts actually are before passing +judgment. With it earnestness and strength +of conviction go hand in hand with a sincere +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span>desire to see and to state the other man’s +point of view. It believes that things in this +world can be made better, but it does not +indorse quixotic movements which would +merely leave things worse. It champions the +rights of the many. It desires in every way +to represent, to guide aright, and to uphold +the interests of those whom Abraham Lincoln +called the plain people. It feels a peculiar +desire to do all that can be done for the poor +and the oppressed, and to help upward those +struggling to better themselves. But it has +no sympathy with moral weakness or sentimentality. +All that it can do it does and will +do for the cause of labor; but it will in no +shape or way condone violence or disorder. +It stands for the rights of property, and therefore +against the abuses of property. It +believes in a wise individualism, and in encouragement +of individual initiative; and +therefore all the more it believes in using the +collective force of the whole people to do +what but for the use of that collective force +must be left undone.</p> + +<p>I am glad to be associated with Dr. Abbott +and the group of men and women he has +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span>gathered around him, because they practice +what they preach; and because they preach +the things that are most necessary to the salvation +of this people. It is their earnest belief +that every man must earn enough to support +himself and those dependent upon him; but +that when once this has been accomplished, +money immediately becomes secondary to +many other things. In this matter The +Outlook puts its principles into practice. It +strives in proper ways to make money. If it +did not make money it could not be run at +all. But making money is not the prime reason +for its existence. The first question asked +when any matter of policy arises, so far as +The Outlook is concerned, is whether or not +a given course is right, and should be followed +because it is in the real and lasting +interest of the Nation. If this question +is answered in the affirmative, then The +Outlook follows the course indicated with all +the courage, earnestness, and ability that are +at its disposal.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span></p> + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Judicial"> + A Judicial Experience + </h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span></p> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span></p> +</div> + +<p class="cap">A year after leaving Harvard I ran +for the New York Legislature and +was elected. In the Legislature I +was soon brought in contact with various +advocates of what is known as labor legislation; +and I eyed both them and their schemes +with great distrust. When in Harvard I had +studied what were then considered the orthodox +political economists; and after leaving +college the older men whom I met were for +the most part lawyers or business men of +wealth who quite sincerely took the ordinary +wealthy business man’s view of labor matters. +Moreover, in the Legislature, most of the +men who professed a loud and ardent interest +in the welfare of the laboring man were +exceedingly unattractive persons, who, to put +it mildly, did not impress one as being either +sincere or honest. Many of the labor bills +which were introduced were foolish, and were +urged in a transparently demagogic spirit, and +the labor leaders who came to Albany to +argue for them eyed me with a suspicion +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span>which I cordially reciprocated. Most of +them, I am now inclined to think, were by no +means of the best type; and I, in my turn, +because of my surroundings both in the classroom +and in the social and business world, +was alert to pick flaws in anything concerning +a labor union, and possessed a self-satisfied +narrowness in approaching all labor questions +which must have been highly exasperating to +my opponents.</p> + +<p>My college training had biased me against +all governmental schemes for the betterment +of the social and industrial conditions of laborers, +or for the control of corporations. The +education which I afterwards received in +these matters, and which completely changed +my views, was gained partly from books, but +more from actual experience in governmental +work, and from a constantly widening and +more intimate knowledge of the real life of +different bodies of our people. My first step +in this education began when, after leaving +college, I joined, and endeavored to make +myself count in, my local Republican association—instead +of joining some parlor gathering +of well-meaning dilettante reformers.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span></p> + +<p>The labor unions had been demanding +legislation to stop the manufacture of cigars +in tenement-houses, and during my second +term in Albany the Assembly appointed a +committee to look into the conditions. My +belief is that the committee was appointed +with the hope that it would not recommend +any change in the law, and that I was put on +because, on account of my education and +social surroundings, it was supposed that I +would naturally take this view; and I certainly +expected to take it. One of my colleagues +was a then well-known sporting Tammany +politician who afterwards abandoned +politics and became a professional racing +man. There were many points on which our +theories of ethics were as far asunder as the +poles; but I soon discovered that there were +other matters, and some of these of fundamental +importance, on which we thought +alike, and our association ended in mutual +respect and good will. Soon after the investigation +started I told him that I was a good +deal shocked at what I had seen, and was +wavering in my preconceived opinions. He +answered by saying that, as far as he personally +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span>was concerned, he was pledged in advance +against recommending any change in the law, +but that he had known that I was a free agent +and had all along believed that when I looked +into the matter for myself I would be a very +ardent advocate of the change. He was quite +right in his supposition. The investigation +convinced me beyond shadow of doubt that +to permit the manufacture of cigars in tenement-houses, +which necessarily meant their +manufacture not only by the men but by the +women and children of the poverty-stricken +immigrants who were engaged in the task, +was an evil thing from every standpoint, +social, industrial, and hygienic. I accordingly +cordially supported the bill; which made a +large number of my friends regard me as +erratic and dangerous, or else as influenced by +demagogic motives. The bill was badly +drawn. No lawyer of any note had been +consulted; there was no one to pay such a +lawyer. When it passed both houses, the +then Governor, Grover Cleveland, appointed +a day for a hearing, and the labor unions +asked me to appear. Appear we did, several +good counsel being against us, while on our +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span>side there were, besides myself, merely five +or six representatives of the cigar-makers’ +union, all of them foreigners—battered-looking +men, with whom the battle of life had +evidently gone hard. As this was long before +I had established any real relations with, or +had any real understanding of, the unions, +while they felt that I was a crank, influenced +by incomprehensible motives, we worked on +entirely independent lines, neither side feeling +altogether comfortable in the relationship. +However, the main argument—and indeed +almost the only argument—for the bill was +made by me. I answered various questions +which the Governor put to me. He afterwards +called me up and told me that, though +he felt very doubtful, yet that, in view of the +state of facts I had set forth, he would sign +the bill.</p> + +<p>The employers and tenement-house owners +immediately contested the constitutionality of +the act, and after the usual long delays the +highest State court finally pronounced the +measure invalid. The cigar-makers were +poor, and the great majority of them were +ignorant foreigners. They had no money +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span>and no special influence even in the world of +labor. They could not employ counsel either +to draw their bill well in the first place, or to +present their case to the best advantage when +it was before the courts. The great mass of +respectable, well-to-do people were nervously +sensitive to attacks on what they considered +the rights of property, and regarded as an +infringement on these rights any effort to +correct the abuses of property. The judges, +as was quite natural, shared the feelings of +the classes from which they were drawn, and +with which they associated. The decision +went against the dwellers in the tenement-houses. +Anything like an effective reformation +of tenement-house conditions was thereby +deferred for fifteen or twenty years, and +during that time men, women, and children +were guaranteed their “liberty” to fester in +sodden misery.</p> + +<p>The judges invoked a technical construction +of the Constitution in order to declare +invalid a law deliberately enacted by the +legislative body; a law which I firmly believe +it was entirely in the province of the Legislature +to pass. Every consideration of public +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span>morals and public weal demanded that it +should be declared valid. At the present day +few courts in any State of the Union would +make such a decision as was then made; yet +the judges making it were learned in the law, +and according to their own lights were upright +and honorable men. But they were men +without any sympathetic understanding or +knowledge of the needs and conditions of life +of the great mass of their fellow-countrymen. +If those judges had understood “how the +other half lived,” if they had possessed a +working knowledge of tenement-houses and +factories, of tenement-house dwellers and factory +workers, and of the lives that were lived +where the tenement-house and the factory +were one and the same, I am absolutely certain +that they would have rendered no such +decision as was rendered. They knew the +life of the well-to-do, both the business life +and the home life. They knew nothing of +the lives of those who were not well-to-do. It +was this lack of knowledge and the attendant +lack of sympathetic understanding that +formed the real barrier between the judges +and a wise judgment.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span></p> + +<p>My reason for relating this anecdote is because +from that day to this I have felt an +ever-growing conviction of the need of having +on the bench men who, in addition to being +learned in the law and upright, shall possess +a broad understanding of and sympathy with +their countrymen as a whole, so that the questions +of humanity and of social justice shall +not be considered by them as wholly inferior +to the defense of vested rights or the upholding +of liberty of contract. A hair-splitting +refinement in decisions may result in as much +damage to the community as if the judge were +actually corrupt. Freedom of contract should +be permitted only so far as is compatible with +the best interests of the community; and when +vested rights become intrenched wrongs, they +should be overturned. I do not for one +moment believe that the mass of our judges +are actuated by any but worthy motives. +Nevertheless, I do believe that they often +signally fail to protect the laboring man and +the laboring man’s widow and children in +their just rights, and that heartbreaking and +pitiful injustice too often results therefrom; +and this primarily because our judges lack +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span>either the opportunity or the power thoroughly +to understand the working man’s and +working woman’s position and vital needs.</p> + +<p>There are many judges, from the Supreme +Court of the Nation down to the district +bench in each State, who do possess this sympathy +and understanding, in addition to uprightness, +trained ability, broad intelligence, +and entire fearlessness in the face of wrong, +whether committed by capitalist or by laboring +men; such judges are the best and most +useful of all our public servants; public +opinion should uphold them as clearly as it +condemns their short-sighted and narrow-minded +brethren.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span></p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span></p> + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Scientific"> + A Scientific Expedition + </h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span></p> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span></p> +</div> + + +<p class="cap">I am about to go to Africa as the head +of the Smithsonian expedition. It is a +scientific expedition. We shall collect +birds and mammals for the National Museum +at Washington, and nothing will be +shot unless for food, or for preservation as +a specimen, or unless, of course, the animal +is of a noxious kind. There will be no +wanton destruction whatever.</p> + +<p>I very earnestly hope that no representative +of any newspaper or magazine will try +to accompany me or to interview me during +any portion of my trip. Until I actually +get to the wilderness my trip will be precisely +like any other conventional trip on a +steamboat or railway. It will afford nothing +to write about, and will afford no excuse +or warrant for any one sending to any newspaper +a line in reference thereto. After I +reach the wilderness of course no one outside +of my own party will be with me, and if +any one pretends to be with me or pretends +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span>to write as to what I do, his statements +should be accepted as on their face not merely +false but ludicrous. Any statement purporting +to have been made by me, or attributed +to me, which may be sent to newspapers, +should be accepted as certainly false and as +calling for no denial from me. So far as +possible I shall avoid seeing my representative +of the press, and shall not knowingly +have any conversation on any subject whatever +with any representative of the press +beyond exchanging the ordinary civilities or +courtesies. I am a private citizen, and I am +entitled to enjoy the privacy that should be +the private citizen’s right. My trip will +have no public bearing of any kind or +description. It is undertaken for the National +Museum at Washington, and is simply +a collecting trip for the Museum. It will +be extremely distasteful to me and of no +possible benefit to any human being to try +to report or exploit the trip, or to send any +one with me, or to have any one try to meet +me or see me with a view to such reporting +or exploitation. Let me repeat that while +I am on steamer or railway there will be +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span>nothing whatever to report; that when I +leave the railway for the wilderness no persons +will have any knowledge which will +enable them to report anything, and that any +report is to be accepted as presumably false.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span></p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span></p> + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Cannot_Work"> + Where We Cannot Work With + Socialists + </h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span></p> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span></p> +</div> + + +<p class="cap">It is always difficult to discuss a question +when it proves impossible to define the +terms in which that question is to be +discussed. Therefore there is not much to +be gained by a discussion of Socialism <em>versus</em> +Individualism in the abstract. Neither absolute +Individualism nor absolute Socialism +would be compatible with civilization at all; +and among the arguments of the extremists +of either side the only unanswerable ones are +those which show the absurdity of the position +of the other. Not so much as the first +step towards real civilization can be taken +until there arises some development of the +right of private property; that is, until men +pass out of the stage of savage socialism in +which the violent and the thriftless forcibly +constitute themselves co-heirs with the industrious +and the intelligent in what the labor of +the latter produces. But it is equally true +that every step toward civilization is marked +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span>by a check on individualism. The ages that +have passed have fettered the individualism +which found expression in physical violence, +and we are now endeavoring to put shackles +on that kind of individualism which finds +expression in craft and greed. There is +growth in all such matters. The individualism +of the Tweed Ring type would have +seemed both commonplace and meritorious to +the Merovingian Franks, where it was not +entirely beyond their comprehension; and so +in future ages, if the world progresses as we +hope and believe it will progress, the standards +of conduct which permit individuals to +make money out of pestilential tenements or +by the manipulation of stocks, or to refuse to +share with their employees the dreadful burdens +laid upon the latter by the inevitable +physical risks in a given business, will seem +as amazing to our descendants as we now +find the standards of a society which regarded +Clovis and his immediate successors as pre-eminently +fit for leadership.</p> + +<p>With those self-styled Socialists to whom +“Socialism” is merely a vaguely conceived +catchword, and who use it to express their +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span>discontent with existing wrongs and their purpose +to correct them, there is not much need +of discussion. So far as they make any proposals +which are not foolish, and which tend +towards betterment, we can act with them. +But the real, logical, advanced Socialists, who +teach their faith as both a creed and a party +platform, may deceive to their ruin decent +and well-meaning but short-sighted men; and +there is need of plain speaking in order accurately +to show the trend of their teaching.</p> + +<p>The immorality and absurdity of the doctrines +of Socialism as propounded by these +advanced advocates are quite as great as +those of the advocates, if such there be, of an +unlimited individualism. As an academic +matter there is more need of refutation of the +creed of absolute Socialism than of the creed +of absolute individualism; for it happens that +at the present time a greater number of visionaries, +both sinister and merely dreamy, +believe in the former than in the latter. One +difficulty in arguing with professed Socialists +of the extreme, or indeed of the opportunist +type, however, is that those of them who are +sincere almost invariably suffer from great +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span>looseness of thought; for if they did not keep +their faith nebulous, it would at once become +abhorrent in the eyes of any upright and +sensible man. The doctrinaire Socialists, the +extremists, the men who represent the doctrine +in its most advanced form, are, and must +necessarily be, not only convinced opponents +of private property, but also bitterly hostile +to religion and morality; in short, they must +be opposed to all those principles through +which, and through which alone, even an imperfect +civilization can be built up by slow +advances through the ages.</p> + +<p>Indeed, these thoroughgoing Socialists occupy, +in relation to all morality, and especially +to domestic morality, a position so revolting—and +I choose my words carefully—that it +is difficult even to discuss it in a reputable +paper. In America the leaders even of this +type have usually been cautious about stating +frankly that they proposed to substitute free +love for married and family life as we have +it, although many of them do in a round-about +way uphold this position. In places on +the continent of Europe, however, they are +more straightforward, their attitude being +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span>that of one of the extreme French Socialist +writers, M. Gabriel Deville, who announces +that the Socialists intend to do away with both +prostitution and marriage, which he regards +as equally wicked—his method of doing +away with prostitution being to make unchastity +universal. Professor Carl Pearson, +a leading English Socialist, states their position +exactly: “The sex relation of the future +will not be regarded as a union for the birth +of children, but as the closest form of friendship +between man and woman. It will be +accompanied by no child bearing or rearing, +or by this in a much more limited number than +at present. With the sex relationship, so long +as it does not result in children, we hold that +the State in the future will in no wise interfere, +but when it does result in children, then +the State will have a right to interfere.” He +then goes on to point out that in order to save +the woman from “economic dependence” +upon the father of her children, the children +will be raised at the expense of the State; the +usual plan being to have huge buildings like +foundling asylums.</p> + +<p>Mr. Pearson is a scientific man who, in his +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span>own realm, is as worthy of serious heed as +Mr. Flinders Petrie, whom I mention later, +is in his realm; and the above quotation states +in naked form just what logical scientific +Socialism would really come to. Aside from +its thoroughly repulsive quality, it ought not +to be necessary to point out that the condition +of affairs aimed at would in actual practice +bring about the destruction of the race within, +at most, a couple of generations; and such +destruction is heartily to be desired for any +race of such infamous character as to tolerate +such a system. Moreover, the ultra-Socialists +of our own country have shown by their attitude +towards one of their leaders, Mr. Herron, +that, so far as law and public sentiment +will permit, they are now ready to try to +realize the ideals set forth by Messrs. Deville +and Pearson. As for Mr. Herron, I commend +to those who desire to verify what I +have said, the article in the Boston Congregationalist +of June 15, 1901; and to those, by +the way, who have not the time to hunt up all +the original authorities, I would commend a +book called “Socialism; the Nation of Fatherless +Children,” a book dedicated to the American +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span>Federation of Labor. The chapters on +Free Love, Homeless Children, and Two +Socialist Leaders are especially worth reading +by any one who is for the moment confused +by the statements of certain Socialist leaders +to the effect that advanced Socialism does not +contemplate an attack upon marriage and the +family.</p> + +<p>These same Socialist leaders, with a curious +effrontery, at times deny that the exponents +of “scientific Socialism” assume a position as +regards industry which in condensed form +may be stated as, that each man is to do what +work he can, or, in other words, chooses, and +in return is to take out from the common fund +whatever he needs; or, what amounts to the +same thing, that each man shall have equal +remuneration with every other man, no matter +what work is done. If they will turn to +a little book recently written in England +called “The Case Against Socialism,” they +will find by looking at, say, pages 229 and +300, or indeed almost at random through the +book, quotations from recognized Socialist +leaders taking exactly this position; indeed, +it is the position generally taken—though it +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span>is often opposed or qualified, for Socialist +leaders usually think confusedly, and often +occupy inconsistent positions. Mrs. Besant, +for instance, putting it pithily, says that we +must come to the “equal remuneration of all +workers;” and one of her colleagues, that +“the whole of our creed is that industry shall +be carried on, not for the profit of those engaged +in it, whether masters or men, but for +the benefit of the community.... It is not +for the miners, bootmakers, or shop assistants +as such that we Socialists claim the profits +of industry, but for the citizen.” In our own +country, in “Socialism Made Plain,” a book +officially circulated by the Milwaukee division +of the Socialist party, the statement is explicit: +“Under the labor time-check medium of +exchange proposed by Socialists, any laborer +could exchange the wealth he produced in any +given number of hours for the wealth produced +by any other laborer in the same +number of hours.” It is unnecessary to point +out that the pleasing idea of these writers +could be realized only if the State undertook +the duty of taskmaster, for otherwise it is not +conceivable that anybody whose work would +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span>be worth anything would work at all under +such conditions. Under this type of Socialism, +therefore, or communism, the government +would have to be the most drastic +possible despotism; a despotism so drastic that +its realization would only be an ideal. Of +course in practice such a system could not +work at all; and incidentally the mere attempt +to realize it would necessarily be accompanied +by a corruption so gross that the blackest spot +of corruption in any existing form of city +government would seem bright by comparison.</p> + +<p>In other words, on the social and domestic +side doctrinaire Socialism would replace the +family and home life by a glorified State free-lunch +counter and State foundling asylum, +deliberately enthroning self-indulgence as the +ideal, with, on its darker side, the absolute +abandonment of all morality as between man +and woman; while in place of what Socialists +are pleased to call “wage slavery” there +would be created a system which would necessitate +either the prompt dying out of the community +through sheer starvation, or an iron +despotism over all workers, compared to +which any slave system of the past would +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span>seem beneficent, because less utterly hopeless.</p> + +<p>“Advanced” Socialist leaders are fond of +declaiming against patriotism, of announcing +their movement as international, and of claiming +to treat all men alike; but on this point, +as on all others, their system would not stand +for one moment the test of actual experiment. +If the leaders of the Socialist party in America +should to-day endeavor to force their followers +to admit all negroes and Chinamen to +a real equality, their party would promptly +disband, and, rather than submit to such putting +into effect of their avowed purpose, +would, as a literal fact, follow any capitalistic +organization as an alternative.</p> + +<p>It is not accident that makes thoroughgoing +and radical Socialists adopt the principles +of free love as a necessary sequence to +insisting that no man shall have the right to +what he earns. When Socialism of this really +advanced and logical type is tried as it was +in France in 1792, and again under the +Commune in 1871, it is inevitable that the +movement, ushered in with every kind of high-sounding +phrase, should rapidly spread so as +to include, not merely the forcible acquisition +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>of the property of others, but every conceivable +form of monetary corruption, immorality, +licentiousness, and murderous violence. +In theory, distinctions can be drawn between +this kind of Socialism and anarchy and +nihilism; but in practice, as in 1871, the +apostles of all three act together; and if the +doctrines of any of them could be applied +universally, all the troubles of society would +indeed cease, because society itself would +cease. The poor and the helpless, especially +women and children, would be the first to die +out, and the few survivors would go back to +the condition of skin-clad savages, so that the +whole painful and laborious work of social +development would have to begin over again. +Of course, long before such an event really +happened the Socialistic régime would have +been overturned, and in the reaction men +would welcome any kind of one-man tyranny +that was compatible with the existence of +civilization.</p> + +<p>So much for the academic side of unadulterated, +or, as its advocates style it, “advanced +scientific” Socialism. Its representatives +in this country who have practically +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span>striven to act up to their extreme doctrines, +and have achieved leadership in any one of +the branches of the Socialist party, especially +the parlor Socialists and the like, be they lay +or clerical, deserve scant consideration at the +hands of honest and clean-living men and +women. What their movement leads to may +be gathered from the fact that in the last +Presidential election they nominated and +voted for a man who earns his livelihood as +the editor of a paper which not merely practices +every form of malignant and brutal +slander, but condones and encourages every +form of brutal wrong-doing, so long as either +the slander or the violence is supposed to be +at the expense of a man who owns something, +wholly without regard to whether that man +is himself a scoundrel, or a wise, kind, and +helpful member of the community. As for +the so-called Christian Socialists who associate +themselves with this movement, they +either are or ought to be aware of the pornographic +literature, the pornographic propaganda, +which make up one side of the movement; +a pornographic side which is entirely +proper in a movement that in this country +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span>accepts as one of its heads a man whose domestic +immorality has been so open and flagrant +as to merit the epithet of shameless. +That criminal nonsense should be listened to +eagerly by some men bowed down by the +cruel condition of much of modern toil is not +strange; but that men who pretend to speak +with culture of mind and authority to teach, +men who are or have been preachers of the +Gospel or professors in universities, should +affiliate themselves with the preachers of +criminal nonsense is a sign of either grave +mental or moral shortcoming.</p> + +<p>I wish it to be remembered that I speak +from the standpoint of, and on behalf of, the +wage-worker and the tiller of the soil. These +are the two men whose welfare I have ever +before me, and for their sakes I would do +anything, except anything that is wrong; and +it is because I believe that teaching them +doctrine like that which I have stigmatized +represents the most cruel wrong in the long +run, both to wage-worker and to earth-tiller, +that I reprobate and denounce such conduct.</p> + +<p>We need have but scant patience with +those who assert that modern conditions are +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span>all that they should be, or that they cannot +be improved. The wildest or most vicious +of Socialistic writers could preach no more +foolish doctrine than that contained in such +ardent defenses of uncontrolled capitalism +and individualism as Mr. Flinders Petrie’s +“Janus,” a book which is absurd, but which, +because of this very fact, is not mischievous, +for it can arouse no other emotion than the +very earnest desire that this particular archæological +shoemaker should stick to his early-Egyptian +last. There are dreadful woes in +modern life, dreadful suffering among some +of those who toil, brutal wrong-doing among +some of those who make colossal fortunes by +exploiting the toilers. It is the duty of every +honest and upright man, of every man who +holds within his breast the capacity for +righteous indignation, to recognize these +wrongs, and to strive with all his might to +bring about a better condition of things. But +he will never bring about this better condition +by misstating facts and advocating remedies +which are not merely false, but fatal.</p> + +<p>Take, for instance, the doctrine of the +extreme Socialists, that all wealth is produced +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span>by manual workers, that the entire product of +labor should be handed over every day to the +laborer, that wealth is criminal in itself. Of +course wealth is no more criminal than labor. +Human society could not exist without both; +and if all wealth were abolished this week, +the majority of laborers would starve next +week. As for the statement that all wealth is +produced by manual workers, in order to +appreciate its folly it is merely necessary for +any man to look at what is happening right +around him, in the next street, or the next +village. Here in the city where The Outlook +is edited, on Broadway between Ninth and +Tenth Streets, is a huge dry goods store. +The business was originally started, and the +block of which I am speaking was built for +the purpose, by an able New York merchant. +It prospered. He and those who invested +under him made a good deal of money. +Their employees did well. Then he died, +and certain other people took possession of +it and tried to run the business. The manual +labor was the same, the good-will was the +same, the physical conditions were the same; +but the guiding intelligence at the top had +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span>changed. The business was run at a loss. +It would surely have had to shut down, and +all the employees, clerks, laborers, everybody +would have been turned adrift, to +infinite suffering, if it had not again changed +hands and another business man of capacity +taken charge. The business was the +same as before, the physical conditions were +the same, the good-will the same, the manual +labor the same, but the guiding intelligence +had changed, and now everything once more +prospered, and prospered as had never been +the case before. With such an instance +before our very eyes, with such proof of what +every business proves, namely, the vast importance +of the part played by the guiding +intelligence in business, as in war, in invention, +in art, in science, in every imaginable +pursuit, it is really difficult to show patience +when asked to discuss such a proposition as +that all wealth is produced solely by the work +of manual workers, and that the entire +product should be handed over to them. Of +course, if any such theory were really acted +upon, there would soon be no product to be +handed over to the manual laborers, and they +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span>would die of starvation. A great industry +could no more be managed by a mass-meeting +of manual laborers than a battle could be won +in such fashion, than a painters’ union could +paint a Rembrandt, or a typographical union +write one of Shakespeare’s plays.</p> + +<p>The fact is that this kind of Socialism represents +an effort to enthrone privilege in its +crudest form. Much of what we are fighting +against in modern civilization is privilege. +We fight against privilege when it takes the +form of a franchise to a street railway company +to enjoy the use of the streets of a great +city without paying an adequate return; when +it takes the form of a great business combination +which grows rich by rebates which are +denied to other shippers; when it takes the +form of a stock-gambling operation which +results in the watering of railway securities so +that certain inside men get an enormous profit +out of a swindle on the public. All these +represent various forms of illegal, or, if not +illegal, then anti-social privilege. But there +can be no greater abuse, no greater example +of corrupt and destructive privilege, than +that advocated by those who say that each +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span>man should put into a common store what he +can and take out what he needs. This is +merely another way of saying that the thriftless +and the vicious, who could or would put +in but little, should be entitled to take out the +earnings of the intelligent, the foresighted, +and the industrious. Such a proposition is +morally base. To choose to live by theft or +by charity means in each case degradation, a +rapid lowering of self-respect and self-reliance. +The worst wrongs that capitalism +can commit upon labor would sink into insignificance +when compared with the hideous +wrong done by those who would degrade +labor by sapping the foundations of self-respect +and self-reliance. The Roman mob, +living on the bread given them by the State +and clamoring for excitement and amusement +to be purveyed by the State, represent +for all time the very nadir to which a free +and self-respecting population of workers can +sink if they grow habitually to rely upon +others, and especially upon the State, either +to furnish them charity, or to permit them to +plunder, as a means of livelihood.</p> + +<p>In short, it is simply common sense to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span>recognize that there is the widest inequality +of service, and that therefore there must be +an equally wide inequality of reward, if our +society is to rest upon the basis of justice and +wisdom. Service is the true test by which +a man’s worth should be judged. We are +against privilege in any form: privilege to +the capitalist who exploits the poor man, and +privilege to the shiftless or vicious poor man +who would rob his thrifty brother of what +he has earned. Certain exceedingly valuable +forms of service are rendered wholly without +capital. On the other hand, there are exceedingly +valuable forms of service which can be +rendered only by means of great accumulations +of capital, and not to recognize this fact +would be to deprive our whole people of one +of the great agencies for their betterment. +The test of a man’s worth to the community +is the service he renders to it, and we cannot +afford to make this test by material considerations +alone. One of the main vices of the +Socialism which was propounded by Proudhon, +Lassalle, and Marx, and which is +preached by their disciples and imitators, is +that it is blind to everything except the merely +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span>material side of life. It is not only indifferent, +but at bottom hostile, to the intellectual, +the religious, the domestic and moral life; +it is a form of communism with no moral +foundation, but essentially based on the immediate +annihilation of personal ownership +of capital, and, in the near future, the annihilation +of the family, and ultimately the +annihilation of civilization.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span></p> + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Can_Work"> + Where We Can Work With + Socialists + </h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span></p> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span></p> +</div> + + +<p class="cap">It is true that the doctrines of communistic +Socialism, if consistently followed, +mean the ultimate annihilation of civilization. +Yet the converse is also true. Ruin +faces us if we decline steadily to try to reshape +our whole civilization in accordance +with the law of service, and if we permit ourselves +to be misled by any empirical or academic +consideration into refusing to exert the +common power of the community where only +collective action can do what individualism +has left undone, or can remedy the wrongs +done by an unrestricted and ill-regulated individualism. +There is any amount of evil in +our social and industrial conditions of to-day, +and unless we recognize this fact and try +resolutely to do what we can to remedy the +evil, we run great risk of seeing men in their +misery turn to the false teachers whose doctrines +would indeed lead them to greater +misery, but who do at least recognize the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span>fact that they are now miserable. At the +present time there are scores of laws in the +interest of labor—laws putting a stop to child +labor, decreasing the hours of labor where +they are excessive, putting a stop to unsanitary +crowding and living, securing employers’ +liability, doing away with unhealthy conditions +in various trades, and the like—which +should be passed by the National and the +various State Legislatures; and those who +wish to do effective work against Socialism +would do well to turn their energies into +securing the enactment of these laws.</p> + +<p>Moreover, we should always remember +that Socialism is both a wide and a loose +term, and that the self-styled Socialists are +of many and utterly different types. If we +should study only the professed apostles of +radical Socialism, of what these men themselves +like to call “scientific Socialism,” or if +we should study only what active leaders of +Socialism in this country have usually done, +or read only the papers in which they have +usually expressed themselves, we would gain +an utterly wrong impression of very many +men who call themselves Socialists. There +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span>are many peculiarly high-minded men and +women who like to speak of themselves as +Socialists, whose attitude, conscious or unconscious, +is really merely an indignant recognition +of the evil of present conditions and +an ardent wish to remedy it, and whose Socialism +is really only an advanced form of liberalism. +Many of these men and women in +actual fact take a large part in the advancement +of moral ideas, and in practice wholly +repudiate the purely materialistic, and therefore +sordid, doctrines of those Socialists whose +creed really is in sharp antagonism to every +principle of public and domestic morality, +who war on private property with a bitterness +but little greater than that with which they +war against the institutions of the home +and the family, and against every form of +religion, Catholic or Protestant. The Socialists +of this moral type may in practice be very +good citizens indeed, with whom we can at +many points co-operate. They are often +joined temporarily with what are called the +“opportunist Socialists”—those who may +advocate an impossible and highly undesirable +Utopia as a matter of abstract faith, but +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span>who in practice try to secure the adoption only +of some given principle which will do away +with some phase of existing wrong. With +these two groups of Socialists it is often +possible for all far-sighted men to join +heartily in the effort to secure a given reform +or do away with a given abuse. Probably, +in practice, wherever and whenever Socialists +of these two types are able to form themselves +into a party, they will disappoint both +their own expectations and the fears of others +by acting very much like other parties, like +other aggregations of men; and it will be +safe to adopt whatever they advance that is +wise, and to reject whatever they advance +that is foolish, just as we have to do as +regards countless other groups who on one +issue or set of issues come together to strive +for a change in the political or social conditions +of the world we live in. The important +thing is generally the next step. We +ought not to take it unless we are sure that it +is advisable; but we should not hesitate to take +it when once we are sure; and we can safely +join with others who also wish to take it, +without bothering our heads overmuch as to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span>any somewhat fantastic theories they may +have concerning, say, the two hundredth step, +which is not yet in sight.</p> + +<p>There are many schemes proposed which +their enemies, and a few of their friends, are +pleased to call Socialistic, or which are indorsed +and favored by men who call themselves +Socialists, but which are entitled each +to be considered on its merits with regard +only to the practical advantage which each +would confer. Every public man, every reformer, +is bound to refuse to dismiss these +schemes with the shallow statement that they +are “Socialistic”; for such an attitude is one +of mere mischievous dogmatism. There are +communities in which our system of State +education is still resisted and condemned as +Socialism; and we have seen within the past +two years in this country men who were +themselves directors in National banks, +which were supervised by the Government, +object to such supervision of railways by the +Government on the ground that it was +“Socialistic.” An employers’ liability law is +no more Socialistic than a fire department; +the regulation of railway rates is by no means +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span>as Socialistic as the digging and enlarging of +the Erie Canal at the expense of the State. A +proper compensation law would merely distribute +over the entire industry the shock of +accident or disease, instead of limiting it to +the unfortunate individual on whom, through +no fault of his, it happened to fall. As communities +become more thickly settled and +their lives more complex, it grows ever more +and more necessary for some of the work +formerly performed by individuals, each for +himself, to be performed by the community +for the community as a whole. Isolated +farms need no complicated system of sewerage; +but this does not mean that public control +of sewerage in a great city should be +resisted on the ground that it tends toward +Socialism. Let each proposition be treated +on its own merits, soberly and cautiously, but +without any of that rigidity of mind which +fears all reform. If, for instance, the question +arises as to the establishment of day +nurseries for the children of mothers who +work in factories, the obvious thing to do is +to approach it with an open mind, listen to +the arguments for and against, and, if necessary, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span>try the experiment in actual practice. If +it is alleged that small groups of farmers +have prospered by doing much of their work +in common, and by a kind of mutual insurance +and supervision, why of course we +should look into the matter with an open +mind, and try to find out, not what we want +the facts to be, but what the facts really are.</p> + +<p>We cannot afford to subscribe to the doctrine, +equally hard and foolish, that the welfare +of the children in the tenement-house +district is no concern of the community as a +whole. If the child of the thronged city cannot +live in decent surroundings, have teaching, +have room to play, have good water and +clean air, then not only will he suffer, but in +the next generation the whole community will +to a greater or less degree share his suffering.</p> + +<p>In striving to better our industrial life we +must ever keep in mind that, while we cannot +afford to neglect its material side, we can even +less afford to disregard its moral and intellectual +side. Each of us is bound to remember +that he is in very truth his brother’s keeper, +and that his duty is, with judgment and common +sense, to try to help the brother. To +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span>the base and greedy attitude of mind which +adopts as its motto, “What is thine is mine,” +we oppose the doctrine of service, the doctrine +that insists that each of us, in no +hysterical manner, but with common sense +and good judgment, and without neglect of +his or her own interests, shall yet act on the +saying, “What is mine I will in good measure +make thine also.”</p> + +<p>Socialism strives to remedy what is evil +alike in domestic and in economic life, and its +tendency is to insist that the economic remedy +is all-sufficient in every case. We should all +join in the effort to do away with the evil; +but we should refuse to have anything to do +with remedies which are either absurd or +mischievous, for such, of course, would merely +aggravate the present suffering. The first +thing to recognize is that, while economic +reform is often vital, it is never all-sufficient. +The moral reform, the change of character—in +which law can sometimes play a large, but +never the largest, part—is the most necessary +of all. In dealing with the marriage relation +the Socialist attitude is one of unmixed evil. +Assuredly woman should be guarded and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span>honored in every way, her rights jealously +upheld, and any wrong done her should be +regarded and punished with severe judgment; +but we must keep in mind the obvious fact +that equality of consideration does not mean +identity of function. Our effort should be +to raise the level of self-respect, self-control, +sense of duty in both sexes, and not to push +both down to an evil equality of moral turpitude +by doing away with the self-restraint and +sense of obligation which have been slowly +built up through the ages. We must bring +them to a moral level by raising the lower +standard, not by depressing the high. It is +idle to prattle against the “economic dependence” +of woman upon man. In the ideal +household—an ideal which I believe, though +very far from being universally realized, is +yet now more generally realized than ever +before—there is really complete economic +interdependence, as well as the high spiritual +and moral interdependence which is more +nearly attained in happy wedlock, in a permanent +partnership of love and duty, than in +any other relation of life which the world +has yet seen. Rights should be forfeited by +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span>neither partner; and duties should be shirked +by neither partner. The duty of the woman +to be the child-bearer and home-keeper is +just as obvious, simple, and healthy as the +duty of the man to be the breadwinner and, +if necessary, the soldier. Whenever either +the man or the woman loses the power or the +will to perform these obvious duties, the loss +is irreparable, and whatever may be the gain +in ease, amiable softness, self-indulgent pleasure, +or even artistic and material achievement, +the whole civilization is rotten and must +fall.</p> + +<p>So with our industrial system. In many +respects the wage system can be bettered; but +screaming about “wage slavery” is largely +absurd; at this moment, for instance, I am a +“wage slave” of The Outlook. Under certain +conditions and in certain cases the co-operative +system can to a greater or less degree be substituted +with advantage for, or, more often, +can be used to supplement, the wage system; +but only on condition of recognizing the +widely different needs occasioned by different +conditions, which needs are so diverse that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span>they must sometimes be met in totally different +ways.</p> + +<p>We should do everything that can be done, +by law or otherwise, to keep the avenues of +occupation, of employment, of work, of interest, +so open that there shall be, so far as it is +humanly possible to achieve it, a measurable +equality of opportunity; an equality of +opportunity for each man to show the stuff +that is in him. When it comes to reward, +let each man, within the limits set by a +sound and far-sighted morality, get what, by +his energy, intelligence, thrift, courage, he is +able to get, with the opportunity open. We +must set our faces against privilege; just as +much against the kind of privilege which +would let the shiftless and lazy laborer take +what his brother has earned as against the +privilege which allows the huge capitalist to +take toll to which he is not entitled. We +stand for equality of opportunity, but not for +equality of reward unless there is also equality +of service. If the service is equal, let the +reward be equal; but let the reward depend +on the service; and, mankind being composed +as it is, there will be inequality of service for +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span>a long time to come, no matter how great the +equality of opportunity may be; and just so +long as there is inequality of service it is +eminently desirable that there should be inequality +of reward.</p> + +<p>We recognize, and are bound to war +against, the evils of to-day. The remedies +are partly economic and partly spiritual, +partly to be obtained by laws, and in greater +part to be obtained by individual and associated +effort; for character is the vital matter, +and character cannot be created by law. +These remedies include a religious and moral +teaching which shall increase the spirit of +human brotherhood; an educational system +which shall train men for every form of useful +service—and which shall train us to prize +common sense no less than morality; such a +division of the profits of industry as shall +tend to encourage intelligent and thrifty tool-users +to become tool-owners; and a government +so strong, just, wise, and democratic +that, neither lagging too far behind nor pushing +heedlessly in advance, it may do its full +share in promoting these ends.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span></p> + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Cure-Alls"> + Quack Cure-Alls for the Body + Politic + </h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span></p> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span></p> +</div> + + +<p class="cap">The best lesson that any people can +learn is that there is no patent cure-all +which will make the body politic +perfect, and that any man who is able glibly +to answer every question as to how to deal +with the evils of the body politic is at best a +foolish visionary and at worst an evil-minded +quack. Neither doctrinaire socialism, nor unrestricted +individualism, nor any other ism, +will bring about the millennium. In the last +analysis the welfare of a nation depends on +its having throughout a healthy development. +A healthy social system must of necessity represent +the sum of very many moral, intellectual, +and economic forces, and each such force +must depend in its turn partly upon the whole +system; and all these many forces are needed +to develop a high grade of character in the +individual men and women who make up the +nation. No individual man could be kept +healthy by living in accordance with a plan +which took cognizance only of one set of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span>muscles or set of organs; his health must depend +upon his general bodily vigor, that is, +upon the general care which affects hundreds +of different organs according to their hundreds +of needs. Society is, of course, infinitely +more complex than the human body. The +influences that tell upon it are countless; they +are closely interwoven, interdependent, and +each is acted upon by many others. It is +pathetically absurd, when such are the conditions, +to believe that some one simple panacea +for all evils can be found. Slowly, with +infinite difficulty, with bitter disappointments, +with stumblings and haltings, we are working +our way upward and onward. In this progress +something can be done by continually +striving to improve the social system, now +here, now there. Something more can be +done by the resolute effort for a many-sided +higher life. This life must largely come to +each individual from within, by his own effort, +but toward the attainment of it each of us +can help many others. Such a life must represent +the struggle for a higher and broader +humanity, to be shown not merely in the dealings +of each of us within the realm of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span>State, but even more by the dealings of each +of us in the more intimate realm of the +family; for the life of the State rests and +must ever rest upon the life of the family and +the neighborhood.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span></p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span></p> + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Japanese"> + The Japanese Question + </h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span></p> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span></p> +</div> + + +<p class="cap">There are certain elementary principles +all of which should be kept +steadily in view if a nation wishes to +act justly both by itself and by others. It +must insist upon what is necessary for its own +healthy life, and this even at the cost of a +possible clash; but this insistence on what is +due to itself should always be accompanied +by all possible courtesy to and fair dealing +with others.</p> + +<p>These are the principles upon which the +people of the United States should act as +regards the question of the immigration of +the Japanese into this country. The Japanese +are a highly civilized people of extraordinary +military, artistic, and industrial development; +they are proud, warlike, and sensitive. I +believe that our people have, what I personally +certainly have, a profound and hearty +admiration for them; an admiration for their +great deeds and great qualities, an ungrudging +respect for their national character. But +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span>this admiration and respect is accompanied +by the firm conviction that it is not for the +advantage of either people that emigrants +from either country should settle in mass in +the other country. The understanding between +the two countries on this point should +be on a basis of entire mutuality, and therefore +on a basis which will preserve unimpaired +the self-respect of each country, and +permit each to continue to feel friendly good +will for the other. Japan would certainly +object to the incoming of masses of American +farmers, laborers, and small traders; indeed, +the Japanese would object to this at least as +strongly as the men of the Pacific Coast and +Rocky Mountain States object to the incoming +in mass of Japanese workmen, agricultural +laborers, and men engaged in small trades. +The Japanese certainly object to Americans +acquiring land in Japan at least as much as +the Americans of the far Western States object +to the Japanese acquiring land on our +soil. The Americans who go to Japan and +the Japanese who come to America should be +of the same general class—that is, they +should be travelers, students, teachers, scientific +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span>investigators, men engaged in international +business, men sojourning in the land +for pleasure or study. As long as the emigration +from each side is limited to classes +such as these, there will be no settlement in +mass, and therefore no difficulty. Wherever +there is settlement in mass—that is, wherever +there is a large immigration of urban or +agricultural laborers, or of people engaged +in small local business of any kind—there is +sure to be friction. It is against the interests +of both nations that such unrestricted immigration +or settlement in mass should be +allowed as regards either nation. This is the +cardinal fact in the situation; it should be +freely recognized by both countries, and can +be accepted by each not only without the +slightest loss of self-respect, but with the +certainty that its acceptance will tend to preserve +mutual respect and friendliness.</p> + +<p>But in achieving this policy we should bear +steadily in mind that it is our duty to combine +the maximum of efficiency with the minimum +of offensiveness. Only the National Government +can carry out such a policy effectively, +and the surest way to do harm is for State, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span>municipal, or other local governments to pass +laws which would be ineffective to obtain the +real object and yet would produce intense +irritation. The best of all possible ways in +which to achieve the object is that which the +governments of the two countries have now +by common agreement adopted; for the Japanese +Government has on its own initiative +and of its own accord undertaken to prevent +the coming hither in any appreciable numbers +of Japanese of the classes to which I have +referred. This agreement during the last +year or thereabouts has worked so well that +actually more Japanese have left the country +than have come into it, and there has therefore +been a diminution of their numbers. If +this continues, all difficulties will cease without +the need of further action, whether by +treaty or by legislation. On the one hand, +it is for the common interest of both countries +that Japan should effectively and rigorously +carry out this policy. On the other +hand, it is not only the interest but the duty +of America to take no further action until it +can be seen whether this policy is successful; +and this is just as wise, just as incumbent on +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span>us, whether we do or do not believe that it +will be successful. The success of the policy +must be gauged by its actual results; that is, +by the extent to which it arrests the immigration +of large bodies of Japanese. If the +Japanese Government proves unable to carry +its policy through, then undoubtedly this +Government, by treaty or by legislation, must +protect itself and secure the desired result on +its own initiative. But in such a case it would +be doubly incumbent upon us to take the +action in the way that would provoke the +least possible friction and cause the least +possible hard feeling. Moreover, we should +make it evident that the recognition of the +fact that it is to the interest of both races that +the masses of both races should be kept apart +is in no way incompatible with the heartiest +feelings of mutual respect and admiration +between the two races.</p> + +<p>The fact that all really patriotic and far-sighted +Americans insist that hand in hand +with a policy of good will toward foreign +nations should go the policy of the upbuilding +of our navy is often interpreted by well-meaning +but short-sighted men as being a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span>threat toward other nations, or as being provocative +of war. Of the two assumptions the +first is utterly unwarranted, and the second is +the direct reverse of the truth. We have the +right to say, for instance, what immigrants +shall come to our own shores; but we are +powerless to enforce this right against any +nation that chooses to disregard our wishes, +unless we continue to build up and maintain +a first-class fighting navy. The professional +peace advocate who wishes us to stop building +up our navy is, in reality, seeking to put us +in a position where we would be absolutely +at the mercy of any other nation that happened +to wish to disregard our desires to +control the immigration that comes to our +shores, to protect our own interests in the +Panama Canal, to protect our own citizens +abroad, or to take any stand whatever either +for our own international honor or in the +interest of international righteousness. Moreover, +those well-meaning but fatuous advocates +of peace who would try to prevent the +upbuilding of our navy utterly misread the +temper of their countrymen. We Americans +are ourselves both proud and high-spirited, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span>and we are not always by any means far-sighted. +If our honor or our interest were +menaced by a foreign power, this Nation +would fight, wholly without regard to whether +or not its navy was efficient. In the event of +a crisis arising, the peace advocates who object +to our building up the navy would be +absolutely powerless to prevent this country +going to war. All they could do would be +to prevent its being successful in the war. A +strong navy is the surest guaranty of peace +that America can have, and the cheapest insurance +against war that Uncle Sam can +possibly pay.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span></p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span></p> + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Tolstoy"> + Tolstoy + </h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span></p> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span></p> +</div> + + +<p class="cap">One of the comic features of the +political campaign last fall was the +letter which Count Tolstoy wrote +on behalf of Mr. Bryan. In this letter Count +Tolstoy advocated the election of Mr. Bryan +on the ground that he was the representative +of the party of peace, of anti-militarism. +From the point of view of American politics, +the incident possessed no importance beyond +furnishing material for the humorous columns +of the newspapers. But it had a certain real +interest as indicating Count Tolstoy’s worth +as a moral guide. He advocated Mr. Bryan +on the theory that Mr. Bryan represented +peace and anti-militarism. Now there was +but one point in the platform of either political +party in 1908 which contained any +element of menace to the peace of the world. +This was the plank in the Bryanite platform +which demanded the immediate exclusion by +law of all Asiatic laborers, and therefore of +the Japanese. Coupled with it was the utterly +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span>meaningless plank about the Navy, +which was, however, intended to convey the +impression that we ought to have a navy only +for the defense of our coasts—that is, a +merely “defensive” navy, or, in other words, a +quite worthless navy. Now I have shown in +a preceding editorial that at this present time +there is neither justification nor excuse for such +a law—and this wholly without regard to +what the future may show. The exclusion +plank in Mr. Bryan’s platform represented +merely an idle threat, a wanton insult, and it +was coupled with what was intended to be a +declaration that the policy of upbuilding the +Navy, which has been so successfully carried +on during the past dozen years, would be +abandoned. Any man of common sense, +therefore, ought to perceive the self-evident +fact that the only menace to peace which was +contained in any possible action by the American +Republic was that contained in the election +of Mr. Bryan and the attempt to put +into effect his platform. That Count Tolstoy +did not see this affords a curious illustration +of his complete inability to face facts; of his +readiness to turn aside from the truth in the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span>pursuit of any phantom, however foolish; and +of the utter fatuity of those who treat him +as a philosopher, whose philosophy should +be, or could be, translated into action.</p> + +<p>Count Tolstoy is a man of genius, a +great novelist. “War and Peace,” “Anna +Karénina,” “The Cossacks,” “Sebastopol,” +are great books. As a novelist he has added +materially to the sum of production of his +generation. As a professional philosopher +and moralist I doubt if his influence has really +been very extensive among men of action; of +course it has a certain weight among men +who live only in the closet, in the library; and +among the high-minded men of this type, +who, because of their sheltered lives, naturally +reject what is immoral, and do not have +to deal with what is fantastic, in Tolstoy’s +teachings, it is probable that the really lofty +side of these teachings gives them a certain +sense of spiritual exaltation. But I have no +question that whatever little influence Tolstoy +has exerted among men of action has told, on +the whole, for evil. I do not think his influence +over men of action has been great, for +I think he has swayed or dominated only the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span>feeble folk and the fantastic folk. No man +who possesses both robust common sense and +high ideals, and who strives to apply both in +actual living, is affected by Tolstoy’s teachings, +save as he is affected by the teachings of +hundreds of other men in whose writings +there are occasional truths mixed with masses +of what is commonplace or erroneous. Strong +men may gain something from Tolstoy’s +moral teachings, but only on condition that +they are strong enough and sane enough to +be repelled by those parts of his teachings +which are foolish or immoral. Weak persons +are hurt by the teachings. Still, I think that +the mere fact that these weak persons are +influenced sufficiently to be marred means +that there was not in them a very great quantity +of potential usefulness to mar. In the +United States we suffer from grave moral +dangers; but they are for the most part dangers +which Tolstoy would neither perceive +nor know how to combat. Moreover, the +real and dreadful evils which do in fact share +in his denunciation of an attack upon both +good and evil are usually not evils which are +of much moment among us. On the other +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span>hand, we are not liable to certain kinds of +wickedness which there is real danger of his +writings inculcating; for it is a lamentable +fact that, as is so often the case with a certain +type of mystical zealot, there is in him a dark +streak which tells of moral perversion. That +side of his teachings which is partially manifested +in the revolting “Kreutzer Sonata” can +do exceedingly little damage in America, for +it would appeal only to decadents; exactly as +it could have come only from a man who, +however high he may stand in certain respects, +has in him certain dreadful qualities +of the moral pervert.</p> + +<p>The usual effect of prolonged and excessive +indulgence in Tolstoyism on American disciples +is comic rather than serious. One of +these disciples, for instance, not long ago +wrote a book on American municipal problems, +which ascribed our ethical and social +shortcomings in municipal matters in part to +the sin of “militarism.” Now the mind of +this particular writer in making such a statement +was influenced not in the least by what +had actually occurred or was occurring in +our cities, but by one of Tolstoy’s theories +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span>which has no possible bearing upon American +life. Militarism is a real factor for good or +for evil in most European countries. In +America it has not the smallest effect one way +or the other; it is a negligible quantity. There +are undoubtedly states of society where militarism +is a grave evil, and there are plenty +of circumstances in which the prime duty of +man may be to strive against it. But it is not +righteous war, not even war itself, which is +the absolute evil, the evil which is evil always +and under all circumstances. Militarism +which takes the form of a police force, municipal +or national, may be the prime factor for +upholding peace and righteousness. Militarism +is to be condemned or not purely +according to the conditions. So eating horse +meat is in itself a mere matter of taste; but +the early Christian missionaries in Scandinavia +found that serious evil sprang from +the custom of eating horse meat in honor of +Odin. It is literally true that our very grave +municipal problems in New York or Chicago +have no more to do with militarism than with +eating the meat of horses that have been sacrificed +to pagan deities; and a crusade against +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span>one habit, as an element in municipal reform, +is just about as rational as would be a crusade +against the other. Oliver Wendell Holmes +said that it had taken a century to remove +the lark from American literature; because +the poets insisted upon writing, not about the +birds they saw, but about the birds they had +read of in the writings of other poets. Militarism +as an evil in our social life is as purely +a figment of the imagination as the skylark +in our literature. Moreover, the fact that +in spite of this total absence of militarism +there is so much that is evil in our life, so +much need for reform, ought to show persons +who think that the destruction of militarism +would bring about the millennium how +completely they lack the sense of perspective.</p> + +<p>Another disciple used to write poetry in +defense of the Mahdi, apparently under the +vague impression that this also was a protest +against militarism and therefore in line with +Tolstoy’s teachings—as very possibly it was. +Now, Mahdism was as hideous an exhibition +of bloodthirsty cruelty, governmental tyranny, +corruption and inefficiency, and homicidal +religious fanaticism as the world has +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span>ever seen. Its immediate result was to destroy +over half the population in the area where it +held sway, and to bring the most dreadful +degradation and suffering to the remainder. +It represented in the aggregate more wickedness, +more wrong-doing, more human suffering, +than all the wickedness, wrong-doing, +and human suffering in all the Christian communities +put together during the same period. +It was characteristic of the fantastic perversion +of morality which naturally results from +the serious acceptance of Tolstoy as a moral +teacher that one manifestation of this acceptance +should have been a defense of Mahdism. +Of course when the Anglo-Egyptian +army overthrew Mahdism it conferred a +boon upon all mankind, and most of all upon +the wretched inhabitants of the Sudan.</p> + +<p>So much for Tolstoyism in America, the +only place where I have studied it in action, +and where its effect, although insignificant for +good, has been not much more significant for +evil, being absurd rather than serious. As +to the effect in Russia itself, I am not competent +to speak. But the history of the +Duma proved in the most emphatic way that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span>the greatest danger to liberalism in Russia +sprang from the fact that the liberals were +saturated with just such folly as that taught +by Tolstoy. The flat contradiction between +his theory and practice in such matters as his +preaching concerning the relations of the +sexes, and also concerning private property—for +of course it is an unlovely thing to profit +by the private property of one’s wife and +children, while affecting to cast it aside—is +explicable only by one of two very sad +hypotheses, neither of which it is necessary +here to discuss. The important point is that +his preaching is compounded of some very +beautiful and lofty sentiments, with much +that is utterly fantastic, and with some things +that are grossly immoral. The Duma fell +far short of what its friends in other lands +hoped for, just because it showed these very +same traits, and because it failed to develop +the power for practical common-sense work. +There were plenty of members who could +utter the loftiest moral sentiments, sentiments +quite as lofty as those once uttered by Robespierre; +but there was an insufficiency of members +able and willing to go to work in practical +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span>fashion, able and willing to try to make +society measurably better by cutting out the +abuses that could be cut out, and by starting +things on the right road, instead of insisting +upon doing nothing unless they could immediately +introduce the millennium and reform +all the abuses of society out of hand with a +jump. What was needed was a body of +men like those who made our Constitution; +men accustomed to work with their fellows, +accustomed to compromise; men who clung +to high ideals, but who were imbued with the +philosophy which Abraham Lincoln afterwards +so strikingly exemplified, and were +content to take the best possible where the +best absolute could not be secured. This was +the spirit of Washington and his associates in +one great crisis of our National life, of Lincoln +and his associates in the other great +crisis. It is the only spirit from which it +will ever be possible to secure good results in +a free country; and it is the direct negation of +Tolstoyism.</p> + +<p>To minimize the chance of anything but +willful misunderstanding, let me repeat that +Tolstoy is a great writer, a great novelist; +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span>that the unconscious influence of his novels is +probably, on the whole, good, even disregarding +their standing as works of art; that even +as a professional moralist and philosophical +adviser of mankind in religious matters he +has some excellent theories and on some +points develops a noble and elevating teaching; +but that taken as a whole, and if +generally diffused, his moral and philosophical +teachings, so far as they had any influence at +all, would have an influence for bad; partly +because on certain points they teach downright +immorality, but much more because they tend +to be both foolish and fantastic, and if logically +applied would mean the extinction of +humanity in a generation.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span></p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span></p> + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Southerners"> + A Southerner’s View of the South + </h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span></p> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span></p> +</div> + + +<p class="cap">It seems rather queer to go abroad and +discover an American author. Two +books have appeared in England during +the last year or two, named “The Scar” and +“The Scourge.” They have been a success, +not only in England, but on the Continent; +for translations have appeared or are appearing +in German, French, and Russian. +Yet they are by an American, Mr. Warrington +Dawson, of South Carolina; and they +deal with localities, questions, and types +exclusively and typically American. It is +not very creditable to us that this American, +writing with unusual power of American +scenes and problems, should have an exclusively +European audience.</p> + +<p>Mr. Dawson’s stories are laid in the +country districts and small towns of Virginia. +In each volume a Northerner, in the +first a woman, in the second a man, is thrown +into intimate contact with the members of a +proud caste of provincial aristocrats, who +have been slowly sinking under the burden +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span>of grinding poverty, whose poverty-stricken +lives are both hardening and narrowing, but +in whose strongly individualized natures +there dwell qualities and capacities of the +highest kind. It is in his studies of these +native Southern whites—both men and +women, both those who are painfully struggling +upwards and those whom an iron fate +is slowly forcing downwards—and in his +studies of the dark-skinned alien race standing +so utterly aloof from them and so intimately +connected with them, that Mr. +Dawson excels; and it is not necessary to +agree with all his conclusions in order to +appreciate the value of his work. But +almost equally good is the study of the +Northerner who dwells South, who has made +a real business success, who is in his own +fashion devoted to the interests of the people +with whom he has spent his life, but +whom they at bottom never cease to regard +as an interloper; and Mr. Dawson is entirely +just in showing how ungenerous and unwarranted +part of this attitude is, and, on the +other hand, the measure of justification which +it has in the hard narrowness that makes the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span>intruder insist on trying to do good to the +community in many ways which represent +what is either unnecessary or even injurious.</p> + +<p>I have no intention of writing a criticism +of Mr. Dawson’s two books; but it is worth +while calling attention to the fact that this +author, who writes with power and interest +of vital home matters, has his critics and his +audience abroad, but has neither critics nor +audience at home. He should have both.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span></p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span></p> + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Thraldom"> + The Thraldom of Names + </h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span></p> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span></p> +</div> + + +<p class="cap">It behooves our people never to fall under +the thraldom of names, and least of all +to be misled by designing people who +appeal to the reverence for or antipathy +toward a given name in order to achieve some +alien purpose. Of course such misuse of +names is as old as the history of what we +understand when we speak of civilized mankind. +The rule of a mob may be every whit +as tyrannical and oppressive as the rule of a +single individual, whether or not called a dictator; +and the rule of an oligarchy, whether +this oligarchy is a plutocracy or a bureaucracy, +or any other small set of powerful men, +may in its turn be just as sordid and just as +bloodthirsty as that of a mob. But the +apologists for the mob or oligarchy or dictator, +in justifying the tyranny, use different +words. The mob leaders usually state that +all that they are doing is necessary in order to +advance the cause of “liberty,” while the +dictator and the oligarchy are usually defended +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span>upon the ground that the course they +follow is absolutely necessary so as to secure +“order.” Many excellent people are taken +in by the use of the word “liberty” at the one +time, and the use of the word “order” at the +other, and ignore the simple fact that despotism +is despotism, tyranny tyranny, oppression +oppression, whether committed by one individual +or by many individuals, by a State or +by a private corporation.</p> + +<p>Moreover, tyranny exercised on behalf of +one set of people is very apt in the long run +to damage especially the representatives of +that very class by the violence of the reaction +which it invites. The course of the Second +Republic in France was such, with its mobs, +its bloody civil tumults, its national workshops, +its bitter factional divisions, as to invite +and indeed insure its overthrow and the +establishment of a dictatorship; while it is +needless to mention the innumerable instances +in which the name of order has been invoked +to sanction tyranny, until there has finally +come a reaction so violent that both the +tyranny and all public order have disappeared +together. The Second Empire in France led +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span>straight up to the Paris Commune; and nothing +so well shows how far the French people +had advanced in fitness for self-government +as the fact that the hideous atrocities of the +Commune, which rendered it imperative that +it should be rigorously repressed, nevertheless +did not produce another violent reaction, but +left the French Republic standing, and the +French people as resolute in their refusal to +be ruled by a king as by a mob.</p> + +<p>Of course when a great crisis actually +comes, no matter how much people may have +been misled by names, they promptly awaken +to their unimportance. To the individual +who suffered under the guillotine at Paris, or +in the drownings in the Loire, or to the individual +who a century before was expelled +from his beloved country, or tortured, or sent +to the galleys, it made no difference whatever +that one set of acts was performed under +Robespierre and Danton and Marat in the +name of liberty and reason and the rights of +the people, or that the other was performed +in the name of order and authority and religion +by the direction of the Great Monarch. +Tyranny and cruelty were tyranny and cruelty +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span>just as much in one case as in the other, and +just as much when those guilty of them used +one shibboleth as when they used another. +All forms of tyranny and cruelty must alike +be condemned by honest men.</p> + +<p>We in this country have been very fortunate. +Thanks to the teaching and the practice +of the men whom we most revere as leaders, +of the men like Washington and Lincoln, we +have hitherto escaped the twin gulfs of +despotism and mob rule, and we have never +been in any danger from the worst forms of +religious bitterness. But we should therefore +be all the more careful, as we deal with our +industrial and social problems, not to fall into +mistakes similar to those which have brought +lasting disaster on less fortunately situated +peoples. We have achieved democracy in +politics just because we have been able to steer +a middle course between the rule of the mob +and the rule of the dictator. We shall achieve +industrial democracy because we shall steer a +similar middle course between the extreme +individualist and the Socialist, between the +demagogue who attacks all wealth and who +can see no wrong done anywhere unless it is +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span>perpetrated by a man of wealth, and the +apologist for the plutocracy who rails against +so much as a restatement of the Eighth Commandment +upon the ground that it will “hurt +business.”</p> + +<p>First and foremost we must stand firmly on +a basis of good sound ethics. We intend to +do what is right for the ample and sufficient +reason that it is right. If business is hurt by +the stern exposure of crookedness and the +result of efforts to punish the crooked man, +then business must be hurt, even though good +men are involved in the hurting, until it so +adjusts itself that it is possible to prosecute +wrong-doing without stampeding the business +community into a terror-struck defense of the +wrong-doers and an angry assault upon those +who have exposed them. On the other hand, +we must beware, above all things, of being +misled by wicked or foolish men who would +condone homicide and violence, and apologize +for the dynamiter and the assassin because, +forsooth, they choose to take the +ground that crime is no crime if the wicked +man happens also to have been a shiftless and +unthrifty or lazy man who has never amassed +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span>property. It is essential that we should wrest +the control of the Government out of the +hands of rich men who use it for unhealthy +purposes, and should keep it out of their +hands; and to this end the first requisite is to +provide means adequately to deal with corporations, +which are essential to modern business, +but which, under the decisions of the +courts, and because of the short-sightedness of +the public, have become the chief factors in +political and business debasement. But it +would be just as bad to put the control of the +Government into the hands of demagogues +and visionaries who seek to pander to ignorance +and prejudice by penalizing thrift and +business enterprise, and ruining all men of +means, with, as an attendant result, the ruin +of the entire community. The tyranny of +politicians with a bureaucracy behind them +and a mass of ignorant people supporting +them would be just as insufferable as the +tyranny of big corporations. The tyranny +would be the same in each case, and it would +make no more difference that one was called +individualism, and the other collectivism, than +it made in French history whether tyranny +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span>was exercised in the name of the Commune +or of the Emperor, of a Committee of National +Safety, or of a King.</p> + +<p>The sinister and adroit reactionary, the +sinister and violent radical, are alike in this, +that each works in the end for the destruction +of the cause that he professedly champions. +If the one is left to his own devices, he will +utterly discredit the entire system of government +by individual initiative; and if the other +is allowed to work his will, he, in his turn, +will make men so loathe interference and +control by the State that any abuses connected +with the untrammeled control of all business +by private individuals will seem small by comparison. +We cannot afford to be empirical. +We must judge each case on its merits. It +is absolutely indispensable to foster the spirit +of individual initiative, of self-reliance, of +self-help; but this does not mean that we are +to refuse to face facts and to recognize that +the growth of our complex civilization necessitates +an increase in the exercise of the functions +of the State. It has been shown beyond +power of refutation that unrestricted individualism, +for instance, means the destruction +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span>of our forests and our water supply. The +dogma of “individualism” cannot be permitted +to interfere with the duty of a great city to +see that householders, small as well as big, live +in decent and healthy buildings, drink good +water, and have the streets adequately lighted +and kept clean. Individual initiative, the +reign of individualism, may be crushed out +just as effectively by the unchecked growth +of private monopoly if the State does not +interfere at all, as it would be crushed out +under communism, or as it would disappear, +together with everything else that makes life +worth living, if we adopted the tenets of the +extreme Socialists.</p> + +<p>In 1896 the party of discontent met with +a smashing defeat for the very reason that, +together with legitimate attacks on real +abuses, they combined wholly illegitimate +advocacy even of the methods of dealing with +these real abuses, and in addition stood for +abuses of their own which, in far-reaching +damage, would have cast quite into the shade +the effects of the abuses against which they +warred. It was essential both to the material +and moral progress of the country that these +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span>forces should be beaten; and beaten they were, +overwhelmingly. But the genuine ethical revolt +against these forces was aided by a very +ugly materialism, and this materialism at one +time claimed the victory as exclusively its +own, and advanced it as a warrant and license +for the refusal to interfere with any misdeeds +on the part of men of wealth. What such +an attitude meant was set forth as early as +1896 by an English visitor, the journalist +Steevens, a man of marked insight. Mr. +Steevens did not see with entire clearness of +vision into the complex American character; +it would have been marvelous if a stranger of +his slight experience here could so have seen; +but it would be difficult to put certain important +facts more clearly than he put them. +Immediately after the election he wrote as +follows (I condense slightly):</p> + +<p>“In the United States legal organization +of industry has been left wholly wanting. +Little is done by the State. All is left to the +initiative of the individual. The apparent +negligence is explained partly by the American +horror of retarding mechanical progress, and +partly by their reliance on competition. They +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span>have cast overboard the law as the safeguard +of individual rights, and have put themselves +under the protection of competition, and of +it alone. Now a trust in its exacter acceptation +is the flat negation of competition. It is +certain that commercial concerns make frequent, +powerful, and successful combinations +to override the public interest. All such corporations +are left unfettered in a way that to +an Englishman appears almost a return to +savagery. The defenselessness of individual +liberty against the encroachment of the railway +companies, tramway companies, nuisance-committing +manure companies, and the like, +is little less than horrible. Where regulating +acts are proposed, the companies unite to +oppose them; where such acts exist, they bribe +corrupt officials to ignore them. When they +want any act for themselves, it can always be +bought for cash. [This is of course a gross +exaggeration; and allusion should have been +made to the violent and demagogic attacks +upon corporations, which are even more common +than and are quite as noxious as acts of +oppression by corporations.] They maintain +their own members in the legislative +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span>bodies—pocket Assemblymen, pocket Representatives, +pocket Senators. In the name of +individual freedom and industrial progress +they have become the tyrants of the whole +community. Lawless greed on one side, and +lawless brutality on the other—the outlook +frowns. On the wisdom of the rulers of the +country in salving or embittering these antagonisms—still +more, on the fortune of the +people in either modifying or hardening their +present conviction that to get dollars is the +one end of life—it depends whether the +future of the United States is to be of eminent +beneficence or unspeakable disaster. It +may stretch out the light of liberty to the +whole world. It may become the devil’s +drill-ground where the cohorts of anarchy +will furnish themselves against the social +Armageddon.”</p> + +<p>Mr. Steevens here clearly points out, what +every one ought to recognize, that if individualism +is left absolutely uncontrolled as a +modern business condition, the curious result +will follow that all power of individual +achievement and individual effort in the +average man will be crushed out just as effectively +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span>as if the State took absolute control of +everything. It would be easy to name several +big corporations, each one of which has +within its sphere crushed out all competition +so as to make, not only its rivals, but its customers +as dependent upon it as if the Government +had assumed complete charge of the +product. It would, in my judgment, be a +very unhealthy thing for the Government thus +to assume complete charge; but it is even +more unhealthy to permit a private monopoly +thus to assume it. The simple truth is that +the defenders of the theory of unregulated +lawlessness in the business world are either +insincere, or blind to the facts, when they +speak of their system as permitting a healthy +individualism and individual initiative. On +the contrary, it crushes out individualism; +save in a very few able and powerful men, +who tend to become dictators in the business +world precisely as in the old days a Spanish-American +president tended to become a dictator +in the political world.</p> + +<p>Moreover, where there is absolute lawlessness, +absolute failure by the State to control +or supervise these great corporations, the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span>inevitable result is to favor, among these very +able men of business, the man who is unscrupulous +and cunning. The unscrupulous +big man who gets complete control of a given +forest tract, or of a network of railways +which alone give access to a certain region, +or who, in combination with his fellows, +acquires control of a certain industry, may +crush out in the great mass of citizens affected +all individual initiative quite as much as it +would be crushed out by State control. The +very reason why we object to State ownership, +that it puts a stop to individual initiative and +to the healthy development of personal responsibility, +is the reason why we object to +an unsupervised, unchecked monopolistic control +in private hands. We urge control and +supervision by the Nation as an antidote to +the movement for State Socialism. Those +who advocate total lack of regulation, those +who advocate lawlessness in the business +world, themselves give the strongest impulse +to what I believe would be the deadening +movement towards State Socialism.</p> + +<p>There must be law to control the big men, +and therefore especially the big corporations, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span>in the industrial world, in the interest of our +industrial democracy of to-day. This law +must be efficient, and therefore it must be +administered by executive officers, and not by +lawsuits in the courts. If this is not done, the +agitation to increase out of all measure the +share of the Government in this work will +receive an enormous impetus. The movement +for Government control of the great +business corporations is no more a movement +against liberty than a movement to put a +stop to violence is a movement against liberty. +On the contrary, in each case alike it is a +movement for liberty; in the one case a movement +on behalf of the hard-working man of +small means, just as in the other case it is a +movement on behalf of the peaceable citizen +who does not wish a “liberty” which puts him +at the mercy of any rowdy who is stronger +than he is. The huge irresponsible corporation +which demands liberty from the supervision +of Government agents stands on the +same ground as the less dangerous criminal +of the streets who wishes liberty from police +interference.</p> + +<p>But there is an even more important lesson +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span>for us Americans to learn, and this also is +touched upon in what I have quoted above. +It is not true, as Mr. Steevens says, that +Americans feel that the one end of life is to +get dollars; but the statement contains a very +unpleasant element of truth. The hard materialism +of greed is just as objectionable as +the hard materialism of brutality, and the +greed of the “haves” is just as objectionable +as the greed of the “have-nots;” and no more +so. The envious and sinister creature who +declaims against a great corporation because +he really desires himself to enjoy what in +hard, selfish, brutal fashion the head of that +great corporation enjoys, offers a spectacle +which is both sad and repellent. The brutal +arrogance and grasping greed of the one man +are in reality the same thing as the bitter envy +and hatred and grasping greed of the other. +That kind of “have” and that kind of “have-not” +stand on the same eminence of infamy. +It is as important for the one as for the other +to learn the lesson of the true relations of life. +Of course, the first duty of any man is to pay +his own way, to be able to earn his own livelihood, +to support himself and his wife and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span>his children and those dependent upon him. +He must be able to give those for whom it is +his duty to care, food and clothing, shelter, +medicine, an education, a legitimate chance +for reasonable and healthy amusements, and +the opportunity to acquire the knowledge and +power which will fit them in their turn to do +good work in the world. When once a man +has reached this point, which of course will +vary greatly under different conditions, then +he has reached the point where other things +become immensely more important than adding +to his wealth. It is emphatically right, +indeed I am tempted to say it is emphatically +the first duty of each American, “to get +dollars,” as Mr. Steevens contemptuously +phrased it; for this is only another way of +saying that it is his first duty to earn his own +living. But it is not his only duty, by a great +deal; and after the living has been earned, +getting dollars should come far behind many +other duties.</p> + +<p>Yet another thing. No movement ever +has done or ever will do good in this country +where assault is made not upon evil wherever +found, but simply upon evil as it happens to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span>be found in a particular class. The big newspaper, +owned or controlled in Wall Street, +which is everlastingly preaching about the +iniquity of laboring men, which is quite willing +to hound politicians for their misdeeds, +but which with raving fury defends all the +malefactors of great wealth, stands on an +exact level with, and neither above nor below, +that other newspaper whose whole attack +is upon men of wealth, which declines to +condemn, or else condemns in apologetic, perfunctory, +and wholly inefficient manner, outrages +committed by labor. This is the kind +of paper which by torrents of foul abuse +seeks to stir up a bitter class hatred against +every man of means simply because he is a +man of means, against every man of wealth, +whether he is an honest man who by industry +and ability has honorably won his wealth, and +who honorably spends it, or a man whose +wealth represents robbery and whose life +represents either profligacy, or at best an inane, +useless, and tasteless extravagance. This +country cannot afford to let its conscience +grow warped and twisted, as it must grow if +it takes either one of these two positions. We +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span>must draw the line not on wealth nor on +poverty, but on conduct. We must stand for +the good citizen because he is a good citizen, +whether he be rich or whether he be poor, +and we must mercilessly attack the man who +does evil, wholly without regard to whether +the evil is done in high or low places, whether +it takes the form of homicidal violence among +members of a federation of miners, or of +unscrupulous craft and greed in the head of +some great Wall Street corporation.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span></p> + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Poverty"> + Give Me Neither Poverty Nor + Riches + </h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span></p> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span></p> +</div> + + +<p class="cap">In one of Lowell’s biting satires he holds +up to special scorn the smug, conscienceless +creature who refuses to consider the +morality of any question of social ethics by +remarking that “they didn’t know everything +down in Judee.” It is to be wished that some +of those who preach and practice a gospel of +mere materialism and greed, and who speak +as if the heaping up of wealth by the community +or by the individual were in itself the +be-all and end-all of life, would learn from +the most widely read and oldest of books that +true wisdom which teaches that it is well +to have neither great poverty nor great riches. +Worst of all is it to have great poverty and +great riches side by side in constant contrast. +Nevertheless, even this contrast can be accepted +if men are convinced that the riches +are accumulated as the result of great service +rendered to the people as a whole, and if +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span>their use is regulated in the interest of the +whole community.</p> + +<p>The movement which has become so strong +during the past few years to secure on behalf +of the Nation both an adequate supervision +of and an effective taxation of vast fortunes, +so far as their business use is concerned, is a +healthy movement. It aims to replace sullen +discontent, restless pessimism, and evil preparation +for revolution, by an aggressive, +healthy determination to get to the bottom of +our troubles and remedy them. To halt in +the movement, as those blinded men wish who +care only for the immediate relief from all +obstacles which would thwart their getting +what is not theirs, would work wide-reaching +damage. Such a halt would turn away the +energies of the energetic and forceful men +who desire to reform matters, from a legitimate +object, into the channel of bitter and +destructive agitation. The reader of Prince +Kropotkin’s Memoirs must be struck by the +damage wrought to Russia by the unwise opponents +of all reform, who, by opposing every +sensible movement for betterment, turned the +energies of the young men who under happier +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span>conditions would have worked for rational +betterment into the channels of a useless and +destructive revolutionary movement.</p> + +<p>The multimillionaire is not <em>per se</em> a healthy +development in this country. If his fortune +rests on a basis of wrong-doing, he is a far +more dangerous criminal than any of the +ordinary types of criminals can possibly be. +If his fortune is the result of great service +rendered, well and good; he deserves respect +and reward for such service—although we +must remember to pay our homage to the +service itself, and not to the fortune which is +the mere reward of the service; but when his +fortune is passed on to some one else, who has +not rendered the service, then the Nation +should impose a heavily graded progressive +inheritance tax, a singularly wise and unobjectionable +kind of tax. It would be a particularly +good thing if the tax bore heaviest on +absentees.</p> + + + + +<hr class="chap"> +<div class="tnote"> +<p class="noi tntitle">Transcriber’s Notes:</p> + +<p class="smfont">Punctuation and spelling inaccuracies were silently corrected.</p> + +<p class="smfont">Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.</p> + +<p class="smfont">Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved.</p> +</div> + +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77590 ***</div> +</body> +</html> + diff --git a/77590-h/images/cover.jpg b/77590-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..6a992df --- /dev/null +++ b/77590-h/images/cover.jpg diff --git a/77590-h/images/cover_sm.jpg b/77590-h/images/cover_sm.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..c50b269 --- /dev/null +++ b/77590-h/images/cover_sm.jpg diff --git a/77590-h/images/i_chflower.jpg b/77590-h/images/i_chflower.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..d2ca41e --- /dev/null +++ b/77590-h/images/i_chflower.jpg diff --git a/77590-h/images/i_frontispeice.jpg b/77590-h/images/i_frontispeice.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..88440f0 --- /dev/null +++ b/77590-h/images/i_frontispeice.jpg diff --git a/77590-h/images/i_tpflower.jpg b/77590-h/images/i_tpflower.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..a3df73e --- /dev/null +++ b/77590-h/images/i_tpflower.jpg |
