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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77590 ***
+
+
+
+
+                           Outlook Editorials
+
+
+
+
+                   [Illustration: Theodore Roosevelt
+
+                   At His Desk in the Outlook Office]
+
+
+
+
+                           Outlook Editorials
+
+                           Theodore Roosevelt
+
+                             [Illustration]
+
+
+                                New York
+                          The Outlook Company
+                                  1909
+
+
+
+
+                           Copyright 1909 by
+                          The Outlook Company
+                                New York
+                          All rights reserved
+
+
+
+
+                     The first eleven editorials of
+                     Theodore Roosevelt, published
+                       in The Outlook from March
+                       sixth to July seventeenth,
+                       nineteen hundred and nine
+
+
+
+
+                     Contents
+
+
+                                             PAGE
+
+ Why I Believe in the Kind of American
+   Journalism for Which The Outlook Stands      1
+
+ A Judicial Experience                         11
+
+ A Scientific Expedition                       23
+
+ Where We Cannot Work With Socialists          29
+
+ Where We Can Work With Socialists             51
+
+ Quack Cure-Alls for the Body Politic          65
+
+ The Japanese Question                         71
+
+ Tolstoy                                       81
+
+ A Southerner’s View of the South              95
+
+ The Thraldom of Names                        101
+
+ Give Me Neither Poverty Nor Riches           121
+
+
+
+
+                          _By Way of Welcome_
+
+                  _From The Outlook of March 6, 1909_
+
+                             [Illustration]
+
+
+_It would be a singular affectation to introduce to the readers of
+The Outlook its new Associate Editor, Theodore Roosevelt. He is the
+most widely known representative of the present world movement towards
+industrial democracy. It is needless here to describe that movement,
+so fully has it been described by editorials in The Outlook, and by
+the public addresses and state papers of the retiring President of the
+United States. Unconsciously co-operating, we have pursued a common
+end, which in the future we shall pursue in conscious co-operation.
+Our object is to bring the industrial institutions of democracy into
+harmony with its political and educational institutions. Our resolve
+is that the money power in America, as its political and educational
+power, shall come from the people, be exercised for the people, and
+be controlled by the people. Our motto is, Special privilege for
+none, equality of opportunity for all. In the name of the editorial
+and publishing departments of The Outlook, I frankly acknowledge our
+gratification that Theodore Roosevelt has chosen this journal to be the
+medium for his published utterances on social, economic and political
+subjects, and in their name I welcome him as an Associate to its
+editorial staff._
+
+                                                     _LYMAN ABBOTT._
+
+
+
+
+       Why I Believe in the Kind of American Journalism for Which
+                           The Outlook Stands
+
+
+I first came into close contact with The Outlook when Governor of New
+York, ten years ago, and I speedily grew to have a peculiar feeling
+of respect and regard for Dr. Abbott and his associates. We did not
+always agree, and as our convictions were strong our disagreements were
+sometimes positive; but experience taught me that, in the first place,
+Dr. Abbott and his associates always conscientiously strove to be fair,
+and that, in the second place, they not only desired to tell the truth,
+but made a serious endeavor to find out the facts. I found, moreover,
+that they combined to a peculiar degree a number of qualities, each of
+them good, but rarely found in combination.
+
+Every owner, editor, or reporter of a conscientiously and ably
+conducted newspaper or periodical is an asset of real value to
+the whole community. It would be difficult to overestimate the
+amount of good which can be done by the men responsible for such a
+publication――responsible for its editorial columns, responsible for
+its news columns, responsible for its general policy. We have many
+newspapers and periodicals, big and little, of this kind. But we also
+have many that are emphatically not of this kind.
+
+During the last few years it has become lamentably evident that certain
+daily newspapers, certain periodicals, are owned or controlled by men
+of vast wealth who have gained their wealth in evil fashion, who desire
+to stifle or twist the honest expression of public opinion, and who
+find an instrument fit for their purpose in the guided and purchased
+mendacity of those who edit and write for such papers and periodicals.
+This style of sordid evil does not even constitute a temptation to The
+Outlook; no influence of any kind could make the men who control The
+Outlook so much as consider the question of abandonment of duty; and
+they hold as their first duty inflexible adherence to the elementary
+virtues of entire truth, entire courage, entire honesty.
+
+Moreover, they are as far removed as the poles from the apostles of
+that hideous yellow journalism which makes a cult of the mendacious,
+the sensational, and the inane, and which, throughout its wide but
+vapid field, does as much to vulgarize and degrade the popular taste,
+to weaken the popular character, and to dull the edge of the popular
+conscience, as any influence under which the country can suffer.
+These men sneer at the very idea of paying heed to the dictates of
+a sound morality; as one of their number has cynically put it, they
+are concerned merely with selling the public whatever the public
+will buy――a theory of conduct which would justify the existence of
+every keeper of an opium den, of every foul creature who ministers to
+the vices of mankind. Here, again, it is perhaps not especially to
+the credit of Dr. Abbott and his associates that they have avoided
+this pit; fortunately, they are so constituted that it is a simple
+impossibility for them to fall into it.
+
+But they do deserve very great credit for avoiding another type of
+temptation which has much fascination for men of cultivation and
+of refined taste, and which is quite as fatal to their usefulness
+as indulgence in yellow journalism. A newspaper or periodical
+which avoids vulgar sensationalism, which takes and cultivates an
+interest in serious matters, and things literary, artistic, and
+scientific――which, in short, appeals to people of taste, intelligence,
+and cultivation――may nevertheless do them grave harm, and be within
+its own rather narrow limits an element of serious mischief; for it
+may habitually and consistently practice a malign and slanderous
+untruthfulness which, though more refined than, is at least as
+immoral as, the screaming sensationalism of any representative of
+the journalism which it affects to despise. A cultivated man of good
+intelligence who has acquired the knack of saying bitter things, but
+who lacks the robustness which will enable him to feel at ease among
+strong men of action, is apt, if his nature has in it anything of
+meanness or untruthfulness, to strive for a reputation in what is to
+him the easiest way. He can find no work which is easier――and less
+worth doing――than to sit in cloistered aloofness from the men who
+wage the real and important struggles of life and to endeavor, by an
+unceasing output of slander in regard to them, to bolster up his own
+uneasy desire to be considered superior to them. Now a paper edited by
+men of this stamp does not have much popular influence, and therefore
+is less detrimental to the people at large than yellow journalism; but
+it may, to the extent of its power, exert a very real influence for
+evil, by the way in which it teaches young men of good education, whose
+talents should be at their country’s service, that decent and upright
+public men are as properly subjects of foul attack as the most debased
+corruptionist; that efficiency and wickedness are interchangeable;
+and that the correct attitude to adopt, in facing the giant problems
+of our great and troubled time, is one of sneering and supercilious
+untruthfulness.
+
+Dr. Abbott and his associates have avoided this pitfall also. With
+them cultivation and good taste have not implied weakness. Demand for
+righteousness in others has not led to abandonment of truth on their
+own part.
+
+The Outlook has stood for righteousness, but it has never been
+self-righteous. It stands for the things of the spirit, and yet it
+remembers the needs of the body. It serves lofty ideals, it believes
+in a lofty idealism. But it knows that common sense is essential above
+all other qualities to the idealist; for an idealist without common
+sense, without the capacity to work in hard, practical fashion for
+actual results, is merely a boat that is all sails, and with neither
+ballast nor rudder. The Outlook’s belief in gentleness and tenderness,
+in the spirit of brotherly love, never blinds it to the necessity
+of cultivating those hardy, rugged, and vigorous qualities for the
+want of which in the individual as in the Nation, no gentleness,
+no cultivation, and, above all, no gift of money-making and no
+self-indulgence in the soft ease of living, can in any way atone.
+
+The Outlook has shown a fine scorn of untruth in every form, of
+unfairness and injustice to any man or any cause. It is not given to
+humanity never to err; but The Outlook makes a resolute effort to
+find out what the facts actually are before passing judgment. With it
+earnestness and strength of conviction go hand in hand with a sincere
+desire to see and to state the other man’s point of view. It believes
+that things in this world can be made better, but it does not indorse
+quixotic movements which would merely leave things worse. It champions
+the rights of the many. It desires in every way to represent, to guide
+aright, and to uphold the interests of those whom Abraham Lincoln
+called the plain people. It feels a peculiar desire to do all that
+can be done for the poor and the oppressed, and to help upward those
+struggling to better themselves. But it has no sympathy with moral
+weakness or sentimentality. All that it can do it does and will do for
+the cause of labor; but it will in no shape or way condone violence or
+disorder. It stands for the rights of property, and therefore against
+the abuses of property. It believes in a wise individualism, and in
+encouragement of individual initiative; and therefore all the more it
+believes in using the collective force of the whole people to do what
+but for the use of that collective force must be left undone.
+
+I am glad to be associated with Dr. Abbott and the group of men and
+women he has gathered around him, because they practice what they
+preach; and because they preach the things that are most necessary to
+the salvation of this people. It is their earnest belief that every man
+must earn enough to support himself and those dependent upon him; but
+that when once this has been accomplished, money immediately becomes
+secondary to many other things. In this matter The Outlook puts its
+principles into practice. It strives in proper ways to make money. If
+it did not make money it could not be run at all. But making money is
+not the prime reason for its existence. The first question asked when
+any matter of policy arises, so far as The Outlook is concerned, is
+whether or not a given course is right, and should be followed because
+it is in the real and lasting interest of the Nation. If this question
+is answered in the affirmative, then The Outlook follows the course
+indicated with all the courage, earnestness, and ability that are at
+its disposal.
+
+
+
+
+                         A Judicial Experience
+
+
+A year after leaving Harvard I ran for the New York Legislature and was
+elected. In the Legislature I was soon brought in contact with various
+advocates of what is known as labor legislation; and I eyed both them
+and their schemes with great distrust. When in Harvard I had studied
+what were then considered the orthodox political economists; and after
+leaving college the older men whom I met were for the most part lawyers
+or business men of wealth who quite sincerely took the ordinary wealthy
+business man’s view of labor matters. Moreover, in the Legislature,
+most of the men who professed a loud and ardent interest in the welfare
+of the laboring man were exceedingly unattractive persons, who, to put
+it mildly, did not impress one as being either sincere or honest. Many
+of the labor bills which were introduced were foolish, and were urged
+in a transparently demagogic spirit, and the labor leaders who came to
+Albany to argue for them eyed me with a suspicion which I cordially
+reciprocated. Most of them, I am now inclined to think, were by no
+means of the best type; and I, in my turn, because of my surroundings
+both in the classroom and in the social and business world, was alert
+to pick flaws in anything concerning a labor union, and possessed a
+self-satisfied narrowness in approaching all labor questions which must
+have been highly exasperating to my opponents.
+
+My college training had biased me against all governmental schemes for
+the betterment of the social and industrial conditions of laborers,
+or for the control of corporations. The education which I afterwards
+received in these matters, and which completely changed my views,
+was gained partly from books, but more from actual experience in
+governmental work, and from a constantly widening and more intimate
+knowledge of the real life of different bodies of our people. My
+first step in this education began when, after leaving college, I
+joined, and endeavored to make myself count in, my local Republican
+association――instead of joining some parlor gathering of well-meaning
+dilettante reformers.
+
+The labor unions had been demanding legislation to stop the manufacture
+of cigars in tenement-houses, and during my second term in Albany the
+Assembly appointed a committee to look into the conditions. My belief
+is that the committee was appointed with the hope that it would not
+recommend any change in the law, and that I was put on because, on
+account of my education and social surroundings, it was supposed that
+I would naturally take this view; and I certainly expected to take it.
+One of my colleagues was a then well-known sporting Tammany politician
+who afterwards abandoned politics and became a professional racing
+man. There were many points on which our theories of ethics were as
+far asunder as the poles; but I soon discovered that there were other
+matters, and some of these of fundamental importance, on which we
+thought alike, and our association ended in mutual respect and good
+will. Soon after the investigation started I told him that I was a good
+deal shocked at what I had seen, and was wavering in my preconceived
+opinions. He answered by saying that, as far as he personally was
+concerned, he was pledged in advance against recommending any change
+in the law, but that he had known that I was a free agent and had
+all along believed that when I looked into the matter for myself I
+would be a very ardent advocate of the change. He was quite right
+in his supposition. The investigation convinced me beyond shadow of
+doubt that to permit the manufacture of cigars in tenement-houses,
+which necessarily meant their manufacture not only by the men but by
+the women and children of the poverty-stricken immigrants who were
+engaged in the task, was an evil thing from every standpoint, social,
+industrial, and hygienic. I accordingly cordially supported the
+bill; which made a large number of my friends regard me as erratic
+and dangerous, or else as influenced by demagogic motives. The bill
+was badly drawn. No lawyer of any note had been consulted; there was
+no one to pay such a lawyer. When it passed both houses, the then
+Governor, Grover Cleveland, appointed a day for a hearing, and the
+labor unions asked me to appear. Appear we did, several good counsel
+being against us, while on our side there were, besides myself, merely
+five or six representatives of the cigar-makers’ union, all of them
+foreigners――battered-looking men, with whom the battle of life had
+evidently gone hard. As this was long before I had established any
+real relations with, or had any real understanding of, the unions,
+while they felt that I was a crank, influenced by incomprehensible
+motives, we worked on entirely independent lines, neither side
+feeling altogether comfortable in the relationship. However, the main
+argument――and indeed almost the only argument――for the bill was made
+by me. I answered various questions which the Governor put to me. He
+afterwards called me up and told me that, though he felt very doubtful,
+yet that, in view of the state of facts I had set forth, he would sign
+the bill.
+
+The employers and tenement-house owners immediately contested the
+constitutionality of the act, and after the usual long delays the
+highest State court finally pronounced the measure invalid. The
+cigar-makers were poor, and the great majority of them were ignorant
+foreigners. They had no money and no special influence even in the
+world of labor. They could not employ counsel either to draw their
+bill well in the first place, or to present their case to the best
+advantage when it was before the courts. The great mass of respectable,
+well-to-do people were nervously sensitive to attacks on what they
+considered the rights of property, and regarded as an infringement on
+these rights any effort to correct the abuses of property. The judges,
+as was quite natural, shared the feelings of the classes from which
+they were drawn, and with which they associated. The decision went
+against the dwellers in the tenement-houses. Anything like an effective
+reformation of tenement-house conditions was thereby deferred for
+fifteen or twenty years, and during that time men, women, and children
+were guaranteed their “liberty” to fester in sodden misery.
+
+The judges invoked a technical construction of the Constitution in
+order to declare invalid a law deliberately enacted by the legislative
+body; a law which I firmly believe it was entirely in the province of
+the Legislature to pass. Every consideration of public morals and
+public weal demanded that it should be declared valid. At the present
+day few courts in any State of the Union would make such a decision
+as was then made; yet the judges making it were learned in the law,
+and according to their own lights were upright and honorable men.
+But they were men without any sympathetic understanding or knowledge
+of the needs and conditions of life of the great mass of their
+fellow-countrymen. If those judges had understood “how the other half
+lived,” if they had possessed a working knowledge of tenement-houses
+and factories, of tenement-house dwellers and factory workers, and of
+the lives that were lived where the tenement-house and the factory were
+one and the same, I am absolutely certain that they would have rendered
+no such decision as was rendered. They knew the life of the well-to-do,
+both the business life and the home life. They knew nothing of the
+lives of those who were not well-to-do. It was this lack of knowledge
+and the attendant lack of sympathetic understanding that formed the
+real barrier between the judges and a wise judgment.
+
+My reason for relating this anecdote is because from that day to this I
+have felt an ever-growing conviction of the need of having on the bench
+men who, in addition to being learned in the law and upright, shall
+possess a broad understanding of and sympathy with their countrymen
+as a whole, so that the questions of humanity and of social justice
+shall not be considered by them as wholly inferior to the defense of
+vested rights or the upholding of liberty of contract. A hair-splitting
+refinement in decisions may result in as much damage to the community
+as if the judge were actually corrupt. Freedom of contract should be
+permitted only so far as is compatible with the best interests of
+the community; and when vested rights become intrenched wrongs, they
+should be overturned. I do not for one moment believe that the mass of
+our judges are actuated by any but worthy motives. Nevertheless, I do
+believe that they often signally fail to protect the laboring man and
+the laboring man’s widow and children in their just rights, and that
+heartbreaking and pitiful injustice too often results therefrom; and
+this primarily because our judges lack either the opportunity or the
+power thoroughly to understand the working man’s and working woman’s
+position and vital needs.
+
+There are many judges, from the Supreme Court of the Nation down
+to the district bench in each State, who do possess this sympathy
+and understanding, in addition to uprightness, trained ability,
+broad intelligence, and entire fearlessness in the face of wrong,
+whether committed by capitalist or by laboring men; such judges are
+the best and most useful of all our public servants; public opinion
+should uphold them as clearly as it condemns their short-sighted and
+narrow-minded brethren.
+
+
+
+
+                        A Scientific Expedition
+
+
+I am about to go to Africa as the head of the Smithsonian expedition.
+It is a scientific expedition. We shall collect birds and mammals for
+the National Museum at Washington, and nothing will be shot unless
+for food, or for preservation as a specimen, or unless, of course,
+the animal is of a noxious kind. There will be no wanton destruction
+whatever.
+
+I very earnestly hope that no representative of any newspaper or
+magazine will try to accompany me or to interview me during any portion
+of my trip. Until I actually get to the wilderness my trip will be
+precisely like any other conventional trip on a steamboat or railway.
+It will afford nothing to write about, and will afford no excuse or
+warrant for any one sending to any newspaper a line in reference
+thereto. After I reach the wilderness of course no one outside of my
+own party will be with me, and if any one pretends to be with me or
+pretends to write as to what I do, his statements should be accepted
+as on their face not merely false but ludicrous. Any statement
+purporting to have been made by me, or attributed to me, which may
+be sent to newspapers, should be accepted as certainly false and as
+calling for no denial from me. So far as possible I shall avoid seeing
+my representative of the press, and shall not knowingly have any
+conversation on any subject whatever with any representative of the
+press beyond exchanging the ordinary civilities or courtesies. I am a
+private citizen, and I am entitled to enjoy the privacy that should be
+the private citizen’s right. My trip will have no public bearing of
+any kind or description. It is undertaken for the National Museum at
+Washington, and is simply a collecting trip for the Museum. It will be
+extremely distasteful to me and of no possible benefit to any human
+being to try to report or exploit the trip, or to send any one with
+me, or to have any one try to meet me or see me with a view to such
+reporting or exploitation. Let me repeat that while I am on steamer or
+railway there will be nothing whatever to report; that when I leave
+the railway for the wilderness no persons will have any knowledge which
+will enable them to report anything, and that any report is to be
+accepted as presumably false.
+
+
+
+
+                  Where We Cannot Work With Socialists
+
+
+It is always difficult to discuss a question when it proves impossible
+to define the terms in which that question is to be discussed.
+Therefore there is not much to be gained by a discussion of Socialism
+_versus_ Individualism in the abstract. Neither absolute Individualism
+nor absolute Socialism would be compatible with civilization at all;
+and among the arguments of the extremists of either side the only
+unanswerable ones are those which show the absurdity of the position of
+the other. Not so much as the first step towards real civilization can
+be taken until there arises some development of the right of private
+property; that is, until men pass out of the stage of savage socialism
+in which the violent and the thriftless forcibly constitute themselves
+co-heirs with the industrious and the intelligent in what the labor
+of the latter produces. But it is equally true that every step toward
+civilization is marked by a check on individualism. The ages that
+have passed have fettered the individualism which found expression in
+physical violence, and we are now endeavoring to put shackles on that
+kind of individualism which finds expression in craft and greed. There
+is growth in all such matters. The individualism of the Tweed Ring type
+would have seemed both commonplace and meritorious to the Merovingian
+Franks, where it was not entirely beyond their comprehension; and so
+in future ages, if the world progresses as we hope and believe it will
+progress, the standards of conduct which permit individuals to make
+money out of pestilential tenements or by the manipulation of stocks,
+or to refuse to share with their employees the dreadful burdens laid
+upon the latter by the inevitable physical risks in a given business,
+will seem as amazing to our descendants as we now find the standards
+of a society which regarded Clovis and his immediate successors as
+pre-eminently fit for leadership.
+
+With those self-styled Socialists to whom “Socialism” is merely
+a vaguely conceived catchword, and who use it to express their
+discontent with existing wrongs and their purpose to correct them,
+there is not much need of discussion. So far as they make any proposals
+which are not foolish, and which tend towards betterment, we can act
+with them. But the real, logical, advanced Socialists, who teach their
+faith as both a creed and a party platform, may deceive to their ruin
+decent and well-meaning but short-sighted men; and there is need of
+plain speaking in order accurately to show the trend of their teaching.
+
+The immorality and absurdity of the doctrines of Socialism as
+propounded by these advanced advocates are quite as great as those of
+the advocates, if such there be, of an unlimited individualism. As
+an academic matter there is more need of refutation of the creed of
+absolute Socialism than of the creed of absolute individualism; for it
+happens that at the present time a greater number of visionaries, both
+sinister and merely dreamy, believe in the former than in the latter.
+One difficulty in arguing with professed Socialists of the extreme,
+or indeed of the opportunist type, however, is that those of them who
+are sincere almost invariably suffer from great looseness of thought;
+for if they did not keep their faith nebulous, it would at once become
+abhorrent in the eyes of any upright and sensible man. The doctrinaire
+Socialists, the extremists, the men who represent the doctrine in its
+most advanced form, are, and must necessarily be, not only convinced
+opponents of private property, but also bitterly hostile to religion
+and morality; in short, they must be opposed to all those principles
+through which, and through which alone, even an imperfect civilization
+can be built up by slow advances through the ages.
+
+Indeed, these thoroughgoing Socialists occupy, in relation to
+all morality, and especially to domestic morality, a position so
+revolting――and I choose my words carefully――that it is difficult
+even to discuss it in a reputable paper. In America the leaders even
+of this type have usually been cautious about stating frankly that
+they proposed to substitute free love for married and family life
+as we have it, although many of them do in a round-about way uphold
+this position. In places on the continent of Europe, however, they
+are more straightforward, their attitude being that of one of the
+extreme French Socialist writers, M. Gabriel Deville, who announces
+that the Socialists intend to do away with both prostitution and
+marriage, which he regards as equally wicked――his method of doing away
+with prostitution being to make unchastity universal. Professor Carl
+Pearson, a leading English Socialist, states their position exactly:
+“The sex relation of the future will not be regarded as a union for
+the birth of children, but as the closest form of friendship between
+man and woman. It will be accompanied by no child bearing or rearing,
+or by this in a much more limited number than at present. With the sex
+relationship, so long as it does not result in children, we hold that
+the State in the future will in no wise interfere, but when it does
+result in children, then the State will have a right to interfere.”
+He then goes on to point out that in order to save the woman from
+“economic dependence” upon the father of her children, the children
+will be raised at the expense of the State; the usual plan being to
+have huge buildings like foundling asylums.
+
+Mr. Pearson is a scientific man who, in his own realm, is as worthy
+of serious heed as Mr. Flinders Petrie, whom I mention later, is in
+his realm; and the above quotation states in naked form just what
+logical scientific Socialism would really come to. Aside from its
+thoroughly repulsive quality, it ought not to be necessary to point
+out that the condition of affairs aimed at would in actual practice
+bring about the destruction of the race within, at most, a couple of
+generations; and such destruction is heartily to be desired for any
+race of such infamous character as to tolerate such a system. Moreover,
+the ultra-Socialists of our own country have shown by their attitude
+towards one of their leaders, Mr. Herron, that, so far as law and
+public sentiment will permit, they are now ready to try to realize the
+ideals set forth by Messrs. Deville and Pearson. As for Mr. Herron, I
+commend to those who desire to verify what I have said, the article in
+the Boston Congregationalist of June 15, 1901; and to those, by the
+way, who have not the time to hunt up all the original authorities,
+I would commend a book called “Socialism; the Nation of Fatherless
+Children,” a book dedicated to the American Federation of Labor. The
+chapters on Free Love, Homeless Children, and Two Socialist Leaders are
+especially worth reading by any one who is for the moment confused by
+the statements of certain Socialist leaders to the effect that advanced
+Socialism does not contemplate an attack upon marriage and the family.
+
+These same Socialist leaders, with a curious effrontery, at times deny
+that the exponents of “scientific Socialism” assume a position as
+regards industry which in condensed form may be stated as, that each
+man is to do what work he can, or, in other words, chooses, and in
+return is to take out from the common fund whatever he needs; or, what
+amounts to the same thing, that each man shall have equal remuneration
+with every other man, no matter what work is done. If they will turn
+to a little book recently written in England called “The Case Against
+Socialism,” they will find by looking at, say, pages 229 and 300, or
+indeed almost at random through the book, quotations from recognized
+Socialist leaders taking exactly this position; indeed, it is the
+position generally taken――though it is often opposed or qualified,
+for Socialist leaders usually think confusedly, and often occupy
+inconsistent positions. Mrs. Besant, for instance, putting it pithily,
+says that we must come to the “equal remuneration of all workers;” and
+one of her colleagues, that “the whole of our creed is that industry
+shall be carried on, not for the profit of those engaged in it, whether
+masters or men, but for the benefit of the community.... It is not for
+the miners, bootmakers, or shop assistants as such that we Socialists
+claim the profits of industry, but for the citizen.” In our own
+country, in “Socialism Made Plain,” a book officially circulated by the
+Milwaukee division of the Socialist party, the statement is explicit:
+“Under the labor time-check medium of exchange proposed by Socialists,
+any laborer could exchange the wealth he produced in any given number
+of hours for the wealth produced by any other laborer in the same
+number of hours.” It is unnecessary to point out that the pleasing idea
+of these writers could be realized only if the State undertook the duty
+of taskmaster, for otherwise it is not conceivable that anybody whose
+work would be worth anything would work at all under such conditions.
+Under this type of Socialism, therefore, or communism, the government
+would have to be the most drastic possible despotism; a despotism so
+drastic that its realization would only be an ideal. Of course in
+practice such a system could not work at all; and incidentally the mere
+attempt to realize it would necessarily be accompanied by a corruption
+so gross that the blackest spot of corruption in any existing form of
+city government would seem bright by comparison.
+
+In other words, on the social and domestic side doctrinaire Socialism
+would replace the family and home life by a glorified State free-lunch
+counter and State foundling asylum, deliberately enthroning
+self-indulgence as the ideal, with, on its darker side, the absolute
+abandonment of all morality as between man and woman; while in place
+of what Socialists are pleased to call “wage slavery” there would be
+created a system which would necessitate either the prompt dying out
+of the community through sheer starvation, or an iron despotism over
+all workers, compared to which any slave system of the past would seem
+beneficent, because less utterly hopeless.
+
+“Advanced” Socialist leaders are fond of declaiming against patriotism,
+of announcing their movement as international, and of claiming to treat
+all men alike; but on this point, as on all others, their system would
+not stand for one moment the test of actual experiment. If the leaders
+of the Socialist party in America should to-day endeavor to force their
+followers to admit all negroes and Chinamen to a real equality, their
+party would promptly disband, and, rather than submit to such putting
+into effect of their avowed purpose, would, as a literal fact, follow
+any capitalistic organization as an alternative.
+
+It is not accident that makes thoroughgoing and radical Socialists
+adopt the principles of free love as a necessary sequence to insisting
+that no man shall have the right to what he earns. When Socialism of
+this really advanced and logical type is tried as it was in France in
+1792, and again under the Commune in 1871, it is inevitable that the
+movement, ushered in with every kind of high-sounding phrase, should
+rapidly spread so as to include, not merely the forcible acquisition
+of the property of others, but every conceivable form of monetary
+corruption, immorality, licentiousness, and murderous violence. In
+theory, distinctions can be drawn between this kind of Socialism and
+anarchy and nihilism; but in practice, as in 1871, the apostles of
+all three act together; and if the doctrines of any of them could
+be applied universally, all the troubles of society would indeed
+cease, because society itself would cease. The poor and the helpless,
+especially women and children, would be the first to die out, and the
+few survivors would go back to the condition of skin-clad savages, so
+that the whole painful and laborious work of social development would
+have to begin over again. Of course, long before such an event really
+happened the Socialistic régime would have been overturned, and in
+the reaction men would welcome any kind of one-man tyranny that was
+compatible with the existence of civilization.
+
+So much for the academic side of unadulterated, or, as its advocates
+style it, “advanced scientific” Socialism. Its representatives in
+this country who have practically striven to act up to their extreme
+doctrines, and have achieved leadership in any one of the branches of
+the Socialist party, especially the parlor Socialists and the like,
+be they lay or clerical, deserve scant consideration at the hands of
+honest and clean-living men and women. What their movement leads to may
+be gathered from the fact that in the last Presidential election they
+nominated and voted for a man who earns his livelihood as the editor of
+a paper which not merely practices every form of malignant and brutal
+slander, but condones and encourages every form of brutal wrong-doing,
+so long as either the slander or the violence is supposed to be at the
+expense of a man who owns something, wholly without regard to whether
+that man is himself a scoundrel, or a wise, kind, and helpful member of
+the community. As for the so-called Christian Socialists who associate
+themselves with this movement, they either are or ought to be aware of
+the pornographic literature, the pornographic propaganda, which make up
+one side of the movement; a pornographic side which is entirely proper
+in a movement that in this country accepts as one of its heads a man
+whose domestic immorality has been so open and flagrant as to merit
+the epithet of shameless. That criminal nonsense should be listened to
+eagerly by some men bowed down by the cruel condition of much of modern
+toil is not strange; but that men who pretend to speak with culture of
+mind and authority to teach, men who are or have been preachers of the
+Gospel or professors in universities, should affiliate themselves with
+the preachers of criminal nonsense is a sign of either grave mental or
+moral shortcoming.
+
+I wish it to be remembered that I speak from the standpoint of, and
+on behalf of, the wage-worker and the tiller of the soil. These are
+the two men whose welfare I have ever before me, and for their sakes I
+would do anything, except anything that is wrong; and it is because I
+believe that teaching them doctrine like that which I have stigmatized
+represents the most cruel wrong in the long run, both to wage-worker
+and to earth-tiller, that I reprobate and denounce such conduct.
+
+We need have but scant patience with those who assert that modern
+conditions are all that they should be, or that they cannot be
+improved. The wildest or most vicious of Socialistic writers could
+preach no more foolish doctrine than that contained in such ardent
+defenses of uncontrolled capitalism and individualism as Mr. Flinders
+Petrie’s “Janus,” a book which is absurd, but which, because of this
+very fact, is not mischievous, for it can arouse no other emotion than
+the very earnest desire that this particular archæological shoemaker
+should stick to his early-Egyptian last. There are dreadful woes
+in modern life, dreadful suffering among some of those who toil,
+brutal wrong-doing among some of those who make colossal fortunes by
+exploiting the toilers. It is the duty of every honest and upright man,
+of every man who holds within his breast the capacity for righteous
+indignation, to recognize these wrongs, and to strive with all his
+might to bring about a better condition of things. But he will never
+bring about this better condition by misstating facts and advocating
+remedies which are not merely false, but fatal.
+
+Take, for instance, the doctrine of the extreme Socialists, that all
+wealth is produced by manual workers, that the entire product of
+labor should be handed over every day to the laborer, that wealth is
+criminal in itself. Of course wealth is no more criminal than labor.
+Human society could not exist without both; and if all wealth were
+abolished this week, the majority of laborers would starve next week.
+As for the statement that all wealth is produced by manual workers,
+in order to appreciate its folly it is merely necessary for any man
+to look at what is happening right around him, in the next street, or
+the next village. Here in the city where The Outlook is edited, on
+Broadway between Ninth and Tenth Streets, is a huge dry goods store.
+The business was originally started, and the block of which I am
+speaking was built for the purpose, by an able New York merchant. It
+prospered. He and those who invested under him made a good deal of
+money. Their employees did well. Then he died, and certain other people
+took possession of it and tried to run the business. The manual labor
+was the same, the good-will was the same, the physical conditions were
+the same; but the guiding intelligence at the top had changed. The
+business was run at a loss. It would surely have had to shut down, and
+all the employees, clerks, laborers, everybody would have been turned
+adrift, to infinite suffering, if it had not again changed hands and
+another business man of capacity taken charge. The business was the
+same as before, the physical conditions were the same, the good-will
+the same, the manual labor the same, but the guiding intelligence had
+changed, and now everything once more prospered, and prospered as had
+never been the case before. With such an instance before our very
+eyes, with such proof of what every business proves, namely, the vast
+importance of the part played by the guiding intelligence in business,
+as in war, in invention, in art, in science, in every imaginable
+pursuit, it is really difficult to show patience when asked to discuss
+such a proposition as that all wealth is produced solely by the work
+of manual workers, and that the entire product should be handed over
+to them. Of course, if any such theory were really acted upon, there
+would soon be no product to be handed over to the manual laborers,
+and they would die of starvation. A great industry could no more be
+managed by a mass-meeting of manual laborers than a battle could be won
+in such fashion, than a painters’ union could paint a Rembrandt, or a
+typographical union write one of Shakespeare’s plays.
+
+The fact is that this kind of Socialism represents an effort to
+enthrone privilege in its crudest form. Much of what we are fighting
+against in modern civilization is privilege. We fight against privilege
+when it takes the form of a franchise to a street railway company to
+enjoy the use of the streets of a great city without paying an adequate
+return; when it takes the form of a great business combination which
+grows rich by rebates which are denied to other shippers; when it takes
+the form of a stock-gambling operation which results in the watering of
+railway securities so that certain inside men get an enormous profit
+out of a swindle on the public. All these represent various forms of
+illegal, or, if not illegal, then anti-social privilege. But there can
+be no greater abuse, no greater example of corrupt and destructive
+privilege, than that advocated by those who say that each man should
+put into a common store what he can and take out what he needs. This is
+merely another way of saying that the thriftless and the vicious, who
+could or would put in but little, should be entitled to take out the
+earnings of the intelligent, the foresighted, and the industrious. Such
+a proposition is morally base. To choose to live by theft or by charity
+means in each case degradation, a rapid lowering of self-respect and
+self-reliance. The worst wrongs that capitalism can commit upon labor
+would sink into insignificance when compared with the hideous wrong
+done by those who would degrade labor by sapping the foundations of
+self-respect and self-reliance. The Roman mob, living on the bread
+given them by the State and clamoring for excitement and amusement to
+be purveyed by the State, represent for all time the very nadir to
+which a free and self-respecting population of workers can sink if they
+grow habitually to rely upon others, and especially upon the State,
+either to furnish them charity, or to permit them to plunder, as a
+means of livelihood.
+
+In short, it is simply common sense to recognize that there is the
+widest inequality of service, and that therefore there must be an
+equally wide inequality of reward, if our society is to rest upon
+the basis of justice and wisdom. Service is the true test by which a
+man’s worth should be judged. We are against privilege in any form:
+privilege to the capitalist who exploits the poor man, and privilege
+to the shiftless or vicious poor man who would rob his thrifty brother
+of what he has earned. Certain exceedingly valuable forms of service
+are rendered wholly without capital. On the other hand, there are
+exceedingly valuable forms of service which can be rendered only by
+means of great accumulations of capital, and not to recognize this
+fact would be to deprive our whole people of one of the great agencies
+for their betterment. The test of a man’s worth to the community
+is the service he renders to it, and we cannot afford to make this
+test by material considerations alone. One of the main vices of the
+Socialism which was propounded by Proudhon, Lassalle, and Marx, and
+which is preached by their disciples and imitators, is that it is
+blind to everything except the merely material side of life. It is
+not only indifferent, but at bottom hostile, to the intellectual, the
+religious, the domestic and moral life; it is a form of communism
+with no moral foundation, but essentially based on the immediate
+annihilation of personal ownership of capital, and, in the near future,
+the annihilation of the family, and ultimately the annihilation of
+civilization.
+
+
+
+
+                   Where We Can Work With Socialists
+
+
+It is true that the doctrines of communistic Socialism, if consistently
+followed, mean the ultimate annihilation of civilization. Yet the
+converse is also true. Ruin faces us if we decline steadily to try
+to reshape our whole civilization in accordance with the law of
+service, and if we permit ourselves to be misled by any empirical or
+academic consideration into refusing to exert the common power of the
+community where only collective action can do what individualism has
+left undone, or can remedy the wrongs done by an unrestricted and
+ill-regulated individualism. There is any amount of evil in our social
+and industrial conditions of to-day, and unless we recognize this fact
+and try resolutely to do what we can to remedy the evil, we run great
+risk of seeing men in their misery turn to the false teachers whose
+doctrines would indeed lead them to greater misery, but who do at least
+recognize the fact that they are now miserable. At the present time
+there are scores of laws in the interest of labor――laws putting a stop
+to child labor, decreasing the hours of labor where they are excessive,
+putting a stop to unsanitary crowding and living, securing employers’
+liability, doing away with unhealthy conditions in various trades, and
+the like――which should be passed by the National and the various State
+Legislatures; and those who wish to do effective work against Socialism
+would do well to turn their energies into securing the enactment of
+these laws.
+
+Moreover, we should always remember that Socialism is both a wide
+and a loose term, and that the self-styled Socialists are of many
+and utterly different types. If we should study only the professed
+apostles of radical Socialism, of what these men themselves like to
+call “scientific Socialism,” or if we should study only what active
+leaders of Socialism in this country have usually done, or read only
+the papers in which they have usually expressed themselves, we would
+gain an utterly wrong impression of very many men who call themselves
+Socialists. There are many peculiarly high-minded men and women who
+like to speak of themselves as Socialists, whose attitude, conscious or
+unconscious, is really merely an indignant recognition of the evil of
+present conditions and an ardent wish to remedy it, and whose Socialism
+is really only an advanced form of liberalism. Many of these men and
+women in actual fact take a large part in the advancement of moral
+ideas, and in practice wholly repudiate the purely materialistic, and
+therefore sordid, doctrines of those Socialists whose creed really
+is in sharp antagonism to every principle of public and domestic
+morality, who war on private property with a bitterness but little
+greater than that with which they war against the institutions of the
+home and the family, and against every form of religion, Catholic
+or Protestant. The Socialists of this moral type may in practice
+be very good citizens indeed, with whom we can at many points
+co-operate. They are often joined temporarily with what are called
+the “opportunist Socialists”――those who may advocate an impossible
+and highly undesirable Utopia as a matter of abstract faith, but who
+in practice try to secure the adoption only of some given principle
+which will do away with some phase of existing wrong. With these two
+groups of Socialists it is often possible for all far-sighted men to
+join heartily in the effort to secure a given reform or do away with a
+given abuse. Probably, in practice, wherever and whenever Socialists
+of these two types are able to form themselves into a party, they will
+disappoint both their own expectations and the fears of others by
+acting very much like other parties, like other aggregations of men;
+and it will be safe to adopt whatever they advance that is wise, and to
+reject whatever they advance that is foolish, just as we have to do as
+regards countless other groups who on one issue or set of issues come
+together to strive for a change in the political or social conditions
+of the world we live in. The important thing is generally the next
+step. We ought not to take it unless we are sure that it is advisable;
+but we should not hesitate to take it when once we are sure; and we can
+safely join with others who also wish to take it, without bothering our
+heads overmuch as to any somewhat fantastic theories they may have
+concerning, say, the two hundredth step, which is not yet in sight.
+
+There are many schemes proposed which their enemies, and a few of
+their friends, are pleased to call Socialistic, or which are indorsed
+and favored by men who call themselves Socialists, but which are
+entitled each to be considered on its merits with regard only to the
+practical advantage which each would confer. Every public man, every
+reformer, is bound to refuse to dismiss these schemes with the shallow
+statement that they are “Socialistic”; for such an attitude is one of
+mere mischievous dogmatism. There are communities in which our system
+of State education is still resisted and condemned as Socialism; and
+we have seen within the past two years in this country men who were
+themselves directors in National banks, which were supervised by the
+Government, object to such supervision of railways by the Government on
+the ground that it was “Socialistic.” An employers’ liability law is
+no more Socialistic than a fire department; the regulation of railway
+rates is by no means as Socialistic as the digging and enlarging of
+the Erie Canal at the expense of the State. A proper compensation law
+would merely distribute over the entire industry the shock of accident
+or disease, instead of limiting it to the unfortunate individual on
+whom, through no fault of his, it happened to fall. As communities
+become more thickly settled and their lives more complex, it grows
+ever more and more necessary for some of the work formerly performed
+by individuals, each for himself, to be performed by the community
+for the community as a whole. Isolated farms need no complicated
+system of sewerage; but this does not mean that public control of
+sewerage in a great city should be resisted on the ground that it tends
+toward Socialism. Let each proposition be treated on its own merits,
+soberly and cautiously, but without any of that rigidity of mind which
+fears all reform. If, for instance, the question arises as to the
+establishment of day nurseries for the children of mothers who work in
+factories, the obvious thing to do is to approach it with an open mind,
+listen to the arguments for and against, and, if necessary, try the
+experiment in actual practice. If it is alleged that small groups of
+farmers have prospered by doing much of their work in common, and by a
+kind of mutual insurance and supervision, why of course we should look
+into the matter with an open mind, and try to find out, not what we
+want the facts to be, but what the facts really are.
+
+We cannot afford to subscribe to the doctrine, equally hard and
+foolish, that the welfare of the children in the tenement-house
+district is no concern of the community as a whole. If the child of
+the thronged city cannot live in decent surroundings, have teaching,
+have room to play, have good water and clean air, then not only will
+he suffer, but in the next generation the whole community will to a
+greater or less degree share his suffering.
+
+In striving to better our industrial life we must ever keep in mind
+that, while we cannot afford to neglect its material side, we can even
+less afford to disregard its moral and intellectual side. Each of us is
+bound to remember that he is in very truth his brother’s keeper, and
+that his duty is, with judgment and common sense, to try to help the
+brother. To the base and greedy attitude of mind which adopts as its
+motto, “What is thine is mine,” we oppose the doctrine of service, the
+doctrine that insists that each of us, in no hysterical manner, but
+with common sense and good judgment, and without neglect of his or her
+own interests, shall yet act on the saying, “What is mine I will in
+good measure make thine also.”
+
+Socialism strives to remedy what is evil alike in domestic and in
+economic life, and its tendency is to insist that the economic remedy
+is all-sufficient in every case. We should all join in the effort to
+do away with the evil; but we should refuse to have anything to do
+with remedies which are either absurd or mischievous, for such, of
+course, would merely aggravate the present suffering. The first thing
+to recognize is that, while economic reform is often vital, it is never
+all-sufficient. The moral reform, the change of character――in which law
+can sometimes play a large, but never the largest, part――is the most
+necessary of all. In dealing with the marriage relation the Socialist
+attitude is one of unmixed evil. Assuredly woman should be guarded
+and honored in every way, her rights jealously upheld, and any wrong
+done her should be regarded and punished with severe judgment; but
+we must keep in mind the obvious fact that equality of consideration
+does not mean identity of function. Our effort should be to raise the
+level of self-respect, self-control, sense of duty in both sexes, and
+not to push both down to an evil equality of moral turpitude by doing
+away with the self-restraint and sense of obligation which have been
+slowly built up through the ages. We must bring them to a moral level
+by raising the lower standard, not by depressing the high. It is idle
+to prattle against the “economic dependence” of woman upon man. In the
+ideal household――an ideal which I believe, though very far from being
+universally realized, is yet now more generally realized than ever
+before――there is really complete economic interdependence, as well
+as the high spiritual and moral interdependence which is more nearly
+attained in happy wedlock, in a permanent partnership of love and duty,
+than in any other relation of life which the world has yet seen. Rights
+should be forfeited by neither partner; and duties should be shirked
+by neither partner. The duty of the woman to be the child-bearer and
+home-keeper is just as obvious, simple, and healthy as the duty of the
+man to be the breadwinner and, if necessary, the soldier. Whenever
+either the man or the woman loses the power or the will to perform
+these obvious duties, the loss is irreparable, and whatever may be
+the gain in ease, amiable softness, self-indulgent pleasure, or even
+artistic and material achievement, the whole civilization is rotten and
+must fall.
+
+So with our industrial system. In many respects the wage system can
+be bettered; but screaming about “wage slavery” is largely absurd;
+at this moment, for instance, I am a “wage slave” of The Outlook.
+Under certain conditions and in certain cases the co-operative system
+can to a greater or less degree be substituted with advantage for,
+or, more often, can be used to supplement, the wage system; but only
+on condition of recognizing the widely different needs occasioned
+by different conditions, which needs are so diverse that they must
+sometimes be met in totally different ways.
+
+We should do everything that can be done, by law or otherwise, to keep
+the avenues of occupation, of employment, of work, of interest, so open
+that there shall be, so far as it is humanly possible to achieve it,
+a measurable equality of opportunity; an equality of opportunity for
+each man to show the stuff that is in him. When it comes to reward, let
+each man, within the limits set by a sound and far-sighted morality,
+get what, by his energy, intelligence, thrift, courage, he is able
+to get, with the opportunity open. We must set our faces against
+privilege; just as much against the kind of privilege which would let
+the shiftless and lazy laborer take what his brother has earned as
+against the privilege which allows the huge capitalist to take toll to
+which he is not entitled. We stand for equality of opportunity, but not
+for equality of reward unless there is also equality of service. If the
+service is equal, let the reward be equal; but let the reward depend
+on the service; and, mankind being composed as it is, there will be
+inequality of service for a long time to come, no matter how great the
+equality of opportunity may be; and just so long as there is inequality
+of service it is eminently desirable that there should be inequality of
+reward.
+
+We recognize, and are bound to war against, the evils of to-day.
+The remedies are partly economic and partly spiritual, partly to be
+obtained by laws, and in greater part to be obtained by individual and
+associated effort; for character is the vital matter, and character
+cannot be created by law. These remedies include a religious and
+moral teaching which shall increase the spirit of human brotherhood;
+an educational system which shall train men for every form of useful
+service――and which shall train us to prize common sense no less than
+morality; such a division of the profits of industry as shall tend to
+encourage intelligent and thrifty tool-users to become tool-owners;
+and a government so strong, just, wise, and democratic that, neither
+lagging too far behind nor pushing heedlessly in advance, it may do its
+full share in promoting these ends.
+
+
+
+
+                  Quack Cure-Alls for the Body Politic
+
+
+The best lesson that any people can learn is that there is no patent
+cure-all which will make the body politic perfect, and that any man
+who is able glibly to answer every question as to how to deal with
+the evils of the body politic is at best a foolish visionary and
+at worst an evil-minded quack. Neither doctrinaire socialism, nor
+unrestricted individualism, nor any other ism, will bring about the
+millennium. In the last analysis the welfare of a nation depends on
+its having throughout a healthy development. A healthy social system
+must of necessity represent the sum of very many moral, intellectual,
+and economic forces, and each such force must depend in its turn
+partly upon the whole system; and all these many forces are needed to
+develop a high grade of character in the individual men and women who
+make up the nation. No individual man could be kept healthy by living
+in accordance with a plan which took cognizance only of one set of
+muscles or set of organs; his health must depend upon his general
+bodily vigor, that is, upon the general care which affects hundreds of
+different organs according to their hundreds of needs. Society is, of
+course, infinitely more complex than the human body. The influences
+that tell upon it are countless; they are closely interwoven,
+interdependent, and each is acted upon by many others. It is
+pathetically absurd, when such are the conditions, to believe that some
+one simple panacea for all evils can be found. Slowly, with infinite
+difficulty, with bitter disappointments, with stumblings and haltings,
+we are working our way upward and onward. In this progress something
+can be done by continually striving to improve the social system, now
+here, now there. Something more can be done by the resolute effort
+for a many-sided higher life. This life must largely come to each
+individual from within, by his own effort, but toward the attainment
+of it each of us can help many others. Such a life must represent the
+struggle for a higher and broader humanity, to be shown not merely in
+the dealings of each of us within the realm of the State, but even
+more by the dealings of each of us in the more intimate realm of the
+family; for the life of the State rests and must ever rest upon the
+life of the family and the neighborhood.
+
+
+
+
+                         The Japanese Question
+
+
+There are certain elementary principles all of which should be kept
+steadily in view if a nation wishes to act justly both by itself and by
+others. It must insist upon what is necessary for its own healthy life,
+and this even at the cost of a possible clash; but this insistence on
+what is due to itself should always be accompanied by all possible
+courtesy to and fair dealing with others.
+
+These are the principles upon which the people of the United States
+should act as regards the question of the immigration of the Japanese
+into this country. The Japanese are a highly civilized people of
+extraordinary military, artistic, and industrial development; they are
+proud, warlike, and sensitive. I believe that our people have, what I
+personally certainly have, a profound and hearty admiration for them;
+an admiration for their great deeds and great qualities, an ungrudging
+respect for their national character. But this admiration and respect
+is accompanied by the firm conviction that it is not for the advantage
+of either people that emigrants from either country should settle in
+mass in the other country. The understanding between the two countries
+on this point should be on a basis of entire mutuality, and therefore
+on a basis which will preserve unimpaired the self-respect of each
+country, and permit each to continue to feel friendly good will for
+the other. Japan would certainly object to the incoming of masses of
+American farmers, laborers, and small traders; indeed, the Japanese
+would object to this at least as strongly as the men of the Pacific
+Coast and Rocky Mountain States object to the incoming in mass of
+Japanese workmen, agricultural laborers, and men engaged in small
+trades. The Japanese certainly object to Americans acquiring land in
+Japan at least as much as the Americans of the far Western States
+object to the Japanese acquiring land on our soil. The Americans who
+go to Japan and the Japanese who come to America should be of the same
+general class――that is, they should be travelers, students, teachers,
+scientific investigators, men engaged in international business, men
+sojourning in the land for pleasure or study. As long as the emigration
+from each side is limited to classes such as these, there will be no
+settlement in mass, and therefore no difficulty. Wherever there is
+settlement in mass――that is, wherever there is a large immigration of
+urban or agricultural laborers, or of people engaged in small local
+business of any kind――there is sure to be friction. It is against
+the interests of both nations that such unrestricted immigration or
+settlement in mass should be allowed as regards either nation. This
+is the cardinal fact in the situation; it should be freely recognized
+by both countries, and can be accepted by each not only without the
+slightest loss of self-respect, but with the certainty that its
+acceptance will tend to preserve mutual respect and friendliness.
+
+But in achieving this policy we should bear steadily in mind that it
+is our duty to combine the maximum of efficiency with the minimum
+of offensiveness. Only the National Government can carry out such
+a policy effectively, and the surest way to do harm is for State,
+municipal, or other local governments to pass laws which would be
+ineffective to obtain the real object and yet would produce intense
+irritation. The best of all possible ways in which to achieve the
+object is that which the governments of the two countries have now
+by common agreement adopted; for the Japanese Government has on its
+own initiative and of its own accord undertaken to prevent the coming
+hither in any appreciable numbers of Japanese of the classes to which
+I have referred. This agreement during the last year or thereabouts
+has worked so well that actually more Japanese have left the country
+than have come into it, and there has therefore been a diminution of
+their numbers. If this continues, all difficulties will cease without
+the need of further action, whether by treaty or by legislation. On the
+one hand, it is for the common interest of both countries that Japan
+should effectively and rigorously carry out this policy. On the other
+hand, it is not only the interest but the duty of America to take no
+further action until it can be seen whether this policy is successful;
+and this is just as wise, just as incumbent on us, whether we do or
+do not believe that it will be successful. The success of the policy
+must be gauged by its actual results; that is, by the extent to which
+it arrests the immigration of large bodies of Japanese. If the Japanese
+Government proves unable to carry its policy through, then undoubtedly
+this Government, by treaty or by legislation, must protect itself and
+secure the desired result on its own initiative. But in such a case it
+would be doubly incumbent upon us to take the action in the way that
+would provoke the least possible friction and cause the least possible
+hard feeling. Moreover, we should make it evident that the recognition
+of the fact that it is to the interest of both races that the masses
+of both races should be kept apart is in no way incompatible with the
+heartiest feelings of mutual respect and admiration between the two
+races.
+
+The fact that all really patriotic and far-sighted Americans insist
+that hand in hand with a policy of good will toward foreign nations
+should go the policy of the upbuilding of our navy is often interpreted
+by well-meaning but short-sighted men as being a threat toward other
+nations, or as being provocative of war. Of the two assumptions the
+first is utterly unwarranted, and the second is the direct reverse of
+the truth. We have the right to say, for instance, what immigrants
+shall come to our own shores; but we are powerless to enforce this
+right against any nation that chooses to disregard our wishes, unless
+we continue to build up and maintain a first-class fighting navy.
+The professional peace advocate who wishes us to stop building up
+our navy is, in reality, seeking to put us in a position where we
+would be absolutely at the mercy of any other nation that happened to
+wish to disregard our desires to control the immigration that comes
+to our shores, to protect our own interests in the Panama Canal, to
+protect our own citizens abroad, or to take any stand whatever either
+for our own international honor or in the interest of international
+righteousness. Moreover, those well-meaning but fatuous advocates of
+peace who would try to prevent the upbuilding of our navy utterly
+misread the temper of their countrymen. We Americans are ourselves
+both proud and high-spirited, and we are not always by any means
+far-sighted. If our honor or our interest were menaced by a foreign
+power, this Nation would fight, wholly without regard to whether or not
+its navy was efficient. In the event of a crisis arising, the peace
+advocates who object to our building up the navy would be absolutely
+powerless to prevent this country going to war. All they could do
+would be to prevent its being successful in the war. A strong navy is
+the surest guaranty of peace that America can have, and the cheapest
+insurance against war that Uncle Sam can possibly pay.
+
+
+
+
+                                Tolstoy
+
+
+One of the comic features of the political campaign last fall was the
+letter which Count Tolstoy wrote on behalf of Mr. Bryan. In this letter
+Count Tolstoy advocated the election of Mr. Bryan on the ground that
+he was the representative of the party of peace, of anti-militarism.
+From the point of view of American politics, the incident possessed
+no importance beyond furnishing material for the humorous columns of
+the newspapers. But it had a certain real interest as indicating Count
+Tolstoy’s worth as a moral guide. He advocated Mr. Bryan on the theory
+that Mr. Bryan represented peace and anti-militarism. Now there was
+but one point in the platform of either political party in 1908 which
+contained any element of menace to the peace of the world. This was the
+plank in the Bryanite platform which demanded the immediate exclusion
+by law of all Asiatic laborers, and therefore of the Japanese. Coupled
+with it was the utterly meaningless plank about the Navy, which was,
+however, intended to convey the impression that we ought to have a
+navy only for the defense of our coasts――that is, a merely “defensive”
+navy, or, in other words, a quite worthless navy. Now I have shown
+in a preceding editorial that at this present time there is neither
+justification nor excuse for such a law――and this wholly without
+regard to what the future may show. The exclusion plank in Mr. Bryan’s
+platform represented merely an idle threat, a wanton insult, and it was
+coupled with what was intended to be a declaration that the policy of
+upbuilding the Navy, which has been so successfully carried on during
+the past dozen years, would be abandoned. Any man of common sense,
+therefore, ought to perceive the self-evident fact that the only menace
+to peace which was contained in any possible action by the American
+Republic was that contained in the election of Mr. Bryan and the
+attempt to put into effect his platform. That Count Tolstoy did not see
+this affords a curious illustration of his complete inability to face
+facts; of his readiness to turn aside from the truth in the pursuit
+of any phantom, however foolish; and of the utter fatuity of those who
+treat him as a philosopher, whose philosophy should be, or could be,
+translated into action.
+
+Count Tolstoy is a man of genius, a great novelist. “War and Peace,”
+“Anna Karénina,” “The Cossacks,” “Sebastopol,” are great books. As
+a novelist he has added materially to the sum of production of his
+generation. As a professional philosopher and moralist I doubt if his
+influence has really been very extensive among men of action; of course
+it has a certain weight among men who live only in the closet, in the
+library; and among the high-minded men of this type, who, because of
+their sheltered lives, naturally reject what is immoral, and do not
+have to deal with what is fantastic, in Tolstoy’s teachings, it is
+probable that the really lofty side of these teachings gives them a
+certain sense of spiritual exaltation. But I have no question that
+whatever little influence Tolstoy has exerted among men of action has
+told, on the whole, for evil. I do not think his influence over men
+of action has been great, for I think he has swayed or dominated only
+the feeble folk and the fantastic folk. No man who possesses both
+robust common sense and high ideals, and who strives to apply both
+in actual living, is affected by Tolstoy’s teachings, save as he is
+affected by the teachings of hundreds of other men in whose writings
+there are occasional truths mixed with masses of what is commonplace
+or erroneous. Strong men may gain something from Tolstoy’s moral
+teachings, but only on condition that they are strong enough and sane
+enough to be repelled by those parts of his teachings which are foolish
+or immoral. Weak persons are hurt by the teachings. Still, I think that
+the mere fact that these weak persons are influenced sufficiently to
+be marred means that there was not in them a very great quantity of
+potential usefulness to mar. In the United States we suffer from grave
+moral dangers; but they are for the most part dangers which Tolstoy
+would neither perceive nor know how to combat. Moreover, the real and
+dreadful evils which do in fact share in his denunciation of an attack
+upon both good and evil are usually not evils which are of much moment
+among us. On the other hand, we are not liable to certain kinds of
+wickedness which there is real danger of his writings inculcating; for
+it is a lamentable fact that, as is so often the case with a certain
+type of mystical zealot, there is in him a dark streak which tells
+of moral perversion. That side of his teachings which is partially
+manifested in the revolting “Kreutzer Sonata” can do exceedingly little
+damage in America, for it would appeal only to decadents; exactly as
+it could have come only from a man who, however high he may stand in
+certain respects, has in him certain dreadful qualities of the moral
+pervert.
+
+The usual effect of prolonged and excessive indulgence in Tolstoyism
+on American disciples is comic rather than serious. One of these
+disciples, for instance, not long ago wrote a book on American
+municipal problems, which ascribed our ethical and social shortcomings
+in municipal matters in part to the sin of “militarism.” Now the mind
+of this particular writer in making such a statement was influenced
+not in the least by what had actually occurred or was occurring in
+our cities, but by one of Tolstoy’s theories which has no possible
+bearing upon American life. Militarism is a real factor for good or for
+evil in most European countries. In America it has not the smallest
+effect one way or the other; it is a negligible quantity. There are
+undoubtedly states of society where militarism is a grave evil, and
+there are plenty of circumstances in which the prime duty of man may be
+to strive against it. But it is not righteous war, not even war itself,
+which is the absolute evil, the evil which is evil always and under
+all circumstances. Militarism which takes the form of a police force,
+municipal or national, may be the prime factor for upholding peace and
+righteousness. Militarism is to be condemned or not purely according
+to the conditions. So eating horse meat is in itself a mere matter of
+taste; but the early Christian missionaries in Scandinavia found that
+serious evil sprang from the custom of eating horse meat in honor of
+Odin. It is literally true that our very grave municipal problems in
+New York or Chicago have no more to do with militarism than with eating
+the meat of horses that have been sacrificed to pagan deities; and
+a crusade against one habit, as an element in municipal reform, is
+just about as rational as would be a crusade against the other. Oliver
+Wendell Holmes said that it had taken a century to remove the lark
+from American literature; because the poets insisted upon writing, not
+about the birds they saw, but about the birds they had read of in the
+writings of other poets. Militarism as an evil in our social life is as
+purely a figment of the imagination as the skylark in our literature.
+Moreover, the fact that in spite of this total absence of militarism
+there is so much that is evil in our life, so much need for reform,
+ought to show persons who think that the destruction of militarism
+would bring about the millennium how completely they lack the sense of
+perspective.
+
+Another disciple used to write poetry in defense of the Mahdi,
+apparently under the vague impression that this also was a protest
+against militarism and therefore in line with Tolstoy’s teachings――as
+very possibly it was. Now, Mahdism was as hideous an exhibition
+of bloodthirsty cruelty, governmental tyranny, corruption and
+inefficiency, and homicidal religious fanaticism as the world has ever
+seen. Its immediate result was to destroy over half the population in
+the area where it held sway, and to bring the most dreadful degradation
+and suffering to the remainder. It represented in the aggregate more
+wickedness, more wrong-doing, more human suffering, than all the
+wickedness, wrong-doing, and human suffering in all the Christian
+communities put together during the same period. It was characteristic
+of the fantastic perversion of morality which naturally results
+from the serious acceptance of Tolstoy as a moral teacher that one
+manifestation of this acceptance should have been a defense of Mahdism.
+Of course when the Anglo-Egyptian army overthrew Mahdism it conferred a
+boon upon all mankind, and most of all upon the wretched inhabitants of
+the Sudan.
+
+So much for Tolstoyism in America, the only place where I have studied
+it in action, and where its effect, although insignificant for good,
+has been not much more significant for evil, being absurd rather than
+serious. As to the effect in Russia itself, I am not competent to
+speak. But the history of the Duma proved in the most emphatic way
+that the greatest danger to liberalism in Russia sprang from the fact
+that the liberals were saturated with just such folly as that taught
+by Tolstoy. The flat contradiction between his theory and practice in
+such matters as his preaching concerning the relations of the sexes,
+and also concerning private property――for of course it is an unlovely
+thing to profit by the private property of one’s wife and children,
+while affecting to cast it aside――is explicable only by one of two
+very sad hypotheses, neither of which it is necessary here to discuss.
+The important point is that his preaching is compounded of some very
+beautiful and lofty sentiments, with much that is utterly fantastic,
+and with some things that are grossly immoral. The Duma fell far short
+of what its friends in other lands hoped for, just because it showed
+these very same traits, and because it failed to develop the power for
+practical common-sense work. There were plenty of members who could
+utter the loftiest moral sentiments, sentiments quite as lofty as those
+once uttered by Robespierre; but there was an insufficiency of members
+able and willing to go to work in practical fashion, able and willing
+to try to make society measurably better by cutting out the abuses that
+could be cut out, and by starting things on the right road, instead of
+insisting upon doing nothing unless they could immediately introduce
+the millennium and reform all the abuses of society out of hand with
+a jump. What was needed was a body of men like those who made our
+Constitution; men accustomed to work with their fellows, accustomed to
+compromise; men who clung to high ideals, but who were imbued with the
+philosophy which Abraham Lincoln afterwards so strikingly exemplified,
+and were content to take the best possible where the best absolute
+could not be secured. This was the spirit of Washington and his
+associates in one great crisis of our National life, of Lincoln and his
+associates in the other great crisis. It is the only spirit from which
+it will ever be possible to secure good results in a free country; and
+it is the direct negation of Tolstoyism.
+
+To minimize the chance of anything but willful misunderstanding, let
+me repeat that Tolstoy is a great writer, a great novelist; that
+the unconscious influence of his novels is probably, on the whole,
+good, even disregarding their standing as works of art; that even
+as a professional moralist and philosophical adviser of mankind in
+religious matters he has some excellent theories and on some points
+develops a noble and elevating teaching; but that taken as a whole,
+and if generally diffused, his moral and philosophical teachings, so
+far as they had any influence at all, would have an influence for bad;
+partly because on certain points they teach downright immorality, but
+much more because they tend to be both foolish and fantastic, and if
+logically applied would mean the extinction of humanity in a generation.
+
+
+
+
+                    A Southerner’s View of the South
+
+
+It seems rather queer to go abroad and discover an American author. Two
+books have appeared in England during the last year or two, named “The
+Scar” and “The Scourge.” They have been a success, not only in England,
+but on the Continent; for translations have appeared or are appearing
+in German, French, and Russian. Yet they are by an American, Mr.
+Warrington Dawson, of South Carolina; and they deal with localities,
+questions, and types exclusively and typically American. It is not
+very creditable to us that this American, writing with unusual power
+of American scenes and problems, should have an exclusively European
+audience.
+
+Mr. Dawson’s stories are laid in the country districts and small towns
+of Virginia. In each volume a Northerner, in the first a woman, in the
+second a man, is thrown into intimate contact with the members of a
+proud caste of provincial aristocrats, who have been slowly sinking
+under the burden of grinding poverty, whose poverty-stricken lives
+are both hardening and narrowing, but in whose strongly individualized
+natures there dwell qualities and capacities of the highest kind.
+It is in his studies of these native Southern whites――both men and
+women, both those who are painfully struggling upwards and those whom
+an iron fate is slowly forcing downwards――and in his studies of the
+dark-skinned alien race standing so utterly aloof from them and so
+intimately connected with them, that Mr. Dawson excels; and it is not
+necessary to agree with all his conclusions in order to appreciate
+the value of his work. But almost equally good is the study of the
+Northerner who dwells South, who has made a real business success,
+who is in his own fashion devoted to the interests of the people with
+whom he has spent his life, but whom they at bottom never cease to
+regard as an interloper; and Mr. Dawson is entirely just in showing how
+ungenerous and unwarranted part of this attitude is, and, on the other
+hand, the measure of justification which it has in the hard narrowness
+that makes the intruder insist on trying to do good to the community
+in many ways which represent what is either unnecessary or even
+injurious.
+
+I have no intention of writing a criticism of Mr. Dawson’s two books;
+but it is worth while calling attention to the fact that this author,
+who writes with power and interest of vital home matters, has his
+critics and his audience abroad, but has neither critics nor audience
+at home. He should have both.
+
+
+
+
+                         The Thraldom of Names
+
+
+It behooves our people never to fall under the thraldom of names,
+and least of all to be misled by designing people who appeal to the
+reverence for or antipathy toward a given name in order to achieve some
+alien purpose. Of course such misuse of names is as old as the history
+of what we understand when we speak of civilized mankind. The rule of
+a mob may be every whit as tyrannical and oppressive as the rule of a
+single individual, whether or not called a dictator; and the rule of an
+oligarchy, whether this oligarchy is a plutocracy or a bureaucracy, or
+any other small set of powerful men, may in its turn be just as sordid
+and just as bloodthirsty as that of a mob. But the apologists for the
+mob or oligarchy or dictator, in justifying the tyranny, use different
+words. The mob leaders usually state that all that they are doing
+is necessary in order to advance the cause of “liberty,” while the
+dictator and the oligarchy are usually defended upon the ground that
+the course they follow is absolutely necessary so as to secure “order.”
+Many excellent people are taken in by the use of the word “liberty”
+at the one time, and the use of the word “order” at the other, and
+ignore the simple fact that despotism is despotism, tyranny tyranny,
+oppression oppression, whether committed by one individual or by many
+individuals, by a State or by a private corporation.
+
+Moreover, tyranny exercised on behalf of one set of people is very apt
+in the long run to damage especially the representatives of that very
+class by the violence of the reaction which it invites. The course of
+the Second Republic in France was such, with its mobs, its bloody civil
+tumults, its national workshops, its bitter factional divisions, as
+to invite and indeed insure its overthrow and the establishment of a
+dictatorship; while it is needless to mention the innumerable instances
+in which the name of order has been invoked to sanction tyranny, until
+there has finally come a reaction so violent that both the tyranny and
+all public order have disappeared together. The Second Empire in France
+led straight up to the Paris Commune; and nothing so well shows how
+far the French people had advanced in fitness for self-government as
+the fact that the hideous atrocities of the Commune, which rendered it
+imperative that it should be rigorously repressed, nevertheless did
+not produce another violent reaction, but left the French Republic
+standing, and the French people as resolute in their refusal to be
+ruled by a king as by a mob.
+
+Of course when a great crisis actually comes, no matter how much
+people may have been misled by names, they promptly awaken to their
+unimportance. To the individual who suffered under the guillotine at
+Paris, or in the drownings in the Loire, or to the individual who a
+century before was expelled from his beloved country, or tortured,
+or sent to the galleys, it made no difference whatever that one set
+of acts was performed under Robespierre and Danton and Marat in the
+name of liberty and reason and the rights of the people, or that the
+other was performed in the name of order and authority and religion by
+the direction of the Great Monarch. Tyranny and cruelty were tyranny
+and cruelty just as much in one case as in the other, and just as
+much when those guilty of them used one shibboleth as when they used
+another. All forms of tyranny and cruelty must alike be condemned by
+honest men.
+
+We in this country have been very fortunate. Thanks to the teaching
+and the practice of the men whom we most revere as leaders, of the
+men like Washington and Lincoln, we have hitherto escaped the twin
+gulfs of despotism and mob rule, and we have never been in any danger
+from the worst forms of religious bitterness. But we should therefore
+be all the more careful, as we deal with our industrial and social
+problems, not to fall into mistakes similar to those which have brought
+lasting disaster on less fortunately situated peoples. We have achieved
+democracy in politics just because we have been able to steer a middle
+course between the rule of the mob and the rule of the dictator. We
+shall achieve industrial democracy because we shall steer a similar
+middle course between the extreme individualist and the Socialist,
+between the demagogue who attacks all wealth and who can see no wrong
+done anywhere unless it is perpetrated by a man of wealth, and the
+apologist for the plutocracy who rails against so much as a restatement
+of the Eighth Commandment upon the ground that it will “hurt business.”
+
+First and foremost we must stand firmly on a basis of good sound
+ethics. We intend to do what is right for the ample and sufficient
+reason that it is right. If business is hurt by the stern exposure
+of crookedness and the result of efforts to punish the crooked
+man, then business must be hurt, even though good men are involved
+in the hurting, until it so adjusts itself that it is possible to
+prosecute wrong-doing without stampeding the business community into
+a terror-struck defense of the wrong-doers and an angry assault upon
+those who have exposed them. On the other hand, we must beware, above
+all things, of being misled by wicked or foolish men who would condone
+homicide and violence, and apologize for the dynamiter and the assassin
+because, forsooth, they choose to take the ground that crime is no
+crime if the wicked man happens also to have been a shiftless and
+unthrifty or lazy man who has never amassed property. It is essential
+that we should wrest the control of the Government out of the hands of
+rich men who use it for unhealthy purposes, and should keep it out of
+their hands; and to this end the first requisite is to provide means
+adequately to deal with corporations, which are essential to modern
+business, but which, under the decisions of the courts, and because
+of the short-sightedness of the public, have become the chief factors
+in political and business debasement. But it would be just as bad to
+put the control of the Government into the hands of demagogues and
+visionaries who seek to pander to ignorance and prejudice by penalizing
+thrift and business enterprise, and ruining all men of means, with,
+as an attendant result, the ruin of the entire community. The tyranny
+of politicians with a bureaucracy behind them and a mass of ignorant
+people supporting them would be just as insufferable as the tyranny of
+big corporations. The tyranny would be the same in each case, and it
+would make no more difference that one was called individualism, and
+the other collectivism, than it made in French history whether tyranny
+was exercised in the name of the Commune or of the Emperor, of a
+Committee of National Safety, or of a King.
+
+The sinister and adroit reactionary, the sinister and violent radical,
+are alike in this, that each works in the end for the destruction of
+the cause that he professedly champions. If the one is left to his own
+devices, he will utterly discredit the entire system of government by
+individual initiative; and if the other is allowed to work his will,
+he, in his turn, will make men so loathe interference and control by
+the State that any abuses connected with the untrammeled control of
+all business by private individuals will seem small by comparison. We
+cannot afford to be empirical. We must judge each case on its merits.
+It is absolutely indispensable to foster the spirit of individual
+initiative, of self-reliance, of self-help; but this does not mean that
+we are to refuse to face facts and to recognize that the growth of our
+complex civilization necessitates an increase in the exercise of the
+functions of the State. It has been shown beyond power of refutation
+that unrestricted individualism, for instance, means the destruction
+of our forests and our water supply. The dogma of “individualism”
+cannot be permitted to interfere with the duty of a great city to see
+that householders, small as well as big, live in decent and healthy
+buildings, drink good water, and have the streets adequately lighted
+and kept clean. Individual initiative, the reign of individualism, may
+be crushed out just as effectively by the unchecked growth of private
+monopoly if the State does not interfere at all, as it would be crushed
+out under communism, or as it would disappear, together with everything
+else that makes life worth living, if we adopted the tenets of the
+extreme Socialists.
+
+In 1896 the party of discontent met with a smashing defeat for the very
+reason that, together with legitimate attacks on real abuses, they
+combined wholly illegitimate advocacy even of the methods of dealing
+with these real abuses, and in addition stood for abuses of their own
+which, in far-reaching damage, would have cast quite into the shade
+the effects of the abuses against which they warred. It was essential
+both to the material and moral progress of the country that these
+forces should be beaten; and beaten they were, overwhelmingly. But the
+genuine ethical revolt against these forces was aided by a very ugly
+materialism, and this materialism at one time claimed the victory as
+exclusively its own, and advanced it as a warrant and license for the
+refusal to interfere with any misdeeds on the part of men of wealth.
+What such an attitude meant was set forth as early as 1896 by an
+English visitor, the journalist Steevens, a man of marked insight. Mr.
+Steevens did not see with entire clearness of vision into the complex
+American character; it would have been marvelous if a stranger of his
+slight experience here could so have seen; but it would be difficult to
+put certain important facts more clearly than he put them. Immediately
+after the election he wrote as follows (I condense slightly):
+
+“In the United States legal organization of industry has been left
+wholly wanting. Little is done by the State. All is left to the
+initiative of the individual. The apparent negligence is explained
+partly by the American horror of retarding mechanical progress, and
+partly by their reliance on competition. They have cast overboard the
+law as the safeguard of individual rights, and have put themselves
+under the protection of competition, and of it alone. Now a trust
+in its exacter acceptation is the flat negation of competition. It
+is certain that commercial concerns make frequent, powerful, and
+successful combinations to override the public interest. All such
+corporations are left unfettered in a way that to an Englishman appears
+almost a return to savagery. The defenselessness of individual liberty
+against the encroachment of the railway companies, tramway companies,
+nuisance-committing manure companies, and the like, is little less than
+horrible. Where regulating acts are proposed, the companies unite to
+oppose them; where such acts exist, they bribe corrupt officials to
+ignore them. When they want any act for themselves, it can always be
+bought for cash. [This is of course a gross exaggeration; and allusion
+should have been made to the violent and demagogic attacks upon
+corporations, which are even more common than and are quite as noxious
+as acts of oppression by corporations.] They maintain their own members
+in the legislative bodies――pocket Assemblymen, pocket Representatives,
+pocket Senators. In the name of individual freedom and industrial
+progress they have become the tyrants of the whole community. Lawless
+greed on one side, and lawless brutality on the other――the outlook
+frowns. On the wisdom of the rulers of the country in salving or
+embittering these antagonisms――still more, on the fortune of the people
+in either modifying or hardening their present conviction that to get
+dollars is the one end of life――it depends whether the future of the
+United States is to be of eminent beneficence or unspeakable disaster.
+It may stretch out the light of liberty to the whole world. It may
+become the devil’s drill-ground where the cohorts of anarchy will
+furnish themselves against the social Armageddon.”
+
+Mr. Steevens here clearly points out, what every one ought to
+recognize, that if individualism is left absolutely uncontrolled as
+a modern business condition, the curious result will follow that all
+power of individual achievement and individual effort in the average
+man will be crushed out just as effectively as if the State took
+absolute control of everything. It would be easy to name several big
+corporations, each one of which has within its sphere crushed out all
+competition so as to make, not only its rivals, but its customers as
+dependent upon it as if the Government had assumed complete charge of
+the product. It would, in my judgment, be a very unhealthy thing for
+the Government thus to assume complete charge; but it is even more
+unhealthy to permit a private monopoly thus to assume it. The simple
+truth is that the defenders of the theory of unregulated lawlessness in
+the business world are either insincere, or blind to the facts, when
+they speak of their system as permitting a healthy individualism and
+individual initiative. On the contrary, it crushes out individualism;
+save in a very few able and powerful men, who tend to become dictators
+in the business world precisely as in the old days a Spanish-American
+president tended to become a dictator in the political world.
+
+Moreover, where there is absolute lawlessness, absolute failure by the
+State to control or supervise these great corporations, the inevitable
+result is to favor, among these very able men of business, the man who
+is unscrupulous and cunning. The unscrupulous big man who gets complete
+control of a given forest tract, or of a network of railways which
+alone give access to a certain region, or who, in combination with his
+fellows, acquires control of a certain industry, may crush out in the
+great mass of citizens affected all individual initiative quite as much
+as it would be crushed out by State control. The very reason why we
+object to State ownership, that it puts a stop to individual initiative
+and to the healthy development of personal responsibility, is the
+reason why we object to an unsupervised, unchecked monopolistic control
+in private hands. We urge control and supervision by the Nation as an
+antidote to the movement for State Socialism. Those who advocate total
+lack of regulation, those who advocate lawlessness in the business
+world, themselves give the strongest impulse to what I believe would be
+the deadening movement towards State Socialism.
+
+There must be law to control the big men, and therefore especially
+the big corporations, in the industrial world, in the interest of
+our industrial democracy of to-day. This law must be efficient, and
+therefore it must be administered by executive officers, and not by
+lawsuits in the courts. If this is not done, the agitation to increase
+out of all measure the share of the Government in this work will
+receive an enormous impetus. The movement for Government control of the
+great business corporations is no more a movement against liberty than
+a movement to put a stop to violence is a movement against liberty.
+On the contrary, in each case alike it is a movement for liberty; in
+the one case a movement on behalf of the hard-working man of small
+means, just as in the other case it is a movement on behalf of the
+peaceable citizen who does not wish a “liberty” which puts him at the
+mercy of any rowdy who is stronger than he is. The huge irresponsible
+corporation which demands liberty from the supervision of Government
+agents stands on the same ground as the less dangerous criminal of the
+streets who wishes liberty from police interference.
+
+But there is an even more important lesson for us Americans to
+learn, and this also is touched upon in what I have quoted above.
+It is not true, as Mr. Steevens says, that Americans feel that the
+one end of life is to get dollars; but the statement contains a very
+unpleasant element of truth. The hard materialism of greed is just as
+objectionable as the hard materialism of brutality, and the greed of
+the “haves” is just as objectionable as the greed of the “have-nots;”
+and no more so. The envious and sinister creature who declaims against
+a great corporation because he really desires himself to enjoy what
+in hard, selfish, brutal fashion the head of that great corporation
+enjoys, offers a spectacle which is both sad and repellent. The brutal
+arrogance and grasping greed of the one man are in reality the same
+thing as the bitter envy and hatred and grasping greed of the other.
+That kind of “have” and that kind of “have-not” stand on the same
+eminence of infamy. It is as important for the one as for the other
+to learn the lesson of the true relations of life. Of course, the
+first duty of any man is to pay his own way, to be able to earn his
+own livelihood, to support himself and his wife and his children
+and those dependent upon him. He must be able to give those for whom
+it is his duty to care, food and clothing, shelter, medicine, an
+education, a legitimate chance for reasonable and healthy amusements,
+and the opportunity to acquire the knowledge and power which will fit
+them in their turn to do good work in the world. When once a man has
+reached this point, which of course will vary greatly under different
+conditions, then he has reached the point where other things become
+immensely more important than adding to his wealth. It is emphatically
+right, indeed I am tempted to say it is emphatically the first duty of
+each American, “to get dollars,” as Mr. Steevens contemptuously phrased
+it; for this is only another way of saying that it is his first duty
+to earn his own living. But it is not his only duty, by a great deal;
+and after the living has been earned, getting dollars should come far
+behind many other duties.
+
+Yet another thing. No movement ever has done or ever will do good in
+this country where assault is made not upon evil wherever found, but
+simply upon evil as it happens to be found in a particular class.
+The big newspaper, owned or controlled in Wall Street, which is
+everlastingly preaching about the iniquity of laboring men, which is
+quite willing to hound politicians for their misdeeds, but which with
+raving fury defends all the malefactors of great wealth, stands on an
+exact level with, and neither above nor below, that other newspaper
+whose whole attack is upon men of wealth, which declines to condemn,
+or else condemns in apologetic, perfunctory, and wholly inefficient
+manner, outrages committed by labor. This is the kind of paper which
+by torrents of foul abuse seeks to stir up a bitter class hatred
+against every man of means simply because he is a man of means, against
+every man of wealth, whether he is an honest man who by industry and
+ability has honorably won his wealth, and who honorably spends it, or
+a man whose wealth represents robbery and whose life represents either
+profligacy, or at best an inane, useless, and tasteless extravagance.
+This country cannot afford to let its conscience grow warped and
+twisted, as it must grow if it takes either one of these two positions.
+We must draw the line not on wealth nor on poverty, but on conduct. We
+must stand for the good citizen because he is a good citizen, whether
+he be rich or whether he be poor, and we must mercilessly attack the
+man who does evil, wholly without regard to whether the evil is done
+in high or low places, whether it takes the form of homicidal violence
+among members of a federation of miners, or of unscrupulous craft and
+greed in the head of some great Wall Street corporation.
+
+
+
+
+                   Give Me Neither Poverty Nor Riches
+
+
+In one of Lowell’s biting satires he holds up to special scorn the
+smug, conscienceless creature who refuses to consider the morality
+of any question of social ethics by remarking that “they didn’t know
+everything down in Judee.” It is to be wished that some of those
+who preach and practice a gospel of mere materialism and greed, and
+who speak as if the heaping up of wealth by the community or by the
+individual were in itself the be-all and end-all of life, would learn
+from the most widely read and oldest of books that true wisdom which
+teaches that it is well to have neither great poverty nor great riches.
+Worst of all is it to have great poverty and great riches side by side
+in constant contrast. Nevertheless, even this contrast can be accepted
+if men are convinced that the riches are accumulated as the result of
+great service rendered to the people as a whole, and if their use is
+regulated in the interest of the whole community.
+
+The movement which has become so strong during the past few years
+to secure on behalf of the Nation both an adequate supervision of
+and an effective taxation of vast fortunes, so far as their business
+use is concerned, is a healthy movement. It aims to replace sullen
+discontent, restless pessimism, and evil preparation for revolution,
+by an aggressive, healthy determination to get to the bottom of our
+troubles and remedy them. To halt in the movement, as those blinded men
+wish who care only for the immediate relief from all obstacles which
+would thwart their getting what is not theirs, would work wide-reaching
+damage. Such a halt would turn away the energies of the energetic and
+forceful men who desire to reform matters, from a legitimate object,
+into the channel of bitter and destructive agitation. The reader of
+Prince Kropotkin’s Memoirs must be struck by the damage wrought to
+Russia by the unwise opponents of all reform, who, by opposing every
+sensible movement for betterment, turned the energies of the young men
+who under happier conditions would have worked for rational betterment
+into the channels of a useless and destructive revolutionary movement.
+
+The multimillionaire is not _per se_ a healthy development in this
+country. If his fortune rests on a basis of wrong-doing, he is a far
+more dangerous criminal than any of the ordinary types of criminals
+can possibly be. If his fortune is the result of great service
+rendered, well and good; he deserves respect and reward for such
+service――although we must remember to pay our homage to the service
+itself, and not to the fortune which is the mere reward of the service;
+but when his fortune is passed on to some one else, who has not
+rendered the service, then the Nation should impose a heavily graded
+progressive inheritance tax, a singularly wise and unobjectionable kind
+of tax. It would be a particularly good thing if the tax bore heaviest
+on absentees.
+
+
+                   *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+ Transcriber’s Notes:
+
+ ――Text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).
+
+ ――Punctuation and spelling inaccuracies were silently corrected.
+
+ ――Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.
+
+ ――Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved.
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77590 ***
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+<body>
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77590 ***</div>
+
+
+<figure class="figcenter x-ebookmaker-drop" id="cover_sm">
+  <img class="x-ebookmaker-drop" src="images/cover_sm.jpg" alt="book cover" title="book cover">
+  <figcaption>
+    <p class="noic">Transcriber’s Note: New original cover art included with this eBook,
+and derived from the book's cover and title page, is granted to the public domain.</p>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p class="noi halftitle">Outlook Editorials</p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<figure class="figcenter" id="i_frontispeice">
+  <img src="images/i_frontispeice.jpg" alt="" title="">
+  <figcaption>
+      <p class="noic">Theodore Roosevelt</p>
+      <p class="noic smfont">At His Desk in the Outlook Office</p>
+  </figcaption>
+</figure>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<h1>Outlook Editorials</h1>
+
+<p class="noi author">Theodore Roosevelt</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter" id="i_tpflower">
+  <img class=" illowe2" src="images/i_tpflower.jpg"
+       alt="title page deco" title="title page deco">
+</figure>
+
+<p class="p6 noic smfont">New York</p>
+
+<p class="noic">The Outlook Company</p>
+
+<p class="noic smfont">1909</p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p class="noic">Copyright 1909 by</p>
+
+<p class="noi author">The Outlook Company</p>
+
+<p class="noic">New York</p>
+
+<p class="noic">All rights reserved</p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p class="noic">The first eleven editorials of<br>
+Theodore Roosevelt, published<br>
+in The Outlook from March<br>
+sixth to July seventeenth,<br>
+nineteen hundred and nine</p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Contents">
+    Contents
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<table>
+<colgroup>
+  <col style="width: 90%;">
+  <col style="width: 10%;">
+</colgroup>
+<tr>
+  <th class="tdl">&#160;</th>
+  <th class="smfontr smcap">Page</th>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl"><a href="#Believe">Why I Believe in the Kind of American
+Journalism for Which The Outlook Stands</a></td>
+  <td class="tdrb">1</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl"><a href="#Judicial">A Judicial Experience</a></td>
+  <td class="tdrb">11</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl"><a href="#Scientific">A Scientific Expedition</a></td>
+  <td class="tdrb">23</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl"><a href="#Cannot_Work">Where We Cannot Work With Socialists</a></td>
+  <td class="tdrb">29</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl"><a href="#Can_Work">Where We Can Work With Socialists</a></td>
+  <td class="tdrb">51</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl"><a href="#Cure-Alls">Quack Cure-Alls for the Body Politic</a></td>
+  <td class="tdrb">65</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl"><a href="#Japanese">The Japanese Question</a></td>
+  <td class="tdrb">71</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl"><a href="#Tolstoy">Tolstoy</a></td>
+  <td class="tdrb">81</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl"><a href="#Southerners">A Southerner’s View of the South</a></td>
+  <td class="tdrb">95</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl"><a href="#Thraldom">The Thraldom of Names</a></td>
+  <td class="tdrb">101</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl"><a href="#Poverty">Give Me Neither Poverty Nor Riches</a></td>
+  <td class="tdrb">121</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+  <h2 class="x-ebookmaker-important nobreak" id="Welcome">
+    <i>By Way of Welcome</i>
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+<p class="noi works"><i>From The Outlook of March 6, 1909</i></p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter" id="i_chflower">
+  <img class="p2 illowe3" src="images/i_chflower.jpg"
+       alt="chapter deco" title="chapter deco">
+</figure>
+
+
+<p class="p2 cap"><i>It would be a singular affectation to introduce
+to the readers of The Outlook its new
+Associate Editor, Theodore Roosevelt. He
+is the most widely known representative of the
+present world movement towards industrial democracy.
+It is needless here to describe that
+movement, so fully has it been described by editorials
+in The Outlook, and by the public addresses
+and state papers of the retiring President
+of the United States. Unconsciously co-operating,
+we have pursued a common end, which in the
+future we shall pursue in conscious co-operation.
+Our object is to bring the industrial institutions
+of democracy into harmony with its political and
+educational institutions. Our resolve is that the
+money power in America, as its political and educational</i>
+<i>power, shall come from the people, be
+exercised for the people, and be controlled by the
+people. Our motto is, Special privilege for none,
+equality of opportunity for all. In the name of
+the editorial and publishing departments of The
+Outlook, I frankly acknowledge our gratification
+that Theodore Roosevelt has chosen this journal
+to be the medium for his published utterances on
+social, economic and political subjects, and in their
+name I welcome him as an Associate to its editorial
+staff.</i></p>
+
+<p class="right"><i>LYMAN ABBOTT.</i></p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[1]</span></p>
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Believe">
+    Why I Believe in the Kind
+    of American Journalism for
+    Which The Outlook Stands
+  </h2>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[2]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[3]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="cap">I first came into close contact with
+The Outlook when Governor of New
+York, ten years ago, and I speedily
+grew to have a peculiar feeling of respect and
+regard for Dr. Abbott and his associates.
+We did not always agree, and as our convictions
+were strong our disagreements were
+sometimes positive; but experience taught me
+that, in the first place, Dr. Abbott and his
+associates always conscientiously strove to be
+fair, and that, in the second place, they not
+only desired to tell the truth, but made a
+serious endeavor to find out the facts. I
+found, moreover, that they combined to a
+peculiar degree a number of qualities, each of
+them good, but rarely found in combination.</p>
+
+<p>Every owner, editor, or reporter of a
+conscientiously and ably conducted newspaper
+or periodical is an asset of real value to the
+whole community. It would be difficult to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[4]</span>overestimate the amount of good which can
+be done by the men responsible for such
+a publication—responsible for its editorial
+columns, responsible for its news columns,
+responsible for its general policy. We have
+many newspapers and periodicals, big and
+little, of this kind. But we also have many
+that are emphatically not of this kind.</p>
+
+<p>During the last few years it has become
+lamentably evident that certain daily newspapers,
+certain periodicals, are owned or
+controlled by men of vast wealth who have
+gained their wealth in evil fashion, who desire
+to stifle or twist the honest expression of public
+opinion, and who find an instrument fit for
+their purpose in the guided and purchased
+mendacity of those who edit and write for
+such papers and periodicals. This style of
+sordid evil does not even constitute a temptation
+to The Outlook; no influence of any kind
+could make the men who control The Outlook
+so much as consider the question of abandonment
+of duty; and they hold as their first
+duty inflexible adherence to the elementary
+virtues of entire truth, entire courage, entire
+honesty.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span></p>
+
+<p>Moreover, they are as far removed as the
+poles from the apostles of that hideous yellow
+journalism which makes a cult of the mendacious,
+the sensational, and the inane, and
+which, throughout its wide but vapid field,
+does as much to vulgarize and degrade the
+popular taste, to weaken the popular character,
+and to dull the edge of the popular
+conscience, as any influence under which the
+country can suffer. These men sneer at the
+very idea of paying heed to the dictates of a
+sound morality; as one of their number has
+cynically put it, they are concerned merely
+with selling the public whatever the public
+will buy—a theory of conduct which would
+justify the existence of every keeper of an
+opium den, of every foul creature who ministers
+to the vices of mankind. Here, again,
+it is perhaps not especially to the credit of
+Dr. Abbott and his associates that they have
+avoided this pit; fortunately, they are so constituted
+that it is a simple impossibility for
+them to fall into it.</p>
+
+<p>But they do deserve very great credit for
+avoiding another type of temptation which
+has much fascination for men of cultivation
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span>and of refined taste, and which is quite as
+fatal to their usefulness as indulgence in yellow
+journalism. A newspaper or periodical
+which avoids vulgar sensationalism, which
+takes and cultivates an interest in serious matters,
+and things literary, artistic, and scientific—which,
+in short, appeals to people of
+taste, intelligence, and cultivation—may nevertheless
+do them grave harm, and be within
+its own rather narrow limits an element of
+serious mischief; for it may habitually and
+consistently practice a malign and slanderous
+untruthfulness which, though more refined
+than, is at least as immoral as, the screaming
+sensationalism of any representative of the
+journalism which it affects to despise. A cultivated
+man of good intelligence who has
+acquired the knack of saying bitter things,
+but who lacks the robustness which will enable
+him to feel at ease among strong men of
+action, is apt, if his nature has in it anything
+of meanness or untruthfulness, to strive for a
+reputation in what is to him the easiest way.
+He can find no work which is easier—and less
+worth doing—than to sit in cloistered aloofness
+from the men who wage the real and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span>important struggles of life and to endeavor,
+by an unceasing output of slander in regard
+to them, to bolster up his own uneasy desire
+to be considered superior to them. Now a
+paper edited by men of this stamp does not
+have much popular influence, and therefore
+is less detrimental to the people at large than
+yellow journalism; but it may, to the extent
+of its power, exert a very real influence for
+evil, by the way in which it teaches young
+men of good education, whose talents should
+be at their country’s service, that decent and
+upright public men are as properly subjects of
+foul attack as the most debased corruptionist;
+that efficiency and wickedness are interchangeable;
+and that the correct attitude to adopt,
+in facing the giant problems of our great and
+troubled time, is one of sneering and supercilious
+untruthfulness.</p>
+
+<p>Dr. Abbott and his associates have avoided
+this pitfall also. With them cultivation and
+good taste have not implied weakness. Demand
+for righteousness in others has not led
+to abandonment of truth on their own part.</p>
+
+<p>The Outlook has stood for righteousness,
+but it has never been self-righteous. It stands
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span>for the things of the spirit, and yet it remembers
+the needs of the body. It serves lofty
+ideals, it believes in a lofty idealism. But it
+knows that common sense is essential above
+all other qualities to the idealist; for an
+idealist without common sense, without the
+capacity to work in hard, practical fashion
+for actual results, is merely a boat that is all
+sails, and with neither ballast nor rudder.
+The Outlook’s belief in gentleness and tenderness,
+in the spirit of brotherly love, never
+blinds it to the necessity of cultivating those
+hardy, rugged, and vigorous qualities for the
+want of which in the individual as in the
+Nation, no gentleness, no cultivation, and,
+above all, no gift of money-making and no
+self-indulgence in the soft ease of living, can
+in any way atone.</p>
+
+<p>The Outlook has shown a fine scorn of
+untruth in every form, of unfairness and
+injustice to any man or any cause. It is not
+given to humanity never to err; but The
+Outlook makes a resolute effort to find out
+what the facts actually are before passing
+judgment. With it earnestness and strength
+of conviction go hand in hand with a sincere
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span>desire to see and to state the other man’s
+point of view. It believes that things in this
+world can be made better, but it does not
+indorse quixotic movements which would
+merely leave things worse. It champions the
+rights of the many. It desires in every way
+to represent, to guide aright, and to uphold
+the interests of those whom Abraham Lincoln
+called the plain people. It feels a peculiar
+desire to do all that can be done for the poor
+and the oppressed, and to help upward those
+struggling to better themselves. But it has
+no sympathy with moral weakness or sentimentality.
+All that it can do it does and will
+do for the cause of labor; but it will in no
+shape or way condone violence or disorder.
+It stands for the rights of property, and therefore
+against the abuses of property. It
+believes in a wise individualism, and in encouragement
+of individual initiative; and
+therefore all the more it believes in using the
+collective force of the whole people to do
+what but for the use of that collective force
+must be left undone.</p>
+
+<p>I am glad to be associated with Dr. Abbott
+and the group of men and women he has
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span>gathered around him, because they practice
+what they preach; and because they preach
+the things that are most necessary to the salvation
+of this people. It is their earnest belief
+that every man must earn enough to support
+himself and those dependent upon him; but
+that when once this has been accomplished,
+money immediately becomes secondary to
+many other things. In this matter The
+Outlook puts its principles into practice. It
+strives in proper ways to make money. If it
+did not make money it could not be run at
+all. But making money is not the prime reason
+for its existence. The first question asked
+when any matter of policy arises, so far as
+The Outlook is concerned, is whether or not
+a given course is right, and should be followed
+because it is in the real and lasting
+interest of the Nation. If this question
+is answered in the affirmative, then The
+Outlook follows the course indicated with all
+the courage, earnestness, and ability that are
+at its disposal.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span></p>
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Judicial">
+    A Judicial Experience
+  </h2>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="cap">A year after leaving Harvard I ran
+for the New York Legislature and
+was elected. In the Legislature I
+was soon brought in contact with various
+advocates of what is known as labor legislation;
+and I eyed both them and their schemes
+with great distrust. When in Harvard I had
+studied what were then considered the orthodox
+political economists; and after leaving
+college the older men whom I met were for
+the most part lawyers or business men of
+wealth who quite sincerely took the ordinary
+wealthy business man’s view of labor matters.
+Moreover, in the Legislature, most of the
+men who professed a loud and ardent interest
+in the welfare of the laboring man were
+exceedingly unattractive persons, who, to put
+it mildly, did not impress one as being either
+sincere or honest. Many of the labor bills
+which were introduced were foolish, and were
+urged in a transparently demagogic spirit, and
+the labor leaders who came to Albany to
+argue for them eyed me with a suspicion
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span>which I cordially reciprocated. Most of
+them, I am now inclined to think, were by no
+means of the best type; and I, in my turn,
+because of my surroundings both in the classroom
+and in the social and business world,
+was alert to pick flaws in anything concerning
+a labor union, and possessed a self-satisfied
+narrowness in approaching all labor questions
+which must have been highly exasperating to
+my opponents.</p>
+
+<p>My college training had biased me against
+all governmental schemes for the betterment
+of the social and industrial conditions of laborers,
+or for the control of corporations. The
+education which I afterwards received in
+these matters, and which completely changed
+my views, was gained partly from books, but
+more from actual experience in governmental
+work, and from a constantly widening and
+more intimate knowledge of the real life of
+different bodies of our people. My first step
+in this education began when, after leaving
+college, I joined, and endeavored to make
+myself count in, my local Republican association—instead
+of joining some parlor gathering
+of well-meaning dilettante reformers.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span></p>
+
+<p>The labor unions had been demanding
+legislation to stop the manufacture of cigars
+in tenement-houses, and during my second
+term in Albany the Assembly appointed a
+committee to look into the conditions. My
+belief is that the committee was appointed
+with the hope that it would not recommend
+any change in the law, and that I was put on
+because, on account of my education and
+social surroundings, it was supposed that I
+would naturally take this view; and I certainly
+expected to take it. One of my colleagues
+was a then well-known sporting Tammany
+politician who afterwards abandoned
+politics and became a professional racing
+man. There were many points on which our
+theories of ethics were as far asunder as the
+poles; but I soon discovered that there were
+other matters, and some of these of fundamental
+importance, on which we thought
+alike, and our association ended in mutual
+respect and good will. Soon after the investigation
+started I told him that I was a good
+deal shocked at what I had seen, and was
+wavering in my preconceived opinions. He
+answered by saying that, as far as he personally
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span>was concerned, he was pledged in advance
+against recommending any change in the law,
+but that he had known that I was a free agent
+and had all along believed that when I looked
+into the matter for myself I would be a very
+ardent advocate of the change. He was quite
+right in his supposition. The investigation
+convinced me beyond shadow of doubt that
+to permit the manufacture of cigars in tenement-houses,
+which necessarily meant their
+manufacture not only by the men but by the
+women and children of the poverty-stricken
+immigrants who were engaged in the task,
+was an evil thing from every standpoint,
+social, industrial, and hygienic. I accordingly
+cordially supported the bill; which made a
+large number of my friends regard me as
+erratic and dangerous, or else as influenced by
+demagogic motives. The bill was badly
+drawn. No lawyer of any note had been
+consulted; there was no one to pay such a
+lawyer. When it passed both houses, the
+then Governor, Grover Cleveland, appointed
+a day for a hearing, and the labor unions
+asked me to appear. Appear we did, several
+good counsel being against us, while on our
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span>side there were, besides myself, merely five
+or six representatives of the cigar-makers’
+union, all of them foreigners—battered-looking
+men, with whom the battle of life had
+evidently gone hard. As this was long before
+I had established any real relations with, or
+had any real understanding of, the unions,
+while they felt that I was a crank, influenced
+by incomprehensible motives, we worked on
+entirely independent lines, neither side feeling
+altogether comfortable in the relationship.
+However, the main argument—and indeed
+almost the only argument—for the bill was
+made by me. I answered various questions
+which the Governor put to me. He afterwards
+called me up and told me that, though
+he felt very doubtful, yet that, in view of the
+state of facts I had set forth, he would sign
+the bill.</p>
+
+<p>The employers and tenement-house owners
+immediately contested the constitutionality of
+the act, and after the usual long delays the
+highest State court finally pronounced the
+measure invalid. The cigar-makers were
+poor, and the great majority of them were
+ignorant foreigners. They had no money
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span>and no special influence even in the world of
+labor. They could not employ counsel either
+to draw their bill well in the first place, or to
+present their case to the best advantage when
+it was before the courts. The great mass of
+respectable, well-to-do people were nervously
+sensitive to attacks on what they considered
+the rights of property, and regarded as an
+infringement on these rights any effort to
+correct the abuses of property. The judges,
+as was quite natural, shared the feelings of
+the classes from which they were drawn, and
+with which they associated. The decision
+went against the dwellers in the tenement-houses.
+Anything like an effective reformation
+of tenement-house conditions was thereby
+deferred for fifteen or twenty years, and
+during that time men, women, and children
+were guaranteed their “liberty” to fester in
+sodden misery.</p>
+
+<p>The judges invoked a technical construction
+of the Constitution in order to declare
+invalid a law deliberately enacted by the
+legislative body; a law which I firmly believe
+it was entirely in the province of the Legislature
+to pass. Every consideration of public
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span>morals and public weal demanded that it
+should be declared valid. At the present day
+few courts in any State of the Union would
+make such a decision as was then made; yet
+the judges making it were learned in the law,
+and according to their own lights were upright
+and honorable men. But they were men
+without any sympathetic understanding or
+knowledge of the needs and conditions of life
+of the great mass of their fellow-countrymen.
+If those judges had understood “how the
+other half lived,” if they had possessed a
+working knowledge of tenement-houses and
+factories, of tenement-house dwellers and factory
+workers, and of the lives that were lived
+where the tenement-house and the factory
+were one and the same, I am absolutely certain
+that they would have rendered no such
+decision as was rendered. They knew the
+life of the well-to-do, both the business life
+and the home life. They knew nothing of
+the lives of those who were not well-to-do. It
+was this lack of knowledge and the attendant
+lack of sympathetic understanding that
+formed the real barrier between the judges
+and a wise judgment.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span></p>
+
+<p>My reason for relating this anecdote is because
+from that day to this I have felt an
+ever-growing conviction of the need of having
+on the bench men who, in addition to being
+learned in the law and upright, shall possess
+a broad understanding of and sympathy with
+their countrymen as a whole, so that the questions
+of humanity and of social justice shall
+not be considered by them as wholly inferior
+to the defense of vested rights or the upholding
+of liberty of contract. A hair-splitting
+refinement in decisions may result in as much
+damage to the community as if the judge were
+actually corrupt. Freedom of contract should
+be permitted only so far as is compatible with
+the best interests of the community; and when
+vested rights become intrenched wrongs, they
+should be overturned. I do not for one
+moment believe that the mass of our judges
+are actuated by any but worthy motives.
+Nevertheless, I do believe that they often
+signally fail to protect the laboring man and
+the laboring man’s widow and children in
+their just rights, and that heartbreaking and
+pitiful injustice too often results therefrom;
+and this primarily because our judges lack
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span>either the opportunity or the power thoroughly
+to understand the working man’s and
+working woman’s position and vital needs.</p>
+
+<p>There are many judges, from the Supreme
+Court of the Nation down to the district
+bench in each State, who do possess this sympathy
+and understanding, in addition to uprightness,
+trained ability, broad intelligence,
+and entire fearlessness in the face of wrong,
+whether committed by capitalist or by laboring
+men; such judges are the best and most
+useful of all our public servants; public
+opinion should uphold them as clearly as it
+condemns their short-sighted and narrow-minded
+brethren.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span></p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span></p>
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Scientific">
+    A Scientific Expedition
+  </h2>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="cap">I am about to go to Africa as the head
+of the Smithsonian expedition. It is a
+scientific expedition. We shall collect
+birds and mammals for the National Museum
+at Washington, and nothing will be
+shot unless for food, or for preservation as
+a specimen, or unless, of course, the animal
+is of a noxious kind. There will be no
+wanton destruction whatever.</p>
+
+<p>I very earnestly hope that no representative
+of any newspaper or magazine will try
+to accompany me or to interview me during
+any portion of my trip. Until I actually
+get to the wilderness my trip will be precisely
+like any other conventional trip on a
+steamboat or railway. It will afford nothing
+to write about, and will afford no excuse
+or warrant for any one sending to any newspaper
+a line in reference thereto. After I
+reach the wilderness of course no one outside
+of my own party will be with me, and if
+any one pretends to be with me or pretends
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span>to write as to what I do, his statements
+should be accepted as on their face not merely
+false but ludicrous. Any statement purporting
+to have been made by me, or attributed
+to me, which may be sent to newspapers,
+should be accepted as certainly false and as
+calling for no denial from me. So far as
+possible I shall avoid seeing my representative
+of the press, and shall not knowingly
+have any conversation on any subject whatever
+with any representative of the press
+beyond exchanging the ordinary civilities or
+courtesies. I am a private citizen, and I am
+entitled to enjoy the privacy that should be
+the private citizen’s right. My trip will
+have no public bearing of any kind or
+description. It is undertaken for the National
+Museum at Washington, and is simply
+a collecting trip for the Museum. It will
+be extremely distasteful to me and of no
+possible benefit to any human being to try
+to report or exploit the trip, or to send any
+one with me, or to have any one try to meet
+me or see me with a view to such reporting
+or exploitation. Let me repeat that while
+I am on steamer or railway there will be
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span>nothing whatever to report; that when I
+leave the railway for the wilderness no persons
+will have any knowledge which will
+enable them to report anything, and that any
+report is to be accepted as presumably false.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span></p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span></p>
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Cannot_Work">
+    Where We Cannot Work With
+    Socialists
+  </h2>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="cap">It is always difficult to discuss a question
+when it proves impossible to define the
+terms in which that question is to be
+discussed. Therefore there is not much to
+be gained by a discussion of Socialism <em>versus</em>
+Individualism in the abstract. Neither absolute
+Individualism nor absolute Socialism
+would be compatible with civilization at all;
+and among the arguments of the extremists
+of either side the only unanswerable ones are
+those which show the absurdity of the position
+of the other. Not so much as the first
+step towards real civilization can be taken
+until there arises some development of the
+right of private property; that is, until men
+pass out of the stage of savage socialism in
+which the violent and the thriftless forcibly
+constitute themselves co-heirs with the industrious
+and the intelligent in what the labor of
+the latter produces. But it is equally true
+that every step toward civilization is marked
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span>by a check on individualism. The ages that
+have passed have fettered the individualism
+which found expression in physical violence,
+and we are now endeavoring to put shackles
+on that kind of individualism which finds
+expression in craft and greed. There is
+growth in all such matters. The individualism
+of the Tweed Ring type would have
+seemed both commonplace and meritorious to
+the Merovingian Franks, where it was not
+entirely beyond their comprehension; and so
+in future ages, if the world progresses as we
+hope and believe it will progress, the standards
+of conduct which permit individuals to
+make money out of pestilential tenements or
+by the manipulation of stocks, or to refuse to
+share with their employees the dreadful burdens
+laid upon the latter by the inevitable
+physical risks in a given business, will seem
+as amazing to our descendants as we now
+find the standards of a society which regarded
+Clovis and his immediate successors as pre-eminently
+fit for leadership.</p>
+
+<p>With those self-styled Socialists to whom
+“Socialism” is merely a vaguely conceived
+catchword, and who use it to express their
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span>discontent with existing wrongs and their purpose
+to correct them, there is not much need
+of discussion. So far as they make any proposals
+which are not foolish, and which tend
+towards betterment, we can act with them.
+But the real, logical, advanced Socialists, who
+teach their faith as both a creed and a party
+platform, may deceive to their ruin decent
+and well-meaning but short-sighted men; and
+there is need of plain speaking in order accurately
+to show the trend of their teaching.</p>
+
+<p>The immorality and absurdity of the doctrines
+of Socialism as propounded by these
+advanced advocates are quite as great as
+those of the advocates, if such there be, of an
+unlimited individualism. As an academic
+matter there is more need of refutation of the
+creed of absolute Socialism than of the creed
+of absolute individualism; for it happens that
+at the present time a greater number of visionaries,
+both sinister and merely dreamy,
+believe in the former than in the latter. One
+difficulty in arguing with professed Socialists
+of the extreme, or indeed of the opportunist
+type, however, is that those of them who are
+sincere almost invariably suffer from great
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span>looseness of thought; for if they did not keep
+their faith nebulous, it would at once become
+abhorrent in the eyes of any upright and
+sensible man. The doctrinaire Socialists, the
+extremists, the men who represent the doctrine
+in its most advanced form, are, and must
+necessarily be, not only convinced opponents
+of private property, but also bitterly hostile
+to religion and morality; in short, they must
+be opposed to all those principles through
+which, and through which alone, even an imperfect
+civilization can be built up by slow
+advances through the ages.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed, these thoroughgoing Socialists occupy,
+in relation to all morality, and especially
+to domestic morality, a position so revolting—and
+I choose my words carefully—that it
+is difficult even to discuss it in a reputable
+paper. In America the leaders even of this
+type have usually been cautious about stating
+frankly that they proposed to substitute free
+love for married and family life as we have
+it, although many of them do in a round-about
+way uphold this position. In places on
+the continent of Europe, however, they are
+more straightforward, their attitude being
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span>that of one of the extreme French Socialist
+writers, M. Gabriel Deville, who announces
+that the Socialists intend to do away with both
+prostitution and marriage, which he regards
+as equally wicked—his method of doing
+away with prostitution being to make unchastity
+universal. Professor Carl Pearson,
+a leading English Socialist, states their position
+exactly: “The sex relation of the future
+will not be regarded as a union for the birth
+of children, but as the closest form of friendship
+between man and woman. It will be
+accompanied by no child bearing or rearing,
+or by this in a much more limited number than
+at present. With the sex relationship, so long
+as it does not result in children, we hold that
+the State in the future will in no wise interfere,
+but when it does result in children, then
+the State will have a right to interfere.” He
+then goes on to point out that in order to save
+the woman from “economic dependence”
+upon the father of her children, the children
+will be raised at the expense of the State; the
+usual plan being to have huge buildings like
+foundling asylums.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Pearson is a scientific man who, in his
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span>own realm, is as worthy of serious heed as
+Mr. Flinders Petrie, whom I mention later,
+is in his realm; and the above quotation states
+in naked form just what logical scientific
+Socialism would really come to. Aside from
+its thoroughly repulsive quality, it ought not
+to be necessary to point out that the condition
+of affairs aimed at would in actual practice
+bring about the destruction of the race within,
+at most, a couple of generations; and such
+destruction is heartily to be desired for any
+race of such infamous character as to tolerate
+such a system. Moreover, the ultra-Socialists
+of our own country have shown by their attitude
+towards one of their leaders, Mr. Herron,
+that, so far as law and public sentiment
+will permit, they are now ready to try to
+realize the ideals set forth by Messrs. Deville
+and Pearson. As for Mr. Herron, I commend
+to those who desire to verify what I
+have said, the article in the Boston Congregationalist
+of June 15, 1901; and to those, by
+the way, who have not the time to hunt up all
+the original authorities, I would commend a
+book called “Socialism; the Nation of Fatherless
+Children,” a book dedicated to the American
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span>Federation of Labor. The chapters on
+Free Love, Homeless Children, and Two
+Socialist Leaders are especially worth reading
+by any one who is for the moment confused
+by the statements of certain Socialist leaders
+to the effect that advanced Socialism does not
+contemplate an attack upon marriage and the
+family.</p>
+
+<p>These same Socialist leaders, with a curious
+effrontery, at times deny that the exponents
+of “scientific Socialism” assume a position as
+regards industry which in condensed form
+may be stated as, that each man is to do what
+work he can, or, in other words, chooses, and
+in return is to take out from the common fund
+whatever he needs; or, what amounts to the
+same thing, that each man shall have equal
+remuneration with every other man, no matter
+what work is done. If they will turn to
+a little book recently written in England
+called “The Case Against Socialism,” they
+will find by looking at, say, pages 229 and
+300, or indeed almost at random through the
+book, quotations from recognized Socialist
+leaders taking exactly this position; indeed,
+it is the position generally taken—though it
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span>is often opposed or qualified, for Socialist
+leaders usually think confusedly, and often
+occupy inconsistent positions. Mrs. Besant,
+for instance, putting it pithily, says that we
+must come to the “equal remuneration of all
+workers;” and one of her colleagues, that
+“the whole of our creed is that industry shall
+be carried on, not for the profit of those engaged
+in it, whether masters or men, but for
+the benefit of the community.... It is not
+for the miners, bootmakers, or shop assistants
+as such that we Socialists claim the profits
+of industry, but for the citizen.” In our own
+country, in “Socialism Made Plain,” a book
+officially circulated by the Milwaukee division
+of the Socialist party, the statement is explicit:
+“Under the labor time-check medium of
+exchange proposed by Socialists, any laborer
+could exchange the wealth he produced in any
+given number of hours for the wealth produced
+by any other laborer in the same
+number of hours.” It is unnecessary to point
+out that the pleasing idea of these writers
+could be realized only if the State undertook
+the duty of taskmaster, for otherwise it is not
+conceivable that anybody whose work would
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span>be worth anything would work at all under
+such conditions. Under this type of Socialism,
+therefore, or communism, the government
+would have to be the most drastic
+possible despotism; a despotism so drastic that
+its realization would only be an ideal. Of
+course in practice such a system could not
+work at all; and incidentally the mere attempt
+to realize it would necessarily be accompanied
+by a corruption so gross that the blackest spot
+of corruption in any existing form of city
+government would seem bright by comparison.</p>
+
+<p>In other words, on the social and domestic
+side doctrinaire Socialism would replace the
+family and home life by a glorified State free-lunch
+counter and State foundling asylum,
+deliberately enthroning self-indulgence as the
+ideal, with, on its darker side, the absolute
+abandonment of all morality as between man
+and woman; while in place of what Socialists
+are pleased to call “wage slavery” there
+would be created a system which would necessitate
+either the prompt dying out of the community
+through sheer starvation, or an iron
+despotism over all workers, compared to
+which any slave system of the past would
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span>seem beneficent, because less utterly hopeless.</p>
+
+<p>“Advanced” Socialist leaders are fond of
+declaiming against patriotism, of announcing
+their movement as international, and of claiming
+to treat all men alike; but on this point,
+as on all others, their system would not stand
+for one moment the test of actual experiment.
+If the leaders of the Socialist party in America
+should to-day endeavor to force their followers
+to admit all negroes and Chinamen to
+a real equality, their party would promptly
+disband, and, rather than submit to such putting
+into effect of their avowed purpose,
+would, as a literal fact, follow any capitalistic
+organization as an alternative.</p>
+
+<p>It is not accident that makes thoroughgoing
+and radical Socialists adopt the principles
+of free love as a necessary sequence to
+insisting that no man shall have the right to
+what he earns. When Socialism of this really
+advanced and logical type is tried as it was
+in France in 1792, and again under the
+Commune in 1871, it is inevitable that the
+movement, ushered in with every kind of high-sounding
+phrase, should rapidly spread so as
+to include, not merely the forcible acquisition
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>of the property of others, but every conceivable
+form of monetary corruption, immorality,
+licentiousness, and murderous violence.
+In theory, distinctions can be drawn between
+this kind of Socialism and anarchy and
+nihilism; but in practice, as in 1871, the
+apostles of all three act together; and if the
+doctrines of any of them could be applied
+universally, all the troubles of society would
+indeed cease, because society itself would
+cease. The poor and the helpless, especially
+women and children, would be the first to die
+out, and the few survivors would go back to
+the condition of skin-clad savages, so that the
+whole painful and laborious work of social
+development would have to begin over again.
+Of course, long before such an event really
+happened the Socialistic régime would have
+been overturned, and in the reaction men
+would welcome any kind of one-man tyranny
+that was compatible with the existence of
+civilization.</p>
+
+<p>So much for the academic side of unadulterated,
+or, as its advocates style it, “advanced
+scientific” Socialism. Its representatives
+in this country who have practically
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span>striven to act up to their extreme doctrines,
+and have achieved leadership in any one of
+the branches of the Socialist party, especially
+the parlor Socialists and the like, be they lay
+or clerical, deserve scant consideration at the
+hands of honest and clean-living men and
+women. What their movement leads to may
+be gathered from the fact that in the last
+Presidential election they nominated and
+voted for a man who earns his livelihood as
+the editor of a paper which not merely practices
+every form of malignant and brutal
+slander, but condones and encourages every
+form of brutal wrong-doing, so long as either
+the slander or the violence is supposed to be
+at the expense of a man who owns something,
+wholly without regard to whether that man
+is himself a scoundrel, or a wise, kind, and
+helpful member of the community. As for
+the so-called Christian Socialists who associate
+themselves with this movement, they
+either are or ought to be aware of the pornographic
+literature, the pornographic propaganda,
+which make up one side of the movement;
+a pornographic side which is entirely
+proper in a movement that in this country
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span>accepts as one of its heads a man whose domestic
+immorality has been so open and flagrant
+as to merit the epithet of shameless.
+That criminal nonsense should be listened to
+eagerly by some men bowed down by the
+cruel condition of much of modern toil is not
+strange; but that men who pretend to speak
+with culture of mind and authority to teach,
+men who are or have been preachers of the
+Gospel or professors in universities, should
+affiliate themselves with the preachers of
+criminal nonsense is a sign of either grave
+mental or moral shortcoming.</p>
+
+<p>I wish it to be remembered that I speak
+from the standpoint of, and on behalf of, the
+wage-worker and the tiller of the soil. These
+are the two men whose welfare I have ever
+before me, and for their sakes I would do
+anything, except anything that is wrong; and
+it is because I believe that teaching them
+doctrine like that which I have stigmatized
+represents the most cruel wrong in the long
+run, both to wage-worker and to earth-tiller,
+that I reprobate and denounce such conduct.</p>
+
+<p>We need have but scant patience with
+those who assert that modern conditions are
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span>all that they should be, or that they cannot
+be improved. The wildest or most vicious
+of Socialistic writers could preach no more
+foolish doctrine than that contained in such
+ardent defenses of uncontrolled capitalism
+and individualism as Mr. Flinders Petrie’s
+“Janus,” a book which is absurd, but which,
+because of this very fact, is not mischievous,
+for it can arouse no other emotion than the
+very earnest desire that this particular archæological
+shoemaker should stick to his early-Egyptian
+last. There are dreadful woes in
+modern life, dreadful suffering among some
+of those who toil, brutal wrong-doing among
+some of those who make colossal fortunes by
+exploiting the toilers. It is the duty of every
+honest and upright man, of every man who
+holds within his breast the capacity for
+righteous indignation, to recognize these
+wrongs, and to strive with all his might to
+bring about a better condition of things. But
+he will never bring about this better condition
+by misstating facts and advocating remedies
+which are not merely false, but fatal.</p>
+
+<p>Take, for instance, the doctrine of the
+extreme Socialists, that all wealth is produced
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span>by manual workers, that the entire product of
+labor should be handed over every day to the
+laborer, that wealth is criminal in itself. Of
+course wealth is no more criminal than labor.
+Human society could not exist without both;
+and if all wealth were abolished this week,
+the majority of laborers would starve next
+week. As for the statement that all wealth is
+produced by manual workers, in order to
+appreciate its folly it is merely necessary for
+any man to look at what is happening right
+around him, in the next street, or the next
+village. Here in the city where The Outlook
+is edited, on Broadway between Ninth and
+Tenth Streets, is a huge dry goods store.
+The business was originally started, and the
+block of which I am speaking was built for
+the purpose, by an able New York merchant.
+It prospered. He and those who invested
+under him made a good deal of money.
+Their employees did well. Then he died,
+and certain other people took possession of
+it and tried to run the business. The manual
+labor was the same, the good-will was the
+same, the physical conditions were the same;
+but the guiding intelligence at the top had
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span>changed. The business was run at a loss.
+It would surely have had to shut down, and
+all the employees, clerks, laborers, everybody
+would have been turned adrift, to
+infinite suffering, if it had not again changed
+hands and another business man of capacity
+taken charge. The business was the
+same as before, the physical conditions were
+the same, the good-will the same, the manual
+labor the same, but the guiding intelligence
+had changed, and now everything once more
+prospered, and prospered as had never been
+the case before. With such an instance
+before our very eyes, with such proof of what
+every business proves, namely, the vast importance
+of the part played by the guiding
+intelligence in business, as in war, in invention,
+in art, in science, in every imaginable
+pursuit, it is really difficult to show patience
+when asked to discuss such a proposition as
+that all wealth is produced solely by the work
+of manual workers, and that the entire
+product should be handed over to them. Of
+course, if any such theory were really acted
+upon, there would soon be no product to be
+handed over to the manual laborers, and they
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span>would die of starvation. A great industry
+could no more be managed by a mass-meeting
+of manual laborers than a battle could be won
+in such fashion, than a painters’ union could
+paint a Rembrandt, or a typographical union
+write one of Shakespeare’s plays.</p>
+
+<p>The fact is that this kind of Socialism represents
+an effort to enthrone privilege in its
+crudest form. Much of what we are fighting
+against in modern civilization is privilege.
+We fight against privilege when it takes the
+form of a franchise to a street railway company
+to enjoy the use of the streets of a great
+city without paying an adequate return; when
+it takes the form of a great business combination
+which grows rich by rebates which are
+denied to other shippers; when it takes the
+form of a stock-gambling operation which
+results in the watering of railway securities so
+that certain inside men get an enormous profit
+out of a swindle on the public. All these
+represent various forms of illegal, or, if not
+illegal, then anti-social privilege. But there
+can be no greater abuse, no greater example
+of corrupt and destructive privilege, than
+that advocated by those who say that each
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span>man should put into a common store what he
+can and take out what he needs. This is
+merely another way of saying that the thriftless
+and the vicious, who could or would put
+in but little, should be entitled to take out the
+earnings of the intelligent, the foresighted,
+and the industrious. Such a proposition is
+morally base. To choose to live by theft or
+by charity means in each case degradation, a
+rapid lowering of self-respect and self-reliance.
+The worst wrongs that capitalism
+can commit upon labor would sink into insignificance
+when compared with the hideous
+wrong done by those who would degrade
+labor by sapping the foundations of self-respect
+and self-reliance. The Roman mob,
+living on the bread given them by the State
+and clamoring for excitement and amusement
+to be purveyed by the State, represent
+for all time the very nadir to which a free
+and self-respecting population of workers can
+sink if they grow habitually to rely upon
+others, and especially upon the State, either
+to furnish them charity, or to permit them to
+plunder, as a means of livelihood.</p>
+
+<p>In short, it is simply common sense to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span>recognize that there is the widest inequality
+of service, and that therefore there must be
+an equally wide inequality of reward, if our
+society is to rest upon the basis of justice and
+wisdom. Service is the true test by which
+a man’s worth should be judged. We are
+against privilege in any form: privilege to
+the capitalist who exploits the poor man, and
+privilege to the shiftless or vicious poor man
+who would rob his thrifty brother of what
+he has earned. Certain exceedingly valuable
+forms of service are rendered wholly without
+capital. On the other hand, there are exceedingly
+valuable forms of service which can be
+rendered only by means of great accumulations
+of capital, and not to recognize this fact
+would be to deprive our whole people of one
+of the great agencies for their betterment.
+The test of a man’s worth to the community
+is the service he renders to it, and we cannot
+afford to make this test by material considerations
+alone. One of the main vices of the
+Socialism which was propounded by Proudhon,
+Lassalle, and Marx, and which is
+preached by their disciples and imitators, is
+that it is blind to everything except the merely
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span>material side of life. It is not only indifferent,
+but at bottom hostile, to the intellectual,
+the religious, the domestic and moral life;
+it is a form of communism with no moral
+foundation, but essentially based on the immediate
+annihilation of personal ownership
+of capital, and, in the near future, the annihilation
+of the family, and ultimately the
+annihilation of civilization.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span></p>
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Can_Work">
+    Where We Can Work With
+    Socialists
+  </h2>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="cap">It is true that the doctrines of communistic
+Socialism, if consistently followed,
+mean the ultimate annihilation of civilization.
+Yet the converse is also true. Ruin
+faces us if we decline steadily to try to reshape
+our whole civilization in accordance
+with the law of service, and if we permit ourselves
+to be misled by any empirical or academic
+consideration into refusing to exert the
+common power of the community where only
+collective action can do what individualism
+has left undone, or can remedy the wrongs
+done by an unrestricted and ill-regulated individualism.
+There is any amount of evil in
+our social and industrial conditions of to-day,
+and unless we recognize this fact and try
+resolutely to do what we can to remedy the
+evil, we run great risk of seeing men in their
+misery turn to the false teachers whose doctrines
+would indeed lead them to greater
+misery, but who do at least recognize the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span>fact that they are now miserable. At the
+present time there are scores of laws in the
+interest of labor—laws putting a stop to child
+labor, decreasing the hours of labor where
+they are excessive, putting a stop to unsanitary
+crowding and living, securing employers’
+liability, doing away with unhealthy conditions
+in various trades, and the like—which
+should be passed by the National and the
+various State Legislatures; and those who
+wish to do effective work against Socialism
+would do well to turn their energies into
+securing the enactment of these laws.</p>
+
+<p>Moreover, we should always remember
+that Socialism is both a wide and a loose
+term, and that the self-styled Socialists are
+of many and utterly different types. If we
+should study only the professed apostles of
+radical Socialism, of what these men themselves
+like to call “scientific Socialism,” or if
+we should study only what active leaders of
+Socialism in this country have usually done,
+or read only the papers in which they have
+usually expressed themselves, we would gain
+an utterly wrong impression of very many
+men who call themselves Socialists. There
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span>are many peculiarly high-minded men and
+women who like to speak of themselves as
+Socialists, whose attitude, conscious or unconscious,
+is really merely an indignant recognition
+of the evil of present conditions and
+an ardent wish to remedy it, and whose Socialism
+is really only an advanced form of liberalism.
+Many of these men and women in
+actual fact take a large part in the advancement
+of moral ideas, and in practice wholly
+repudiate the purely materialistic, and therefore
+sordid, doctrines of those Socialists whose
+creed really is in sharp antagonism to every
+principle of public and domestic morality,
+who war on private property with a bitterness
+but little greater than that with which they
+war against the institutions of the home
+and the family, and against every form of
+religion, Catholic or Protestant. The Socialists
+of this moral type may in practice be very
+good citizens indeed, with whom we can at
+many points co-operate. They are often
+joined temporarily with what are called the
+“opportunist Socialists”—those who may
+advocate an impossible and highly undesirable
+Utopia as a matter of abstract faith, but
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span>who in practice try to secure the adoption only
+of some given principle which will do away
+with some phase of existing wrong. With
+these two groups of Socialists it is often
+possible for all far-sighted men to join
+heartily in the effort to secure a given reform
+or do away with a given abuse. Probably,
+in practice, wherever and whenever Socialists
+of these two types are able to form themselves
+into a party, they will disappoint both
+their own expectations and the fears of others
+by acting very much like other parties, like
+other aggregations of men; and it will be
+safe to adopt whatever they advance that is
+wise, and to reject whatever they advance
+that is foolish, just as we have to do as
+regards countless other groups who on one
+issue or set of issues come together to strive
+for a change in the political or social conditions
+of the world we live in. The important
+thing is generally the next step. We
+ought not to take it unless we are sure that it
+is advisable; but we should not hesitate to take
+it when once we are sure; and we can safely
+join with others who also wish to take it,
+without bothering our heads overmuch as to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span>any somewhat fantastic theories they may
+have concerning, say, the two hundredth step,
+which is not yet in sight.</p>
+
+<p>There are many schemes proposed which
+their enemies, and a few of their friends, are
+pleased to call Socialistic, or which are indorsed
+and favored by men who call themselves
+Socialists, but which are entitled each
+to be considered on its merits with regard
+only to the practical advantage which each
+would confer. Every public man, every reformer,
+is bound to refuse to dismiss these
+schemes with the shallow statement that they
+are “Socialistic”; for such an attitude is one
+of mere mischievous dogmatism. There are
+communities in which our system of State
+education is still resisted and condemned as
+Socialism; and we have seen within the past
+two years in this country men who were
+themselves directors in National banks,
+which were supervised by the Government,
+object to such supervision of railways by the
+Government on the ground that it was
+“Socialistic.” An employers’ liability law is
+no more Socialistic than a fire department;
+the regulation of railway rates is by no means
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span>as Socialistic as the digging and enlarging of
+the Erie Canal at the expense of the State. A
+proper compensation law would merely distribute
+over the entire industry the shock of
+accident or disease, instead of limiting it to
+the unfortunate individual on whom, through
+no fault of his, it happened to fall. As communities
+become more thickly settled and
+their lives more complex, it grows ever more
+and more necessary for some of the work
+formerly performed by individuals, each for
+himself, to be performed by the community
+for the community as a whole. Isolated
+farms need no complicated system of sewerage;
+but this does not mean that public control
+of sewerage in a great city should be
+resisted on the ground that it tends toward
+Socialism. Let each proposition be treated
+on its own merits, soberly and cautiously, but
+without any of that rigidity of mind which
+fears all reform. If, for instance, the question
+arises as to the establishment of day
+nurseries for the children of mothers who
+work in factories, the obvious thing to do is
+to approach it with an open mind, listen to
+the arguments for and against, and, if necessary,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span>try the experiment in actual practice. If
+it is alleged that small groups of farmers
+have prospered by doing much of their work
+in common, and by a kind of mutual insurance
+and supervision, why of course we
+should look into the matter with an open
+mind, and try to find out, not what we want
+the facts to be, but what the facts really are.</p>
+
+<p>We cannot afford to subscribe to the doctrine,
+equally hard and foolish, that the welfare
+of the children in the tenement-house
+district is no concern of the community as a
+whole. If the child of the thronged city cannot
+live in decent surroundings, have teaching,
+have room to play, have good water and
+clean air, then not only will he suffer, but in
+the next generation the whole community will
+to a greater or less degree share his suffering.</p>
+
+<p>In striving to better our industrial life we
+must ever keep in mind that, while we cannot
+afford to neglect its material side, we can even
+less afford to disregard its moral and intellectual
+side. Each of us is bound to remember
+that he is in very truth his brother’s keeper,
+and that his duty is, with judgment and common
+sense, to try to help the brother. To
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span>the base and greedy attitude of mind which
+adopts as its motto, “What is thine is mine,”
+we oppose the doctrine of service, the doctrine
+that insists that each of us, in no
+hysterical manner, but with common sense
+and good judgment, and without neglect of
+his or her own interests, shall yet act on the
+saying, “What is mine I will in good measure
+make thine also.”</p>
+
+<p>Socialism strives to remedy what is evil
+alike in domestic and in economic life, and its
+tendency is to insist that the economic remedy
+is all-sufficient in every case. We should all
+join in the effort to do away with the evil;
+but we should refuse to have anything to do
+with remedies which are either absurd or
+mischievous, for such, of course, would merely
+aggravate the present suffering. The first
+thing to recognize is that, while economic
+reform is often vital, it is never all-sufficient.
+The moral reform, the change of character—in
+which law can sometimes play a large, but
+never the largest, part—is the most necessary
+of all. In dealing with the marriage relation
+the Socialist attitude is one of unmixed evil.
+Assuredly woman should be guarded and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span>honored in every way, her rights jealously
+upheld, and any wrong done her should be
+regarded and punished with severe judgment;
+but we must keep in mind the obvious fact
+that equality of consideration does not mean
+identity of function. Our effort should be
+to raise the level of self-respect, self-control,
+sense of duty in both sexes, and not to push
+both down to an evil equality of moral turpitude
+by doing away with the self-restraint and
+sense of obligation which have been slowly
+built up through the ages. We must bring
+them to a moral level by raising the lower
+standard, not by depressing the high. It is
+idle to prattle against the “economic dependence”
+of woman upon man. In the ideal
+household—an ideal which I believe, though
+very far from being universally realized, is
+yet now more generally realized than ever
+before—there is really complete economic
+interdependence, as well as the high spiritual
+and moral interdependence which is more
+nearly attained in happy wedlock, in a permanent
+partnership of love and duty, than in
+any other relation of life which the world
+has yet seen. Rights should be forfeited by
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span>neither partner; and duties should be shirked
+by neither partner. The duty of the woman
+to be the child-bearer and home-keeper is
+just as obvious, simple, and healthy as the
+duty of the man to be the breadwinner and,
+if necessary, the soldier. Whenever either
+the man or the woman loses the power or the
+will to perform these obvious duties, the loss
+is irreparable, and whatever may be the gain
+in ease, amiable softness, self-indulgent pleasure,
+or even artistic and material achievement,
+the whole civilization is rotten and must
+fall.</p>
+
+<p>So with our industrial system. In many
+respects the wage system can be bettered; but
+screaming about “wage slavery” is largely
+absurd; at this moment, for instance, I am a
+“wage slave” of The Outlook. Under certain
+conditions and in certain cases the co-operative
+system can to a greater or less degree be substituted
+with advantage for, or, more often,
+can be used to supplement, the wage system;
+but only on condition of recognizing the
+widely different needs occasioned by different
+conditions, which needs are so diverse that
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span>they must sometimes be met in totally different
+ways.</p>
+
+<p>We should do everything that can be done,
+by law or otherwise, to keep the avenues of
+occupation, of employment, of work, of interest,
+so open that there shall be, so far as it is
+humanly possible to achieve it, a measurable
+equality of opportunity; an equality of
+opportunity for each man to show the stuff
+that is in him. When it comes to reward,
+let each man, within the limits set by a
+sound and far-sighted morality, get what, by
+his energy, intelligence, thrift, courage, he is
+able to get, with the opportunity open. We
+must set our faces against privilege; just as
+much against the kind of privilege which
+would let the shiftless and lazy laborer take
+what his brother has earned as against the
+privilege which allows the huge capitalist to
+take toll to which he is not entitled. We
+stand for equality of opportunity, but not for
+equality of reward unless there is also equality
+of service. If the service is equal, let the
+reward be equal; but let the reward depend
+on the service; and, mankind being composed
+as it is, there will be inequality of service for
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span>a long time to come, no matter how great the
+equality of opportunity may be; and just so
+long as there is inequality of service it is
+eminently desirable that there should be inequality
+of reward.</p>
+
+<p>We recognize, and are bound to war
+against, the evils of to-day. The remedies
+are partly economic and partly spiritual,
+partly to be obtained by laws, and in greater
+part to be obtained by individual and associated
+effort; for character is the vital matter,
+and character cannot be created by law.
+These remedies include a religious and moral
+teaching which shall increase the spirit of
+human brotherhood; an educational system
+which shall train men for every form of useful
+service—and which shall train us to prize
+common sense no less than morality; such a
+division of the profits of industry as shall
+tend to encourage intelligent and thrifty tool-users
+to become tool-owners; and a government
+so strong, just, wise, and democratic
+that, neither lagging too far behind nor pushing
+heedlessly in advance, it may do its full
+share in promoting these ends.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span></p>
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Cure-Alls">
+    Quack Cure-Alls for the Body
+    Politic
+  </h2>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="cap">The best lesson that any people can
+learn is that there is no patent cure-all
+which will make the body politic
+perfect, and that any man who is able glibly
+to answer every question as to how to deal
+with the evils of the body politic is at best a
+foolish visionary and at worst an evil-minded
+quack. Neither doctrinaire socialism, nor unrestricted
+individualism, nor any other ism,
+will bring about the millennium. In the last
+analysis the welfare of a nation depends on
+its having throughout a healthy development.
+A healthy social system must of necessity represent
+the sum of very many moral, intellectual,
+and economic forces, and each such force
+must depend in its turn partly upon the whole
+system; and all these many forces are needed
+to develop a high grade of character in the
+individual men and women who make up the
+nation. No individual man could be kept
+healthy by living in accordance with a plan
+which took cognizance only of one set of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span>muscles or set of organs; his health must depend
+upon his general bodily vigor, that is,
+upon the general care which affects hundreds
+of different organs according to their hundreds
+of needs. Society is, of course, infinitely
+more complex than the human body. The
+influences that tell upon it are countless; they
+are closely interwoven, interdependent, and
+each is acted upon by many others. It is
+pathetically absurd, when such are the conditions,
+to believe that some one simple panacea
+for all evils can be found. Slowly, with
+infinite difficulty, with bitter disappointments,
+with stumblings and haltings, we are working
+our way upward and onward. In this progress
+something can be done by continually
+striving to improve the social system, now
+here, now there. Something more can be
+done by the resolute effort for a many-sided
+higher life. This life must largely come to
+each individual from within, by his own effort,
+but toward the attainment of it each of us
+can help many others. Such a life must represent
+the struggle for a higher and broader
+humanity, to be shown not merely in the dealings
+of each of us within the realm of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span>State, but even more by the dealings of each
+of us in the more intimate realm of the
+family; for the life of the State rests and
+must ever rest upon the life of the family and
+the neighborhood.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span></p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span></p>
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Japanese">
+    The Japanese Question
+  </h2>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="cap">There are certain elementary principles
+all of which should be kept
+steadily in view if a nation wishes to
+act justly both by itself and by others. It
+must insist upon what is necessary for its own
+healthy life, and this even at the cost of a
+possible clash; but this insistence on what is
+due to itself should always be accompanied
+by all possible courtesy to and fair dealing
+with others.</p>
+
+<p>These are the principles upon which the
+people of the United States should act as
+regards the question of the immigration of
+the Japanese into this country. The Japanese
+are a highly civilized people of extraordinary
+military, artistic, and industrial development;
+they are proud, warlike, and sensitive. I
+believe that our people have, what I personally
+certainly have, a profound and hearty
+admiration for them; an admiration for their
+great deeds and great qualities, an ungrudging
+respect for their national character. But
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span>this admiration and respect is accompanied
+by the firm conviction that it is not for the
+advantage of either people that emigrants
+from either country should settle in mass in
+the other country. The understanding between
+the two countries on this point should
+be on a basis of entire mutuality, and therefore
+on a basis which will preserve unimpaired
+the self-respect of each country, and
+permit each to continue to feel friendly good
+will for the other. Japan would certainly
+object to the incoming of masses of American
+farmers, laborers, and small traders; indeed,
+the Japanese would object to this at least as
+strongly as the men of the Pacific Coast and
+Rocky Mountain States object to the incoming
+in mass of Japanese workmen, agricultural
+laborers, and men engaged in small trades.
+The Japanese certainly object to Americans
+acquiring land in Japan at least as much as
+the Americans of the far Western States object
+to the Japanese acquiring land on our
+soil. The Americans who go to Japan and
+the Japanese who come to America should be
+of the same general class—that is, they
+should be travelers, students, teachers, scientific
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span>investigators, men engaged in international
+business, men sojourning in the land
+for pleasure or study. As long as the emigration
+from each side is limited to classes
+such as these, there will be no settlement in
+mass, and therefore no difficulty. Wherever
+there is settlement in mass—that is, wherever
+there is a large immigration of urban or
+agricultural laborers, or of people engaged
+in small local business of any kind—there is
+sure to be friction. It is against the interests
+of both nations that such unrestricted immigration
+or settlement in mass should be
+allowed as regards either nation. This is the
+cardinal fact in the situation; it should be
+freely recognized by both countries, and can
+be accepted by each not only without the
+slightest loss of self-respect, but with the
+certainty that its acceptance will tend to preserve
+mutual respect and friendliness.</p>
+
+<p>But in achieving this policy we should bear
+steadily in mind that it is our duty to combine
+the maximum of efficiency with the minimum
+of offensiveness. Only the National Government
+can carry out such a policy effectively,
+and the surest way to do harm is for State,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span>municipal, or other local governments to pass
+laws which would be ineffective to obtain the
+real object and yet would produce intense
+irritation. The best of all possible ways in
+which to achieve the object is that which the
+governments of the two countries have now
+by common agreement adopted; for the Japanese
+Government has on its own initiative
+and of its own accord undertaken to prevent
+the coming hither in any appreciable numbers
+of Japanese of the classes to which I have
+referred. This agreement during the last
+year or thereabouts has worked so well that
+actually more Japanese have left the country
+than have come into it, and there has therefore
+been a diminution of their numbers. If
+this continues, all difficulties will cease without
+the need of further action, whether by
+treaty or by legislation. On the one hand,
+it is for the common interest of both countries
+that Japan should effectively and rigorously
+carry out this policy. On the other
+hand, it is not only the interest but the duty
+of America to take no further action until it
+can be seen whether this policy is successful;
+and this is just as wise, just as incumbent on
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span>us, whether we do or do not believe that it
+will be successful. The success of the policy
+must be gauged by its actual results; that is,
+by the extent to which it arrests the immigration
+of large bodies of Japanese. If the
+Japanese Government proves unable to carry
+its policy through, then undoubtedly this
+Government, by treaty or by legislation, must
+protect itself and secure the desired result on
+its own initiative. But in such a case it would
+be doubly incumbent upon us to take the
+action in the way that would provoke the
+least possible friction and cause the least
+possible hard feeling. Moreover, we should
+make it evident that the recognition of the
+fact that it is to the interest of both races that
+the masses of both races should be kept apart
+is in no way incompatible with the heartiest
+feelings of mutual respect and admiration
+between the two races.</p>
+
+<p>The fact that all really patriotic and far-sighted
+Americans insist that hand in hand
+with a policy of good will toward foreign
+nations should go the policy of the upbuilding
+of our navy is often interpreted by well-meaning
+but short-sighted men as being a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span>threat toward other nations, or as being provocative
+of war. Of the two assumptions the
+first is utterly unwarranted, and the second is
+the direct reverse of the truth. We have the
+right to say, for instance, what immigrants
+shall come to our own shores; but we are
+powerless to enforce this right against any
+nation that chooses to disregard our wishes,
+unless we continue to build up and maintain
+a first-class fighting navy. The professional
+peace advocate who wishes us to stop building
+up our navy is, in reality, seeking to put us
+in a position where we would be absolutely
+at the mercy of any other nation that happened
+to wish to disregard our desires to
+control the immigration that comes to our
+shores, to protect our own interests in the
+Panama Canal, to protect our own citizens
+abroad, or to take any stand whatever either
+for our own international honor or in the
+interest of international righteousness. Moreover,
+those well-meaning but fatuous advocates
+of peace who would try to prevent the
+upbuilding of our navy utterly misread the
+temper of their countrymen. We Americans
+are ourselves both proud and high-spirited,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span>and we are not always by any means far-sighted.
+If our honor or our interest were
+menaced by a foreign power, this Nation
+would fight, wholly without regard to whether
+or not its navy was efficient. In the event of
+a crisis arising, the peace advocates who object
+to our building up the navy would be
+absolutely powerless to prevent this country
+going to war. All they could do would be
+to prevent its being successful in the war. A
+strong navy is the surest guaranty of peace
+that America can have, and the cheapest insurance
+against war that Uncle Sam can
+possibly pay.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span></p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span></p>
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Tolstoy">
+    Tolstoy
+  </h2>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="cap">One of the comic features of the
+political campaign last fall was the
+letter which Count Tolstoy wrote
+on behalf of Mr. Bryan. In this letter Count
+Tolstoy advocated the election of Mr. Bryan
+on the ground that he was the representative
+of the party of peace, of anti-militarism.
+From the point of view of American politics,
+the incident possessed no importance beyond
+furnishing material for the humorous columns
+of the newspapers. But it had a certain real
+interest as indicating Count Tolstoy’s worth
+as a moral guide. He advocated Mr. Bryan
+on the theory that Mr. Bryan represented
+peace and anti-militarism. Now there was
+but one point in the platform of either political
+party in 1908 which contained any
+element of menace to the peace of the world.
+This was the plank in the Bryanite platform
+which demanded the immediate exclusion by
+law of all Asiatic laborers, and therefore of
+the Japanese. Coupled with it was the utterly
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span>meaningless plank about the Navy,
+which was, however, intended to convey the
+impression that we ought to have a navy only
+for the defense of our coasts—that is, a
+merely “defensive” navy, or, in other words, a
+quite worthless navy. Now I have shown in
+a preceding editorial that at this present time
+there is neither justification nor excuse for such
+a law—and this wholly without regard to
+what the future may show. The exclusion
+plank in Mr. Bryan’s platform represented
+merely an idle threat, a wanton insult, and it
+was coupled with what was intended to be a
+declaration that the policy of upbuilding the
+Navy, which has been so successfully carried
+on during the past dozen years, would be
+abandoned. Any man of common sense,
+therefore, ought to perceive the self-evident
+fact that the only menace to peace which was
+contained in any possible action by the American
+Republic was that contained in the election
+of Mr. Bryan and the attempt to put
+into effect his platform. That Count Tolstoy
+did not see this affords a curious illustration
+of his complete inability to face facts; of his
+readiness to turn aside from the truth in the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span>pursuit of any phantom, however foolish; and
+of the utter fatuity of those who treat him
+as a philosopher, whose philosophy should
+be, or could be, translated into action.</p>
+
+<p>Count Tolstoy is a man of genius, a
+great novelist. “War and Peace,” “Anna
+Karénina,” “The Cossacks,” “Sebastopol,”
+are great books. As a novelist he has added
+materially to the sum of production of his
+generation. As a professional philosopher
+and moralist I doubt if his influence has really
+been very extensive among men of action; of
+course it has a certain weight among men
+who live only in the closet, in the library; and
+among the high-minded men of this type,
+who, because of their sheltered lives, naturally
+reject what is immoral, and do not have
+to deal with what is fantastic, in Tolstoy’s
+teachings, it is probable that the really lofty
+side of these teachings gives them a certain
+sense of spiritual exaltation. But I have no
+question that whatever little influence Tolstoy
+has exerted among men of action has told, on
+the whole, for evil. I do not think his influence
+over men of action has been great, for
+I think he has swayed or dominated only the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span>feeble folk and the fantastic folk. No man
+who possesses both robust common sense and
+high ideals, and who strives to apply both in
+actual living, is affected by Tolstoy’s teachings,
+save as he is affected by the teachings of
+hundreds of other men in whose writings
+there are occasional truths mixed with masses
+of what is commonplace or erroneous. Strong
+men may gain something from Tolstoy’s
+moral teachings, but only on condition that
+they are strong enough and sane enough to
+be repelled by those parts of his teachings
+which are foolish or immoral. Weak persons
+are hurt by the teachings. Still, I think that
+the mere fact that these weak persons are
+influenced sufficiently to be marred means
+that there was not in them a very great quantity
+of potential usefulness to mar. In the
+United States we suffer from grave moral
+dangers; but they are for the most part dangers
+which Tolstoy would neither perceive
+nor know how to combat. Moreover, the
+real and dreadful evils which do in fact share
+in his denunciation of an attack upon both
+good and evil are usually not evils which are
+of much moment among us. On the other
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span>hand, we are not liable to certain kinds of
+wickedness which there is real danger of his
+writings inculcating; for it is a lamentable
+fact that, as is so often the case with a certain
+type of mystical zealot, there is in him a dark
+streak which tells of moral perversion. That
+side of his teachings which is partially manifested
+in the revolting “Kreutzer Sonata” can
+do exceedingly little damage in America, for
+it would appeal only to decadents; exactly as
+it could have come only from a man who,
+however high he may stand in certain respects,
+has in him certain dreadful qualities
+of the moral pervert.</p>
+
+<p>The usual effect of prolonged and excessive
+indulgence in Tolstoyism on American disciples
+is comic rather than serious. One of
+these disciples, for instance, not long ago
+wrote a book on American municipal problems,
+which ascribed our ethical and social
+shortcomings in municipal matters in part to
+the sin of “militarism.” Now the mind of
+this particular writer in making such a statement
+was influenced not in the least by what
+had actually occurred or was occurring in
+our cities, but by one of Tolstoy’s theories
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span>which has no possible bearing upon American
+life. Militarism is a real factor for good or
+for evil in most European countries. In
+America it has not the smallest effect one way
+or the other; it is a negligible quantity. There
+are undoubtedly states of society where militarism
+is a grave evil, and there are plenty
+of circumstances in which the prime duty of
+man may be to strive against it. But it is not
+righteous war, not even war itself, which is
+the absolute evil, the evil which is evil always
+and under all circumstances. Militarism
+which takes the form of a police force, municipal
+or national, may be the prime factor for
+upholding peace and righteousness. Militarism
+is to be condemned or not purely
+according to the conditions. So eating horse
+meat is in itself a mere matter of taste; but
+the early Christian missionaries in Scandinavia
+found that serious evil sprang from
+the custom of eating horse meat in honor of
+Odin. It is literally true that our very grave
+municipal problems in New York or Chicago
+have no more to do with militarism than with
+eating the meat of horses that have been sacrificed
+to pagan deities; and a crusade against
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span>one habit, as an element in municipal reform,
+is just about as rational as would be a crusade
+against the other. Oliver Wendell Holmes
+said that it had taken a century to remove
+the lark from American literature; because
+the poets insisted upon writing, not about the
+birds they saw, but about the birds they had
+read of in the writings of other poets. Militarism
+as an evil in our social life is as purely
+a figment of the imagination as the skylark
+in our literature. Moreover, the fact that
+in spite of this total absence of militarism
+there is so much that is evil in our life, so
+much need for reform, ought to show persons
+who think that the destruction of militarism
+would bring about the millennium how
+completely they lack the sense of perspective.</p>
+
+<p>Another disciple used to write poetry in
+defense of the Mahdi, apparently under the
+vague impression that this also was a protest
+against militarism and therefore in line with
+Tolstoy’s teachings—as very possibly it was.
+Now, Mahdism was as hideous an exhibition
+of bloodthirsty cruelty, governmental tyranny,
+corruption and inefficiency, and homicidal
+religious fanaticism as the world has
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span>ever seen. Its immediate result was to destroy
+over half the population in the area where it
+held sway, and to bring the most dreadful
+degradation and suffering to the remainder.
+It represented in the aggregate more wickedness,
+more wrong-doing, more human suffering,
+than all the wickedness, wrong-doing,
+and human suffering in all the Christian communities
+put together during the same period.
+It was characteristic of the fantastic perversion
+of morality which naturally results from
+the serious acceptance of Tolstoy as a moral
+teacher that one manifestation of this acceptance
+should have been a defense of Mahdism.
+Of course when the Anglo-Egyptian
+army overthrew Mahdism it conferred a
+boon upon all mankind, and most of all upon
+the wretched inhabitants of the Sudan.</p>
+
+<p>So much for Tolstoyism in America, the
+only place where I have studied it in action,
+and where its effect, although insignificant for
+good, has been not much more significant for
+evil, being absurd rather than serious. As
+to the effect in Russia itself, I am not competent
+to speak. But the history of the
+Duma proved in the most emphatic way that
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span>the greatest danger to liberalism in Russia
+sprang from the fact that the liberals were
+saturated with just such folly as that taught
+by Tolstoy. The flat contradiction between
+his theory and practice in such matters as his
+preaching concerning the relations of the
+sexes, and also concerning private property—for
+of course it is an unlovely thing to profit
+by the private property of one’s wife and
+children, while affecting to cast it aside—is
+explicable only by one of two very sad
+hypotheses, neither of which it is necessary
+here to discuss. The important point is that
+his preaching is compounded of some very
+beautiful and lofty sentiments, with much
+that is utterly fantastic, and with some things
+that are grossly immoral. The Duma fell
+far short of what its friends in other lands
+hoped for, just because it showed these very
+same traits, and because it failed to develop
+the power for practical common-sense work.
+There were plenty of members who could
+utter the loftiest moral sentiments, sentiments
+quite as lofty as those once uttered by Robespierre;
+but there was an insufficiency of members
+able and willing to go to work in practical
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span>fashion, able and willing to try to make
+society measurably better by cutting out the
+abuses that could be cut out, and by starting
+things on the right road, instead of insisting
+upon doing nothing unless they could immediately
+introduce the millennium and reform
+all the abuses of society out of hand with a
+jump. What was needed was a body of
+men like those who made our Constitution;
+men accustomed to work with their fellows,
+accustomed to compromise; men who clung
+to high ideals, but who were imbued with the
+philosophy which Abraham Lincoln afterwards
+so strikingly exemplified, and were
+content to take the best possible where the
+best absolute could not be secured. This was
+the spirit of Washington and his associates in
+one great crisis of our National life, of Lincoln
+and his associates in the other great
+crisis. It is the only spirit from which it
+will ever be possible to secure good results in
+a free country; and it is the direct negation of
+Tolstoyism.</p>
+
+<p>To minimize the chance of anything but
+willful misunderstanding, let me repeat that
+Tolstoy is a great writer, a great novelist;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span>that the unconscious influence of his novels is
+probably, on the whole, good, even disregarding
+their standing as works of art; that even
+as a professional moralist and philosophical
+adviser of mankind in religious matters he
+has some excellent theories and on some
+points develops a noble and elevating teaching;
+but that taken as a whole, and if
+generally diffused, his moral and philosophical
+teachings, so far as they had any influence at
+all, would have an influence for bad; partly
+because on certain points they teach downright
+immorality, but much more because they tend
+to be both foolish and fantastic, and if logically
+applied would mean the extinction of
+humanity in a generation.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span></p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span></p>
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Southerners">
+    A Southerner’s View of the South
+  </h2>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="cap">It seems rather queer to go abroad and
+discover an American author. Two
+books have appeared in England during
+the last year or two, named “The Scar” and
+“The Scourge.” They have been a success,
+not only in England, but on the Continent;
+for translations have appeared or are appearing
+in German, French, and Russian.
+Yet they are by an American, Mr. Warrington
+Dawson, of South Carolina; and they
+deal with localities, questions, and types
+exclusively and typically American. It is
+not very creditable to us that this American,
+writing with unusual power of American
+scenes and problems, should have an exclusively
+European audience.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Dawson’s stories are laid in the
+country districts and small towns of Virginia.
+In each volume a Northerner, in the
+first a woman, in the second a man, is thrown
+into intimate contact with the members of a
+proud caste of provincial aristocrats, who
+have been slowly sinking under the burden
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span>of grinding poverty, whose poverty-stricken
+lives are both hardening and narrowing, but
+in whose strongly individualized natures
+there dwell qualities and capacities of the
+highest kind. It is in his studies of these
+native Southern whites—both men and
+women, both those who are painfully struggling
+upwards and those whom an iron fate
+is slowly forcing downwards—and in his
+studies of the dark-skinned alien race standing
+so utterly aloof from them and so intimately
+connected with them, that Mr.
+Dawson excels; and it is not necessary to
+agree with all his conclusions in order to
+appreciate the value of his work. But
+almost equally good is the study of the
+Northerner who dwells South, who has made
+a real business success, who is in his own
+fashion devoted to the interests of the people
+with whom he has spent his life, but
+whom they at bottom never cease to regard
+as an interloper; and Mr. Dawson is entirely
+just in showing how ungenerous and unwarranted
+part of this attitude is, and, on the
+other hand, the measure of justification which
+it has in the hard narrowness that makes the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span>intruder insist on trying to do good to the
+community in many ways which represent
+what is either unnecessary or even injurious.</p>
+
+<p>I have no intention of writing a criticism
+of Mr. Dawson’s two books; but it is worth
+while calling attention to the fact that this
+author, who writes with power and interest
+of vital home matters, has his critics and his
+audience abroad, but has neither critics nor
+audience at home. He should have both.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span></p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span></p>
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Thraldom">
+    The Thraldom of Names
+  </h2>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="cap">It behooves our people never to fall under
+the thraldom of names, and least of all
+to be misled by designing people who
+appeal to the reverence for or antipathy
+toward a given name in order to achieve some
+alien purpose. Of course such misuse of
+names is as old as the history of what we
+understand when we speak of civilized mankind.
+The rule of a mob may be every whit
+as tyrannical and oppressive as the rule of a
+single individual, whether or not called a dictator;
+and the rule of an oligarchy, whether
+this oligarchy is a plutocracy or a bureaucracy,
+or any other small set of powerful men,
+may in its turn be just as sordid and just as
+bloodthirsty as that of a mob. But the
+apologists for the mob or oligarchy or dictator,
+in justifying the tyranny, use different
+words. The mob leaders usually state that
+all that they are doing is necessary in order to
+advance the cause of “liberty,” while the
+dictator and the oligarchy are usually defended
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span>upon the ground that the course they
+follow is absolutely necessary so as to secure
+“order.” Many excellent people are taken
+in by the use of the word “liberty” at the one
+time, and the use of the word “order” at the
+other, and ignore the simple fact that despotism
+is despotism, tyranny tyranny, oppression
+oppression, whether committed by one individual
+or by many individuals, by a State or
+by a private corporation.</p>
+
+<p>Moreover, tyranny exercised on behalf of
+one set of people is very apt in the long run
+to damage especially the representatives of
+that very class by the violence of the reaction
+which it invites. The course of the Second
+Republic in France was such, with its mobs,
+its bloody civil tumults, its national workshops,
+its bitter factional divisions, as to invite
+and indeed insure its overthrow and the
+establishment of a dictatorship; while it is
+needless to mention the innumerable instances
+in which the name of order has been invoked
+to sanction tyranny, until there has finally
+come a reaction so violent that both the
+tyranny and all public order have disappeared
+together. The Second Empire in France led
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span>straight up to the Paris Commune; and nothing
+so well shows how far the French people
+had advanced in fitness for self-government
+as the fact that the hideous atrocities of the
+Commune, which rendered it imperative that
+it should be rigorously repressed, nevertheless
+did not produce another violent reaction, but
+left the French Republic standing, and the
+French people as resolute in their refusal to
+be ruled by a king as by a mob.</p>
+
+<p>Of course when a great crisis actually
+comes, no matter how much people may have
+been misled by names, they promptly awaken
+to their unimportance. To the individual
+who suffered under the guillotine at Paris, or
+in the drownings in the Loire, or to the individual
+who a century before was expelled
+from his beloved country, or tortured, or sent
+to the galleys, it made no difference whatever
+that one set of acts was performed under
+Robespierre and Danton and Marat in the
+name of liberty and reason and the rights of
+the people, or that the other was performed
+in the name of order and authority and religion
+by the direction of the Great Monarch.
+Tyranny and cruelty were tyranny and cruelty
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span>just as much in one case as in the other, and
+just as much when those guilty of them used
+one shibboleth as when they used another.
+All forms of tyranny and cruelty must alike
+be condemned by honest men.</p>
+
+<p>We in this country have been very fortunate.
+Thanks to the teaching and the practice
+of the men whom we most revere as leaders,
+of the men like Washington and Lincoln, we
+have hitherto escaped the twin gulfs of
+despotism and mob rule, and we have never
+been in any danger from the worst forms of
+religious bitterness. But we should therefore
+be all the more careful, as we deal with our
+industrial and social problems, not to fall into
+mistakes similar to those which have brought
+lasting disaster on less fortunately situated
+peoples. We have achieved democracy in
+politics just because we have been able to steer
+a middle course between the rule of the mob
+and the rule of the dictator. We shall achieve
+industrial democracy because we shall steer a
+similar middle course between the extreme
+individualist and the Socialist, between the
+demagogue who attacks all wealth and who
+can see no wrong done anywhere unless it is
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span>perpetrated by a man of wealth, and the
+apologist for the plutocracy who rails against
+so much as a restatement of the Eighth Commandment
+upon the ground that it will “hurt
+business.”</p>
+
+<p>First and foremost we must stand firmly on
+a basis of good sound ethics. We intend to
+do what is right for the ample and sufficient
+reason that it is right. If business is hurt by
+the stern exposure of crookedness and the
+result of efforts to punish the crooked man,
+then business must be hurt, even though good
+men are involved in the hurting, until it so
+adjusts itself that it is possible to prosecute
+wrong-doing without stampeding the business
+community into a terror-struck defense of the
+wrong-doers and an angry assault upon those
+who have exposed them. On the other hand,
+we must beware, above all things, of being
+misled by wicked or foolish men who would
+condone homicide and violence, and apologize
+for the dynamiter and the assassin because,
+forsooth, they choose to take the
+ground that crime is no crime if the wicked
+man happens also to have been a shiftless and
+unthrifty or lazy man who has never amassed
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span>property. It is essential that we should wrest
+the control of the Government out of the
+hands of rich men who use it for unhealthy
+purposes, and should keep it out of their
+hands; and to this end the first requisite is to
+provide means adequately to deal with corporations,
+which are essential to modern business,
+but which, under the decisions of the
+courts, and because of the short-sightedness of
+the public, have become the chief factors in
+political and business debasement. But it
+would be just as bad to put the control of the
+Government into the hands of demagogues
+and visionaries who seek to pander to ignorance
+and prejudice by penalizing thrift and
+business enterprise, and ruining all men of
+means, with, as an attendant result, the ruin
+of the entire community. The tyranny of
+politicians with a bureaucracy behind them
+and a mass of ignorant people supporting
+them would be just as insufferable as the
+tyranny of big corporations. The tyranny
+would be the same in each case, and it would
+make no more difference that one was called
+individualism, and the other collectivism, than
+it made in French history whether tyranny
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span>was exercised in the name of the Commune
+or of the Emperor, of a Committee of National
+Safety, or of a King.</p>
+
+<p>The sinister and adroit reactionary, the
+sinister and violent radical, are alike in this,
+that each works in the end for the destruction
+of the cause that he professedly champions.
+If the one is left to his own devices, he will
+utterly discredit the entire system of government
+by individual initiative; and if the other
+is allowed to work his will, he, in his turn,
+will make men so loathe interference and
+control by the State that any abuses connected
+with the untrammeled control of all business
+by private individuals will seem small by comparison.
+We cannot afford to be empirical.
+We must judge each case on its merits. It
+is absolutely indispensable to foster the spirit
+of individual initiative, of self-reliance, of
+self-help; but this does not mean that we are
+to refuse to face facts and to recognize that
+the growth of our complex civilization necessitates
+an increase in the exercise of the functions
+of the State. It has been shown beyond
+power of refutation that unrestricted individualism,
+for instance, means the destruction
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span>of our forests and our water supply. The
+dogma of “individualism” cannot be permitted
+to interfere with the duty of a great city to
+see that householders, small as well as big, live
+in decent and healthy buildings, drink good
+water, and have the streets adequately lighted
+and kept clean. Individual initiative, the
+reign of individualism, may be crushed out
+just as effectively by the unchecked growth
+of private monopoly if the State does not
+interfere at all, as it would be crushed out
+under communism, or as it would disappear,
+together with everything else that makes life
+worth living, if we adopted the tenets of the
+extreme Socialists.</p>
+
+<p>In 1896 the party of discontent met with
+a smashing defeat for the very reason that,
+together with legitimate attacks on real
+abuses, they combined wholly illegitimate
+advocacy even of the methods of dealing with
+these real abuses, and in addition stood for
+abuses of their own which, in far-reaching
+damage, would have cast quite into the shade
+the effects of the abuses against which they
+warred. It was essential both to the material
+and moral progress of the country that these
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span>forces should be beaten; and beaten they were,
+overwhelmingly. But the genuine ethical revolt
+against these forces was aided by a very
+ugly materialism, and this materialism at one
+time claimed the victory as exclusively its
+own, and advanced it as a warrant and license
+for the refusal to interfere with any misdeeds
+on the part of men of wealth. What such
+an attitude meant was set forth as early as
+1896 by an English visitor, the journalist
+Steevens, a man of marked insight. Mr.
+Steevens did not see with entire clearness of
+vision into the complex American character;
+it would have been marvelous if a stranger of
+his slight experience here could so have seen;
+but it would be difficult to put certain important
+facts more clearly than he put them.
+Immediately after the election he wrote as
+follows (I condense slightly):</p>
+
+<p>“In the United States legal organization
+of industry has been left wholly wanting.
+Little is done by the State. All is left to the
+initiative of the individual. The apparent
+negligence is explained partly by the American
+horror of retarding mechanical progress, and
+partly by their reliance on competition. They
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span>have cast overboard the law as the safeguard
+of individual rights, and have put themselves
+under the protection of competition, and of
+it alone. Now a trust in its exacter acceptation
+is the flat negation of competition. It is
+certain that commercial concerns make frequent,
+powerful, and successful combinations
+to override the public interest. All such corporations
+are left unfettered in a way that to
+an Englishman appears almost a return to
+savagery. The defenselessness of individual
+liberty against the encroachment of the railway
+companies, tramway companies, nuisance-committing
+manure companies, and the like,
+is little less than horrible. Where regulating
+acts are proposed, the companies unite to
+oppose them; where such acts exist, they bribe
+corrupt officials to ignore them. When they
+want any act for themselves, it can always be
+bought for cash. [This is of course a gross
+exaggeration; and allusion should have been
+made to the violent and demagogic attacks
+upon corporations, which are even more common
+than and are quite as noxious as acts of
+oppression by corporations.] They maintain
+their own members in the legislative
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span>bodies—pocket Assemblymen, pocket Representatives,
+pocket Senators. In the name of
+individual freedom and industrial progress
+they have become the tyrants of the whole
+community. Lawless greed on one side, and
+lawless brutality on the other—the outlook
+frowns. On the wisdom of the rulers of the
+country in salving or embittering these antagonisms—still
+more, on the fortune of the
+people in either modifying or hardening their
+present conviction that to get dollars is the
+one end of life—it depends whether the
+future of the United States is to be of eminent
+beneficence or unspeakable disaster. It
+may stretch out the light of liberty to the
+whole world. It may become the devil’s
+drill-ground where the cohorts of anarchy
+will furnish themselves against the social
+Armageddon.”</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Steevens here clearly points out, what
+every one ought to recognize, that if individualism
+is left absolutely uncontrolled as a
+modern business condition, the curious result
+will follow that all power of individual
+achievement and individual effort in the
+average man will be crushed out just as effectively
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span>as if the State took absolute control of
+everything. It would be easy to name several
+big corporations, each one of which has
+within its sphere crushed out all competition
+so as to make, not only its rivals, but its customers
+as dependent upon it as if the Government
+had assumed complete charge of the
+product. It would, in my judgment, be a
+very unhealthy thing for the Government thus
+to assume complete charge; but it is even
+more unhealthy to permit a private monopoly
+thus to assume it. The simple truth is that
+the defenders of the theory of unregulated
+lawlessness in the business world are either
+insincere, or blind to the facts, when they
+speak of their system as permitting a healthy
+individualism and individual initiative. On
+the contrary, it crushes out individualism;
+save in a very few able and powerful men,
+who tend to become dictators in the business
+world precisely as in the old days a Spanish-American
+president tended to become a dictator
+in the political world.</p>
+
+<p>Moreover, where there is absolute lawlessness,
+absolute failure by the State to control
+or supervise these great corporations, the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span>inevitable result is to favor, among these very
+able men of business, the man who is unscrupulous
+and cunning. The unscrupulous
+big man who gets complete control of a given
+forest tract, or of a network of railways
+which alone give access to a certain region,
+or who, in combination with his fellows,
+acquires control of a certain industry, may
+crush out in the great mass of citizens affected
+all individual initiative quite as much as it
+would be crushed out by State control. The
+very reason why we object to State ownership,
+that it puts a stop to individual initiative and
+to the healthy development of personal responsibility,
+is the reason why we object to
+an unsupervised, unchecked monopolistic control
+in private hands. We urge control and
+supervision by the Nation as an antidote to
+the movement for State Socialism. Those
+who advocate total lack of regulation, those
+who advocate lawlessness in the business
+world, themselves give the strongest impulse
+to what I believe would be the deadening
+movement towards State Socialism.</p>
+
+<p>There must be law to control the big men,
+and therefore especially the big corporations,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span>in the industrial world, in the interest of our
+industrial democracy of to-day. This law
+must be efficient, and therefore it must be
+administered by executive officers, and not by
+lawsuits in the courts. If this is not done, the
+agitation to increase out of all measure the
+share of the Government in this work will
+receive an enormous impetus. The movement
+for Government control of the great
+business corporations is no more a movement
+against liberty than a movement to put a
+stop to violence is a movement against liberty.
+On the contrary, in each case alike it is a
+movement for liberty; in the one case a movement
+on behalf of the hard-working man of
+small means, just as in the other case it is a
+movement on behalf of the peaceable citizen
+who does not wish a “liberty” which puts him
+at the mercy of any rowdy who is stronger
+than he is. The huge irresponsible corporation
+which demands liberty from the supervision
+of Government agents stands on the
+same ground as the less dangerous criminal
+of the streets who wishes liberty from police
+interference.</p>
+
+<p>But there is an even more important lesson
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span>for us Americans to learn, and this also is
+touched upon in what I have quoted above.
+It is not true, as Mr. Steevens says, that
+Americans feel that the one end of life is to
+get dollars; but the statement contains a very
+unpleasant element of truth. The hard materialism
+of greed is just as objectionable as
+the hard materialism of brutality, and the
+greed of the “haves” is just as objectionable
+as the greed of the “have-nots;” and no more
+so. The envious and sinister creature who
+declaims against a great corporation because
+he really desires himself to enjoy what in
+hard, selfish, brutal fashion the head of that
+great corporation enjoys, offers a spectacle
+which is both sad and repellent. The brutal
+arrogance and grasping greed of the one man
+are in reality the same thing as the bitter envy
+and hatred and grasping greed of the other.
+That kind of “have” and that kind of “have-not”
+stand on the same eminence of infamy.
+It is as important for the one as for the other
+to learn the lesson of the true relations of life.
+Of course, the first duty of any man is to pay
+his own way, to be able to earn his own livelihood,
+to support himself and his wife and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span>his children and those dependent upon him.
+He must be able to give those for whom it is
+his duty to care, food and clothing, shelter,
+medicine, an education, a legitimate chance
+for reasonable and healthy amusements, and
+the opportunity to acquire the knowledge and
+power which will fit them in their turn to do
+good work in the world. When once a man
+has reached this point, which of course will
+vary greatly under different conditions, then
+he has reached the point where other things
+become immensely more important than adding
+to his wealth. It is emphatically right,
+indeed I am tempted to say it is emphatically
+the first duty of each American, “to get
+dollars,” as Mr. Steevens contemptuously
+phrased it; for this is only another way of
+saying that it is his first duty to earn his own
+living. But it is not his only duty, by a great
+deal; and after the living has been earned,
+getting dollars should come far behind many
+other duties.</p>
+
+<p>Yet another thing. No movement ever
+has done or ever will do good in this country
+where assault is made not upon evil wherever
+found, but simply upon evil as it happens to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span>be found in a particular class. The big newspaper,
+owned or controlled in Wall Street,
+which is everlastingly preaching about the
+iniquity of laboring men, which is quite willing
+to hound politicians for their misdeeds,
+but which with raving fury defends all the
+malefactors of great wealth, stands on an
+exact level with, and neither above nor below,
+that other newspaper whose whole attack
+is upon men of wealth, which declines to
+condemn, or else condemns in apologetic, perfunctory,
+and wholly inefficient manner, outrages
+committed by labor. This is the kind
+of paper which by torrents of foul abuse
+seeks to stir up a bitter class hatred against
+every man of means simply because he is a
+man of means, against every man of wealth,
+whether he is an honest man who by industry
+and ability has honorably won his wealth, and
+who honorably spends it, or a man whose
+wealth represents robbery and whose life
+represents either profligacy, or at best an inane,
+useless, and tasteless extravagance. This
+country cannot afford to let its conscience
+grow warped and twisted, as it must grow if
+it takes either one of these two positions. We
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span>must draw the line not on wealth nor on
+poverty, but on conduct. We must stand for
+the good citizen because he is a good citizen,
+whether he be rich or whether he be poor,
+and we must mercilessly attack the man who
+does evil, wholly without regard to whether
+the evil is done in high or low places, whether
+it takes the form of homicidal violence among
+members of a federation of miners, or of
+unscrupulous craft and greed in the head of
+some great Wall Street corporation.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span></p>
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="Poverty">
+    Give Me Neither Poverty Nor
+    Riches
+  </h2>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="cap">In one of Lowell’s biting satires he holds
+up to special scorn the smug, conscienceless
+creature who refuses to consider the
+morality of any question of social ethics by
+remarking that “they didn’t know everything
+down in Judee.” It is to be wished that some
+of those who preach and practice a gospel of
+mere materialism and greed, and who speak
+as if the heaping up of wealth by the community
+or by the individual were in itself the
+be-all and end-all of life, would learn from
+the most widely read and oldest of books that
+true wisdom which teaches that it is well
+to have neither great poverty nor great riches.
+Worst of all is it to have great poverty and
+great riches side by side in constant contrast.
+Nevertheless, even this contrast can be accepted
+if men are convinced that the riches
+are accumulated as the result of great service
+rendered to the people as a whole, and if
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span>their use is regulated in the interest of the
+whole community.</p>
+
+<p>The movement which has become so strong
+during the past few years to secure on behalf
+of the Nation both an adequate supervision
+of and an effective taxation of vast fortunes,
+so far as their business use is concerned, is a
+healthy movement. It aims to replace sullen
+discontent, restless pessimism, and evil preparation
+for revolution, by an aggressive,
+healthy determination to get to the bottom of
+our troubles and remedy them. To halt in
+the movement, as those blinded men wish who
+care only for the immediate relief from all
+obstacles which would thwart their getting
+what is not theirs, would work wide-reaching
+damage. Such a halt would turn away the
+energies of the energetic and forceful men
+who desire to reform matters, from a legitimate
+object, into the channel of bitter and
+destructive agitation. The reader of Prince
+Kropotkin’s Memoirs must be struck by the
+damage wrought to Russia by the unwise opponents
+of all reform, who, by opposing every
+sensible movement for betterment, turned the
+energies of the young men who under happier
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span>conditions would have worked for rational
+betterment into the channels of a useless and
+destructive revolutionary movement.</p>
+
+<p>The multimillionaire is not <em>per se</em> a healthy
+development in this country. If his fortune
+rests on a basis of wrong-doing, he is a far
+more dangerous criminal than any of the
+ordinary types of criminals can possibly be.
+If his fortune is the result of great service
+rendered, well and good; he deserves respect
+and reward for such service—although we
+must remember to pay our homage to the
+service itself, and not to the fortune which is
+the mere reward of the service; but when his
+fortune is passed on to some one else, who has
+not rendered the service, then the Nation
+should impose a heavily graded progressive
+inheritance tax, a singularly wise and unobjectionable
+kind of tax. It would be a particularly
+good thing if the tax bore heaviest on
+absentees.</p>
+
+
+
+
+<hr class="chap">
+<div class="tnote">
+<p class="noi tntitle">Transcriber’s Notes:</p>
+
+<p class="smfont">Punctuation and spelling inaccuracies were silently corrected.</p>
+
+<p class="smfont">Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.</p>
+
+<p class="smfont">Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77590 ***</div>
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+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for eBook #77590
+(https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/77590)