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+} + +.transnote { + background-color: #E6E6FA; + color: black; + text-align: center; + font-size: smaller; + padding: 0.5em; +} + +.x-ebookmaker img { + max-width: 100%; + width: auto; + height: auto; +} + +.x-ebookmaker .poetry { + display: block; + margin-left: 1.5em; +} + +.x-ebookmaker blockquote { + margin: 1.5em 5%; +} + +.x-ebookmaker img.dropcap { + display: none; +} + +.x-ebookmaker p.dropcap:first-letter { + color: inherit; + visibility: visible; + margin-left: 0; +} + +.x-ebookmaker img.dropcap2 { + display: none; +} + +.x-ebookmaker span.dropcap2 { + color: inherit; + visibility: visible; + margin-left: 0; +} + +/* Illustration classes */ +.illowp75 {width: 75%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp75 {width: 100%;} +.illowp100 {width: 100%;} +.illowp58 {width: 58%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp58 {width: 100%;} +.illowp56 {width: 56%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp56 {width: 100%;} +.illowp68 {width: 68%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp68 {width: 100%;} +.illowp80 {width: 80%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp80 {width: 100%;} +.illowp48 {width: 48%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp48 {width: 100%;} +.illowp83 {width: 83%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp83 {width: 100%;} +.illowp64 {width: 64%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp64 {width: 100%;} + </style> + </head> +<body> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77401 ***</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_i">[i]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header1.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h1>HOLBEIN’S “AMBASSADORS”<br> +<span class="smaller">THE PICTURE AND THE MEN</span></h1> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer1.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_ii">[ii]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp75" id="illus01" style="max-width: 50.0em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus01.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>THE “AMBASSADORS.”</p> + <p><i>From the Picture by Holbein in the National Gallery, London.</i></p> + <p><i>Art Repro. Co.</i></p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iii">[iii]</span></p> + +<p class="titlepage larger">HOLBEIN’S<br> +“<span class="smcap">Ambassadors</span>”</p> + +<p class="center">THE PICTURE AND THE MEN</p> + +<figure class="figcenter titlepage illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/tp-deco.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<p class="titlepage mid">AN HISTORICAL STUDY</p> + +<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br> +MARY F. S. HERVEY</p> + +<div class="poetry-container smaller"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent38">“...</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Tes esprits courageux ne furent pas contans</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sans doctement conjoindre avec la peinture</div> + <div class="verse indent0">L’Art de mathématique et de l’architecture.”</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse right"><span class="smcap">Ronsard</span></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="titlepage"><i>WITH NINETEEN ILLUSTRATIONS AND TWO FACSIMILES</i></p> + +<p class="titlepage">LONDON<br> +<span class="smaller">GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET<br> +COVENT GARDEN<br> +1900</span></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iv">[iv]</span></p> + +<p class="titlepage smaller">CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO.<br> +TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">[v]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header2.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-i.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">It may appear a large demand upon the patience of +the reader to devote an entire volume to subjects +connected with one picture. So varied and fascinating, +however, is the field of study opened up +by Holbein’s “Ambassadors,” that what was originally intended +to occupy but a few pages has developed to the present +dimensions.</p> + +<p>The value of a work of art, as such, must necessarily depend +on purely æsthetic considerations. But it often happens that +other and hardly less attractive points of view converge with +the artistic aspect. The unique position occupied by the +“Ambassadors” as an example of French cultivation in the +early half of the sixteenth century is a case in point. Probably +no other painting illustrates in the same measure the private +life and pursuits of an educated Frenchman of the period, as +well as certain remarkable points relating to public events.</p> + +<p>The documents which at last re-established the identity of +Holbein’s sitters will be found printed <i>in extenso</i> in Part I. of +this volume, two of them for the first time; while all the facts +bearing upon the history of the picture have been gathered +together into a continuous narrative. A large part of the information +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">[vi]</span>given throughout the following pages is based upon +hitherto unpublished manuscripts, and a variety of new circumstances +has been brought to light respecting both the picture +and the personages portrayed. Where letters or quotations are +inserted in the original French, the old orthography has been +strictly preserved, with the sole exception that the letter <i>u</i>, +when it stands for a consonant, has been replaced by the more +familiar <i>v</i>. In all cases where the old French seemed likely to +present any difficulty to the modern reader, translations have +been appended.</p> + +<p>The fact that Holbein copied the floor of <i>opus Alexandrinum</i> +depicted in the “Ambassadors,” from the grand old mosaic +pavement of Abbot Ware in Westminster Abbey, may come as +a surprise to the reader, and will, it is hoped, be as great a +pleasure to him to learn as it was to the writer to discover.</p> + +<p>The short notice in the Appendix respecting George Gyze +or Gisze, showing the position held by him in the corporation +of German merchants in London, now made clear for the first +time, may also, it is believed, offer a point of interest to those +acquainted with the fine portrait of him, by Holbein, in the +Gallery at Berlin.</p> + +<p>It remains for the writer to express her gratitude to all those +who have assisted the researches of which the following pages +are the result. Special thanks are due to Lady Radnor, for +information kindly communicated respecting the history of the +picture while at Longford Castle; to Mrs. Graham Harrison, +for translations from the Latin letters of Pierre Bunel; to +M. Dorlodot des Essarts, Marquis de Selve, for permission to +reproduce the portrait of the Bishop of Lavaur preserved at +Villiers, and for the use of a valuable unpublished Papal rescript +which has formed part of the family archives since the sixteenth +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">[vii]</span>century; to Lord Francis Hervey, for the translation of Alciati’s +Latin verses to accompany the emblem “Fœdera Italorum”; +to the Astronomer Royal, for an opinion respecting the celestial +globe painted by Holbein; to the late Mr. C. H. Coote, of +the British Museum; to Mr. W. H. Rylands, G.A.D.C.; to +M. Massif, Keeper of the Public Library at Toulouse; M. Auguste +Vidal, Archivist at Albi (Tarn); the Abbé Cazès, Superior +of the Seminary at Lavaur; M. Lefèvre-Pontalis, editor of +the “Correspondance Politique d’Odet de Selve,” in the series +of State Papers published by the French Foreign Office; +M. Tausserat-Radel, editor of the “Correspondance de Guillaume +Pellicier, Evêque de Montpellier,” in the same series; +M. Dardenne, Trésorier-Général of the Department of Aude; +Dr. Charles Fournel, author of the history of the Hospice +Beaujon at Paris; M. F. Abrand, Régisseur at Polisy; to +Mr. Morelli, for permission to use the photographs taken by +him from the picture of the “Ambassadors”; to Messrs. Henry +Stevens, Son and Stiles, for leave to reproduce the gores of +the globe copied by Holbein; and to many others who have +cordially done what lay in their power to promote the objects +of this study.</p> + +<p>The writer is also indebted to the keepers of various departmental +and municipal collections of archives in France; to +several Paris notaries who have kindly examined for her the +ancient legal documents in their possession; and to M. Léon +Pajot, for researches conducted amongst the MSS. preserved +at Paris.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_viii">[viii]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">[ix]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header3.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> + +</div> + +<table> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td class="tdpg smaller">PAGE</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INTRODUCTION">1</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2" class="tdc">PART I<br>THE HISTORY OF THE PICTURE</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter I.</span> The History of the + “Ambassadors” from 1533 to 1654</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_I_CHAPTER_I">5</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter II.</span> The History of the + “Ambassadors” from 1654 to the present day. Chronology of the + Picture</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_I_CHAPTER_II">18</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2" class="tdc">PART II<br>JEAN DE DINTEVILLE</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter I.</span> The Early Life of Jean + de Dinteville</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_II_CHAPTER_I">35</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter II.</span> The First Mission to + England of the Bailly of Troyes (1531), and the Calais Interview + of 1532</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_II_CHAPTER_II">50</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter III.</span> The Bailly of Troyes, + French Ambassador in England (1533)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_II_CHAPTER_III">66</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter IV.</span> Coronation of Queen Anne + Boleyn and Termination of the Bailly’s Long Embassy to England</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_II_CHAPTER_IV">83</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter V.</span> Short Missions of the + Bailly of Troyes to England in 1535, 1536, and 1537</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_II_CHAPTER_V">99</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter VI.</span> Disgrace and Return to + Favour of the Dinteville family</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_II_CHAPTER_VI">111</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter VII.</span> The Building of Polisy + and the Last Years of Jean de Dinteville. His Supposed Portrait at Windsor</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_II_CHAPTER_VII">125</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_x">[x]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2" class="tdc">PART III<br>GEORGE DE SELVE</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter I.</span> The Early Years of + George de Selve and his First Diplomatic Employment</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_III_CHAPTER_I">143</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter II.</span> The Bishop of Lavaur + Ambassador at Venice and at Rome</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_III_CHAPTER_II">156</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter III.</span> Repose at Lavaur, and + Embassy to Charles V.</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_III_CHAPTER_III">169</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter IV.</span> The Closing Days of the + Bishop of Lavaur. His Portrait at Villiers</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_III_CHAPTER_IV">184</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2" class="tdc">PART IV<br>THE DETAILS OF THE PICTURE</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter I.</span> General Description of the + Picture—The Death’s-Head—The Dagger—The Order of St. Michael—The + Celestial Globe—The Terrestrial Globe</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_IV_CHAPTER_I">197</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter II.</span> + The Lutheran Hymn-Book—The Book of Arithmetic—The Geometrical Instruments—The + Mosaic Pavement—The Lute—The Seven Liberal Arts—The Silver Crucifix—Occult + Science—Conclusion</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PART_IV_CHAPTER_II">219</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Appendix A.</span> Georg Gyze or Gisze</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_A">239</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Appendix B.</span> “Presbyter Joannes” + (Prester John)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_B">241</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Index</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INDEX">243</a></td> + </tr> +</table> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer2.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">[xi]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header4.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS">LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> + +</div> + +<table> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td></td> + <td class="tdpg smaller">PAGE</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">1.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">The “Ambassadors,” from the picture by + Holbein in the National Gallery, London</span> (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus01"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">2.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Reduced Facsimile of document purchased from + M. Saffroy</span> (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus02">12</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">3.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Reduced Facsimile of document preserved amongst + the Godefroy Papers, Bibl. de l’Institut, Paris</span> (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus03">18</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">4.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">The Château of Polisy, from an original + drawing of the early seventeenth century, published by M. Lucien + Coutant in the Almanach de Bar-sur-Seine</span> (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus04">35</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">5.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Portrait of François II. de Dinteville, + Bishop of Auxerre, from the Martyrdom of Ste. Eugénie, by Felix + Chrétien, in the Church at Varzy</span> (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus05">56</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">6.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Unnamed Drawing by Holbein in the Windsor + Collection, supposed to represent Jean de Dinteville</span> + (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus06">110</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">7.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Arms of Jean de Dinteville, as still seen + at Polisy</span> (<i>in the text</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus07">128</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">8.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Arms of the Bishop of Auxerre, from the + tesselated pavement at Polisy</span> (<i>in the text</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus08">130</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">9.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Dormer Window of the Maison de l’Aûmonier + at Polisy, showing the emblem of Fortune</span> (<i>in the text</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus09">131</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">10.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Mark of the printer Gryphe of Lyons, + showing the emblem of Fortune</span> (<i>in the text</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus10">132</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">11.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">The Cathedral of Lavaur at the present + day</span> (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus11">143</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">12.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Jean de Selve, Premier Président of the + Parliament of Paris, from Bullart, “Académie des Sciences et des + Arts”</span> (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus12">154</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xii">[xii]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">13.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">George de Selve, Bishop of Lavaur, from + a posthumous painting at the Château of Villiers, Seine-et-Oise</span> + (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus13">170</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">14.</td> + <td><i>a.</i> <span class="smcap">The “Arms of Death,” from + Holbein’s Dance of Death.</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td><i>b.</i> <span class="smcap">The Death’s-head brooch in + Dinteville’s cap</span> (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus14">197</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">15.</td> + <td><i>a.</i> <span class="smcap">Dinteville’s Dagger-sheath, + from the picture of the “Ambassadors.”</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td><i>b.</i> <span class="smcap">Design for a Dagger-sheath + after Holbein, at the Museum of Basle</span> (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus15">206</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">16.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Celestial Globe, from the picture of the + “Ambassadors,”</span> reduced scale (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus16">210</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">17.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Terrestrial Globe, from the picture of the + “Ambassadors,”</span> reduced scale (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus17">214</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">18.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Gores of the Nuremberg Globe copied by + Holbein</span>, reduced scale (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus18"><i>ibid.</i></a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">19.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Hymn-book, from the picture of the + “Ambassadors”</span> (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus19"> 218</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">20.</td> + <td><i>a.</i> <span class="smcap">Book of Arithmetic, from the + picture of the “Ambassadors.”</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td><i>b.</i> <span class="smcap">Page of Apian’s “Merchant’s + Arithmetic,” copied by Holbein</span> (<i>full-page</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus20">224</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">21.</td> + <td><i>a.</i> <span class="smcap">Design of the Mosaic Pavement + in Westminster Abbey, with details of patterns</span> (<i>in + the text</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus21">226</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td><i>b.</i> <span class="smcap">Design of the Mosaic Pavement + in Holbein’s picture, with details of patterns</span> (<i>in + the text</i>)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus21"><i>ibid.</i></a></td> + </tr> +</table> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer3.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[1]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header5.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">HOLBEIN’S “AMBASSADORS”<br> +INTRODUCTION</h2> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-f.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">Few pictures have attracted more attention than Holbein’s +double-portrait of two Ambassadors, since its migration +in 1890 from Longford Castle to the National Gallery. +The great qualities which distinguish it as a work of art +are too well known to need recapitulation here. In conception, scale, +and elaboration, in all the elements characteristic of Holbein’s genius, +the picture stands in the foremost rank of that painter’s achievement. +Moreover, up to 1890, Holbein was unrepresented in the National +Gallery, though much of his best work was executed in England, and for +English patrons.</p> + +<p>Besides its great and permanent merits, another cause contributed +to draw notice to this work when it first appeared as national property: +the identity of the two individuals represented had become lost. Good +fortune has since restored to us their forgotten names. It is now possible +to affirm, with complete certainty, that in the personage to the left⁠<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> is +beheld the image of Jean de Dinteville, Seigneur of Polisy and Bailly +of Troyes: in the robed figure to the right, that of George de Selve, +Bishop of Lavaur. How, step by step, the history of Holbein’s masterpiece +has been recovered it will be one of the objects of the following pages +to show.</p> + +<p>But the unusual character of the picture, the curiosity it has aroused, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[2]</span>the complex and fascinating setting in which the two friends are placed, +seem to call for something more than a mere chronicle of its story. It +is impossible to repress the question, what manner of men were these? +or to resist the desire to know how far the actual circumstances of their +lives explain the choice of the many striking objects with which they are +seen surrounded. As a matter of fact, a closer acquaintance with the +mental atmosphere they breathed, and with the relations in which they +stood to contemporary thought and events, throws a flood of light on +many points which, at first sight, appear obscure. In the history of +their life and times is to be found the solution of any enigmas suggested +by their <i>entourage</i>.</p> + +<p>Returning to the picture with the insight derived from the study +of their circumstances, it becomes clear that the composition is no less +logical in thought than symmetrical in design. The varied features presented +by it, many of which deserve close inspection on their own merits, +assume new meaning and interest, whether taken separately or viewed in +certain combinations. Some glimpse is thus obtained, though it may +be but an imperfect one, of the intentions with which, more than three +centuries and a half ago, artist and owner built up the intricate harmonies +of their monumental work.</p> + +<p>The subject thus falls naturally into four divisions. The first part +will be devoted to the history of the picture; the second and third, to +the lives of the men it represents; the fourth, to some analysis of its +contents.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer1.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[3]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header6.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="PART_I">PART I<br> +<span class="smaller">THE HISTORY OF THE PICTURE</span></h2> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer1.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[4]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header7.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2>THE HISTORY OF THE PICTURE</h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span></p> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_I_CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br> +<span class="smcap">The History of the “Ambassadors” from 1533 to 1654</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-w.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">When, in 1890, the picture of “The Ambassadors” was +purchased for the national collection,⁠<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> nothing was known +of its story prior to the last hundred years. The record +began with the fact that it had been owned in the latter +part of the eighteenth century by Jean-Batiste-Pierre Le Brun, a +dealer and collector at Paris.⁠<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>In 1792 Le Brun published the first volume of his “Galerie des +Peintres Flamands, Hollandais et Allemands,” in which there appeared +a very bad engraving of “The Ambassadors,” thus inscribed:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Tiré du Cabinet de M. Le Brun d’après l’original peint sur bois, hauteur 96 +pouces, largeur 54.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>The engraving was accompanied by a biographical notice of Holbein +which, after recording various points connected with his paintings, +continues:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Celui dont on voit l’estampe offre les portraits de MM. de Selve et d’Avaux; +l’un fut Ambassadeur à Venise, l’autre le fut dans le nord: ils sont accompagnés +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span>des attributs des arts qu’ils cultivaient. J’ai depuis vendu ce tableau pour +l’Angleterre, où il est maintenant; les figures sont de grandeur naturelle.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>It will be remarked that Le Brun offers no information as to +where he had acquired his precious possession. In England it came +into the hands of the dealer Buchanan, who sold it to Jacob, second +Earl of Radnor, in 1808, or the following year.⁠<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> It remained at Longford +Castle until purchased for the National Gallery.</p> + +<p>During the Longford episode, guesses seemed to have rained as to +the identity of the personages. Some critics favoured the French +theory derived from Le Brun. Others drew into the service a variety +of notabilities, ranging from Charles V., Emperor of Germany, downwards. +The year 1826 seems to have been especially rich in surmise +of this type. At last someone proposed Sir Thomas Wyat for the +courtly personage to the left; and this name appears to have clung a +little longer than was the case with some previous suggestions. At +any rate, it was accepted without much reflection by the leading +authorities on Holbein, Mr. Wornum⁠<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and Dr. Woltmann,⁠<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> + and so +came to pass as current coin. Dr. Woltmann further suggested the +name of Leland for the second figure.</p> + +<p>But a paper by Mr. Gough Nichols, published in the “Archæologia” +for 1873,⁠<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> easily disposed of these identifications. For one +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span>thing, the “Ambassadors” bore no resemblance whatever to authentic +portraits of the individuals they were now supposed to represent, those +portraits, in Wyat’s case, being also by Holbein.⁠<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Mr. Gough Nichols +had no fresh theory to offer in the place of that which he demolished. +Returning for a moment to the French title of Le Brun’s engraving, he +proceeded to dismiss the claim to consideration of Selve and Avaux +as summarily as that of Sir Thomas Wyat and Leland.⁠<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Holbein’s +sitters were left nameless. In 1890 there seemed to remain only the +traditional title of “Two Ambassadors” (shorn of the faulty, but highly +important corollary, “MM. De Selve et D’Avaux”), and such clues as +the internal evidence of the picture might afford, to throw any light on +the enigma.</p> + +<p>It will be necessary now to dwell for a moment on this internal +evidence, in order to show how completely it bears out the documentary +testimony which at last came to light.</p> + +<p>The only certain clues were, shortly, the following: 1. The signature +(low down in the left-hand corner): Joannes Holbein pingebat, +1533. 2. The French Order of St. Michael worn by the personage to +the left. 3. The words, <span class="allsmcap">AET. SVAE 29</span>, inscribed on the dagger-sheath +of the same gentleman. 4. A similar inscription, <span class="allsmcap">AETATIS SVE</span> (<i>sic</i>) 25, +on the leaves of the closed book which supports the elbow of the right-hand +personage.</p> + +<p>The best authorities united in the belief that Holbein spent the +year 1533 in England. The Order of St. Michael of France worn by +the individual to the left, pointed to the probability, but not certainty, +of his being a Frenchman; scarcely any foreigners, except royal and a +few other notable personages, being at that time admitted to the Order. +The task, therefore, so far as the left-hand figure was concerned, was +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span>to find a man who, having been in England in the year indicated, was +at once an ambassador, a Knight of the Royal Order of France, and of +the desired age. Further, it was likely that he would be a Frenchman.</p> + +<p>Among the many candidates of varied nationality, the dates and +circumstances of whose lives, so far as they could be ascertained, were +investigated by the writer, one only, proposed, with happy insight, by +Mr. Sidney Colvin,⁠<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> appeared to fit these conditions in every respect.</p> + +<p>Jean de Dinteville, Seigneur of Polisy, Bailly of Troyes, and +Knight of St. Michael, was French Ambassador at the court of Henry +VIII. almost throughout the year 1533. He was born in September, +1504, and was therefore in his twenty-ninth year when he came to +England in February, 1533. Moreover “Polisy,” the name of Dinteville’s +seigneurie in Burgundy, was found to be marked on the terrestrial +globe represented in the picture close to the principal personage. The +word was, however, slightly damaged, which detracted from the certainty +of the reading till further proof arose to confirm it. That proof +was still lacking; while the presence of many rival theories, some of +them highly ingenious, and each claiming to have some special feature +in its favour, left the solution still doubtful.</p> + +<p>The identity of the second personage remained meanwhile as +obscure as ever. Many names were proposed,⁠<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> but none seemed to +offer the substantial promise of success which lent cogency to the +Dinteville theory. The claim of M. de Selve, whose name, as well as +the title of “The Two Ambassadors,” proved in the end to be survivals +of the true tradition, was curiously overlooked from the time when that +of his supposed companion, M. D’Avaux, was found to be a myth. +The two names had in reality nothing in common. The very fact +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span>that they were not contemporary proved the arbitrary nature of their +connection. While the title of Avaux did not exist till more than a +hundred years after the picture was painted,⁠<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> five out of the six sons of +Jean de Selve, the famous Premier Président of the parliament of Paris, +were ambassadors during the sixteenth century and were born within a +range of time that covered the desired date. Two of them were envoys +at Venice, in exact accordance with the French tradition.⁠<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> The difficulty +was to know which brother to select, and to find the precise information +which would bring him into relation with Dinteville and +Holbein in England. Much confusion prevails in the popular sources +of information which deal with this family of diplomatists. This complicated +the task of fixing their exact ages, necessarily the first step +towards success. Where, however, so little evidence was forthcoming +on which to base any kind of theory, the author thought it advisable +not to reject an old and plausible tradition unless proved to be incorrect.</p> + +<p>The rights of the Selve family now received a fresh impulse from +another quarter. In 1894 the patient research of Mr. Dickes⁠<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> succeeded +in tracing the story of the picture one step behind the ownership of +Le Brun to the sale of the property of M. Nicolas Beaujon, a well-known +French millionaire, who died in the winter of 1786. In the catalogue +of that sale, which occurred in April and May, 1787, the following +curious notice may be read:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“16 <i>bis.</i> Un autre tableau de quatre pieds et demi ou environ de hauteur +sur près de huit pieds de large;⁠<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> il représente deux ambassadeurs, MM. de +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span>Selve et d’Avaux, l’un Ambassadeur à Venise, et l’autre dans les pays du Nord, +avec le costume des nations chez lesquelles ils étoient envoyés; et les attributs +des arts qu’ils aimoient. On voit aussi une tête de mort en perspective, à prendre +de l’angle gauche du tableau,⁠<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> et qui a l’agrément de ressembler en face à un +grand poisson. Le tableau est du même Holbein, mais la date de l’année n’y est +pas.⁠<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> Il est du règne de François I. ou de Henri II. Ces deux tableaux sont à +considérer.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>It now became clear whence Le Brun had drawn his information. +He had merely repeated the already existing tradition. Notwithstanding +the errors woven by a lively imagination into the substantial facts +of the Beaujon catalogue, the importance of the fresh link in the chain +of evidence was obvious. The new clue added force to the presumption, +already strong, that the French tradition had a real foundation in fact; +but that by some unexplained means the name of Avaux had in course +of time been substituted for that of Dinteville.</p> + +<p>Such was the state of things when, in 1895, a fortunate discovery +came to confirm the probabilities thus evolved, and to raise them to +the certainty of fact.</p> + +<p>In the “Revue de Champagne et de Brie” for 1888, there was +published a short notice of a picture formerly preserved <i>at Polisy</i>, containing +the portraits of <i>Jean de Dinteville and George de Selve</i>!⁠<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span></p> + +<p>Here then, at last, was the long-delayed solution: doubly satisfactory +inasmuch as it exactly corroborated the results of so much +previous research.</p> + +<p>The paragraph in the “Revue de Champagne” was based on a +catalogue published in March, 1888, by M. Saffroy, an antiquarian +bookseller of Pré-Saint-Gervais, in which a seventeenth-century parchment, +describing this picture, was offered for sale. The notice in the +“Revue” first came under the present writer’s observation in 1895. +The document there mentioned, which M. Saffroy happily still possessed +after the lapse of seven years, was at once obtained, and furnished +exactly the information which had so long been sought in vain. The +following is its complete text:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“[Remarques sur le suject d’un tableau excellent des Srs. d’Inteville Polizy, +et de George de Selve Evesque de Lavour, contenant leurs emplois, et tems de +leur deceds.]⁠<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p> + +<p>“En ce tableau est representé au naturel Messire Iean de DIntevile chevalier +Sieur de Polizy pres de Bar-sur-seyne Bailly de Troyes, qui fut Ambassadeur en +Angleterre pour le Roy Francois premier ez années 1532 & 1533⁠<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> & de puis +Gouverneur de Monsieur charles de France second Filz diceluy Roy, le quel +Charles mourut a forest monstier en l’an 1545, & le dict Sr. de DIntevile en lan +1555. Sepulturé en leglise du dict Polizy. Est aussi represente audict tableau +Messire George de Selve Evesque de Lavaur personage de grandes lettres & fort +vertueux, & qui fut Ambassadeur pres de LEmpereur Charles cinquiesme, ledict +Evesque Filz de Messire Iean de Selve premier president au parlement de Paris, +iceluy Sr. Evesque decedé en lan 1541 ayant des la susdicte année 1532 ou 1533⁠<a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> +passe en Angleterre par permission du Roy pour visiter le susdict Sieur de +DIntevile son intime amy & de toute sa famile, & eux deux ayantz rencontrez en +Angleterre un excellent peinctre holandois l’employerent pour faire iceluy tableau +qui a esté soigneusement conservé au mesme lieu de Polizy iusques en lan +1653.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span></p> + +<p>The manuscript consists of an oblong piece of parchment which +may have been cut at some time from an inventory. From the fact, +however, that while containing the story of the picture up to the time +when it left Polisy, it does not state where it was then taken to, it seems +possible that it was attached to the painting as a label in the early days +of its next sojourn. If fastened to the frame, it would be obviously +superfluous to describe where the picture was actually hanging. The +date of the document is in accordance with this supposition. On submission +to the authorities at the British Museum, its authenticity was +pronounced to be indisputable. The body of the manuscript, it was +further stated, was written just after the middle of the seventeenth +century, while the heading was added at a slightly later date. Whether +originally a label or not, it appears early to have become separated +from the picture and its proprietors, and to have fallen into careful +hands, who then added the docket.⁠<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> + +<p>In 1888 the existence at the present day of the picture thus +minutely placed on record was of course unknown. The writer in the +“Revue de Champagne et de Brie” merely called attention to the +notice in M. Saffroy’s catalogue as to an archæological curiosity connected +with a name once famous in his province.</p> + +<p>It is hardly necessary to point out that the dates and circumstances, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span>already related, of Dinteville’s life, are in exact accordance +with the record of this document. With the new data now at command +correct information was soon obtained with regard to his companion also.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus02" style="max-width: 50.0em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus02.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>REDUCED FACSIMILE OF DOCUMENT PURCHASED FROM M. SAFFROY.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>The ecclesiastical rank of George de Selve, Bishop of Lavaur, +gives him a place in the great work of the brothers Sainte-Marthe, +“Gallia Christiana;” and this book furnishes a further point of comparison +for the correctness of picture and document. Turning to the +article on the diocese of Lavaur⁠<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> it will be found that George de Selve +was appointed to that see in 1526, when he was in his eighteenth year, +but was only consecrated in 1534, when he was in his twenty-sixth +year. Recollecting that the painting inscribed 1533, and corroborated +in this date by the Saffroy document, states him to be then in his +twenty-fifth year, it follows that the agreement between these three +authorities is without a flaw.</p> + +<p>But still further evidence confirms these conclusions. In the +Archives of the Château of Villiers, owned by the present representative +of the Selve family, is a <i>Motu proprio</i> of the Pope in favour of +George de Selve, son of the Premier Président, permitting him to hold +several benefices “although only seventeen years old.” This Latin +deed is dated from Rome, the 13th May, 3rd Clement VII. Now, as +this Pope was elected in November, 1523, the month of May of the +third year of his pontificate falls in 1526. This document therefore +places beyond all possibility of doubt that George de Selve was in his +eighteenth year in May, 1526, and consequently in his twenty-fifth year, +exactly as recorded on the picture when painted by Holbein in 1533.⁠<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> + +<p>The identity of the “Ambassadors” was now fully established. +So also was the history and location of the picture down to 1653; but +there still remained a blank of a hundred and thirty-four years before +the reappearance of the painting at the Beaujon sale in 1787. Where +was it and who owned it during this period?</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span></p> + +<p>To answer these questions, so far as possible, the history of Polisy +and its successive proprietors during the century which followed the +death of Dinteville, the Ambassador, must first be traced.</p> + +<p>Jean de Dinteville died unmarried in 1555, leaving all his property +to his last surviving brother, Guillaume, Seigneur Deschenetz. The +latter, whose death occurred only four years later, was, in default of +heirs male, succeeded at Polisy by his eldest daughter, Claude de +Dinteville. This lady married, in 1562, François de Cazillac, Baron +de Cessac, the head of a distinguished family in the south of France, +who owned large properties in Quercy and Languedoc. For more +than ninety years from the date of this marriage, the Cazillac family +remained in possession of Polisy.</p> + +<p>Madame de Cessac, the last of the race of Dinteville,⁠<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> survived +until 1619, outliving her husband many years. This lady was a friend +of Nicolas Camusat, the antiquary; and as it is to him that the next +step is due in the history of the picture, which he must often have seen, +it will be well to consider for a moment his relations with Polisy.</p> + +<p>Camusat was a canon of the cathedral at Troyes. He occupied +himself with antiquarian research, and published valuable collections of +the papers he amassed. His correspondences with the French savants +of the day were extensive, consisting chiefly of genealogies and local +lore intended for the literary works on which they were engaged. +Amongst those to whom he imparted such information were the Godefroy +family, Du Puy, D’Hozier, the Sainte-Marthe brothers, and other persons +celebrated in the annals of French learning. He was also interested +in art, and himself possessed a small collection of paintings.</p> + +<p>A letter written by Camusat to Du Puy in which, speaking of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span>François de Dinteville, Bishop of Auxerre,⁠<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> he refers to a conversation +that had taken place between “une sienne niepce” and himself, shows +the intimate terms on which he stood with the family at Polisy.⁠<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> +Madame de Cessac seems to have placed the archives of the Château +at his free disposition. It is certain that she herself gave to him a +genealogy of the Polisy branch of the house of Dinteville,⁠<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> probably +the same that he inserted in his “Meslanges Historiques.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> This book, +which is a standard authority for the diplomatic relations of Francis I., +owes its principal value to the access obtained by Camusat to the +Dinteville papers and correspondence. It is, at the same time, one of +the chief printed sources for the history of the family itself.</p> + +<p>The connection of Nicolas Camusat with Polisy extended over +nearly half a century. The earliest letters relating to that place are +dated 1607; the last must have been penned shortly before his death, +which took place in 1655. They ranged from the time of Mme. de +Cessac, niece of the “Ambassador,” to that of her grandson, another +François de Cazillac-Cessac, who removed the picture to Paris. The +circumstances which probably led to this event must now be briefly +recorded.</p> + +<p>On the death, in 1619, of Madame de Cessac, Polisy passed to her +eldest son Charles, who, by his marriage with Susanne d’Escar, left +one son François, who succeeded him, and one daughter, Claude.</p> + +<p>The daughter became the wife of Jean Jaques de la Roche-Fontenilles. +Of their descendants more will be said hereafter.</p> + +<p>The life of François de Cazillac, successively Baron, Vicomte, and +Marquis de Cessac,⁠<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> forms a corner-stone in the story of the picture, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span>and must therefore be dwelt upon with some care. His wife was a lady +of the Choiseul family; a race united to the Cazillac, and before them +to the Dinteville, by frequent ties of intermarriage, in many generations. +One son and two daughters were the offspring of this union.⁠<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> +The eldest girl was destined to the veil; but hardly was she grown up +when the death of her brother hurried her home from her convent to +become the future heiress of her parents. Her return seemed the more +urgent as the younger sister was so delicate that it was evident she +could not long survive. On the fatal termination of her illness, the +whole inheritance would devolve on the elder daughter. Perhaps this +point of view may have struck a young captain of cavalry, the owner of +a neighbouring château, Charles le Genevois, Marquis de Blaigny, +serving with the Duke of Guise. At any rate, in May, 1651, he carried +off the young lady, then twenty years of age, from her home at Polisy, +where she was living with her mother during the absence of her father +in Languedoc. A hue and cry of hot pursuit was at once raised. +Royal despatches brought hasty orders to the Prince de Conti, Governour +of Champagne, to turn out even the soldiery, in order to capture +the runaway pair. But all the king’s horses and all the king’s men +were of no avail. The young couple made good their escape over the +frontier to Franche-Comté,⁠<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> and, in spite of every effort to stop the +marriage, Charlotte-Marie de Cazillac became the wife of M. de Blaigny.⁠<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> + +<p>Annoyance at his daughter’s elopement with a man he detested, +combined no doubt with grief at the untimely death of his other children, +seems to have put the climax to M. de Cessac’s distaste for his northern +home. His heart was in the southern country which had been the +cradle of his race. In spite of their long residence at Polisy, the interests +of the Cazillac-Cessac family still centred in the south. The +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span>heads of the house, in succession, were constantly absent in Quercy +and Languedoc. The elopement of Charlotte-Marie de Cazillac only +afforded an additional proof of the difficulty of exercising simultaneous +control in districts so remote from each other.</p> + +<p>In the latter part of the sixteenth century, during the wars of +religion, no part of France had suffered more severely than those southern +provinces in which the Cazillac estates were situated. For reasons of +safety, as well as from the fact that François I. de Cazillac (husband of +the Dinteville heiress) filled the post of Governor of Troyes, Polisy may +at that time have been considered a more desirable place of abode than +any of the Châteaux in Quercy or Languedoc; though Polisy itself +enjoyed no immunity from the troubles which lacerated all France. +But in the middle of the seventeenth century the motives which, at an +earlier date, had made residence in the north preferable had ceased to +exist. Moreover, Charles de Cazillac had magnificently rebuilt the +Château of Milhars, the chief residence of his family in the south. He +had consequently left a somewhat embarrassed financial position to his +son François, which did not improve as time went on. The proceeds +which would accrue from the sale of the northern properties were therefore +of great importance to their owner. Thus it came about that the +next few years saw the sale of all the estates inherited from the Dinteville +grandmother.⁠<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> Polisy became the property of the Maréchal Du +Plessis-Praslin, and was shortly afterwards raised to the rank of a +Duché-Pairie, with the title of Choiseul. Henceforth it drops out of +the path of our investigation.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header8.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_I_CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br> +<span class="smcap">The History of the “Ambassadors” from 1654 to the Present Day. +Chronology of the Picture.</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-m.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">Meanwhile Camusat, ever active in the cause of archæology, +carefully preserved the record of the famous Polisy +Holbein, in letters addressed to his friends, the Godefroy +brothers. Those letters themselves, with possibly one +exception, have not been found. But the summary of their contents, +drawn up by the Godefroy family, exists at the present day at the +Bibliothèque de l’Institut at Paris; and shall here be given word for +word:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Memoire⁠<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> pour l’intelligence de trois lettres envoyées par Monsʳ. Camusat, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span>chanoine de St. Pierre de Troyes [touchant un tableau faict en Angleterre de +George de Selve, ev. de Lavaur qui y estoit allé visiter le bailly de Troies, sr. de +Polizi, Jean d’Inteville, lors Amb. pour le Roy].⁠<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> + +<p>“Il y en a deux de Monsr. l’evesque de Lavaur, George de Selve, fils de Mr. +le premier president de Selve, lequel Sr. Evesque avoit este invite par Mr. de +Polizy, bailly de Troyes, ambassadeur en Angleterre es années 1532 et 1533⁠<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> de +le visiter en Angleterre, comme il feit, après en avoir pris congé du Roy. Et +estans en Angleterre ils feirent faire l’excellent tableau par un peintre holandois, +Holben,⁠<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> lequel tableau a esté conservé en la maison de Polizy, distant seulement +d’une lieue de Bar-sur-Seine, cent quarante ans⁠<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> et plus, comme appartenant au +seigneur du lieu, Sr. de Sessac, jusques en l’année 1653, qu’il l’a faict transporter +à Paris, en sa maison proche la parroisse de St. Sulpice, ledict tableau représentant +ledit Sr. de Polizy, Jean de d’Inteville et ledit Sr. Evesque de Lavaur qui +fut depuis ambassadeur près de l’Empereur Charles Quint et mourut ledit evesque +en l’an 1541. On tient ledit tableau la plus belle pièce de peinture qui soit en +France, au jugement des meilleurs peintres. M. le Mareschal du Plessis-Praslain +a nagueres achepté la terre de Polisy, trois cens mille livres dudit Sr. de Sessac.</p> + +<p>“On a autrefois entendu de Mr. de Vic,⁠<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> garde des sceaux, qui c’estoit la +plus belle pièce de peinture qui fût en France.</p> + +<p>“Mr. George de Selve, et messieurs ses frères, ont dignement servy la France +en plusieurs ambassades et légations.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus03" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus03.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>REDUCED FACSIMILE OF DOCUMENT PRESERVED AMONGST THE GODEFROY PAPERS, + BIBL. DE L’INSTITUT, PARIS.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>Three points in this document deserve special notice.</p> + +<p>Firstly, the name of the painter, “Holben,” is given.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span></p> + +<p>Secondly, it is stated that, on its removal from Polisy, the picture +was taken to M. de Cessac’s house in Paris.</p> + +<p>Thirdly, it is asserted that no less than three letters concerning it +had been sent by Camusat to the brothers Godefroy.</p> + +<p>With regard to the third point, it has been already stated that so +far no trace of two out of the three letters in question has been found. +But if the rather ambiguous phrase, “il y en a deux de Monsr. l’evesque +de Lavaur,” may be interpreted “relating to the Bishop of Lavaur,” +there is, in the Godefroy collection, a paper which may well correspond +to the third. It is a copy, dated 1654, of a memorandum drawn up by +Camusat, on the family and descendants of the Premier Président de +Selve. At the risk of some amount of repetition, the passage in which +the “Ambassadors” figure shall here be inserted. Referring to George +de Selve, Bishop of Lavaur, we read:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>“... Ledit Sr. Evesque ... fust visiter en Angleterre en 1532, un sien +intime amy, Mr. de Polizy, Jean de d’Inteville, bailly de Troyes lequel estoit lors +ambassadeur près du Roy Henry 8; et lors aussy lesdᵗˢ evesque et bailly de +Troyes firent faire en Angleterre l’excellent tableau qui est à present a Paris, au +logis de M. de Sessac, auquel iceux bailly et evesque sont representez au naturel; +ledit tableau fait de la main d’un Hollandois; la pièce est estimée la plus riche +et mieux travaillée qui soit en France.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>Thus we possess no less than three documents, all written shortly +after the middle of the seventeenth century; all giving in the most explicit +terms the history of the picture up to that date; and each corroborating +the other in every particular.</p> + +<p>The house in Paris to which Holbein’s masterpiece was conveyed +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span>in 1653 can be identified with precision. On the last day of February, +1654, the deed was there signed by which the Maréchal Du Plessis-Praslin +(subsequently Duc de Choiseul) became the owner of Polisy. +After enumerating the titles of M. de Cessac in the usual way, the +document describes him as “estant de present en cette ville de Paris +logé faubourg Saint Germain des Prez, grande rue du Four”; and +terminates with the words: “Fait et passé a Paris en la maison ou +demeurent lesdits Seigneur et Dame de Cessac....”⁠<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p> + +<p>Another deed, four years later in date, amplifies these details. In +June, 1658, three years before her death, Madame de Cessac, <i>née</i> +Marie de Choiseul, made her will. She is therein stated to be living +“a St. Germain des Prez, Rue du Four, en l’un des corps de logis, et +derrière de la maison, du Chappeaufort, parroisse St. Sulpice.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> + +<p>The Rue du Four, it is scarcely necessary to add, still exists. The +house of Chapeaufort was well known until quite recent times, and is +described in histories of old Paris.⁠<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> + +<p>No further notice occurs of Holbein’s “Ambassadors” until the +Beaujon sale of 1787.</p> + +<p>Perhaps this is not surprising when it is considered that the vast +majority of papers preserved in the archives of France are of legal +nature; while not one of the documents containing a direct mention of +the picture, which have hitherto guided us, have any connection with +the law. They are exclusively derived from the learned antiquaries +of the seventeenth century, bent on preserving to future generations +the records of their day. But after the death of Camusat, which took +place, at an advanced age, in 1655, none of his type remained, conversant +with the history of the picture, to chronicle its further fate.</p> + +<p>The difficulty of tracing the “Ambassadors” in the eighteenth +century is enhanced by the fact that, in the earlier stages of its existence, +that work never seems to have formed part of any well-known collection. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span>It was, and apparently remained, an isolated family picture of startling +excellence, celebrated enough at various periods of its career, but tending +to relapse into oblivion when its proprietors for the time being were +engrossed in the pursuits of their own generation, or devoid of cultivated +interests.</p> + +<p>Moreover, many changes had come over French taste since the +days when Méry de Vic had called the “Ambassadors” the most +beautiful piece of painting in France. Holbein’s sober and restrained +art was out of date.⁠<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> Who shall say through how many decades the +picture may now have hung unheeded on the walls of some forgotten +mansion!</p> + +<p>The darkness which envelopes the story of Holbein’s great work +from 1654 to 1787 is thus partially accounted for. A chance light will +doubtless, some day, reveal its forgotten track. Yet, even now, it is +worth while to dwell for a moment on the circumstantial evidence at +our command.</p> + +<p>Firstly, then, it must be borne in mind that the picture reappears +in 1787, under the partially changed name of “Portraits de Deux Ambassadeurs, +MM. de Selve <i>et d’Avaux</i>.”</p> + +<p>The alteration seems to denote either that it was for a time owned +by some member of the family of Mesmes, Contes d’Avaux, or was in +some manner connected with them. Let us see, therefore, if any circumstance +can be found to bring that family into relation with the heirs +of the Marquis de Cessac.</p> + +<p>More than one such link does, in fact, exist.</p> + +<p>It has been noted that when first removed from Polisy in 1653, the +picture was taken to M. de Cessac’s residence in Paris, in the Rue du +Four; and that in 1658, when his first wife, Marie de Choiseul, made +her will, he was still living in the same house. After her death, however, +he seems never again to have had a permanent home in Paris. At +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span>the time of his second marriage, to Anne Louise de Broglie, which took +place in 1669, he was indeed in Paris, but at a different address, if not +at a mere lodging;⁠<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> and the marriage contract specially designates the +Château of Milhars in Languedoc as the “ordinary habitation” of the +bridegroom.⁠<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> Milhars had been magnificently rebuilt by his father, +Charles de Cazillac; and hither the Marquis de Cessac now brought +his young bride.⁠<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> It was, perhaps, a rash experiment from the point of +view of domestic felicity. He was now over seventy years of age, while +she was about four-and-twenty. At the end of two years, unable to +accustom herself to the seclusion of the country, after the gay life of the +capital, she left the poor old man in dudgeon, and returned with her +mother to Paris. M. de Cessac made her an allowance, and henceforth +they lived separated. His daughter, Madame de Blaigny, now came +to live at Milhars, and remained, though apparently without much +cordiality on either side, with her father until his death, which took +place in 1679.</p> + +<p>What meanwhile became of the picture, when the Marquis de +Cessac left Paris to take up his abode in the country?</p> + +<p>The houses he owned in the capital seem to have been bought and +sold as mere speculations, having no element of permanence. It is +impossible to imagine the great family picture wandering from pillar to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span>post in this succession of changes. Some more stable home must +surely have been found for it.</p> + +<p>Neither does it appear likely that M. de Cessac sold the one +picture he had been at pains to preserve, when he parted with Polisy, +its home of generations.⁠<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p> + +<p>The natural inference is that he took the “Ambassadors” with +him to one of his residences in the south.</p> + +<p>The three principal estates were Cazillac and Cessac in Quercy, +and Milhars in Languedoc.</p> + +<p>The Barony of Cazillac was sold as early as 1689 by the granddaughter +of the Marquis de Cessac; and, after that date, falls out of +the competition. Nevertheless, this place has a point of interest for the +present investigation. In 1665 the Marquis de Cessac bestowed it +upon his cousin, Roger de Guénégaud, with the condition that he should +in future bear the name and arms of Cazillac. The estate was, however, +too tightly entailed on the immediate heirs of M. de Cessac for +the donation to take effect; and the result was merely to add one more +to the crowd of litigants who put in claims to the various property on +M. de Cessac’s demise. Had the intention succeeded, this would have +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span>been an exceedingly likely quarter in which to seek the Holbein; even +as it is, the question arises whether M. de Cessac may not have given +the picture to the man whom he had wished to establish as the future +head of the Cazillac family. But here again research has been unproductive +of further result.⁠<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> + +<p>Cessac ultimately passed into the hands of another cousin of the +Marquis de Cessac, François de la Roche, Marquis de Fontenilles, and +owing to this circumstance enters into the lists with Milhars.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the fact that the most minute search has failed to +reveal any mention of the picture in the exclusively legal documents +connected with the latter Château,⁠<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> it does not appear unlikely that +Milhars was indeed the new home to which the picture was transported. +It must be borne in mind, however, that we here enter the region of +guess-work, and that the discovery of one little fact is apt to overthrow +many pages of specious reasoning. The following indications are +therefore given merely for what they are worth.</p> + +<p>On the death of the Marquis de Cessac a lawsuit respecting the +inheritance took place, in which the principal parties concerned were +his widow, Annie Louise de Broglie, and his daughter, Charlotte de +Blaigny. It is of some importance to our object to note that in the end +the widow accepted a sum of money in lieu of all other claims; and +that the entire property of the Marquis de Cessac was settled on his +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span>granddaughter, Marie-Renée Le Genevois, the only child of Madame +de Blaigny. This took place in 1681.⁠<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> + +<p>Unfortunately Charlotte de Blaigny now quarrelled with her +daughter, who remained with her father in Champagne, while her mother +continued to reside at Milhars. A designing relation, François de la +Roche, Comte and Marquis de Fontenilles, took advantage of this state +of things to induce Madame de Blaigny to disinherit her daughter and +make a will in favour of himself and of his heirs.</p> + +<p>François de la Roche-Fontenilles was the grandson of that Jean-Jacques +de la Roche-Fontenilles who had married Claude de Cazillac, +the only sister of the Marquis de Cessac.⁠<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> But for the existence of +Marie-Renée, he would have been the nearest heir to the property. +He now took up his abode at Milhars and drew his meshes closer and +closer round the unhappy old lady who ruled there. No sooner was +the will signed than he began to dismantle the Château before the very +eyes of his aged cousin. Furniture and valuables were hastily removed +to his house at Toulouse. Fortunately Charlotte de Blaigny did not +long survive to reap the bitter results of her mistake. She died at +Milhars in October, 1683, a month after the making of the momentous +will.</p> + +<p>The day after the funeral Fontenilles, in the double capacity he +assumed of heir to the property and executor of the will, made a formal +declaration to the effect that “tous les meubles de la dite hérédité sont +au pouvoir et en la jouissance dudit Sr. Conte de Fontenilles, partie +desquels ont été apportés du vivant de ladite dame [Charlotte de +Blaigny] audit Toulouse; et prétend ledit Seigneur Conte y en faire +apporter davantage.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> + +<p>Holbein’s picture—if indeed the Château in Languedoc had become +its home—now perhaps found its way with the rest of the valuables to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span>Toulouse. In any case, Milhars remained for some years in the hands +of M. de Fontenilles.</p> + +<p>Under the settlement of 1681, Madame de Blaigny, although +certain rights may have been reserved to her, had no power whatever +to disinherit her daughter and settle the property elsewhere. Immediately +upon her mother’s death, Marie-Renée, now Madame Voisin, +therefore instituted legal proceedings for the recovery of her inheritance.</p> + +<p>The lawsuits dragged on, almost interminably, year after year. +In 1686 M. and Mme. Voisin were indeed reinstated at Milhars, but +only at the price of a ruinous pension to be paid annually to M. de +Fontenilles. On the death of the latter, in 1693, his son and namesake, +who now claimed the property, renewed his attacks time after time +with implacable hostility. In 1697 Mme. Voisin was definitely confirmed +in the possession of Milhars and of the other estates in +Languedoc; but Cessac and all the remaining property in Quercy +(Cazillac, we have seen, had been previously sold), had to be ceded to +François de Fontenilles. Notwithstanding these sacrifices the claims +for arrears of pension were still pending in 1700.</p> + +<p>Bearing in mind that the picture reappears in 1787 under the +partially corrupt title of “Portraits de MM. de Selve <i>et d’Avaux</i>,” it is +somewhat startling to find that in the same year, 1683, in which M. de +Fontenilles, the elder, seized Milhars, his son and successor, named +above, became the husband of Marie-Thérèse de Mesmes,⁠<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> daughter, +niece, and sister of a succession of Contes d’Avaux.</p> + +<p>Her father, Jean-Jacques de Mesmes, Conte d’Avaux, was a +President <i>à mortier</i> of the Parliament of Paris. Her uncle, Jean-Antoine +de Mesmes, Conte d’Avaux, was one of a series of famous +ambassadors of the name, and, dying unmarried in 1709, made Madame +de Fontenilles his heiress. Her brother, another Jean-Antoine de +Mesmes, Conte d’Avaux, was the well-known Premier Président of the +Parliament of Paris, who died in 1723.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span></p> + +<p>The connection of François de Fontenilles with the family of +Mesmes seems to reveal a not improbable path by which the picture +may have descended to modern times. Either the seizure of Milhars +or the acquisition of Cessac, perhaps placed it in the possession of La +Roche Fontenilles. If it remained in his hands, how easily might it +have passed in later years for part of the property bequeathed to Mme. +de Fontenilles by her uncle, Jean-Antoine, Conte d’Avaux, and the +name of the supposed donor have crept into the title!</p> + +<p>Mme. Voisin, now known as the Marquise de Milhars, had, however, +other links with the Mesmes family, which forbid a too exclusive +faith in one hypothesis. The niece of her husband, François Voisin, a +daughter of Denis Feydeau de Brou, was the wife of the future Premier +Président de Mesmes.</p> + +<p>Here, then, are two distinct threads connecting the Contes d’Avaux +with the only two persons, M. de Fontenilles and Mme. Voisin, who +seem likely to have owned the picture at this period.⁠<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> + +<p>All that can be said, in the absence of direct testimony, is that we +appear to breathe the atmosphere through which the “Ambassadors” +passed. It would be rash to build too definitely on any particular +theory; for other paths, which the picture may have taken, lie close at +hand. Several of the great legal families of France, who were mixed +up with the Cazillac or their descendants—the Mesmes, Voisin, Brou, +Lamoignon—were connected by intermarriages; while the Broglie (the +family of the second Marquise de Cessac) were thus related both to the +Lamoignon and Voisin.</p> + +<p>If we may for a moment suppose, however, that after the settlement +of the disputes between Marie-Renée Voisin and François de +Fontenilles, the picture returned, with other abstracted property—perhaps +also with an altered name⁠<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>—to Milhars, another curious circumstance +comes to light, which seems a possible guide to its history.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span></p> + +<p>François Voisin, Marquis de Milhars, died in 1706; and Marie-Renée, +left a childless widow, had to bethink herself of an heir. Her +own nearest relation was the hated La Roche Fontenilles, who was, of +course, out of the question. Her deceased husband’s next of kin were +the children of his niece, the wife of the Premier Président. But this +lady had died in 1705, leaving only two daughters; moreover, the terms +of friendship which existed between them and La Roche Fontenilles +must have been sufficient reason to look elsewhere.</p> + +<p>One degree further removed in relationship, the eyes of Mme. +Voisin fell upon the heir of a distinguished family, Chrétien de +Lamoignon, whose mother had been Jeanne Voisin, first cousin to the +Marquis de Milhars. In 1716 Marie-Renée made the will which constituted +M. de Lamoignon her universal heir. In 1721 she died and +he came into possession.</p> + +<p>We may pass briefly over the first two generations of the +Lamoignon family after they succeeded to Milhars. The new proprietors +never resided at the Château in Languedoc. They owned +considerable estates in the centre of France at Basville and Lamoignon, +whence they derived their titles. But their real sphere lay at Paris, +where from generation to generation they played conspicuous parts in +the political events of their day. In course of time they probably +removed whatever Milhars contained of value to one of their other +homes.</p> + +<p>The special point of interest in connection with this family is that +Chrétien-François (II.) de Lamoignon,⁠<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> Marquis de Basville, who in +1765 sold Milhars to the family of Rey de St. Géry, was the intimate +and lifelong friend of Nicolas Beaujon, at the sale of whose property, +in 1787, the picture once more comes to the surface.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span></p> + +<p>If the Polisy Holbein, notwithstanding stormy interludes, did +actually descend from heir to heir of the house of Dinteville through this +obscure period of one hundred and thirty-three years, Chrétien de +Lamoignon de Basville is precisely the person in whose hands we should +now expect to find it.</p> + +<p>His intimacy with Beaujon gives curious point to these speculations. +The French millionaire appointed “Monseigneur Chrétien-François +de Lamoignon,” and his heirs, administrators in perpetuity of +the famous Hospice (now Hospital) which he founded, and which still +bears his name.⁠<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> He further begged M. de Lamoignon to be executor +of his will, as a last proof of the friendship “dont il m’a toujours +honoré;” and bequeathed to him a fine service of Sevres china.⁠<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p> + +<p>Beaujon died on the 20th December, 1786. At the end of January, +1787, M. de Lamoignon, acting in his capacity of executor, caused an +inventory to be drawn up of all the deceased gentleman’s property contained +in his two palaces, the Hotel d’Evreux⁠<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> and the so-called +“Chartreuse,” where he died. This inventory, which gives minute +and interesting particulars of all the pictures constituting the galleries +of those two residences, was drawn up by the notary Maigret, now +represented by Maître Houel, in whose custody this document at +present rests. At the writer’s request this gentleman kindly examined +the inventory in question; but, strange to say, without success. No +trace of Holbein’s “Ambassadors” is there to be found, although nothing +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span>is more certain than that the picture was sold three months later at the +Beaujon sale, and included in the catalogue of the millionaire’s property +drawn up for that occasion.</p> + +<p>The inference would seem to be that either “The Ambassadors” +dwelt in some third residence belonging to M. Beaujon, the contents of +which were not included in the inventory in question, or that, still +owned by the executor, M. de Lamoignon, who was in chronic need of +money, the picture was thrown by him into the sale and disposed of at +the same time as the Beaujon collection.</p> + +<p>How it now passed into the hands of Le Brun, thence to an +English dealer who sold it to Lord Radnor, and finally to the National +Gallery, the reader already knows.</p> + +<p>A table of chronology is appended which sums up the salient points +of the foregoing narrative.</p> + +<h4>CHRONOLOGY.</h4> + +<p class="hanging">1533. Jean de Dinteville, French Ambassador in England, and George de Selve, +Bishop of Lavaur, are painted in London by Holbein. Subsequently +the picture is taken to Polisy, Dinteville’s home in Burgundy.</p> + +<p class="hanging">1562. Claude de Dinteville, niece of Jean the Ambassador and heiress of Polisy, +marries François de Cazillac, Baron de Cessac.</p> + +<p class="hanging">1653. François II. de Cazillac, Vicomte, then Marquis de Cessac, grandson of the +foregoing, moves the picture to Paris. Having sold Polisy, M. de +Cessac spends most of the remainder of his life at Milhars in Languedoc.</p> + +<p class="hanging">1679. Death at Milhars of the Marquis de Cessac.</p> + +<p class="hanging">1681. Marie-Renée Le Genevois de Blaigny, granddaughter of the Marquis de +Cessac, is declared sole heiress of all his possessions.</p> + +<p class="hanging">1683. Charlotte, Marquise de Blaigny, only daughter of the Marquis de Cessac, +attempts to disinherit her daughter, Marie-Renée, in favour of her +cousin, François de la Roche-Fontenilles, and of his son, François II. de +la Roche-Fontenilles.</p> + +<p class="hanging">—— Marriage of the latter gentleman to Marie Thérèse de Mesmes, daughter, +niece, and sister of a succession of Contes d’Avaux.</p> + +<p class="hanging">—— Marriage of Marie-Renée Le Genevois de Blaigny with François Voisin, +Marquis de Bougueval, subsequently known as Marquis de Milhars.</p> + +<p class="hanging">—— Death of Charlotte de Blaigny.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>[A long series of lawsuits now ensues between François de Fontenilles, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span>who denudes Milhars, and Marie-Renée Voisin, the rightful heiress. +Mme. Voisin at last obtains possession.]</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p class="hanging">1721. Death of Marie-Renée, who, being childless, leaves Milhars to her husband’s +cousin, Chrétien de Lamoignon, Marquis de Basville.</p> + +<p class="hanging">1765. Chrétien-François II. de Lamoignon, grandson of the heir of Marie-Renée, +sells Milhars to the family of Rey de St. Géry.</p> + +<p class="hanging">1786. Death of M. Nicolas Beaujon, Banker to the French Court, whose will +appoints his intimate friend, Chrétien-François de Lamoignon, Marquis +de Basville, to be his executor.</p> + +<p class="hanging">1787. Sale of M. Beaujon’s pictures, in the catalogue of which Holbein’s +“Ambassadors” reappears after a silence of a hundred and thirty-three +years. The picture now becomes the property of J. B. P. Le Brun.</p> + +<p class="hanging">1792. Publication of the first volume of Le Brun’s “Galerie des Peintres Flamands, +Hollandais, et Allemands,” in which there is an engraving of the +“Ambassadors.” Le Brun had previously sold the picture to a dealer +in England.</p> + +<p class="hanging">1808 or 1809. Holbein’s picture is bought by Jacob, second Earl of Radnor, and +taken to Longford Castle.</p> + +<p class="hanging">1890. The picture of the “Ambassadors” finds a permanent home in the +National Gallery.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header1.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="PART_II">PART II<br> +<span class="smaller">JEAN DE DINTEVILLE</span></h2> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer4.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header2.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2>JEAN DE DINTEVILLE</h2> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_II_CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br> +<span class="smcap">The Early Life of Jean de Dinteville</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-i.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">In attempting to follow the career of Jean de Dinteville, +and to read aright the picture by Holbein, which is, to so +large an extent, the intimate expression of his mind, it is +necessary to step back, in imagination, into the sixteenth +century, and to see things, so far as possible, as an observer of that +day would have beheld them. Passing events present themselves to +contemporaries in proportions widely differing from those under which +they appear to the student of a later day. Circumstances which, as +they arose, assumed mountainous dimensions, have dwindled to molehills +with the lapse of time. Other events, which had small beginnings, +have subsequently acquired an importance undreamed of by lookers-on, +in the story of the world’s progress. Again, a third category exhibits +less divergence between the verdict of contemporary opinion and that +of posterity. In such cases, it is a less arduous task to move into the +place of the thinkers and actors of the past, and to mark with their +eyes, uninfluenced by the knowledge of later developments, the scene +that unfolded itself to their view.</p> + +<p>Only by noting the facts of history in their relation to Dinteville’s +character and career, rather than to their intrinsic importance,⁠<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> will it +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span>be possible to obtain a distinct understanding of the man and of his +work. Often, indeed, the two points of view will be found to converge.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus04" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus04.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>THE CHÂTEAU OF POLISY, FROM AN ORIGINAL DRAWING OF THE + EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, PUBLISHED BY M. LUCIEN COUTANT IN THE + ALMANACH DE BAR-SUR-SEINE.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>Jean de Dinteville was born on the 21st of September, 1504. He +was the third son of Gaucher de Dinteville, Seigneur of Polisy, and of +Anne Du Plessis.</p> + +<p>The race of Dinteville was of ancient descent and allied to the +best blood in France. It had originally been known as Jaucourt, +but early in the fourteenth century an ancestor, Pierre de Jaucourt, +adopted the name of Dinteville, which was that of his seigneurie in +Champagne, by which the family was henceforth called. The elder +line remained and flourished at Dinteville. The younger branch, +founded by Jean de Dinteville, second son of Pierre, settled at Polisy +shortly before 1321.</p> + +<p>A glance at an old map of France, divided into provinces, shows +that, at a certain point, the waving boundary between Champagne and +Burgundy takes a sharp curve upwards, and, doubling back, makes the +deepest of many indentures in the contour of the northern province. +This narrow strip of land, surrounded on three sides by the territory of +Champagne, formed, approximately, the ancient Comté of Bar-sur-Seine. +Attached to Champagne, and consequently to France, in 1225 (long +before the Dinteville family settled at Polisy), it passed to Burgundy +early in the fifteenth century, returning to France with that Duchy in +1477. On this often-debated ground, just at the spot where the small +river Laigne throws its waters into the Seine, stands the Château of +Polisy—the chief home of that branch of the house of Dinteville with +which we are here concerned.</p> + +<p>The marriage of the first Dinteville, Seigneur of Polisy, with the +heiress of Deschenetz⁠<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> (or Echenay, as it is now called) in Champagne, +brought to the family another considerable fief, which, a century later, +became the theatre of an exciting drama. A second Jean de Dinteville, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span>who held the office of Bailly of Troyes, now reigned there. On a dark +night, when peace spread all around, the house of Deschenetz was +treacherously attacked by one Fortespice, a vassal of the Comte de +Vaudemont, who was the head of that powerful house which later +succeeded to the Dukedom of Lorraine. The Comte de Vaudemont +was Dinteville’s kinsman and supposed friend. Taken completely by +surprise, the master of Deschenetz could offer no resistance. The +house was sacked, while he himself was made a prisoner, and forced to +buy his release by a large sum of money. Years later he challenged +Fortespice to a duel in the <i>fosse</i> at Chablis, when both combatants fell +mortally wounded.</p> + +<p>His son and successor, Claude de Dinteville, entered the service +of Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy. Claude attained a distinguished +position as Surintendant de Finance to the Duke, and +perished, fighting at his master’s side, at the battle of Nancy, in 1477. +His body was brought back to Polisy for interment.</p> + +<p>With the cession of the Duchy of Burgundy to France, which now +took place, happier days dawned for the Dinteville family. All questions +of divided allegiance ceased. The numerous sons of Claude de +Dinteville entered French service, several of them rising high in their +respective vocations. One of them, Jacques de Dinteville, was Grand +Veneur of France under Louis XII., and was also employed as Deputy +Governor of Paris during the absence of the Duke of Vendôme.⁠<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> +Another son, François, became Bishop of Auxerre; Pierre was +Seneschal of Rhodes, and fell while defending the island against the +Turks in the memorable siege of 1522; and Gaucher, the father of +Holbein’s “Ambassador,” was Bailly of Troyes, and was attached to +the French Court, almost throughout his life, in many honourable +capacities. He accompanied Charles VIII. to Italy, and was appointed +Governor of Sienna during the French occupation of that city.⁠<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> + +<p>On his return to France, Gaucher de Dinteville settled at the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span>Château of Thennelières, near Troyes, and in 1496 married Anne Du +Plessis, daughter of Jean, Seigneur of Ouschamps and La Perrine. +Their eldest son, François, who ultimately succeeded his uncle as +Bishop of Auxerre, was born in 1498; and from this date onwards the +births of numerous children are recorded as having occurred at +Thennelières or at Troyes. A few years later the family migrated to +Polisy.</p> + +<p>Gaucher’s tenure of the office of Bailly of Troyes coincides with +an important period of French law. The Bailly was the Crown officer +in whose name justice was administered throughout a certain district. +Each Bailliage, or bailiwick, had its separate Custom, a system naturally +resulting in much inequality and confusion. To remedy this state of +things, Louis XII. took the first step towards the unification of the +legal code, by ordering the publication of the Customs throughout the +kingdom.⁠<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> The fulfilment of this edict was a work of time, to be +accomplished only after years of labour. The Custom of Troyes was +published in 1509, during the term of office of Gaucher de Dinteville, +and under the immediate presidency of his brother the Bishop of +Auxerre. The latter, like many of his ecclesiastical contemporaries, +was equally versed in civil and canon law.</p> + +<p>How large a share Gaucher himself had in this important undertaking +is uncertain. The duties of the Bailly became in course of time +almost nominal, and devolved upon his deputy, a professional lawyer; +but this period had hardly yet arrived. In 1505, however, Gaucher +was sent by the king to Switzerland, where his duties detained him on +and off for several years.⁠<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> + +<p>Nothing is known of the childhood of Jean, the future ambassador, +passed, it may be surmised, on the breezy plains of Thennelières, or +amidst the wooded slopes which surround the Château of Polisy. His +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span>two elder brothers, François and Louis, the latter of whom became a +Knight of St. John, began their education at the College of Troyes, +which at this time enjoyed a high reputation; and it is likely enough +that in due course Jean followed in the same steps. Scholars were +entered there from the early age of eight years. Again following his +eldest brother, he may have pursued his later studies at the University +of Paris, where the degree of Bachelor of Arts could be obtained at +fifteen or sixteen years of age.</p> + +<p>It may be useful to recall that the instruction imparted there, as at +most of the older universities of Europe, was based in the first instance +on the study of the Seven Liberal Arts. These were divided into two +courses: the first, comprising Grammar, Logic, and Rhetoric, was called +the Trivium; the second, which embraced Music, Arithmetic, Geometry, +and Astronomy, the Quadrivium. Dinteville’s education, wherever +acquired, was doubtless laid on these familiar lines.</p> + +<p>Destined to succeed to his father’s honours, and in due course to +become the head of his house, he was early brought into contact with +the French Court. Indeed, the whole family seems to have found +exceptional favour there. A manuscript is still preserved⁠<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> which gives +the names of those who were members of the royal household, and in +this list the Dinteville family figures extensively. Jean de Dinteville +first appears in attendance on the royal children between 1521 and +1524, when he holds the appointment of Echanson. His life from this +time centred at the Court, where his father was now Premier Maître +d’Hotel to the Dauphin François.</p> + +<p>There were many links to connect Gaucher de Dinteville and his +sons with the royal family of France. Besides the intrinsic merits and +past services of the father, they possessed powerful friends. Anne de +Montmorency, the great minister, was their cousin, and did much to +shape the subsequent career of Gaucher’s sons. In early days, the intimate +friendship of Madame de Montreuil, a sister of the Grand-Maître +Boisy and of Admiral Bonnivet, played a large part in their advancement.</p> + +<p>It is pleasant to lift for a moment the veil that conceals so much +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span>of the private life of that remote period, and to contemplate a friendship +which continued unbroken through two generations.</p> + +<p>The Seigneurie of Montreuil was a dependency of Deschenetz, a +possession of the Dinteville family which ranked second in importance +only to Polisy, and which they, no doubt, often visited. It was, perhaps, +partly through the accident of being neighbours in the country that the +kindly feeling entertained for them by the Châtelaine of that estate +ripened into the closest intimacy. Madame de Montreuil was governess +to the royal children; and it was through her mediation that Gaucher +received his early appointment in connection with them. It was again +due to her influence that when the little Prince Charles, Duke of +Angoulême, the youngest of the three sons of Francis I., outgrew her +tender care, he was placed under the immediate charge of Jean de +Dinteville, whom “she loved and trusted as her own son.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> + +<p>Public events meanwhile were gradually ripening towards the great +catastrophe which was to colour French policy for many years to come. +In February, 1525, the news of the defeat of the French forces before +Pavia, where Francis I. was taken prisoner, and the flower of the +French nobility fell, sent a thrill of horror through France. The king +was carried to Madrid, only to be released in the following year on the +humiliating terms of sending his two eldest sons to replace him in +captivity, pending the payment of a large ransom. From the time of +the affront placed upon the national pride by this crushing misfortune, +the main endeavour of French statecraft through a long series of years +was to convert the enemies of Charles V. into the allies of France, and +by a succession of skilful diplomatic combinations, open or secret, to +form coalitions sufficiently powerful to resist the overwhelming might +of the Empire. Already, during the king’s captivity, the regent, +Louise of Savoy, had courted the friendship of Henry VIII., imploring +him not to make war upon an imprisoned king. At about the +same period, the first French emissary had been despatched to the +Court of Solyman, forming the beginning of that series of negotiations +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>between the Most Christian King and the Turk which, avowed many +years later, was to startle Europe.⁠<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> Sigismund, King of Poland, and +John Zapolski, Waiwode of Transylvania, who was endeavouring to +wrest the crown of Hungary from Ferdinand, the Emperor’s brother, +were other objects of French solicitude; to whom, for convenience sake, +may here be added the Protestant Princes of Germany, led by the +Elector of Saxony, with whom an alliance was formed a few years later.</p> + +<p>But the most conspicuous engagement entered into by France, in +the early days succeeding the Spanish captivity, was the League signed +at Cognac in May, 1526, by which Francis I., Clement VII., the +Signory of Venice, and Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, bound themselves +in a common alliance against the Emperor Charles V.</p> + +<p>How deep was the impression made by these events on young +Dinteville, whose attendance on the royal children kept him in the +vortex of French politics, may be actually seen in some details of +Holbein’s picture, to which reference will be made later on. Nor was +it surprising that this should be so. The League of Cognac was the +definite public act by which Francis I. made plain his intention to +repudiate that part of the Treaty of Madrid which involved the cession +of the Duchy of Burgundy. Had the latter compact been observed in +its integrity, Polisy would have become a fief of the Empire. The +race of Dinteville had been French long ere they were Burgundian. +At the close of the fifteenth century they had resumed with passionate +loyalty their complete allegiance to the Crown of France. What +wonder, then, if Jean de Dinteville gave himself heart and soul to the +anti-Imperial policy expressed by the League of Cognac, which appeared +to guarantee the continuance of his French nationality?</p> + +<p>In February, 1527, he was appointed Captain and Governor of +Bar-sur-Seine, on the resignation, probably caused by advancing years, +of his father.⁠<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> As in the document which records these changes Jean +is already described as Bailly of Troyes, Gaucher must previously have +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span>resigned that office also, for the succession to which he had instituted +his son by royal letters as early as 1520.⁠<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> + +<p>Later in the same year Gaucher de Dinteville visited Troyes to +request the contributions of its inhabitants to the ransom of Francis I.⁠<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> +The young Bailly was meanwhile kept almost entirely at Court, +accompanying the royal family from Paris to Blois, and from Blois to +Amboise, or the various other places to which duty or pleasure determined +its movements.</p> + +<p>The next glimpse obtained of him finds him in these surroundings. +In October, 1527, Marguerite d’Angoulême, the sister of Francis I., and +her husband, the King of Navarre,⁠<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> made a short stay at Blois on their +journey to the south of France. Some point appears to have then been +under discussion relating to the little Duke of Angoulême (the only one +of the king’s sons at that time in France, his brothers being prisoners +at Madrid), and to the young princesses, his sisters. Marguerite writes +to Anne de Montmorency from Gabarre, a small town in the Landes:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“... En passant dernierement a Blays,⁠<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> Madame de Montereul et M. le +Bailly de Troyes, en me parlant du fait de Monsieur et de Mesdames, me prierent +d’escrire a madite dame,⁠<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> + ce que j’ai differe jusques a ce que fussiez de retour.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>Montmorency was absent at the moment on his way to England. +Henry VIII. and Francis I. were becoming more and more deeply +engaged in a common policy against Charles V. Earlier in the same +year, Wolsey had been brilliantly received in France. Now the Grand-Maître +was sent with Jean Du Bellay and the Chancellor of Alençon, +at the head of a splendid train of gentlemen, to convey the Royal +Order of St. Michael to the King of England. This was the expedition +from which Marguerite awaited Montmorency’s return, before writing +to the king’s mother.⁠<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span></p> + +<p>It would be interesting to know what was the subject upon which +Madame de Montreuil and the Bailly of Troyes sought to obtain the +good offices of Louise of Savoy with regard to the children. That the +question was not unimportant may be inferred from their anxiety to +obtain such influential assistance, and from the hesitation of the Queen +of Navarre to accede to their request without previously consulting +Montmorency. Her desire to conciliate the minister shows the power +he had already acquired in the internal relations of the French Court.</p> + +<p>Was the question connected with religion? History offers no +reply; but the suggestion awakens some interesting considerations.</p> + +<p>In or about 1526, Francis I. had confided the education of the +little Duke of Angoulême, perhaps by Dinteville’s advice, to Lefèvre +d’Etaples,⁠<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> a celebrated professor of mathematics and philosophy. This +learned man was one of the earliest and greatest of the French Reformers. +He was the author of the first complete translation of the +Bible into French; it is still in use in the Protestant churches of France. +A correspondent of Budé⁠<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> and Erasmus,⁠<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> + his name carries us into the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span>centre of that sphere of intellectual activity with which Dinteville was +constantly brought into contact both at home and at Court.</p> + +<p>In 1527 Francis I. ordered Lefèvre, in conjunction with Gérard +Roussel,⁠<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> to translate into Latin the Homilies of Chrysostom on the Acts +of the Apostles.⁠<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> The following year we find Lefèvre teaching the Psalms +to the little Duke of Angoulême.⁠<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> But by September, 1528, both +he and Roussel had left the Court to follow Marguerite of Navarre to +the south of France, where Lefèvre was established in deep retirement +at Nérac.⁠<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> The links which connected the Bailly of Troyes with such +men as Lefèvre and Roussel were primarily, no doubt, on the side of +learning rather than of religion; for the Dinteville family were staunch +Catholics. But they appear, at any rate at this early date, to have +belonged to the liberal Catholic group, and to have been averse to the +extremes of the rigidly orthodox party. Their cordial relations with +the Queen of Navarre, the Du Bellay, and other advocates of tolerance, +point to this conclusion, no less than their love of learning and their +intimacy with the eminent humanists patronized by the French Court. +The bigotry of Montmorency, on the other hand, was well known. If, +therefore, they desired to replace the services of Lefèvre by those of +another teacher of liberal leanings, they did well to apply to the Queen +of Navarre and her mother, rather than direct to the minister. On +this point, however, we have no further light.</p> + +<p>Persecuted by the Sorbonne and the extreme ecclesiastical zealots, +the French Reformers were, at this time, upheld by an enlightened +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span>section of the Roman Catholic party, who desired to see the discipline +of the Church amended without pushing matters to a split with Rome. +It still seemed possible to combine these objects, which the efforts of the +humanists, and the general hatred entertained towards the monks, had +rendered popular in high places. Louise of Savoy herself was, in early +days, not opposed to the aims of the innovators. Marguerite of Navarre +was, and remained, their ardent supporter, though without forsaking +the communion of Rome.⁠<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> The lines of demarcation were not yet as +tightly drawn as they were destined to be hereafter. Renée of France,⁠<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> +who, married in 1527 to Ercole d’Este, became the mother of Tasso’s +Leonora, was all her life the unflinching protectress of the advocates of +a purified religion. At no time, perhaps, were the prospects of the +Reformation brighter at the Court of France than in the years now under +consideration. Francis I., cynical and indifferent himself, though not +incapable of superstitious fear, alternately protected and persecuted the +French Lutherans according to the influences which prevailed with him +at the moment. But in her goodly band of learned men, supported by +the liberal group in the Roman Catholic Church, France possessed a +happy omen for the future.</p> + +<p>The same revival of letters which had paved the way for the +Reformation in Germany, had penetrated deeply into France. The +humanists formed a compact group, almost independent of nationality, +corresponding in Latin, and pursuing the same objects in each country. +The union between the leading European nations in these respects was +very close. In France the ranks of the law, more especially, were +crowded with votaries of the new learning. Besides the study of +classical literature, they bestowed eager attention upon mathematics, +natural science and astronomy, which still included astrology, obtaining +the newest instruments from Southern Germany, where they were +principally made. Celebrated teachers were placed at the great provincial +universities, specially famous for their schools of civil law, the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span>teaching of which was forbidden at the University of Paris. The +lectures were ardently attended. Foreigners as well as Frenchmen +gathered in large numbers round any well-known luminary. The +lecturers themselves were not infrequently members of another nation. +Thus Andrea Alciati, the famous Italian lawyer, taught successively at +Avignon and at Bourges; while large numbers of Germans, such as +Melchior Wolmar, Johann Sturm, subsequently rector of Strasburg University, +Sleidan, the historian of the Reformation, André Melanchthon, +a relation of his more famous namesake, helped to promote the cause of +liberal instruction, and, in many cases, also of the doctrines of Luther. +As the Reformation advanced in Germany, its influence permeated the +ranks of the French humanists, hand-in-hand with the purely secular +learning they had hitherto cultivated. Those who professed the new +doctrines were known as “Luthériens.” The day of Calvin, who was +to impress the final and definite stamp on French Protestantism, was +yet to come.</p> + +<p>The orthodox professors of the University of Paris viewed with +distrust all this intellectual stir. They regarded the revival of classical +learning, especially the study of Greek, which enabled people to examine +the New Testament for themselves, as conducive to heresy. To +free the path of knowledge from their bigoted restrictions, Guillaume +Budé persuaded Francis I. to found a college for the special purpose +of instruction in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, the “Three Languages” +as they were then called; to which mathematics and other chairs were +subsequently added. The scheme did not at once come to full maturity; +but a variety of first-rate professors were engaged, who gave +free lectures in their several branches, and assembled round them a large +group of students of international character. Such was the nucleus of +the famous Collège Royal.</p> + +<p>The Bailly of Troyes was well acquainted with Budé, both at Court +and in Champagne. The lifelong services of this eminent savant to a +succession of French kings brought him into constant communication +with the members of the royal households. As secretary to Charles +VIII. and librarian to Francis I. he must have been well known to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span>Gaucher de Dinteville. In the second capacity, his influence may have +been almost incalculable on Gaucher’s son. Budé, had, moreover, many +connections at Troyes. He was related to the Raguier family, one of +whom married a sister of the Bailly. The Raguiers were of German +origin, and later, including Charlotte de Dinteville, embraced the +reformed religion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p> + +<p>Troyes at this time inclosed within its walls several remarkable +men, whose fame extended beyond these limits. Among them was +Pierre Pithou, a celebrated advocate, and the father of yet more eminent +sons. Pithou’s friendship with Lefèvre d’Etaples added another link to +the chain. All these names, Budé, Raguier, and Pithou, became +Protestant in the next generation. For the present things had not +gone so far.</p> + +<p>In the highest class of society there was, at this early stage, little +thought of secession. On the contrary, the liberal-orthodox Frenchmen +were prepared to strain every nerve to avert a schism. They +occupied a middle position between the ultra-clerical party and the +Reformers. Their whole energies were directed towards the re-establishment +of ecclesiastical unity.</p> + +<p>At the head of this little band of select intelligence stood the Du +Bellay family. Guillaume Du Bellay, Seigneur de Langey, the eldest +of the brothers, and Jean, successively Bishop of Bayonne and of Paris, +and ultimately Cardinal, were equally conspicuous for their talents in +peace and war, in religion and in diplomacy.⁠<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> No ambassadors were +more frequently employed in the negotiations with England which +marked the years of closest friendship between Henry VIII. and +Francis I. Guillaume Du Bellay also made repeated visits to Germany +in the interests of religious unity, an aim which, in a letter to his friend +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span>and correspondent, Melanchthon, he terms “the most glorious on +which mortals can be engaged.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p> + +<p>Jean Du Bellay had the same objects at heart. He too writes to +Melanchthon, signing himself, “Yours from my very heart, Bellaius.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> +A statesman of conspicuous ability, and a leader of much that was best +in French thought and aspiration at this time, he opened his doors +freely and dispassionately to all whom learning, merit, or need of any +kind, commended to his notice. Even Rabelais found a shelter beneath +his hospitable roof; many of the lesser humanists he drew from +obscurity to an assured position; he himself was an author of some +pretension.</p> + +<p>In politics the liberal Catholics were, as might be expected, the +keenest adversaries of Spain. They supported the divorce of Henry +VIII., and all the diplomatic combinations directed against Charles V. +It is a striking fact that nearly all the French ambassadors sent to +England during the years we now have to consider, belonged, in greater +or lesser degree, to this group. Some of them, at a later period, when +things had developed further, embraced the Protestant religion.</p> + +<p>The extreme clerical party, on the other hand, which included +Montmorency, upheld the Imperial alliance. But in the years which +immediately succeeded Pavia, the susceptibilities of the nation were too +deeply wounded to admit of any real cordiality between France and +Spain. The policy of France necessarily took another direction in consequence. +This coolness towards Spain gave the liberals their opportunity. +The Grand Maître, realizing the position with his usual cold +sagacity, held the strings of both parties firmly in his hands. He stood, +indeed, on terms of friendship with such men as the Du Bellay, who, +while protecting liberty of opinion and condemning the delinquencies of +the clergy, were doing their utmost to prevent a rupture with Rome. +The Papacy itself courted those whose aim was to draw back the +Reformers into the fold of the Church. Starting from very different +grounds, they were obviously playing the Pope’s game.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span></p> + +<p>But for the out-and-out Lutherans, whose object was complete +severance from Rome, Montmorency had no weapon but persecution. +His hatred of the “heretics” only intensified when time made clear the +impossibility of any compromise. As the years wore by, the shadows +of the coming conflict crept onwards, ultimately forcing the party of +mediation to make their choice between strict orthodoxy and secession. +Slowly but surely the brilliant promise of an earlier date faded away. +But that time had not yet come.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer5.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header5.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_II_CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br> +<span class="smcap">The First Mission to England of the Bailly of Troyes (1531) +and the Calais Interview of 1532</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-f.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">Four years had passed since the release of Francis I., when, +in 1530, his two eldest sons were at last set free from their +Spanish prison. This happy event was due in great +measure to pecuniary assistance rendered by Henry VIII. +towards the completion of the French king’s ransom. It was followed +almost immediately by the marriage of Francis with Eleanor, Queen-Dowager +of Portugal and sister of the Emperor, which took place in +fulfilment of one of the clauses of the treaty of Madrid.</p> + +<p>The following year, 1531, was a memorable one for the Dinteville +brothers. It began with the death of their father, which took place in +March, at the age of seventy-two. In accordance with the curious +custom of the time, his body was buried at Polisy, his entrails at St. +Jean-en-Grève at Paris, and his heart at Thennelières, where so much +of his early married life had been passed.</p> + +<p>A now solitary agricultural village, surrounded by blue plains +which melt into the sky in uninterrupted expansion, Thennelières has +little left to testify to the brilliant life of which it was once the scene. +Of the Château formerly inhabited by Gaucher and Anne de Dinteville +not one stone remains upon another, though the <i>fosses</i> still define the +site on which it stood. But in the little thick-walled twelfth-century +Church, the steeple and red roof of which rise at the end of the straggling +village street, a few interesting relics of bygone days may yet be seen. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span>Let into the pavement before the altar of the north transept—both +transepts are of the sixteenth century—is a square black and white +tablet, in the centre of which is a “bonne-foi”⁠<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> of flesh-coloured marble. +Above this are two intertwined hearts of deeper hue, bearing respectively +the initials “G” and “A.” The tablet is inscribed, “Galtero de +Dinteville, Anna du Plesseys, chara conjonx, 1531.” A leaden box +beneath this plaque is said yet to contain the shrivelled heart of +Gaucher de Dinteville.</p> + +<p>On the opposite side of the church is a stained glass window, in +which is represented a bishop, accompanied by his patron saint, St. +Francis. This ecclesiastic is no other than Francis I. de Dinteville, +Bishop of Auxerre (the same who took part in the publication of the +Custom of Troyes), whose portrait was here erected in 1524 by his +nephew and namesake, the brother of Jean the “Ambassador.” The +window has been badly restored, and the portrait is consequently +inferior now to that of another window of similar subject in the Church +of Montmorency.⁠<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> + +<p>The tombs at Polisy have perished with the chapel that contained +them. But a quaint epitaph, in rhymed doggerel, which was placed to +the memory of Gaucher de Dinteville, survives in a copy preserved at +the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris.</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="center">EPITAPHE DE FEU MONSIEUR DE POLISY.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">L’Appuy des bons, Gauche de Dinteville</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Apres avoir en la guerre civile</div> + <div class="verse indent0">De France acquis le nom de jeune et sage</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Apres avoir au renomme passage</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Que Charles feit a Naples et a Rome</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Gaigné le bruit de hardi gentilhome</div><span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span> + <div class="verse indent0">Apres avoir a Senes ville antique</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Esté le chef de la grand republique</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Apres avoir de Troyes en Champagne</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Esté bailly, et veu de sa compagne</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Naistre des fils, dont il veit en sa vie</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Rhodes,⁠<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> + Espagne,⁠<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> et la France⁠<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> + servie</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Apres avoir chez le Roy eu loz tel</div> + <div class="verse indent0">D’estre ordinaire et bon maistre d’hostel</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Et le premier chez Monsr. le Dauphin</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Se voyant là approcher de sa fin</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Et sachant bien qu’heureux on ne peult estre</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sans despouiller cette robbe terrestre,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Volut donner a ces yeulx anciens</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ce dernier bien d’estre fermez des siens</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Desquelz l’amour et pitié l’ont cy mis</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Pleins d’ans, d’honneurs, de richesse et d’amis.⁠<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span></p> + +<p>Immediately after the death of Gaucher de Dinteville, on the 26th +March, 1531, his eldest son François, who had succeeded his uncle as +Bishop of Auxerre, did homage in his own name, as well as on behalf +of his mother, Anne du Plessis, and of his younger brothers and sisters, +Jean, Guillaume, Gaucher, Charlotte, and Françoise, for the seigneurie +of Lesches in Brie, which had formed part of the dowry of Anne du +Plessis. All now inherited it jointly excepting Louis, the second +brother, who was a Knight Hospitaller.⁠<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p> + +<p>In his twenty-seventh year, Jean de Dinteville now found himself +at the head of his house. His position at Court seemed to promise a +brilliant future, which was further insured by the friendship of his +cousin, Montmorency, the Admiral De Brion, the Du Bellay brothers, +and other leaders of French politics. It is probable that at about this +time he also succeeded to the Collar of St. Michael rendered vacant by +the death of his father, who had been a Knight of the Order.⁠<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p> + +<p>Nor were royal favours limited to Jean alone. The same edict +that confirms his appointment as Governor to Charles, Duke of +Angoulême, places his brother Guillaume, now Seigneur Deschenetz, +in a like capacity about the person of the Dauphin, in succession to his +father; and Gaucher, the youngest brother, Seigneur of Vanlay and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span>Thennelières, in a similar position towards Henry, Duke of Orleans. +Thus each of the three sons of Francis I. was entrusted to the special +care of a member of the Dinteville family.</p> + +<p>But all was not unchequered prosperity. In the July following the +death of Gaucher the elder, another heavy blow fell upon the brothers. +Louis de Dinteville, the Knight of St. John, died at Malta, at the age +of twenty-eight; not without having already given promise of distinction +similar to that attained by his brothers. He had been early made a +Knight Commander and Seneschal of Rhodes, probably in the place +of his uncle, Pierre de Dinteville. After the conquest of Rhodes in +1522, the homeless Knights at length, after many vicissitudes, found a +permanent refuge at Malta, granted to them by Charles V. The Grand +Master of the Order, Philippe de Villiers l’Isle-Adam, who signs himself +“uncle” to Montmorency, and was, like him, a cousin of the Dinteville +family, made a journey to Spain during the captivity of Francis I., in +order to confer with him and with the Emperor on the future of the +Order. Whether Louis de Dinteville accompanied L’Isle-Adam on this +occasion is not known; but it is certain that in the winter of 1529 to 1530, +he was sent as Ambassador of the Order to the Emperor Charles V., and +conducted the negotiations which terminated in the cession of Malta, +afterwards reporting in person to Montmorency, and probably to the +French king, the successful termination of his mission.⁠<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p> + +<p>The Order of St. John of Jerusalem was divided into seven “languages,” +as the branches in various countries were technically called. +The English language was suppressed soon after the Reformation, but +it will be seen that the only record preserved in England of Jean de +Dinteville’s first visit to this country sprang from the connection of his +family with this illustrious Order.</p> + +<p>The death of the Knight of St. John was not the only misfortune +which now befell the family. The high favour in which they stood +had, no doubt, awakened jealousies; and there were enemies ready to +take advantage of any opportunity that might occur, to undermine their +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span>credit. Such an occasion shortly presented itself, and, unfortunately, in +a shape which seems to have afforded some justification for the violent +attacks made on the offender. The eldest brother, François, now Bishop +of Auxerre, was accused of having inflicted a punishment of undue severity +on a peasant belonging to his Abbey of Montierender, who had been +guilty of poaching birds of prey suited to the favourite pastime of +hawking. The Parliament of Paris, the first legal tribunal of the kingdom, +was delighted to assert its authority in the teeth of the Crown, +which had curtailed many of its ancient privileges, by attacking a man +who owed his promotion to Court favour. The bishop was ordered to +appear before it and to stand his trial, and things were beginning to +look ugly when the powerful influence of Montmorency, combined with +that of “Madame,” the king’s mother, to whom the bishop was chaplain, +intervened on his behalf. The culprit was hurried away to the house +of the Grand-Maître at Chantilly, and there kept in security until the +storm blew over.⁠<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> It was settled by his protectors that he should be +sent as ambassador to the Holy See in order to remove him for a time +from the pursuit of his adversaries. The king, who had at first been +very angry with his <i>protégé</i>, shortly afterwards issued a royal proclamation +intended to give a milder complexion to the whole affair, and to +serve as a preliminary to letting the proceedings drop.⁠<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> In the July +following the bishop was despatched to Rome.</p> + +<p>It is tempting to dwell for a moment on the personality of this +prelate, perhaps the best known to history of all his family. Six years +older than the Bailly of Troyes, the Bishop of Auxerre exerted a potent +influence on the intellectual development of the younger brother. +Nothing is more striking in the meagre records that have come down to +us, than the constant proof they afford of the affection and community of +tastes which united these two brothers. “Besides the liberal arts,” says +the biographer of the bishop, “he was a connoisseur in mechanics, +loving above all things painting, and having always some painters in his +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span>house.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> Involuntarily Holbein’s presentment of the Bailly of Troyes +rises before the imagination, so exactly do these words describe it.</p> + +<p>But while the career of Jean de Dinteville is unclouded by any +hint of blame, that of the Bishop of Auxerre is of a chequered character, +in which light and shadow are almost equally distributed. Hot-tempered, +and failing often in tact and discretion, his mental parts were +yet coupled, to judge by the warm friendships he inspired, with considerable +personal charm. Deeply attached to learning, keenly sensitive to +the beautiful, he was a typical churchman of the Renaissance, as much +layman as ecclesiastic. His love of sport, especially his passion for +falconry, then at the height of fashion, are as oddly contrasted to his +exaggerated asceticism and frugal diet, as the mermaids of his coat-of-arms +to his pastoral staff.⁠<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p> + +<p>Having learnt grammar at the College of Troyes, François de +Dinteville proceeded to the University of Paris. Here he was a +member of the College of Navarre, which, as the only one at that time +providing lectures in divinity outside the walls of the Sorbonne, was +popular with theologians of moderate views. Thence, probably with +the object of studying civil law, the future bishop was sent to Poitiers; +and, finally, to complete his training in both branches of jurisprudence, +to the University of Padua.</p> + +<p>No doubt this residence in Italy, at the crowning moment of the +Renaissance, gave a definite stamp to his tastes in more ways than one.</p> + +<p>On his return to France he was made Almoner to Louise of Savoy. +Shortly after he was appointed Bishop of Riez, and suffragan to his +uncle; upon whose death, in 1530, he was promoted to the see of +Auxerre. He appeared well fitted, therefore, for the arduous duties he +was now called upon to undertake as French ambassador to the Vatican, +at the difficult moment of the divorce suit of Henry VIII.</p> + +<p>The same year, 1531, witnessed the first mission of the Bailly +of Troyes to England. The friendship between Henry VIII. and +Francis I. was now growing apace. Besides the resident ambassadors +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span>at either Court, the coming and going of special envoys entrusted with +messages it was not deemed prudent to commit to writing, had +assumed great activity. Henry VIII. still clung to the hope of forcing +Clement VII., through pressure from France, to annul his marriage with +the Emperor’s aunt, Katherine of Aragon. The Pope, since the sack of +Rome in 1527 more than ever the Emperor’s tool, caught at every straw +to postpone a decision which must of necessity alienate from him one half +of Europe or the other. Francis I., anxious for his own purposes to keep +Henry at variance with the Emperor, saw in the divorce the most +obvious means of doing so. He accordingly threw the whole weight of +his influence on the side of the King of England.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus05" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus05.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>PORTRAIT OF FRANÇOIS II. DE DINTEVILLE, BISHOP OF AUXERRE, + FROM THE MARTYRDOM OF STE. EUGÉNIE, BY FELIX CHRÉTIEN, IN THE CHURCH AT + VARZY.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>Dinteville’s first visit to England, or the first of which we know, +seems to have been a rapid errand of confidential nature. But, short +as it was, it is likely that it formed the key to his future advancement, +for the only English sentence relating to it which has been preserved +has a decided flavour of success. It has been seen that an intimate +connection existed between the Dinteville family and the Order of St. +John of Jerusalem. Sir William Weston was at this time Prior of the +English language. Dinteville, either now or later, was on friendly +terms with a young Weston who had been at the University of Paris; +but, in any case, seems to have been well known to the English knights +of the Order when, in the late autumn of 1531, he arrived in London. +On the 12th December Sir John Mablisteyn writes to Sir Giles Russell, +“Mr. Tyntervile departed on the 3rd, having had good expedition +with the king and his council.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Bishop of Auxerre, at Rome, was busily engaged +in urging the cause of the divorce. Gilles de la Pommeraye, who was +sent as resident ambassador to England within three weeks of the termination +of the Bailly’s brief mission, supported it no less eagerly in +London.⁠<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> La Pommeraye was on terms of intimacy with the Bishop +of Auxerre; and the two friends agreed to communicate to each other, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span>if necessary in cipher, whatever of importance might occur in their +respective spheres of duty.⁠<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p> + +<p>It is clear that, apart from questions of expediency, some members +of the liberal party in France frankly ranged themselves with the King +of England on this thorny subject. They saw that the interminable +delays of the Pope were dictated only by self-interest, unworthy of the +high office he was called upon to exercise. For that office they had a +profound respect; for the personality of Clement VII., to judge by +scattered utterances in the correspondence of the time, their feeling +bordered on contempt. Henry VIII. had, it was considered, a right to +an answer, whatever the tenour of that answer might be.</p> + +<p>From this point of view, and as showing the charm the king could +exercise when such was his good pleasure, a letter written at about this +time by La Pommeraye to the Bishop of Auxerre has its curious side.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> ... “Vous avez raison,” he says, “de me porter envie d’estre avec un si +gentil Prince, car je pense que apres le Roy nostre maistre ne s’en trouva passé +à deux cens ans, un de meilleur esprit, de meilleure grace ny plus magnanime +que cestuy cy: et, à vous parler franchement, le dit Roy nostre maistre est +obligé a luy du bon vouloir qu’il luy porte, dequoy je me sens grandement, car je +suis traicté icy, non pas comme Ambassadeur, mais comme Prince du pays, logé +en la maison⁠<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> dudict Sieur Roy, et quand je le veois veoir, toujours mangeant à +sa table; et pource, ne vous esmerveillez si je vous conforte et prie de porter sa +querelle....</p> + +<p>“Mr. ce Prince a grand envie de chastier les Prestres de ce pays et ne leur +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span>laisser jouir de si grans privilleges qu’ils ont accoustumé, dont est cause le tort +qu’on lui faict à Rome, qui est si grand que plus ne peust: c’est chose estrange +que l’Empereur ait tant de pouvoir avec le Pape, qu’il soit par ce empesché de +rendre raison et justice là où il la cognoist.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>The private letters of the ambassadors and other public characters +to each other form an interesting commentary on the political events of +the time. The Bishop of Auxerre, who, in spite of detractors, stood in +high repute for learning, love of art, and distinguished office, had many +such correspondents. Among these, to mention only a few conspicuous +names, were Lazare de Baif, a classical scholar of some celebrity, who +was now French ambassador at Venice; the Marquis de Saluce, who, +after enjoying high favour, later became a traitor to the French Crown; +and Philippe Villiers de L’Isle-Adam, Grand Master of Rhodes. Of +lesser correspondence, none throws more light on the fortunes of the +Dinteville brothers at this period than that of Balavoyne, or Belle +Avoine, the Bishop of Auxerre’s steward in France, who collected his +revenues, and sent him news of his family, during his absence at Rome.⁠<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p> + +<p>These letters and those of Berthereau, the secretary of Montmorency, +enable us to follow with some precision the movements of the +Bailly of Troyes and his brothers during the year 1532. In the summer +Francis I. made a tour in Brittany, prior to the annexation of that +province to the Crown of France, taking with him the Dauphin François. +The latter selected from among his gentlemen, to be his special attendant +on this occasion, Guillaume, Seigneur Deschenetz. Jean de Dinteville +and his brother Vanlay meanwhile remained with their respective +charges, the Dukes of Angoulême and of Orleans, at the Court of +Queen Eleanor. The plan was to spend Easter at Tours, and later to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span>go to meet the king and dauphin at Nantes on their return from +Brittany.⁠<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> The whole scheme was afterwards postponed for a few +weeks, and came off with some modifications.</p> + +<p>In May the Bailly had a slight attack of fever, an enemy that often +troubled him, and consequently obtained leave to go home for awhile.⁠<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> +He was keenly interested just now in a new tower and some pictures +he was adding to Polisy, where his mother and unmarried sister resided +with him. A little later he was staying at Plessis, the home, it will be +remembered, of his mother’s family, when Fontaines, the page of the +deceased Commander of Rhodes, Louis de Dinteville, was struck down +with the plague. Happily, he recovered; but the Bailly and Vanlay, +to avoid all risk of infection for the young princes, retired for a time to +La Bourdaizière, the house of another connection of the family. Almost +at the same moment, however, an illness which attacked the little Duke +of Angoulême, but seems to have been only of passing severity, obliged +Jean to leave his retreat and return to Court sooner than he had +intended. Shortly after this, Balavoyne received from the Bailly casts +of the features of the Dauphin and the Duke of Orleans, with the +order to forward them to the Bishop of Auxerre. From these models +their portraits were to be executed at Rome.⁠<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></p> + +<p>Thus the summer glided into autumn, which was to be distinguished +by an event of unusual interest.</p> + +<p>The meeting which took place at Calais between Henry VIII. +and Francis I. in October, 1532, probably marks the culminating point +of the friendship between the two kings. Though devoid of the excessive +luxury which distinguished the interview of 1520, known as the +Field of the Cloth of Gold, it was conducted with much pomp and +magnificence. On the 21st October, Henry, from his town of Calais, +and Francis, from the French territory of Boulogne, rode out to meet +each other. Each king was followed by a splendid retinue. The +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span>festivities lasted for ten days, in the course of which the King of +England was received by Francis at Boulogne, and returned the hospitality +by entertaining the French King at Calais. Much is recorded +of the gorgeous robes, flashing with rubies and diamonds, worn by the +two sovereigns; of music, dancing, and feasting, of bull and bear baiting, +games and wrestling, the latter, curiously enough, undertaken, on +the French side, chiefly by priests. Valuable presents were given and +received on either side. But the most welcome feature to the King of +France of all these courtesies must have been the gift of 300,000 crowns +made by Henry VIII. to the young princes. This sum represented +the residue of the loan advanced by him for their father’s ransom, +which he thus gracefully abandoned. Small wonder that Francis +hastened to exhibit his gratitude by conferring on the Dukes of Norfolk +and Suffolk, “comme aux deux estans plus près de la personne dudit +roy d’Angleterre,” the royal order of St. Michael.⁠<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> Henry responded +by bestowing the Garter on Montmorency and Brion.</p> + +<p>But the main object of the meeting at Calais lay deeper than in +the desire to exchange mutual civilities. Ostensibly for the purpose of +concerting measures for the defence of Christendom against Solyman, +and actually resulting in a treaty to that effect, it was planned, in the +first place, to discuss a common line of policy directed against Charles V., +in favour of the divorce and of certain objects that the French King +had at heart. No doubt the “damned machinations and enterprises of +the Turk”⁠<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>—with whom, be it noted, Francis I. stood on the most +friendly terms at the very moment when these words were penned—served +as an admirable cloak for these designs. No doubt also the +Most Christian King was anxious to present to Clement VII. an appearance +of devotion equal to that of his Imperial rival. The real purpose +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span>of the interview is, however, sufficiently clearly shown by the fact that +no ambassadors were allowed to be present excepting such as were +subjects of the two kings. Chapuys, the Imperial envoy in England, +displayed much chagrin at this decree. The treaty was, in fact, so +much waste paper, except for the purpose of making dupes; to which +account Francis promptly turned it in his next dealings with the +Pope.</p> + +<p>The Bishop of Auxerre had received instructions to come from +Rome, in order to be present at the Calais meeting, and to report on +the negotiations he had been conducting at the Holy See. Letters +addressed to him, however, at Rome, immediately after the interview, +show that for some reason this plan fell through. His place was taken, +at the interview, by the Cardinals Tournon and Grammont, who +were shortly to succeed him at the Papal Court, and who received +detailed instructions from both kings as to the part to be played by +them with regard to the King of England’s suit.</p> + +<p>But if the Bishop of Auxerre was absent, it can hardly be doubted +that all his brothers took part in the festivities, in attendance upon their +respective charges, the three French princes. Henry VIII. had expressed +a special wish to see at Calais the children whom his liberality +had helped to release from their Spanish prison. The Duke of +Angoulême accompanied his two elder brothers to the royal interview, +and on first meeting the King of England, after the Dauphin and the +Duke of Orleans had expressed their gratitude to the king, the little +boy addressed him in another form, “so sweetly and sagely, according +to report, that he spoke like an angel; so that the English king again +embraced him alone, kissing him several times.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> Indeed, Henry +treated all three with marked kindness. More than once in the annals +of the proceedings he is mentioned as playing at tennis with the young +princes, and it has been seen that it was to them he cancelled the debt +due to him from the King of France.</p> + +<p>Early in November Henry VIII., accompanied by Anne Boleyn, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span>who, not yet queen, had shared the Calais fêtes as Marchioness of +Pembroke, set sail for England. A new ambassador, Montpesat, +returned with him, La Pommeraye’s mission being on the verge of +conclusion. The fresh selection was probably made in consequence of +Montpesat’s previous acquaintance with the country, and possibly, to +some extent, with the language.⁠<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> At the outset he appeared hardly so +successful as his predecessor. The reason of this, in the present temper +of the king, was not far to seek. “Mons. de Montpesat, the French +ambassador,” writes the indefatigable gossip, Chapuys, to his Imperial +master, “has continually followed the king, and been in Court until +yesterday.... The queen⁠<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> has been informed that the more La +Pommeraye solicits the divorce, the more he (Montpesat) dislikes it. +This is beginning to be perceived, for he has not obtained the favour of +lodging in this town in the king’s house, which the other ambassador +did.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> It is, perhaps, rash to infer a recovery of royal favour from the +gifts showered on the ambassador at his departure, which were probably +a mere formality. In any case, his mission was of brief duration, and +on its expiration Jean de Dinteville was appointed to take his place.</p> + +<p>“The Bailly,” writes Balavoyne from Paris, on the 2nd December, +1532, to the Bishop of Auxerre at Rome, “has obtained leave of +absence until Christmas, or if possible until Twelfth Night, by which +time he must return to Court, and then immediately depart for England. +Meanwhile he is going to visit Mademoiselle,⁠<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> and set his affairs in +order.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p> + +<p>Just at the same time arrangements wee being made for the return +of the Bishop of Auxerre. His enemies were again showing signs of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span>restlessness, and Jean was eager that he should come back to confront +them and to end their intrigues. The brothers therefore hailed the +termination of the bishop’s embassy with joy.</p> + +<p>On the 26th January, 1533, the Bailly writes to convey to his +brother the express permission of Montmorency for his departure from +Rome. After telling him of the instructions given to the Cardinals, +Dinteville continues:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>“En oultre m’a enchargé ledit Sgr. grand maistre expressément vous +escrire que incontinent parties pourrez vous en venir. Je croy bien qu’il sera +honneste dire à Dieu. Mais quelques remonstrances, pour service du Roy, ny +aultres choses, qu’ilz leur dient, venez vous en, et vous serez le bien venue et +receu, je vous en assure, non pas de moy, car ne me trouveres, pour ce que demain +m’en pars; et espere, au plaisir de Dieu, trouveres, a vostre arrivée, voz evocations +depeschees.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>La Pommeraye meanwhile had written to inquire how the Cardinals +were behaving to his friend.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>“Soyez asseuré” so runs his letter, “aumoings c’est ma fantaisie, qu’ils ne +sont pas voz amys; mais la sagesse d’un homme aussi est de se tenir ferme en +ses grans heurts. Je vous advertis bien qu’a l’endroit du maistre quant je suis +party de la Cour vous estiez en aussi bonne grace comme eux. Suyvez ce que +vous avez commancé et ne variez poinct pour aucune chose qu’ils vous puissent +dire; et, moyennant ce que vous direz soit véritable, ne vous souciez du demeurant, +car le patron est pour vous et trois des plus vaillans Champions.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span></p> + +<p>The frank and manly tone of this letter is a refreshing contrast +to the diplomatic subtleties of much of the official correspondence of +the time. The “master” and “patron” was of course Francis I. The +“three champions” may probably be correctly interpreted as Montmorency, +Brion and the Bishop of Paris.</p> + +<p>La Pommeraye’s feeling with regard to the Cardinals was no doubt +correct. Though a devout son of his Church, and a strong opponent +of the Lutherans, the Bishop of Auxerre belonged to the liberal, anti-Spanish +party in France. Cardinal Tournon, on the other hand, was +one of the most violent of the extreme Catholic section. As such the +two men, agreed in dogma, were opposed in politics—a position likely +enough to engender personal animosity.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer6.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header4.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_II_CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III<br> +<span class="smcap">The Bailly of Troyes French Ambassador in England (1533)</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-o.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">On the 3rd of February, 1533, the Bailly had reached +Boulogne on his way to England.</p> + +<p>From Calais to Dover was then, as now, the more +frequented passage; but Boulogne being French territory, +it sometimes happened that Frenchmen selected that route in preference +to the English one by Calais. On arriving at Dover the ordinary +traveller proceeded on horseback by Canterbury and Rochester to +Gravesend, whence the journey was generally continued by water to +London.</p> + +<p>Occasionally, however, as with Chaucer’s pilgrims in the opposite +direction, the entire journey from Canterbury to London was accomplished +by road. This was especially the case if an official reception +was intended, when a cavalcade of notabilities would be sent out from +London to meet the arriving stranger and escort him to the city. On +important occasions the welcoming <i>cortége</i> went the whole way to +Dover. Such was the case in 1527, on the arrival of the great embassy +conducted by Montmorency, Jean Du Bellay, and the Chancellor of +Alençon.⁠<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> But even when lesser magnates were expected, much ceremony +was observed in their reception, if demanded by their office. +Lodovico Falier, the incoming Venetian ambassador in 1528, “was +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span>met first of all at a distance of eight miles from the city by the +ambassador Venier⁠<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> and all the Venetians; then, a little in advance, by +a knight privy councillor, with a good number of horsemen; and +thirdly by another privy councillor, an LL.D.; who all, one by one, +paid the usual compliments in Latin in the name of the King and +Cardinal, on receiving him, and he performed the like office by them in +reply.” He next met “the ambassadors from France, Milan, and +Ferrara, and then the Grand Prior of St. John’s⁠<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> with a numerous +retinue, he being a very great personage, the chief in London. They +all accompanied him with very great honour to his lodging in the centre +of the city, near that of the French ambassador,⁠<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> + a very worthy person.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p> + +<p>If such was the reception bestowed upon the ambassador of Venice, +it may be safely assumed that nothing less elaborate was prepared for +Dinteville at a moment when Henry VIII. was specially anxious to +show civility to France. It will be remembered, too, that the Bailly +was already on friendly terms with the Weston family and with the +Knights of St. John, which would add point to any part they might +have to play in his official welcome.</p> + +<p>Winding through the narrow streets and between the closely-constructed, +gabled houses of the city of London, the cavalcade would +presently reach the quarter where the high steeple of old St. Paul’s +rose high above the surrounding buildings. But Dinteville’s journey +was not yet ended. Like his friend, La Pommeraye, he had been given +apartments in the royal palace of Bridewell.⁠<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> Passing through Ludgate +and over the Fleet Bridge, the procession would now deflect southwards +towards the Thames, and, descending by the western bank of the Fleet, +in a line approximately represented by the modern Bridge Street, +would draw rein before the castellated façade of Bridewell.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span></p> + +<p>The palace stood a little back from the river, on the western angle +formed by the junction of the Fleet with the Thames. The corresponding +angle eastwards was occupied by the great monastery of the +Black Friars. The city wall, which inclosed the latter, here curved +abruptly to the north within the line of the Fleet, leaving that small +stream and the royal house of Bridewell without its precincts.</p> + +<p>Bridewell Palace was of long and irregular shape. The southern +extremity, flanked by two corner towers, formed the main front towards +the Thames; and was pierced by an entrance door abutting on the quay +which separated the house from the river. The buildings ran back +some distance along the western shore of the Fleet, and were divided +into various groups by courts and gardens. The latter were of considerable +dimensions, filling the opening on the east front overlooking the +Fleet, and, on the other side, covering the whole space between the +palace and the next street westwards running down to the Thames. +The grounds had recently been greatly enlarged by a piece of land +acquired from the Knights Hospitallers, containing no less than fifteen +gardens, which were “thrown down and inclosed in the king’s great +messuage or manor, called Bridewell.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span></p> + +<p>The original foundation was of very remote origin. The palace +was built partly on the remains of an ancient castle, which in early +days had formed the western bulwark of the city of London. Though +occupied from time to time by various English sovereigns, from King +John downwards, it had fallen much out of repair when Henry VIII, +took it in hand and rebuilt it for the reception of Charles V. in 1522. +After all, however, the Emperor occupied apartments in the adjacent +monastery of the Black Friars. His suite only were lodged in the new +palace, a covered bridge being thrown across the Fleet, and an aperture +pierced in the city wall to give free access to the Emperor’s quarters.</p> + +<p>Henry VIII. frequently resided at Bridewell, which is associated +with several interesting historical events. Hither, in 1528, Cardinal +Campeggio, ill with gout and fever, was carried through pouring rain, +when deputed to hear the divorce case, Wolsey riding at his side. The +palace on this occasion was “superbly decorated and filled with princes, +prelates and noblemen.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> The following year, 1529, Henry VIII. and +Katherine of Aragon were again at Bridewell, when the same interminable +question was being argued in the great hall of the Black Friars. After +the fall of Wolsey and sequestration of his property, the king preferred +York Place,⁠<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> the confiscated residence of the see of York, which was +now incorporated with the Palace of Westminster. He could therefore +well afford to place Bridewell at the disposal of any foreign ambassador +to whom he desired to show peculiar favour.</p> + +<p>It is amusing to find amongst Dinteville’s first proceedings on his +arrival in England, the importation of “thirty tuns of Gascon wine,” the +claret of to-day, which was conveyed to London by a ship called the +“Edmund,” of Lynn.⁠<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span></p> + +<p>Whether going westwards to visit the king at Westminster or +eastwards to see him at Greenwich, the river was the high-road by +which the Bailly of Troyes would reach his destination. The Thames +was the main artery of the traffic of London. Its busy wharves, laden +with merchandise, each with a flight of wooden steps descending to the +water, the varied craft which plied upon its surface, the many signs +which announced the great commercial centre, excited much interest in +the minds of foreigners.</p> + +<p>“London,” writes one of them,⁠<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> “... is the residence of the +ambassadors and merchants; it is a very notable city situated on the +Thames, a magnificent river navigable for vessels of any burden, sixty +miles from the sea, and with a very strong tide. This river is convenient +for trade, embellishing the city, and rendering it cheerful, and over it is +a very large stone bridge.⁠<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> London contains many houses on either +side of the river and two large churches of extreme beauty, in one of +which the present king’s father is buried.⁠<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> In various parts of the city +there are many palaces of divers citizens and merchants, but the larger +ones and the most superb are on the river, the owners being the chief +personages of the kingdom. Besides the two belonging to the king,⁠<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> +and one to the queen, the three dukes,⁠<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> + the two marquises⁠<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> and several +bishops, have mansions there, each of them worth 12,000 crowns, with +very delightful gardens.</p> + +<p>“The population of London is immense and comprises many artificers. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span>The houses⁠<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> are in very great number, but ugly, and half the +materials of wood, nor are the streets wide. In short, I am of opinion, all +things considered, that it is a very rich, populous, and mercantile city, +but not beautiful....”</p> + +<p>When an ambassador was invited to court, the king’s bargeman was +entrusted with the task of providing a boat, with eight or ten oars, at +the king’s expense. The guest was thus rapidly conveyed “from Greenwich +to York Place, Bridewell, and Westminster,” or whatever might be +the point of destination on the Thames. The charges made on these +occasions are still on record. One entry notes that “John Johnson, +master of the king’s barge, for conveying the French ambassador from +London to Greenwich and back in a boat of ten oars,” paid “each +rower 8<i>d.</i>, and the master 16<i>d.</i>, with 12<i>d.</i> for the hire of the boat.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a></p> + +<p>The king had been eagerly expecting the arrival of the new ambassador, +being anxious to hear the report of Cardinals Tournon and +Grammont from Italy, before replying to a recently received Papal +despatch. Montpesat, who was awaiting the Bailly before departing himself, +was even urged to send a special messenger to hurry his successor.⁠<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></p> + +<p>Parliament was, in 1533, opened by the king on the 4th February. +A state attendance followed at the House of Lords, to which several of +the foreign representatives were bidden. A day or two later, the Papal +Nuncio and the French ambassador were invited by the king to be +present at a sitting of the Commons. This time Montpesat, who left a +few days later, was accompanied by Dinteville, who had just arrived. +On leaving the Commons, the two Frenchmen, the Papal Nuncio, and +the Duke of Norfolk, with others of the Council, were “sumptuously +banqueted” at the house of Sir William Fitzwilliam, Treasurer of the +Household. After dinner the Nuncio had hoped to have audience of +the king; but he was put off till the next day, in order that Henry +might first hear what the Bailly of Troyes had to communicate.⁠<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span></p> + +<p>No doubt the report given by the latter was satisfactory to the king. +Early in January the two French Cardinals had joined the meeting at +Bologna between Pope and Emperor. Dinteville had been instructed +to inform Henry VIII. that their presence had produced an excellent +effect. As a consequence of their persuasions, Clement had consented +to come to an interview with Francis, planned by the two kings when +at Calais. It was hoped that by this means some good conclusion might +be arrived at in the affair of the King of England. For the present, +however, his Holiness desired that the project might be kept secret. +The prospect of an alliance between his niece and a son of the King of +France had doubtless contributed to elicit these dulcet accents from the +Pope. A further factor probably lay in his desire to draw both kings +into an Italian league then forming, with the co-operation of the Emperor, +against the Turk. To this, however, Francis declined his assent.⁠<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> +Henry accordingly excused himself, in like manner, in the interview +which now took place with the Nuncio.⁠<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> Venice, it may be added, at +this moment allied with France and England, gave a similar reply.</p> + +<p>Yet, at the very moment when the Pope appeared to be in so affable +a mood he had but recently issued a brief threatening the King of +England with excommunication in case he should persist in putting +away his first wife and entering into a new contract.⁠<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> Meanwhile, in +January, 1533, Henry had secretly wedded Anne Boleyn. The King +of France, on his side, full of the project of marrying his second son, +Henri, Duke of Orleans, to the Pope’s niece, Catherine de’ Medici, was +absorbed in the achievement of his own ends. That marriage, and +indeed the proposed interview itself, so Henry VIII. had understood, +were to be held out as a reward to Clement only if he acted as the two +kings wished in the matter of the divorce. The alliance of a Medici +with a son of the King of France was considered a sufficiently tempting +bait. But Francis saw in the bribe a means of drawing the Pope away +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span>from the Emperor, and quietly pursued his plans without too much care +for the real or supposed condition. To Clement, apart from the brilliancy +of such a marriage for his niece, it offered a way of escape from all his +difficulties, supposing he could slip out of the hampering condition +relating to the King of England’s divorce, and thus avoid displeasure to +the Emperor. Could he unite on his side both Francis and Charles, +he would be released from the painful position he had so long occupied +of a puppet tossed to and fro between the alternate threats and caresses +of the two great continental powers. The danger of a schism in France +would be averted. The friendship between England and France would +be much modified, if not altogether broken. To accomplish all this, +however, it would be necessary to offer a substantial inducement to the +King of France, who was closely bound to the English king. Clement +therefore entered into a secret agreement, as part of the marriage contract, +by which Francis was to acquire, by cession or conquest, certain portions +of Italian territory, including the Duchy of Milan—that Fata Morgana +for whose possession so much French blood and treasure had already +been expended in vain.⁠<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p> + +<p>It will thus be seen that each party concerned was playing a double +game, excepting the King of England. Whatever view be taken of his +conduct, he at least made no attempt to shuffle the cards beneath the +table.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, glad to avail himself of the apparently softened mood +of the Pope to minimize the effect of the brief on his own subjects, +Henry lavished attentions on the Nuncio in England, in order that all +the world might see how amicable were his relations with the Papacy.</p> + +<p>Such was the anomalous position of things when the Bailly of Troyes +began his residence in England. The history of the period has been +sifted and re-sifted by the most capable hands. It is not intended to +dwell on it here at greater length than is indispensable to the good +understanding of the public career of Dinteville, and of the task committed +to his charge.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span></p> + +<p>In the intervals of official business the French ambassador no +doubt found plenty of time to cultivate his private tastes. It would be +interesting to know how and where he first became acquainted with +the works of Hans Holbein, and was fired by the desire to sit to that +painter. The channels are numerous through which this may have +taken place. Several of Holbein’s early patrons, such as Warham, +Archbishop of Canterbury, and Sir Henry Guildford, Comptroller of +the Household, had indeed passed away since Dinteville’s first visit to +England in 1531. But Sir Thomas More, the first and most conspicuous +protector of the artist, yet remained. Nicolas Kratzer, too, +the king’s astronomer, had been painted by him in 1528. In a small +society, such as that of the Court of Henry VIII., it would have been +difficult for anyone interested in art to overlook a painter of the merit +of Hans Holbein. The Duke of Norfolk, and many others who ultimately +sat to him, such as Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, Sir +William Fitzwilliam, and Dr. Buttes, the king’s physician, were acquaintances +of Dinteville’s, and, though their portraits belong to a later date, +any one of them may have been instrumental in bringing ambassador +and painter together. Norfolk, especially, was on friendly terms with +the Bailly. The Duke corresponded with Montmorency, the French +statesman who found most favour in England at this period, and +doubtless for this reason extended special kindness to the cousin +and <i>protégé</i> of his French friend. Again, the Duke of Norfolk was +intimately acquainted with Sir Thomas More, and a welcome guest at +his house. More was now living in retirement at Chelsea, but it +does not seem unlikely that by the Duke’s introduction, or otherwise, +Dinteville may have known him.⁠<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> His house had long been the home +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span>of that type of learning with which the ambassador was familiar +through the French humanists. The fame of its hospitality extended far +beyond the boundaries of England. As Roman Catholics, desiring +liberal reforms of discipline but not of dogma, the two men would also +have much in common. If the Bailly of Troyes saw at the house in +Chelsea, not only the noble single portrait of More, but the great family +group which formed a corner-stone of Holbein’s fame, he may well +have been struck with the genius that could produce such works.</p> + +<p>Nicolas Kratzer, again, may have been the medium of the introduction. +The keen interest in mechanics and geometry displayed by +the Dinteville family, their eagerness about every new instrument, +would have been certain to draw the ambassador to the society of this +interesting individual.⁠<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p> + +<p>Since Holbein’s return from Basle in 1532 his principal patrons had +been the German merchants of the Steelyard. The privileges granted +by English kings, from very early times, to the Hanseatic merchants of +London, had raised their ancient community to great wealth and +influence. The large scale of their commercial operations, and the +facilities they enjoyed for obtaining foreign news, lent additional importance +to their position. They had the right to appoint their own +alderman.⁠<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> Tradition tells a good deal of the garden in Cosins Lane +where men of all classes met for business or recreation, discussing their +affairs over the delicacies imported by the merchants and the Rhenish +wine the latter were here licensed to sell. Sir Thomas More was said +to be the author of one of the couplets inscribed over the central door of +their guildhall. Kratzer, no doubt, was often here; Holbein, as we +have seen, painted many of the members. But apart from the social tradition, +the Steelyard had another aspect which has hardly been sufficiently +thrown into relief by writers on the subject. In the time of +Henry VIII., when the knowledge of German was very rare amongst +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span>the English, the Hanseatic merchants were frequently called upon to +take part in diplomatic negotiations as interpreters. Sometimes they +were required to accompany an English envoy to the continent, sometimes +to translate documents despatched to London. Insensibly they +were thus drawn into the political sphere, in subordinate positions no +doubt, but in a manner which accounts for the constant mention of their +community in the historical papers of the time, and for a large measure +of the consideration in which they were held. At a moment when it +was the common policy of England and France to cultivate the friendship +of the German Protestant princes, in opposition to the Emperor—princes +who were fully as ignorant of foreign tongues as the English +themselves—the services of the German merchants were naturally in +special request. It is quite possible that here also there existed points +of contact between Dinteville and the Steelyard.⁠<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a></p> + +<p>But surmise grows wearisome even when based on evident probabilities. +By whatever means the event was brought about, it is certain +that the spring of 1533 found Dinteville and his “intime amy,” the +Bishop of Lavaur, sitting to Holbein for the picture of the “Ambassadors.” +George de Selve came over on a visit to the Bailly by the +express permission of the King of France. For some reason his stay +in England was to be concealed from Montmorency.⁠<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> It is therefore +less than surprising that no notice of it occurs in any English records. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span>To keep all knowledge of the event from Montmorency would demand +a good deal of circumspection. The coming and going of messengers +between the Grand Maître and the French ambassador in England was +incessant. The leading Englishmen also, such as the Dukes of Norfolk +and Suffolk, stood in frequent relations with the French side of the +Channel.</p> + +<p>At some time between February and Easter George de Selve +arrived in England;⁠<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> at some time before the end of May he departed +again.⁠<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> Whether any political object lay behind his visit to this country +does not appear. There is no evidence that it was inspired by other +motive than that of private friendship.</p> + +<p>That much time and thought was bestowed on the composition and +details of the great picture for which the two ambassadors⁠<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> were now +sitting is certain. Regarded in connection with the public and private +career of both Frenchmen, its parts work out with the precision of a +Chinese puzzle. As it is proposed to devote a special division to the +details of the picture,⁠<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> it is unnecessary to dwell upon them in the +present chapter, but it is interesting to observe that they must have +been to a large extent suggested by Dinteville himself. The Bishop +of Lavaur, who was but a bird of passage, left England before the picture +could have been much more than begun. Presumably his portrait was +completed, as was frequently Holbein’s practice, from a drawing taken +from life. But the Bailly, who wearied of his protracted stay in this +country, and whose delicate health suffered from the climate, found no +doubt in the progress of this picture a constant source of entertainment +and interest. Many an hour which might otherwise have passed +tediously, must have been devoted to thinking out with the painter its +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span>elaborate details. In no other way can the absolute harmony of its +complex arrangements with the known life and tastes of the principal +sitter be explained.</p> + +<p>Early in May the French ambassador had a rather sharp attack of +tertian fever. We hear of the Duke of Norfolk dining with him, and +bringing the king’s physician, Dr. Buttes, to advise upon his case.⁠<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> +Apparently the treatment prescribed was successful, for he soon shook +off this particular illness.</p> + +<p>Political events meanwhile were slowly progressing. The spring +went by in negotiations relating to the settlement of the Scotch quarrel, +to the proposed General Council, and, above all, to the coming interview +between Francis I. and the Pope, where it was settled that the Duke +of Norfolk should represent Henry VIII. The most important event +which took place in England was the appointment of Cranmer to the +see of Canterbury, and the king’s resolve that the English archbishop +should now pass sentence on his case. The Bailly of Troyes implored +Henry to keep this intention a secret until the Pope should have arrived +at Nice. But this the king declined to do. He intended to have his +new queen crowned with all the pomp of state at Whitsuntide, and +wished the sentence made public at once.⁠<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p> + +<p>The same courier who bore the despatch containing this information +to the King of France, conveyed a letter from Dinteville to his brother, +the Bishop of Auxerre. This document is so curious, both in its public +and private aspect, that it shall here be given <i>verbatim</i>.</p> + +<p>It seems that there was a question at this time of sending the +Bishop of Auxerre on a second embassy to Rome, which explains the +political commission the Bailly requests him to undertake. The case +stood thus: Dinteville foresaw that the Pope would be very angry, and +probably launch his thunderbolts at once against the King of England, +on hearing that he had deliberately defied the Papal authority by causing +sentence to be pronounced in England. If it could be said, however, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span>that the marriage with Anne Boleyn had taken place by Clement’s own +advice, secretly tendered some time previously to the French ambassador +at Rome, the sting of the Papal anathema would naturally be removed, +and an understanding might yet be arrived at between England and +Rome. Hence the ambassador’s solicitude upon this point. For private +reasons, however, he was much opposed to his brother’s return to Rome, +if it could be avoided. The rest of the letter is interesting from the +allusion to Selve’s visit, and from the light it throws on the Bailly’s +private pursuits.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">“Monsieur,</p> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>“J’ai receu vostre lettre escripte de Sommevoyre, par laquelle me semble +que me mandez que autrefoys avez dit aux ambassadeurs de ce Roy, estans par +de la, que aviez entendu aux propos de nostre Sainct Père, que pour l’affaire de +ce dit Roy seroit meilleur le mariage fait que à faire. Si ainsi estoit, seroit une +chose qui grandement luy pourroit servir. Je vous prie me mander, si d’adventure +le pape ne se vouloit gouverner de ce costé de deça autrement que à point, si je +pourroye bien advertir cedit Roy de ce dont m’en avez mandé, et si pareillement +quand les choses viendront bien avant, vous luy vouldriez ramentevoir les propos +qu’il vous en a tenu, en lui disant que des lors les communiquastez aux ambassadeurs +de ce dit sieur Roy, voyant les affaires du Roy et les siennes n’estre que ung. S’il +vous plaist sur cela me manderez vostre advis, lequel ferez bien de consulter ung +petit avec nos amys, et par adventure, avec Monseigneur le Grant Maistre et +Monsieur de Paris, car la chose est assés de consequence.</p> + +<p>“Au reste, nous vous mercyons bien fort, Monsr. de la Tournelle,⁠<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> mon +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span>cousin et moy, des branches de vostre if, que nous soubhaittez, vous advisant que +ceans sommes bien fourniz d’arcs de buttes et de maulvais archiers, et moy, pour +le pire.</p> + +<p>“Je vous prie m’envoyer le portraict du compas auvale duquel m’avez +escript; car je suis bien empesché à comprendre la façon de laquelle il est fait.</p> + +<p>“Je commence bien à me fascher en ce pays ycy, en attendant la fin des six +moys, lesquelz escheurent le vingt deuxiesme juillet. Monsr. le grant maistre +m’a promis que n’y demoureray que les dits six moys. Je prie à Dieu qu’il me +tienne promesse. J’ay eu la fiebvre tierce et y a long temps qu’en suis guery. +S’il vous plaist, divisez ung petit avec monsr. de Paris pour mon retour. Je vous +advise bien que je suis le plus melancolicque fasché et fascheux ambassadeur que +vistez oncques.</p> + +<p>“<i>Monsr. de Lavor m’a fait cest honneur que de me venir veoir, qui ne m’a esté +petit plaisir. Il n’est point de besoing que Mr. le grant maistre en entende rien.</i>⁠<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></p> + +<p>“J’ai eu des lettres d’Escoce de Monsr. de Beauvois.⁠<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> J’espère la trefve estre +conclutte bien tost, et pour ung an, antre ces deux princes.⁠<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a></p> + +<p>“Monsr. de Northfolrc partira d’icy à deux ou trois jours pour s’en aller +trouver le Roy. Je vous prie luy faire congnoissance, car par deça son maistre +vous tient en bon estime et ancor le m’a il dit depuis huict jours.</p> + +<p>“Quant aux autours, de quoi me mandez, me semble, ne sera que despence +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span>de les envoyer, car ce Roy n’ayme point la vollerie, et si en y a tout plain en ce +Royaulme.</p> + +<p>“Je ne puis entendre que si allez a Rome que ce soit pour peu de temps. +Et si vous m’en croyez, essayiez de tout vostre povoir faire que ung autre ayt la +commission. Je vous prie, entendez bien à voz evocations.⁠<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> Je ne puis trouver +bon que les laissez derriere.</p> + +<p>“Il me tarde de savoir de vos nouvelles et que direz de la tour et des +tableaux.</p> + +<p>“Monsieur, je me recommande humblement à vostre bonne grace; prie à +Dieu qui vous doint bonne vie et longue. A Londres, ce XXIIIᵉ. may.</p> + +<p>“Il me fault faire une grosse depense pour se couronnement. J’en ay escript +à monseigneur le grand maistre, luy suplient me faire donner quelque argent par +le Roy, pour y frayer. J’en scaurois voulontiers des nouvelles. J’en ai escript +aussy a Monsr. de Paris qui vous en pourra dire quelque chose et me y peult +beaucoup ayder.</p> + +<p class="center">“Vostre humble serviteur</p> + +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Le Bailly</span>.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>Dinteville’s wish with regard to his brother was fulfilled. The +bishop was not sent back as ambassador to Rome. What answer he +made as to the Papal remark inquired about, does not transpire. But it +is curious that Chapuys himself speaks of a report circulated some time +previously, to the effect that the Pope had given a “tacit consent” to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span>Henry’s marriage with Anne Boleyn; and that, from the time of Dr. +Bonner’s return from Rome, who was supposed to have been the +bearer of this message, the Nuncio, had appeared indifferent +to the cause of Queen Katherine.⁠<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a></p> + +<p>The Bailly’s request for extra money to defray the expenses in +which he was involved by the coronation, was acceded to. A French +Treasury grant records a gift of 500 golden crowns made to Jean de +Dinteville, to repay him for the extraordinary expenses incurred by +him when ambassador with the King of England at the time of the +coronation of Queen Anne Boleyn.⁠<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer6.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header8.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_II_CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV<br> +<span class="smcap">Coronation of Queen Anne Boleyn, and Termination of the +Bailly’s long Embassy To England</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-t.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">That auspicious day was now rapidly approaching. The +very date, May 23, which saw the despatch of Dinteville’s +letter, just quoted, was also that on which Cranmer pronounced +the sentence that declared Henry VIII.’s marriage +with Queen Katherine to be null and void. Less than a week +later, the coronation festivities were inaugurated.</p> + +<p>The pomp and pageantry of Anne Boleyn’s coronation have been +so often described that it would be superfluous to dwell on them here, +were it not for one specially interesting circumstance. There can be +little doubt that the unsigned account of the proceedings printed by +Camusat in his “Meslanges Historiques”⁠<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> is the actual report drawn +up by Dinteville himself for Anne de Montmorency. One little sentence +gives us the clue to the whole. The Grand Maître had written to the +Bailly of Troyes asking for details of the ceremonies.⁠<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> In describing the +distance traversed on foot by Anne Boleyn on the morning of her coronation, +the writer states that the road might contain in length “autant de +fois que <i>le jardin de Chantilly</i>.” It is hardly necessary to point out that +Chantilly was the famous château of Anne de Montmorency.</p> + +<p>The interest of possessing the Bailly’s own narrative of that wonderful +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span>scene, in which he himself played a conspicuous part, may +perhaps be a sufficient excuse for glancing once again at its well-known +details:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>“La + Royne d’Angleterre,” says the writer, “partit de Grenevich le Jeudy⁠<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> +environ les 4 heures après midy, et vint par eauë dans une barque raze, en façon +de brigantin, laquelle estoit paincte de ses couleurs par dehors, avec plusieurs +bannieres sur le haut de ladicte Barque; et estoient ses Dames et Damoiselles +avec elle. Outre il y avoit cent ou six vingts autres semblables Barques qui +l’accompagnoient toutes à la flote ensemble, et fort garnies de banieres et +estendars. Ils avoient dressé ausdites Barques de petits masts subtils et bien +haults, ou estoient attachez des cordages en grande quantité comme a gros Navire, +lesquels cordages estoient tous garnis de petites baneroles de tafetas, et a mon +advis d’or clinquant, car cela reluysoit fort contre le Soleil; et y avoit force +tambourins, trompetes, flustes, et hauxbois; et vindrent depuis Grenevich en +moins de demie heure jusques à la tour de Londres, ou toute l’artillerie mena +grand bruict. Il fit tres beau veoir ceste arrivée, car outres les barques, je croy +qu’il y avoit plus de deux cents petits bots qui tous venoient à la queuë et estoit +toute la riviere couverte de basteaux.</p> + +<p>“Le Vendredy la Royne ne bougea de son logis.</p> + +<p>“Le Samedy environ cinq heures apres midy, ladicte Dame vestuë de ses +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span>habits royaux qui sont a la mode de ceux de France, ou peu s’en faut, monta en +une litière couverte dedans et dehors de Satin blanc; laquelle estoit descouverte, +et, dessus elle, l’on portoit un poisle de drap d’or; et apres venoient douze dames +sur haquenées, lesquelles estoient toutes vestuës de drap d’or, et pareillement +leurs dites haquenées garniës de mesme. Apres venoient douze Damoiselles sur +haquenées toutes accoustrées de velour cramoisi. Apres venoit un Cheriot +couvert de drap d’or avec son équipage de mesme. Audit Cheriot estoient +seulement Madame de Norfort,⁠<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> + et la mere de la Royne.⁠<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> Apres, trois Cheriots +dorez ou estoient force Damoiselles; et derrière vingt ou trente autres sur +haquenées vestuës de velouz noir. A l’entour de la Litière de la Royne estoit +Mr. de Suffoc,⁠<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> qui pour ce jour là estoit Connestable [et le] frère de Mr. de Norfol +Millor Grillam⁠<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> lequel servoit en la place de sondit frere de grand Mareschal et de +grand Chambellan de ce Roiaume qui est office hereditaire. Devant eux marchoient +deux hommes lesquels avoient deux grands bonnets fourrez d’hermines, quasi +de la sorte du premier Huissier de Paris, lesquels l’on nommoit les Escuyers.</p> + +<p>“Apres estoit l’Ambassadeur de France accompagné de l’Archevesque de +Canterbery.⁠<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a></p> + +<p>“Apres estoit celuy de Venise accompagné du Chancelier.⁠<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span></p> + +<p>“Apres, plusieurs Evesques; et puis le reste des grands Seigneurs de +ce Royaume, et Gentilzhommes, qui pouvoient estre environ de deux a trois cents.</p> + +<p>“Et devant tous, marchoient les Marchants de France vestus de velouz +violet avec une manche des couleurs de la Royne, leurs chevaux encaparassonez +de tafetas violet avec quelques croix blanches.</p> + +<p>“Par les carrefours il y avoit eschafaux ou jouoient quelques misteres, et +fontaines jettans vin et par les ruës estoient tout les marchants arrangez sans +bouger d’une place.”</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>In such procession the queen arrived at Westminster, where, after +partaking of some wine, she retired to her apartments.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Le Dimanche, au matin,” continues the report, “accompagnée de tous +lesdits Seigneurs et Gentilhommes, [ladite Dame] alla a pied depuis son logis +jusques à l’Eglise; le chemin par ou elle marchoit estoit tout couvert de drap, +et pouvoit contenir ledit chemin en longueur autant de fois que le Jardin de +Chantilly. Tous les Evesques et Abbez allerent querir ladite Dame accoustrez +de leurs Mitres et ornements Pontificaux, et la conduirent jusques a l’Eglise, et +apres avoir oüy une petite Messe, elle monta sur un eschafaut que l’on lui dressa +au devant du grand Autel, lequel eschafaut estoit tout couvert de drap rouge; +et a l’entour du lieu ou elle estoit assize, qui estoit d’avantage eslevë de deux +marches, estoit couvert de tapis veluz. Et là fut le lieu ou se tint ladicte Dame +durant le service apres avoir esté couronnée par l’Archevesque de Canturbery +lequel luy bailla la Couronne et la sacra tout contre le grand Autel, puis paracheva +l’office et la Messe de ladicte Coronation.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span></p> + +<p>“Et estoit pour ce jour-la Mr. de Suffoc grand Maistre, tousjours pres de +ladicte Dame, avec une grande verge blanche en la main: aussi y estoient aupres +ledict Milord Grillam et le grand Chambellan. Derriere ladicte Dame estoient +force Dames, Duchesses et Comtesses vestuës d’escarlatte, avec manteaux fourrez +d’hermines, qui sont manteaux de Duchesses et Comtesses;⁠<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> et leurs chapeaux +sur la teste. Pareillement les Ducz et Comtes avec beaucoup d’autres Chevaliers +estoient vestus de robes d’escarlate fourrées d’hermines, de la façon quasi des +premiers Presidents de Paris, avec leurs chaperons.</p> + +<p>“Ladicte Coronation faicte, ladicte Dame fut conduitte comme ou venir, +excepté des Evesques, en une grande salle⁠<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> qui estoit appareillée pour disner.”</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>There followed a long state dinner, served with great magnificence. +The queen’s table was on a raised daïs. Cranmer alone, to whom she +owed her final victory, is mentioned as having a seat at her table, +though even he was placed “bien loing d’elle.” The greatest of the +realm waited upon her in their furred robes.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“La salle est fort grande et fut sans presse, car il y avoit fort bon ordre, +Au dessoubz dudit parquet il y avoit quatre grandes tables qui contenoient la +longeur de ladicte salle,⁠<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> ou du hault costé estoient ceux de ce Royaume qui ont +la charge des ports,⁠<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> et au dessoubz d’eux à la mesme table force Gentilshommes: +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span>a l’autre, aupres et du coste, les Archevesques, Evesques, le Chancelier, et plusieurs +Comtes Chevaliers.⁠<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> Aux deux autres tables de l’autres coste de la salle, à celle +du hault bout estoit le Maire de Londres accompagné de Messieurs les Eschevins: +et à l’autre table estoient les Dames, Duchesses, Comtesses, et autres +Dames et Damoyselles.</p> + +<p>“Mr. de Suffolc estoit gorgiaisement accoustré avec force pierreries et perles, +sur un coursier encaparaçonné de velours cramoysi; lequel a cheval se pourmenoit +par toute la salle et a l’entour des tables. Aussi pareillement faisoit le +Millord Grillam, et prenoit garde au service et a l’ordre. Et estoient tousjours +nuë teste comme scavez que est la coustume de ce pays. Le Roy se mist en un +lieu qu’il avoit faict faire fort a propos, par ou il pouvoit veoir toute la ceremonie, +et sans estre veu; ou il fit aller avec luy l’Ambassadeur de France et celuy de +Venise.</p> + +<p>“A la porte de la salle y avoit conduicts jettents vin, et en prenoit qui vouloit. +Semblablement y avoit cuisines a bailler viandes a tous venantz pour ce jour-la, +et y eut une merveilleuse mangerye: trompettes et hault-boys sonnoient a chacun +service, et heraulz cryoient largesse.”</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>The next day a grand tournament of eight against eight, conducted +on the one side by Lord William Howard, on the other by Sir +Nicolas Carew, Master of the Horse, terminated the festivities.⁠<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span></p> + +<p>Such was the brilliant opening of Anne Boleyn’s short-lived triumph. +But all was not so smooth as it appeared on the surface. On the 7th June, +the king requested Dinteville to write to Du Bellay, as the ambassador +did also to Francis I. and to the Grand Maître, to inform them of some +intelligence he had received from Rome which had given him great +annoyance. He had heard that it had been declared in open Consistory, +on the part of the King of France, that the latter sovereign intended to +resist the Lutherans in every way possible. Francis did, in fact, persecute +them in his own kingdom, while making alliances, for political purposes, +with their leaders in Germany. Henry declared to Dinteville that such +a declaration in Consistory was sufficient to overthrow all the good +intelligence they had established with Germany. In his opinion it was +most ill-advised. He had but a short time before warned Francis to +communicate to their common allies, the German princes, the project of +the Papal interview, in order that its purport might not be mistaken. +Dinteville wrote that he had never seen the king so angry.⁠<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a></p> + +<p>Henry was in fact beginning to doubt the sincerity of the King of +France. The Bailly assured him that, excepting the Medici marriage, +of which Henry had been told long ago, Francis had no motive in wishing +to see the Pope beyond the arrangement of the King of England’s great +affair. Dinteville suspected, however, as he says in his interesting +letter to the Bishop of Paris, that other causes had contributed to the +king’s wrath. Henry had heard that further censures of the Church +were in preparation for him. The common people of England were +much attached to Katherine of Aragon; and Dinteville, like many +foreigners, thought it likely they might break into open rebellion if +encouraged by a Papal sentence of excommunication against the king. +In his opinion, one of the wisest features of Henry’s rule was the +cordiality he kept up with the leading personages of the realm. Thus, +if things should come to extremes, the people would have none to lead +them.</p> + +<p>The health of the ambassador had been troubling him again, and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span>he ends his letter to Jean Du Bellay by a piteous appeal to the bishop +to assist his departure from England. “Je vous promets sur ma foy,” +he writes, “que si je y demores encore gueres, j’ai grand peur de y +laisser la peau et les os. Jamais je ne y ai eu que huit jours de sante. +Le 22 du mois qui vient⁠<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> mes six mois seront achevez, je voudrois bien +qu’il pleust au Roy et a Monseigneur le grand Maistre penser et pourveoir +un autre de ma place.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a></p> + +<p>On the last day of June he writes to announce to the King of +France the death of the ex-queen Mary, sister of Henry VIII., widow +of Louis XII., and wife of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.</p> + +<p>An event now took place which made a profound sensation at the +Court of France, and threatened once more to disturb the peace of +Europe. It forms but an incident, perhaps, in the long roll of history. +But it echoed in the ears of contemporaries with a sinister roar, and the +bitter indignation it aroused in France was not soon or lightly appeased. +As a minor consequence, it probably had considerable influence on the +composition of certain portions of Dinteville’s picture; and for this +reason shall here be related in some detail.⁠<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></p> + +<p>Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, had been one of the chief parties +to the League of Cognac. That combination, it will be remembered, +was directed against Charles V., and was called into existence by the +French king in the first heat of his resentment, on his return from +captivity. Some years later Sforza sent his Chancellor to propose to +the King of France that a resident French agent should be secretly +established at Milan. This step, so the Duke believed, would much +conduce to the furtherance of their common interests. It was also +suggested that the appointment should be bestowed on a certain Italian +gentleman, named Merveilles,⁠<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> who for twenty-five years had been in +the service of France, and was at present an equerry in the household +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span>of Francis I. The advantage of this selection, if the matter was to be +kept secret, was obvious. Merveilles, being of Milanese extraction, +would not, it was thought, be an object of suspicion to the Emperor. +To make security sure, however, the French emissary was to be provided +with a double set of papers, in one of which the king was to recommend +him to the good graces of the Duke, as though Merveilles were merely +staying at Milan for the settlement of his private affairs. These papers +could be shown to Charles V., should any difficulty arise. The marriage +of Sforza with the Emperor’s niece, Christina,⁠<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> daughter of the King of +Denmark, was just being negotiated. He was therefore doubly anxious +to give Charles no cause of offence.</p> + +<p>The Duke had probably imagined he could play off the rival sovereigns +against each other. He hoped thus to strengthen the foundations +of his tottering throne, on which, as he well knew, the jealous eyes of both +potentates were always fixed. But he had over-calculated his strength. +The Emperor got wind of the true position of Merveilles, and neither +papers nor explanations sufficed to appease his wrath. Sforza was +frightened, and learned too late that he could not serve two masters. +Forced into a tardy choice, he sent a cynical message to the Emperor +to the effect that the course of a few days would show whether his +affections were fixed on France. He kept his word. Early in July the +French Court was startled by the intelligence that Merveilles, on some +trumped-up charge, had been thrown into prison and foully murdered +at dead of night, by order of the Duke of Milan.</p> + +<p>The King of France was furious. Did he consider, when raving +over the treachery of Sforza, that, just as he had given Merveilles a +double set of papers, with one of which it was intended to hoodwink +the Emperor, so he had committed to the two Cardinals negotiating +the Medici marriage a double set of instructions, one of which had for +its object to wrest Milan from the hands of his ally, the Duke? For, +as early as 1531, Francis had proposed to Clement VII., through +Cardinal Grammont and the Duke of Albany, the reconquest of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span>Duchy + of Milan, as part of the secret stipulations of the marriage contract.⁠<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> +These proposals had recently been repeated and accentuated, +of course with the utmost secrecy, by Cardinals Grammont and Tournon +at Bologna.⁠<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> The suspicions of Charles V. had been aroused by the +evident eagerness of Francis for what appeared so great a <i>mésalliance</i>. +Was Sforza made aware of the Emperor’s fears? Did he reward +treachery with treachery? At any rate, the blow fell, and great was +the fall of it.</p> + +<p>Dinteville, at his post in London, must have shared the general +quiver of indignation. Apart from the brutality of the crime, the insult +to France in the person of her envoy, the danger of the precedent if the +sacred position of ambassador could thus be lightly violated, the regret +for the well-known and respected individual, were keenly felt. The +King of France, by way of protest, sent despatches to all the Courts of +Europe, including that of Charles V., to inform them of the outrage. +The Emperor drily turned the tables on Francis by replying that he +had seen the king’s letters which proved that Merveilles was only a +private gentleman, and no ambassador. In due course he bestowed on +Sforza, as arranged, the hand of his niece.</p> + +<p>Thus ended in fierce hatred and discord, so far as the coveted +Duchy of Milan was concerned, all that the League of Cognac, the +Holy League as it had once been called, had in years gone by promised +of peace and harmony. The League had indeed gone through vicissitudes +enough since its formation in 1526. The Italian alliances were +unstable as water, and waxed and waned with every moon. But the +main trend of French policy, to keep the upper hand in Italy, and the +Emperor at bay, by heading a powerful coalition of the Italian states, +had remained unchanged. The compact just made between Pope and +Emperor at Bologna, into which some other Italian states had been +drawn, was a blow directed at French policy. But this the King of +France hoped to parry by the Medici marriage. The murder of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span>Merveilles, by which the Duke of Milan definitely embraced the +Imperial side, was a far more serious matter. “Je vous declare,” +writes the King of France to the Bailly of Troyes, on the 16th July, +“que je suis delibéré de m’en ressentir jusques au bout, et de sorte que +la mémoire en demourera perpetuelle.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a></p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the entreaties of the Bailly of Troyes to be released +from his post, his presence in England was still deemed too +necessary to admit of his being replaced.</p> + +<p>The interview of the King of France with the Pope was postponed +from one month to another; the Duke of Norfolk was waiting +about in France, losing his time; Henry VIII. was growing morose +and distrustful. The French king, however, had no desire merely to +exchange one set of allies for another. Though determined not to +sacrifice his own objects with the Pope, he was ready, short of that, to +do all in his power to conciliate Henry and retain his friendship. +English sympathy had too often been useful to France to be lightly +thrown overboard. Norfolk and his companions were therefore treated +with the utmost honour. Francis proposed that they should remain at +Lyons till the deferred interview could take place, and appointed to +accompany them the Bishop of Paris, Vaulx, La Hargerie, and other +gentlemen of standing.</p> + +<p>In the midst of all this, urged by the Imperial party amongst the +Cardinals, and unable, for his public credit, to pass over in utter silence +the king’s defiance of his authority, the Pope pronounced the expected +sentence of excommunication against Henry VIII. The step was +taken with a faint heart, no doubt: Clement had played a double game, +and was caught in his own trap. Just now, when forced to make the +unwelcome move, he was especially anxious to give satisfaction to the +King of France, whom he knew the step must displease. The Pope +therefore hastened to soften the effect of the sentence, so far as possible, +by promising that the censures should not come into force before the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span>approaching interview. On that occasion, it was hoped, some means +of compromise might yet be devised. The King of England was profoundly +irritated. The Dukes of Norfolk and Richmond, Lord Rochford, +and other members of the party that had been sent to attend the +interview, were immediately withdrawn. Had it been possible, Henry +would have annulled the projected meeting of Francis and Clement +altogether. The King of France once more filled the breach with soft +words. He persuaded his English ally to substitute other ambassadors +for those who had been recalled, urging that, for the advantage of the +King of England’s cause, it was most desirable he should be represented. +The Bishop of Winchester and Sir Francis Brian were +appointed to attend the meeting. So well, indeed, did the French +king succeed in pacifying the Duke of Norfolk, that, when the latter +returned to England at the end of August, Dinteville was able to +assure Francis that he had never seen the King of England in a mood +of greater confidence and friendship.⁠<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> Henry’s good humour was not +destined to be of long duration, but for the moment the sun shone +again.</p> + +<p>Domestic affairs just now claimed an unusual amount of his attention. +On the 7th of September the future Queen Elizabeth was born at the +palace of Greenwich. Much correspondence passed on this occasion +between Dinteville and the King of France, who had promised to act +as godfather had the child been a boy. Henry’s disappointment on +this score was keen; doubly so because the position of the infant princess +at once entered into competition with that of Princess Mary, the +daughter of Katherine of Aragon. A question was thus raised which +the birth of a son would have immediately disposed of.</p> + +<p>At about the same time the French king sent a letter to convey to +Dinteville the long-coveted permission to return to his own country.</p> + +<p>“Monsieur le Bailly,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> writes Francis, “congnoissant très-bien le +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span>long temps qu’il y a que vous estes pardela, et qu’il est très-raisonable +que vous faciez un tour chez vous, pour pourveoir et donner ordre a +vos affaires, je vous ay bien voulu accorder vostre congé pour vous en +venir quant bon vous semblera; et envoye en vostre lieu le Sieur de +Castillon, gentilhomme de ma Chambre, porteur de ceste.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a></p> + +<p>As a matter of fact, however, the new ambassador, Castillon, did +not arrive in England, and the letter was probably not delivered, until +the second week in November. The period of the Papal interview was +at last approaching; and it was, no doubt, thought desirable that +Dinteville should remain at his post till that event had taken place. +The blandishments with which Clement and Francis had endeavoured +to pacify Henry would then be put to the severe test of fact. It would +be seen how much the king might hope to reap of the promises which +had been so freely sown. And Francis perhaps felt that the result was +likely to put a very severe strain on the already weakened friendship +between him and his “good brother.”</p> + +<p>Dinteville, who was in favour with Henry VIII.—several of his +letters at about this time are dated from Greenwich, where he was the +king’s guest—was, no doubt, considered more likely to bring things to +a good issue than a stranger coming fresh to so delicate a task.</p> + +<p>Early in October he was able to inform the King of France that +a truce had been concluded for one year between the Kings of England +and Scotland. This was chiefly due to the efforts of the Bailly of +Troyes, on the one hand, and of Beauvais on the other; and certainly +reflected some credit on their diplomacy.</p> + +<p>Before the middle of the month the Pope had at length arrived at +Marseilles. He was received with all due ceremony by the King of +France. Mutual efforts were made, by Francis on behalf of Henry +VIII., by Clement on that of Charles V., to pave the way for a further +understanding; but in each case without success. The Pope briefly +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span>excused himself as to the King of England’s affair, by saying he had +left the papers concerning it at Rome, and that it was therefore idle to +discuss it further for the present.⁠<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> The main object of the meeting was +in fact the marriage between Henri, Duke of Orleans, and Catherine +de’ Medici. On neither side was there any intention of wrecking the +policy of which that union was the expression by insistence on the +demands of importunate friends.</p> + +<p>The contract was drawn up on the 27th October. It contained +an agreement that the Duchy of Milan should be reconquered by the +French king at the end of eighteen months. Urbino was to be reduced +at the joint expense of the contracting parties. Two hundred thousand +crowns were to constitute the dowry, and the Pope was to cede to +the French Parma and Piacenza.⁠<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a></p> + +<p>It seems wonderful that it should have been worth while to go +these lengths for such a bubble. Francis, whose practical astuteness +was always outbalanced by his fervid imagination where Italy was concerned, +no doubt saw himself already master of the Peninsula. The +Pope had completely outwitted him.</p> + +<p>The King of England entered an indignant protest against the +proceedings at Marseilles. He told Dinteville to write and say that, +whereas it had been agreed that the settlement of his affairs should take +precedence of the Medici marriage, Francis had sacrificed him completely +to the alliance with the Pope. The Bailly of Troyes felt that +the relations between the two kings had now reached a pitch not far +removed from breaking-point. On the repetition of Henry’s reproaches +he therefore replied with some spirit that he had rather be the poorest +gentleman in France than convey such expressions to the king his +master; that he had not come to England to transmit words that would +diminish friendship, and that he implored the king to carry such observations +no further. These representations seem to have produced +some effect, for Henry thereupon turned to Castillon, who had just +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span>arrived, and had that day been presented at Court, remarking curtly +that he was aware it was necessary each should endure the other.</p> + +<p>Dinteville’s memorandum of this scene adds the characteristic postscript:⁠<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> +“Nota, que souvent le Roy après ses coleres m’a bien dict +qu’il m’estimoit tel que je ne dirois ny escriprois chose qui diminuast +amitié entre eux, et souvent m’ont prié ceux de son Conseil de mesme.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a></p> + +<p>The term of his residence in England at length drew to a close. +Two last letters he wrote early in November, respectively addressed to +the king and Grand-Maître, begging to know what reply was deemed +most suitable to Henry’s complaints and reproaches. In the absence of +exact instructions, he could only continue to administer such soothing +words as his ready wit might devise, which in the face of accomplished +facts naturally lost much of their force.</p> + +<p>On the 11th November, 1533, the grant is recorded which permitted +“Mons. de Dintevilla, bailly de Troes, ambassador to the French king,” to +“pass beyond sea, with his servants, baggage, etc., and to convey out of +the realm horses, mules and mulettes, to the number of twenty-six.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> A +week later, on the 18th November, Dinteville set his face towards France.⁠<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a></p> + +<p>Although the nature of the times was such that he left the alliance +between England and France cooler than he found it, his official career +as an ambassador was accounted a success. The fault did not lie at his +door. Given the difficult and exacting temper of the king with whom +he had to deal, and the slippery insincerity of his own master, it was +creditable to have prevented an open rupture between the two sovereigns. +Personally he was liked by Henry VIII., and the tact and skill with +which he met the king’s surly moods caused him to be employed in +England more than once subsequently on short diplomatic errands. +His courage stood him in as good stead as his courtesy.⁠<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> “Je priay +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span>audit Sieur de Norsfort et a aucuns qui me semblent estre des principaux +du Conseil de cedit Sieur Roy,” he writes in his last letter to Montmorency +from England, “qu’ils donnassent a entendre au Roy leur +maistre ... que l’on peut bien tant presser et fascher son amy que +l’on s’en fait importun.” Before leaving, he intends to declare these +things to the king himself, “car je doubte que Messieurs de son conseil +ausquels j’en ay parlé ne luy en osent dire si hardiment tel advis comme +je feray....”⁠<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a></p> + +<p>The gist of it all was that a political alliance can only last so long +as the contracting parties are bound together by common interests. +The friendship flickered on intermittently for some time. But the aims +of England and France had now taken widely divergent paths.</p> + +<p>It is not here possible to do more than touch upon the mass of +letters written and received by the Bailly of Troyes during his stay in +England. Besides the regular official correspondence with the King of +France, the Grand-Maître, and the Bishop of Paris, much of which is +printed in the collection of Camusat, he received friendly letters from +the Queen of Navarre; from the young Duke of Angoulême (his special +charge); from Philippe de Chabot, High Admiral of France; Beauvais, +French ambassador in Scotland; Claude Dodieu, Sieur de Vély, who +occupied a similar position at the court of the Emperor;⁠<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> Oudart du +Biez, Governour of Boulogne, who forwarded his posts for him; Breton, +secretary to Francis I., and doubtless many others whose names have +not been preserved.⁠<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header3.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_II_CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V<br> +<span class="smcap">Short Missions of the Bailly of Troyes to England in 1535, +1536 and 1537</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-o.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">On arriving in France, the Bailly of Troyes hurried to Lyons +to join the king on his return from the interview with the +Pope.⁠<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> Francis was on his way to Bar-le-Duc, there to +meet the Landgrave of Hesse, and to conclude with him +a treaty in support of the exiled Duke of Wurtemberg in opposition to +the Emperor.⁠<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a></p> + +<p>On the way north, the royal party, which consisted of the king and +queen, the dauphin, the Duke and Duchess of Orleans, the Duke of +Angoulême, the two young princesses, Madeleine and Marguerite, +George d’Amboise, Cardinal Legate, the Chancellor Duprat, and other +notabilities, made a triumphal entry into Troyes.⁠<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> Great festivities +attended this function, conducted no doubt by the Bailly in his official +position.</p> + +<p>The city of Troyes was well suited to an occasion of the kind. A +traveller, who described it later in the century, represents it as a clean +and beautiful town, one of the most delightful in France; closely built +within the fortified walls, yet having such wide straight streets that +there was space to see on all sides its rich and splendid edifices, public +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span>and private; amongst which the cathedral of St. Pierre was considered +one of the finest churches in France.⁠<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p> + +<p>Not long after these events Dinteville probably visited his cousin +at Chantilly, in accordance with an invitation he had received from +Montmorency shortly before leaving England. The records are silent +as to his further proceedings in the interval which elapsed before his +next visit to England. It is tolerably safe to infer that the larger part +of it was spent at Court. Apart from his duties in connection with the +Duke of Angoulême, the greater familiarity of tone in a letter addressed +to him by Francis I. when on his next diplomatic errand, speaks clearly +of increased intimacy and confidence.</p> + +<p>The object of this mission, which took place in the autumn of +1535, was to convey to Henry VIII. the brief addressed to the French +king by Pope Paul III.,⁠<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> in consequence of the execution of Fisher and +More. In this letter Paul demanded that Francis should break off his +friendship with the King of England, and be prepared to make war +upon him at any moment the Pope might require. The King of +France returned a temporizing answer to this peremptory request.⁠<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> +Nevertheless, so urgent did he consider the case, that he despatched +the Bailly of Troyes to England in all possible haste, bidding him dislodge +at midnight and use extreme diligence. After all some delay +occurred on the way, and Dinteville only landed in England after the +middle of September.⁠<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a></p> + +<p>The circumstances which led to this summary action on the part +of the Pope were as follows:</p> + +<p>John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, and Sir Thomas More, had been +sent to the Tower for refusing to subscribe to the Act of Supremacy, +passed in November, 1534. By this Act Henry VIII. was declared +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span>Supreme Head of the Church in England, and the last vestiges of +Papal authority in this kingdom were abolished. The new Pope, +Paul III., had the indiscretion, at this delicate juncture, to bestow a +cardinal’s hat upon the imprisoned bishop.</p> + +<p>The fate of the two captives had been trembling in the balance. +The Pope’s action immediately sealed it. The prisoners were once more +called upon to subscribe to the Act, and, having again failed to comply, +were condemned to death. The aged Fisher was led to the scaffold +in June, 1535. The noble head of Sir Thomas More fell beneath the +executioner’s axe early in the following month.</p> + +<p>The news of these executions was everywhere received with +horror and consternation. The infuriated Pope instantly prepared a +Bull of deposition against Henry VIII., the publication of which was +for the moment suspended by the intercession of the French king.</p> + +<p>But Francis had no intention of bestowing his good offices <i>gratis</i>. +Besides the communication of the brief, the Bailly was instructed to +make various demands of the King of England, no doubt as the price +at which the French king expected his mediation to be bought.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Bailly,” thus familiarly begins a letter addressed by Francis I. to Dinteville +soon after the departure of the latter for England, “outre la charge que je vous +ay dernièrement donnée à vostre partement, de parler au Roy d’Angleterre du +faict de la contribution, je veux que vous lui teniez propos, que si d’adventure +l’Empereur me vouloit courir sus, et me ayant faict armer et équipper grossement +comme je pourraye estre, et ... pour ne perdre l’occasion et ladicte despence, +je la veuille employer au recouvrement de mon Estat et Duché de Milan, +Seigneurie de Gennes et Conté d’Ast ... que, en ce cas, ledict Sieur Roy +d’Angleterre sera tenu de contribuer jusques à la tierce partie de la despence qui +je seray contraint de faire pour l’entretenement de madicte armée. Et ne faillez +de tenir royde cela,” continues this curious document, “en façon que ledict Sieur +Roy vous accorde ce que dessus.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span></p> + +<p>In case Henry should ask what his share of the profit was to be +if he consented to this arrangement, Dinteville was to reply that the +principal cause which moved the King of France to assemble the said +army was for Henry’s defence and preservation!⁠<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a></p> + +<p>The “contribution” mentioned no doubt referred to the terms of +a treaty aimed against Charles V., which had been signed by the two +kings when La Pommeraye was ambassador to England, in the spring of +1532.⁠<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> They had thereby bound themselves, amongst other conditions, +to supply a given number of men to each other’s armies, under certain +contingencies. But no money aid was included in the stipulations of +that treaty, and this was what Francis now sought to obtain.</p> + +<p>Of those personal details which lend colour and variety to the +monotonous narrative of official life, few have survived of the Bailly’s +visit to England in 1535.</p> + +<p>A glimpse we catch of him, in a letter written by his friend, the +Duke of Norfolk, riding by way of Kingston and Cobham to Winchester, +where the king was now staying to avoid the sickness which +had broken out in London. Norfolk himself had been hastily summoned +by Cromwell to join the deliberations at Winchester. Stephen Gardiner, +bishop of that see, who was about to be despatched to France with the +answer to Dinteville’s proposals, no doubt took part in them also.⁠<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a></p> + +<p>An expedition, of which a few more details have been preserved, +was undertaken jointly by the Bailly of Troyes and Bishop of Tarbes,⁠<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> +now the resident French ambassador in England. The ostensible +object was to see the little Princess Elizabeth. Queen Anne, it +appears, had frequently invited Castelnau to pay this visit. He had +hesitated, however, to fulfil the behest until encouraged by Dinteville, +who urged it as a possible means of obtaining an interview with +Princess Mary. This point the ambassadors had much at heart just +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span>now. They were full of a scheme for marrying that princess to the +Dauphin. To judge by a long paper of memoranda, apparently +addressed to Dinteville to assist his memory when reporting in France, +the Bishop of Tarbes was the originator of the plan.</p> + +<p>The Frenchmen did not, however, succeed in their object of +speaking to Princess Mary. They declared, which Chapuys records +but did not believe, that the unfortunate princess was not only a captive +in her chamber, but that the windows were nailed up through which +she might have been seen. Chapuys thought she had voluntarily retired +to her own room to conceal her annoyance at their visit to her +sister, of the real explanation of which she was of course unaware.⁠<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> +But the report of the Bishop of Tarbes, in the memoranda above referred +to, is too circumstantial to admit of doubt that she was forbidden +to speak to the ambassadors, although it says nothing of the excessive +tyranny of closed-up windows.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>“... Vous scavez le tumulte qui fut entre sa Gouvernante et elle,” so runs the +minute, “quant nous fusmes veoir sa petite seur, et qu’il nous a esté dict qu’elle +fust mise comme par force dans sa chambre, pour qu’elle ne parlast à nous, et +qu’il ne fut possible de la rapaiser et contenir dedans sa chambre, que le +Gentilhomme qui nous menoit ne luy eust premierement asseuré, que le Roy son +pere luy avoit commandé de luy dire qu’elle ne se montrast point cepandant que +nous serions la.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>In the second week of October the Bailly started on his return to +France. He left not very well satisfied, apparently, with the results of +his mission. Gardiner had not yet been despatched to France; and +Dinteville was quite uncertain what measure of success might have +been attained.</p> + +<p>“Though he is very discreet,” says Chapuys, alluding to Dinteville, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span>“he forgot himself so far as to say that the question discussed at Paris, +whether a prince could be deprived for heresy and infidelity, could +apply to no one but the King of England; and he judged him deserving +of deprivation according to the decision of the question.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a></p> + +<p>The horror aroused by the execution of such men as More and +Fisher was in fact driving Henry’s best friends into the opposite camp. +But neither in France had things stood still. The placards posted by +the Reformers against Mass, in 1534, had been answered by a bloody +persecution early in 1535, which was still fresh in men’s minds. The +two parties in religion were dividing off. Those among the French +Roman Catholics who had hoped to avert a schism by opening wide the +arms of tolerance to the new opinions, were beginning to see that the +foundations of the conflict lay deeper than they had expected. It was +not enough, in France, to make common cause against dissolute monks. +It was certainly not enough, in England, to measure the power of the +Reformation by the matrimonial vagaries of Henry VIII.</p> + +<p>Evidently the Bailly of Troyes had hoped to obtain the money +contribution sought by Francis, in bare cash. But Henry, as can be +seen from his instructions to Gardiner, only offered to deduct it from the +pensions due to him from France, as part-payment.⁠<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> Of the projected +marriage for Princess Mary, those instructions breathe not one word.</p> + +<p>Another factor shortly arose, which once more shuffled the cards +of European diplomacy. The death of Katherine of Aragon in January, +1536, removed the stumbling-block which had so long stood in +the way of amicable relations between Henry VIII. and Charles V. +The change of position was at once felt on both sides. It was now the +Emperor’s turn, as a token of rapprochement, to hinder publication of +the Pope’s Bull of Privation. On Henry’s part, the altered state of +things was quickly apparent in his desire to act as a neutral, or even as +a mediator, in the quarrel between France and the Empire. Those +powers were now in a state of open rupture.</p> + +<p>Early in the year 1536 the French forces invaded Piedmont, and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span>the Court moved to Lyons in order to be nearer to the seat of war. +Here the English ambassadors, the Bishop of Winchester and Sir +John Wallop, exchanged some diplomatic subtleties with the Bailly of +Troyes on the delicate political situation which had arisen between +England and France.⁠<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a></p> + +<p>In April, 1536, the anxiety of the French king grew so great lest +Henry should lend a willing ear to Imperial advances, that he once +more despatched the Bailly of Troyes to England “to open unto us,” +said Henry VIII., “the bottom of his heart.” The French were afraid +that the King of England might back out of the half-hearted concessions +of the previous year.</p> + +<p>But Dinteville did not arrive as soon as was expected; and Henry, +waiting to reply to proposals made by the Emperor, grew impatient. +Excuses were proffered to him that the Bailly had fallen ill on the +road, to account for the delay. In point of fact, the storm which +preceded the trial and execution of Anne Boleyn had just burst; and +Dinteville, judging this an unpropitious moment for the success of his +mission, feigned illness to gain time.⁠<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> He was too experienced a +diplomatist not to know the value of choosing his opportunity. At +last postponement could be pushed no further, and he arrived in +England on the 17th May, just in time to intercede in vain for his friend, +young Weston, who was beheaded on the following day.</p> + +<p>On the 19th Queen Anne Boleyn was executed within the Tower +of London. A contrast, indeed, to the brilliant scenes at which Dinteville +had assisted hardly three years before!</p> + +<p>If Chapuys is correct in his account of a conversation between +himself and Henry VIII. touching the demands made by the representatives +of France,⁠<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> the Bailly had not been far wrong in believing +that he should find the English king unfavourably disposed. “He +could not well say,” so Henry is reported to have spoken, “for what +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span>the Bailiff of Troyes had come, for his commission was so vain and ill-founded +that it was a shame; and that he would engage that the Bailly +could not tell distinctly what charge he had; and that formerly the +Bailiff had appeared to him a man of good judgment and experience, +but now he found him quite otherwise.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a></p> + +<p>To this Chapuys craftily replied that “he thought it might be the +fault of the matter, and not of the person, that had given him such an +opinion of the Bailiff.”</p> + +<p>But Henry was not to be thus pacified. He insisted that both +causes concurred; and added a good deal more to the same effect. A +subsequent letter throws more light on the king’s meaning. The young +Duke of Angoulême had now been substituted for the dauphin in the +project of a marriage for Princess Mary. The plan was evidently near +the Bailly’s heart, and he urged it with proportionate warmth. But the +king “doubted whether he had any commission to speak” of it,⁠<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> and +consequently met the overtures of the ambassador with much irritation. +Nevertheless the pourparlers on the subject of this alliance continued +for some months, with much earnestness on the French side. La +Pommeraye was specially sent over in November to speed the cause. +The Imperialists, meanwhile, were urging with equal eagerness a union +between Princess Mary and Don Loys of Portugal.⁠<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a></p> + +<p>A letter from Cromwell to the English ambassadors in France +conclusively reveals, however, the first and paramount object of the +Bailly’s mission of 1536. Cromwell classed its objects under two +heads. The first, probably a mere pretext, related to the summoning +of a general Council. The second—and this was the true aim—was <i>to +know the king’s determination concerning the desired contribution</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> Here +then was the real gist of the matter. Did Henry mean to disappoint the +hopes he had raised the previous summer? If so, how far was the +Emperor responsible for the change? And if the good understanding +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span>with Charles had really brought about this result, was it worth while +for the King of France to exert himself further to maintain the fiction +of friendship with England? Such questions were keenly exercising +the minds of French politicians.</p> + +<p>The answer of the King of England was extremely diplomatic. +“As he perceived an inclination both in the Emperor and the French +king to refer their quarrel to his arbitration, he thought the appointment +of any such contribution at this time would make him an unmeet +umpire between them.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> With this reply the Frenchmen had to be +content. On the 9th July Dinteville arrived in Lyons on his return +from England.⁠<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> He had not left, however, until he had promised a +pension to Cromwell, in the hope of attuning him favourably to French +interests.⁠<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a></p> + +<p>An event now took place which closely touched the Dinteville +family, and perhaps was remembered against them unjustly when the +days of their adversity fell upon them.</p> + +<p>In the month of August, 1536, the Dauphin François met his +death from the effects of drinking a glass of iced water when heated +with a game of tennis. The idea that he had been poisoned at once +arose, and suspicion fell on his Italian equerry, Count Sebastiano di +Montecuculli. This unfortunate man was put to torture in order to +extract from him the names of supposed confederates. In his agony, +after first accusing of complicity the Imperial generals, he went on to +state that he had communicated to Guillaume de Dinteville, Seigneur +Deschenetz, both at Turin and at Susa, a further design to poison the +King of France. Deschenetz, who was a gallant soldier, and had been +employed by that king on various military duties in Italy, was happily +able to clear himself. Indeed, most modern historians doubt the truth +of the accusation against Montecuculli himself, which was supported +by no vestige of evidence. The unhappy victim was, however, condemned +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span>to a cruel death, which he suffered at Lyons in the month of +October. But before the capital sentence was carried out he was +ordered to make “amende honorable” to Deschenetz. Bareheaded +and barefoot, clad only in his shirt, and holding in his hands a lighted +torch, he was conducted round the square of St. Jean at Lyons, confessing +in a loud voice that the accusation brought by him against the +Frenchman was an untruth. Ten thousand livres were further awarded +to the latter from the property of the Count, which was declared confiscated +to the King of France.⁠<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a></p> + +<p>The year 1537 was memorable in English history for the efforts +made by Cardinal Pole to incite the people to rebellion in favour of the +Pope. The insurrection which had blazed in the north of England +had hardly been subdued, when the newly-made cardinal, armed +with full Papal authority, made his way northwards from Rome to +endeavour to rekindle its flames. How signal was Pole’s failure is +well known. But as his machinations formed the occasion of the fifth +and, so far as we know, the last mission of the Bailly of Troyes to +England, it will be well just to touch upon them here. No words +better sum up the situation of the moment than those used by Francis I. +in the instructions delivered to the Bailly of Troyes “de ce qu’il aura a +dire et declarer au Roy d’Angleterre”:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> ... “Le Pape a crée en consistoire Legat, le Cardinal Poule, Anglois, +non-seulement en Angleterre mais en tous les lieux ou il luy conviendra a passer +pour y aller ... en intention que ou ledit Roy d’Angleterre ne se voudroit +reduire par l’amyable à l’obeissance de l’Eglise Romaine et du Sainct Siege, de +faire delivrer audict Cardinal par la voye des Marchans une bonne somme d’argent +pour donner secours au peuple contre ledict Roy, affin de le contraindre de venir +a la dicte obeissance par le moyen de la force....”</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span></p> + +<p>The King of France thinks it right to warn his good brother of +this danger, and asks Henry to let him know privately whether he, +Francis, can do anything for him or for the good of his affairs.⁠<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a></p> + +<p>In reply, Henry VIII. begged Francis to arrest the Cardinal on +his way through France. In case this should be refused, and that Pole +should escape to the Netherlands, Gardiner, to whom the orders are +addressed, is immediately to forward a similar request to the Queen-Regent +of those countries.⁠<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a></p> + +<p>The French king made answer that Pole had entered his dominions +with a safe-conduct. He was still too uneasy, however, lest Henry +should declare himself for the Imperial side to venture to thwart him +completely. He therefore warned the Cardinal Legate to leave French +territory within ten days. Expelled from France, Pole betook himself +to Flanders, only to find that the Regent Mary, equally anxious to +conciliate England, declined to receive him at her court. Finally he +took refuge with Cardinal La Marck, at Liége; whence, after a useless +sojourn of some months, the Pope recalled him to Rome.</p> + +<p>The English Channel, owing to the war between France and the +Low Countries, was at this time bristling with Flemish boats, on the +look-out for any desirable French quarry that might pass between the +two shores. Rumours had apparently got about of the Bailly’s approaching +departure from England, for he was not allowed to make the transit +without encountering an unpleasant adventure. Sir Francis Brian had +been entrusted by Henry with the task of communicating to the French +king his reply to the message brought by Dinteville; and it seems to +have been arranged that Brian should cross the Channel slightly in +advance of the departing Frenchman. At any rate, at six o’clock in +the morning of the 8th of April, Sir Francis arrived at Dover; and, the +tide being favourable a couple of hours later, he set sail for Calais. He +intended to prepare the way for Dinteville though the English territory +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span>in France by ordering him post-horses; these animals being just then +scarce. But the Bailly, who had arrived at Dover on the previous day, +had snuffed danger in the orders sent beforehand by Brian, that no man +was to be allowed to cross the Channel until his arrival. What the +motive of these orders was, it is impossible now to guess. Some intrigue +seems to have been afoot, which made each envoy desire to be the first +to gain the ear of the French king, who was close by in Picardy. But +Dinteville was determined not to be outwitted, and took his own measures +accordingly. A “busy friar,” one Jean du Pont, by his name a Frenchman, +seems to have lent him a willing hand, to the acute chagrin of +Thomas Winkfield, comptroller of the king’s works at Dover. A ship +had been duly prepared for the Bailly of Troyes, but the start had been +postponed in accordance with Brian’s orders. Du Pont thereupon +“caused a boat to be made ready without knowledge of either the +mayor, bailiff, or me” (so many dignitaries did it require in those days +for an ambassador to put to sea!), “and before Mr. Brian was aboard +the bailly of Troy was under sail for Boulogne.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> Sir Francis Brian +continues the story in a letter to Cromwell:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Seeing the said bailiff would not take the ship that was prepared for +him, and as I suppose thinking by the waye to prevent me,⁠<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> he took thother +passenger that lay in the Rode, and went straight to Bollene. When half-way +across we saw two little pinckes⁠<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> come from the French coast towards the bailiff’s +ship, one made north-east and the other north-west and so they chased him. Our +mariners said they were Flemings who had waited there three or four days. +Having no news of him, I fear he is taken.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>It is provoking not to hear the end of this exciting scene. But +perhaps the very silence of the records points to the conclusion that +Dinteville escaped his pursuers and made good his landing at Boulogne.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp56" id="illus06" style="max-width: 28.125em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus06.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>UNNAMED DRAWING BY HOLBEIN IN THE WINDSOR COLLECTION, + SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT JEAN DE DINTEVILLE.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header5.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_II_CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI<br> +<span class="smcap">Disgrace and Return to Favour of the Dinteville Family</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-w.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">With the mission of 1537 the Bailly of Troyes vanishes +from the arena of public affairs. How the following year +and a half were spent, there is nothing to show. At the +end of that time a cloud broke which for some years +overwhelmed his fortunes and those of his brothers.</p> + +<p>The chief offender seems to have been the youngest brother, +Gaucher, Seigneur of Vanlay and Thennelières, though it is difficult to +differentiate between him and Guillaume, Seigneur Deschenetz, who was +implicated in the same disaster. What their crime was does not appear +very clearly, beyond that they were accused of some form of high +treason, involving, according to their enemies, a design upon the life of +the king. That the whole story was a fabrication set afloat by evil-wishers, +that at any rate against the Bishop of Auxerre, the Bailly of +Troyes and probably also Deschenetz, there was no particle of incriminating +evidence, seems more than probable, to judge by the course +of subsequent events. But none the less it is certain that three out of +the four brothers had to fly from France towards the end of 1538, and +likely that even the Bailly was associated with the early stages of their +flight. One account states indeed that the sentence of banishment +issued by the angry king reached Jean de Dinteville at Polisy, and +hardly allowed him time to get across the frontier within the prescribed +interval, so stringent were its terms.⁠<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span></p> + +<p>Almost every family document relating to the period of disgrace +appears to have been intentionally destroyed. All that is known has +to be gleaned from scattered allusions in State papers, or in documents +of a later date, when fortune once more smiled upon the family at Polisy.⁠<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> +From this fragmentary information it appears that Anne de Pisseleu, +Duchesse d’Etampes, whose ascendency over Francis I. was now becoming +more and more complete, was the avowed enemy of the Dinteville +brothers, and permitted no opportunity to slip, by which she +might hope to compass their ruin. The reason of her enmity was not +difficult to gauge. The French Court was divided into two parties, +each filled with bitter animosity towards the other. The King and +Madame d’Etampes stood on one side; the Dauphin⁠<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> and Diane de +Poitiers on the other.⁠<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> The Dinteville family, as we know, had been +attached to the sons of Francis I. since their earliest youth. Deschenetz +had been the governor of the new Dauphin; and Vanlay, although +in early days connected with the deceased Dauphin François, had by +his own words spent many years in the service of his successor.⁠<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> +Francis I. was jealous of his heir, and harboured increasing suspicions +of his son’s loyalty. It is easy to imagine how skilfully these cards +were played by Madame d’Etampes, who saw in the Dauphin’s friends +the party of the future, and, in their triumph, her own ultimate downfall.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span></p> + +<p>The manœuvres of an ambitious and unscrupulous priest completed +the catalogue of unfortunate circumstances that were made to tell +against the brothers. This man, by name Pierre de Mareuil, used the +influence he had obtained over the Duchesse d’Etampes to further his +own unworthy objects. Just now he was endeavouring to secure his +footing on the episcopal ladder by the overthrow of Francis, Bishop +of Auxerre. The Bailly of Troyes, indeed, regarded Mareuil as the +author of all the calamities which overtook his house.⁠<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a></p> + +<p>Montmorency, whom, two years later, temporary eclipse was to +befall from the same quarter and partially the same causes—for he also +stood on friendly terms with the Dauphin—either could not or would +not protect his cousins. He acted against them with a vehemence +which suggests that he either shared the suspicions of their guilt or +entertained fears for his own safety. So far as Jean de Dinteville was +concerned, no reflection seems ever to have been made upon his loyalty +to the throne. His past services had been too conspicuous and spoke +for themselves. Besides this, his attachment to Charles, now Duke of +Orleans, was well known; and as this prince was not on specially good +terms with the Dauphin, it would have been absurd to suppose Dinteville +capable of committing treason in favour of the elder brother. His +flight was simply made necessary by the disgrace which had overtaken +his relations. Three of the brothers certainly made good their escape +to Venice, but whether the Bailly accompanied them as far as Italy +seems doubtful. There is no hint in any authentic document of his +presence there with them. Had he been permitted, when the first outburst +of royal wrath had subsided, to return quietly to Polisy, there to +await better days? It would almost seem so. A letter written by +Claude de Lorraine, Duke of Guise, to Montmorency, from Dijon, +probably in the early spring of 1539, speaks of only two brothers +(obviously Deschenetz and Vanlay), whom, in deference to orders from +the Connétable, he promises to arrest should they appear on French +soil. He also thanks Montmorency for the gift “de la terre des +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span>Chenets,” in case it should be confiscated.⁠<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> The letters of Grignan, +French ambassador at Rome, tell the same story. Only the Bishop of +Auxerre and his two youngest brothers are mentioned in them. Of +the Bailly there is never one word.</p> + +<p>As though exile were not bad enough, it was aggravated in the +case of Vanlay with a deep additional sting. Before the storm had burst +he had quarrelled with his cousin, Jean du Plessis, “the young Savonnières.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> +The latter had incurred Vanlay’s wrath by some slighting +remark. According to Du Plessis’ account, Vanlay consequently +repaired to his room early one morning, accompanied by five armed +men, and forced Du Plessis to sign a paper by which he took back the +insulting observation. Du Plessis, furious at this act of coercion, +demanded the king’s permission to challenge Vanlay to a duel. It +does not redound to the credit of a king who prided himself upon his +chivalrous qualities, nor to that of the young Savonnières himself, that +permission was only granted, perhaps only asked, at a time when Vanlay +was forbidden, under penalty of death, to set foot on French territory. +The king’s mandate, which accompanied Du Plessis’ challenge, signified +that the duel was to be fought in the royal presence wherever the +Court might be on the 1st January, 1539. No safe-conduct was offered +to the exile. The choice therefore presented to Vanlay was either to +put his head into the lion’s mouth by returning to France, a course +probably tantamount to death, or to incur the deep stain to his honour +of neglecting the challenge. He was thus caught in a complete trap. +Perhaps the infliction of this mortification was the real object of the +defiance, as it only reached him at Venice, forwarded by his mother +from Polisy, eleven days before the date fixed for the combat. Under +the best of circumstances it would have been difficult for him to get +back in time.</p> + +<p>In his despair Vanlay appealed to the Dauphin, setting forth in a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span>long letter the reasons which made it impossible for him to respond to +the summons. He begs that a neutral place may be appointed where +he can go in safety of his life. He will then thankfully accept the +opportunity offered to him of clearing his honour.⁠<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a></p> + +<p>In the end he retaliated by appointing his own <i>rendezvous</i> in Italy. +On the non-appearance of Du Plessis he proceeded to bestow on the +arms of the latter the same treatment which had been meted to his own +in France. What that treatment was shall now be told.</p> + +<p>On the appointed day the King of France, accompanied by the +princes and princesses and lords and ladies of the Court, took up his +position to await the spectacle of the combat. Vanlay having failed to +appear, as was of course foreseen, the king ordered his arms to be torn +from the pavilion on which they were emblazoned, and broken in +pieces; after which they were dragged through the streets of Paris.⁠<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> +Such was the vengeance wreaked by Francis on a banished servant, +who had once enjoyed his highest confidence.</p> + +<p>The Dinteville brothers had many acquaintances in Italy. The +early sojourn of the Bishop of Auxerre at Padua, his subsequent residence +at Rome, and the military missions of the two younger brothers +to La Mirandola and other Italian centres, appeared to assure to them +a sufficiency of friends in the land of their exile. The presence of a +French princess at Ferrara, who made her Court the home of all needy +countrymen, offered yet another refuge in case of necessity.⁠<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> They +were not long permitted to enjoy these consolations. It is easy to +gather from a letter from Grignan to Montmorency, written in April, +1539, the colours in which Vanlay had been painted to the French +ambassador at Rome.⁠<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> He was reaping now the bitter fruit of having +been unable to accept the French challenge, in addition to the harvest +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span>of ignominy heaped upon him by the king. If, as seems probable, he +was innocent of the capital charge, he was indeed an injured man.</p> + +<p>Not content with the severe measures already taken against the +brothers, Francis I. now procured their banishment from the dominions +of the Emperor, and from Venice, Mantua, and Ferrara. The fugitives +took refuge at Rome. Here again the king’s arm overtook them, and +the Pope was angrily called upon to exile them in like manner. The +Bishop of Auxerre had sought to interest several of the Cardinals on +behalf of himself and his brothers, in order to obtain permission to +remain on Papal territory. But Paul III. dared not, if he would, give +displeasure to the King of France. The next notice, a few months +later, shows that Deschenetz and Vanlay had been at Bologna, but had +left it again; while the Bishop of Auxerre was reported to be at Naples.⁠<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a></p> + +<p>And here the curtain falls on the movements of the exiles. +Hunted from place to place, in danger of their lives had they risked +showing themselves in any of the forbidden states, the only hope of +these once prosperous men lay in silence and concealment. Where +did they next seek shelter? There is no word to tell.</p> + +<p>Three years pass away. Once more the curtain rises; and, if the +opening scene is not without shadows, it shows at least a promise of +brighter days. The facts to be related have the additional interest of +resting on Jean de Dinteville’s own narrative.⁠<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a></p> + +<p>In the summer of 1542, France being again at war with Spain, +Charles, Duke of Orleans, undertook the conquest of the Duchy of +Luxemburg. On his way thither he halted for about a fortnight at +Joinville and at Montier-sur-Saulx. The Bailly of Troyes was in +attendance upon the duke, who was a faithful friend to him. The +king was also of the party; and Dinteville seized the opportunity to endeavour, +through the mediation of Admiral de Brion, to obtain the restitution +to his brother François of the see of Auxerre and of the abbeys +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span>of Montier-la-Celle and Montier-Aramey. The revenue of these benefices +had been seized three years before, when the bishop had been +forced to fly. Pierre de Mareuil, who had become the unworthy successor +of George de Selve in the bishopric of Lavaur,⁠<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> had, thanks to +the influence of Madame d’Etampes, managed to get charge of the see +of Auxerre during the bishop’s exile. He had appropriated or sold for +his own benefit the costly furniture belonging to François de Dinteville; +he had instituted his own creatures into various offices; he had taken +possession of the rich abbeys held by the banished prelate. It was in +vain that the Bailly of Troyes represented these facts. The ascendency +of Madame d’Etampes over the king’s mind was too great to admit of +any counter influence. Mareuil had secured that lady’s suffrage by +presenting to her all or parts of a “chapelle d’or et argent doré, garnie +de pierreries,” belonging to François de Dinteville, which Mareuil had +removed from the Cathedral of Auxerre. Portions of this splendid +“chapelle” had been seen by Madame Du Bellay and other friends of +the Dinteville brothers in the possession of Madame d’Etampes. They +comprised “ung reliquaire d’or garny de pierres precieuses; ung aultre +d’argent doré garny de semblables pierres; ung aultre reliquaire d’argent +emaillé de bleu, auquel y a une longue et grande pierre appelée lapis +lazulli entaillée des misteres de la passion.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> Reinstatement would of +course mean restitution of stolen goods. Here, then, was motive +enough for the lady’s antagonism, apart from all other causes.</p> + +<p>Dinteville saw that the situation was too strong for him, and resolved +to compromise. Such a man as the new Bishop of Lavaur +could only be dealt with by a bribe. The Bailly of Dijon, Monsieur +de Villiers les Potz, who was acting on behalf of Dinteville and Madame +de Brion, advised him to sacrifice one of his brother’s abbeys. The +Bishop of Auxerre, who had returned to France by the king’s permission, +was at two leagues distance, “n’ousant s’approcher de la +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span>court.” He was consulted on the point, but wished, before replying, +to discuss the matter with the Admiral. A quick decision was, however, +imperative. Mareuil, seeing his position imperilled, was again stirring +up Madame d’Etampes. So well had he succeeded, that she had almost +gone off then and there to speak to the king. Fortunately her purpose +was frustrated by good friends of the Dinteville family near at hand. +Mademoiselle de Théligny,⁠<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> the daughter of their old acquaintance +Madame de Montreuil, was in the castle. A hurried note reached +Dinteville, “Depeschez-vous d’appointer et contenter cest homme, car il +a mis ceste femme en collere contre Monsieur d’Aucerre.” The rest +of the story is so curious that it shall be told in Dinteville’s own words:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>“... Le lendemain, ladicte Damoyselle de Thelligny et Madame de Brou +sa seur, s’en vindrent disner avec moi au logis de feu⁠<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> monseigneur d’Orleans. +Lesquelles toutes deux me dirent qu’il failloit s’accorder avecques ledict sieur de +Lavaur, et que madame d’Estampes s’estoit fort courroucé lorsque ledict sieur de +Lavaur vint parler à elle en la chambre ou elle jouoit, et disoit que nous n’estions +pas encores ou nous cuydions.... Quoy voyant, je congneuz bien qu’il estoit +force de passer par la.⁠<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> Et le lendemain ou le jour mesme (ne scay lequel) je +m’en allay trouver ledict sieur de Lavaur en son logis, en une petite chambre +basse, où se trouva ledict sieur bailly de Dijon ... et quelques aultres ...; +et diz telz motz ou semblables audict Monsieur de Lavaur:</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span></p> + +<p>“‘Monsieur, mes amys m’ont faict entendre que ma dame d’Estampes a tenu +depuis deux jours quelques maulvays propos de Monsieur d’Aucerre et de mes +frères. Par quoy plus tost que de retourner et rentrer en la malle grace du Roy, +nous aymerions mieulx perdre et quitter tous noz biens. Vous scavez que par +le passé nous sommes esté amis. Vous tenez propoz de vouloir avoir l’evesché +d’Aucerre; je vous supplie et advise de vous contenter d’aultre chose.’</p> + +<p>“Il insista d’avoir l’abbaye de Monstieraramey. Lors le priay de laisser +ladicte abbaye de Monstieraramey. A quoy il fit instance, la voullant plus tost +que celle de Monstier la Celle. Toutes foys, je lui remonstray que la dicte Abbaye +de Monstieraramey estoit prochaine de Polisy et que celle de Monstier la Celle +estoit a six ou sept cens livres près, la valleur de celle de Monstieraramey, qui +n’estoit pas grand somme. A la fin, ledict sieur de Lavaur s’i accorda. Puis +me fist grande instance d’avoir la maison d’Aucerre à Paris; ce que de tout je +ne l’en vouluz accorder, bien que quand il seroit nostre amy, non pas ceste la +seullement, mais que toutes les aultres estoient à son commendement....”</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>Gallantly spoken to this clerical cormorant! His greed for fat +benefices was even now not appeased. There follows a whole string +of minor demands, met by Dinteville with considerable skill, yielding +here and declining there, according to the degree of importance of the +point in question. At last an agreement was arrived at.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> “... et fut conclud que l’on coucheroit par escript. Ce qu’il fut faict le +lendemain en ma chambre, au logis de feu mon dict seigneur d’Orleans; absent +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span>mon dict seigneur d’Aucerre qui ne s’i voulut trouver.⁠<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> + ... Et certiffie pour verité +que la resignation de la dicte abbaye de Monstier la Celle qui fut faicte lors +audict sieur de Lavaur, et les quittances des meubles et fruitz de l’evesché +d’Aucerre, fut par la peur et crainte que Madame d’Estampes ne remist mon +dict sieur d’Aucerre et nous tous, ses frères, en la malle grace du Roy, par le +moyen et credit que ledict sieur de Lavaur avoit avecques ma dicte dame +d’Estampes; et qu’il ne fallust encor s’enfuyr et absenter de ce royaulme, +comme on avoit faict; et affin que ladicte dame d’Estampes et ledict sieur de +Lavaur n’empeschassent plus que mon dict frere s’en peust revenir et remettre +en ses maisons et benefices.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>But not satisfied with the results so far obtained, the Bailly of +Troyes went to see the Dauphin at Fontainebleau on the subject of his +brother’s wrongs. In a curious record of the actual conversation which +passed there, Dinteville elicits from the future king, in a series of cleverly +posed questions, a complete exculpation of the Bishop. Henri acknowledges +that “la retraicte et absence de ce royaume de l’évêque d’Aucerre” +was for no crime of his own, either towards Francis I. or anyone else, +but only for the disfavour which had fallen on his brothers. He encourages +Dinteville to defend him in every possible way. Moreover, in +an interview which the Bishop himself had with the Dauphin, whether +simultaneously with the Bailly, or on another occasion, does not appear, +Henri promises him that justice shall be done to him, even should it be +necessary to call in the arm of the law.⁠<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a></p> + +<p>It is perhaps not surprising to find the Dauphin graciously disposed, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span>in whose favour the imaginary conspiracy was supposed to have taken +place. But a greater triumph effected by the Bailly was his success in +bringing about a meeting between the bishop and Francis I. himself. +On the return of the king from Burgundy, as he passed through Bar-sur-Seine +and Joinville, François de Dinteville was granted an audience. +In the course of this interview the king restored to him all his benefices +and reinstated him in all his possessions.⁠<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> It shows the weakness of +Francis that, notwithstanding this concession, the Bishop of Auxerre +was unable to get the decree completely executed during the king’s lifetime. +Madame d’Etampes, backed by Mareuil, succeeded in putting +a spoke in the wheel with regard to a portion of the behest, although +the bishop was able to resume possession of his see. It may here be +stated, once for all, that on the accession of Henri II. in 1547, the +Bishop of Auxerre instituted proceedings against Mareuil, and recovered +everything of which he had been defrauded. The Dinteville family +now returned to the highest favour, and henceforth their path was an +unclouded one.</p> + +<p>The latter years of the Bailly of Troyes were indeed saddened in +another form. Always delicate, he was overtaken by complete paralysis, +which obliged him to abandon his public career and to dwell in seclusion +at Polisy. At what date this misfortune occurred is not known with +precision. But it seems possible from the allusions to his health contained +in a letter from Charles, Duke of Orleans, written in August, +1542, that the first symptoms of it may have appeared at about this +time. This young prince, the most brilliant and fascinating of the sons +of Francis I., was now twenty years of age. His genuine concern for +the well-being of his former governour and lifelong friend, and his +spirited description of the military operations on which he was engaged, +give interest to his words.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a>“Bailly,” + he writes, “aiant ici veu vostre basque,⁠<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> je n’ay voullu permettre +s’en retourner, sans vous escripre, par luy, de mes nouvelles, qui sont graces à +Dieu tres bonnes et telles que les desirez; et seront encore meilleures, quant +j’entendray que vous aurez entierement recouvre vostre santé; à quoy je vous +prie entendre bien soigneusement; et en recompense, je vous diray, bailly, que je +faiz faire ce qu’il est possible pour la prinse d’Ivoy, que je feray demain commancer +à battre d’un autre costé; et tant par cela que par tous autres moiens, j’espere +l’emporter, moiennant l’aide de celluy qui donne les victoires. Au reste j’ay eu +des nouvelles de Longueval qui n’est que à deux ou trois journées d’icy avec sa +trouppe, autant belle et deslibérée que l’on scauroit veoir, ainsi qu’il m’a mandé. +Je le feray temporiser au lieu ou il est avecques sa dite trouppe, attendant le +retour d’Iversay que j’ay envoié devers le Roy pour me rapporter ce qui luy plaira +me commander que je face de ladite trouppe et aussi de celle qui est icy avecques +moy. Cependant n’aiant autre chose pour le present, feray fin de me recommander +à vous et de priere à Nostre Seigneur, Bailly, qu’il vous doient aussi bonne santé +que je la vous désire. Escripte au camp d’Ivoy ce XIIIJᵉ jour d’aoust.</p> + +<p class="center">“Votre bon maestre</p> + +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Charles</span>.</p> + +<p>“A Monr. le bailly de Troyes, l’ung de mes chambellans.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span></p> + +<p>The Duke of Orleans was successful in his military undertaking. +Ivoy, a small town in the Ardennes, was reduced, and the conquest of +the Duchy of Luxemburg completed. But, restless as quicksilver to +be off in another direction as soon as his object was achieved, he disbanded +his troops too soon, and the Imperialists reconquered the +country in the space of a few days.</p> + +<p>This rash and impulsive temperament led the young Duke, a few +years later, to an untimely end. The Court was at Forestmontier in +Picardy. The plague was about, and Charles insisted on entering a +house where a man had just died of it. Persuaded that the dreaded +enemy could not assail a scion of the royal house of France, he rushed +into the room whence the body had just been removed, and, from +sheer bravado, struck the bed with his sword. The infected feathers +flew up in all directions. The result may be imagined. The unfortunate +prince sickened, and after a brief illness paid the extreme penalty +of his rash act. This took place in 1545.⁠<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a></p> + +<p>The memoirs of the time contain many anecdotes of this young +prince, whose wild impetuosity was balanced by many lovable traits. +When a little boy five years of age, we hear of him gravely receiving +the English ambassador at Court, repeating with graceful courtesy his +“Soyez le très bien venu, Monsieur l’ambassadeur!” when that dignitary, +preoccupied with his business, was disposed to overlook the +greeting of a small boy whom he had failed to recognize.⁠<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> A few years +later, when Montmorency was ill, the little Duke sent to him his own +physician and apothecary. Such little acts of kindness endeared him +to many hearts. His courage, indeed, was of the maddest description, +and often overstepped the line which divides fearlessness from folly. +As he grew up and learned to wield the sword, he indulged in fighting +adventures which were more than mere boyish pranks. But a certain +chevaleresque grace surrounded all he did—in marked contrast to the +cold taciturnity which distinguished the character of the Dauphin Henri.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span></p> + +<p>It is easy to guess the sorrow that the death of the Duke of +Orleans must have occasioned the Bailly of Troyes, to whom, through +good report and evil, he had been a constant friend. The Dinteville +brothers recorded their grief by the erection of a trophy to his memory +at Polisy. This monument is described as having been decorated with +the arms of all the persons from whom the Dinteville family had +received kindness.⁠<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer6.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header2.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_II_CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII<br> +<span class="smcap">The Building of Polisy and the last years of Jean de +Dinteville. His supposed Portrait at Windsor</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-i.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">It was during these years of leisure necessitated by ill-health, +that the Bailly of Troyes rebuilt the Château of +Polisy from the ground. The construction of the new +house brings us to an interesting episode in his career, +namely, his relations with the Italian artists employed by the King of +France. The great architectural movement which marked the era of +Francis I. could hardly have been lost on so keen an observer as Jean +de Dinteville. One by one many of the palaces of the French Renaissance +had risen before his eyes. His boyhood had witnessed the completion +of Blois and Chenonceaux; later years had seen the growth of +Chambord, Azay-le-Rideau, Fontainebleau, the curiously-named Château +of Madrid, near Paris, and other important constructions. Ecouen, too, +the magnificent abode of his cousin, the Connétable, was now rising +from the ground. On all sides the spirit of the age was expressing +itself in dwellings of surpassing beauty and luxury. Great men and +small men built, each according to his means. Those who could not +afford palaces contented themselves with houses of smaller dimensions +indeed, but pervaded by the same sense of harmonious proportion, +emphasized by graceful ornament.</p> + +<p>From about the year 1530, when Il Rosso settled in France, a +number of distinguished Italians were engaged in the royal service, +especially at Madrid and Fontainebleau. The well-known predilections +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[126]</span>of the king for Italian work set the stamp of fashion on the employment +of these artists, and for many years the Italians occupied on +the royal buildings were largely in request beyond the precincts of the +Court. On the death of Il Rosso, in 1541, the Bolognese, Francesco +Primaticcio, succeeded him as head of the works at Fontainebleau. He +had already been employed by the king, after a first visit to France, to +collect statues and other works of art for him in Italy. Enjoying a +high reputation in his own country as the pupil of Bagnacavallo and +Giulio Romano, the latter of whom he had assisted in the decorations +of the Palazzo del Te at Mantua, Primaticcio soon rose to the first +place among his fellow-countrymen in France. He was ultimately +appointed director of all the royal works, including painting, architecture, +and sculpture, and continued to fill this post until his death, which +occurred in 1570.</p> + +<p>Associated with Primaticcio in the decorations of Fontainebleau +was his assistant, Niccolò da Modena, called Niccolò dell’ Abate. +Both these men undertook many private commissions in addition to +their work at Court. They were employed, for instance, by Montmorency +to decorate his house in Paris.⁠<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a></p> + +<p>Another Italian, Girolamo della Robbia, brought to France the +famous secret of his family for the manufacture of glazed tiles. He +executed extensive works at the Château of Madrid, and probably also +at Ecouen.⁠<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a></p> + +<p>With all these individuals Dinteville must have come into frequent +contact before his retirement from Court.⁠<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> With another of the +Italian artists in France, Domenico del Barbier, or, as he is commonly +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[127]</span>called, Domenico Fiorentino, he stood in more immediate relations; +for this man had early married and settled at Troyes, where he now +occupied the leading position as architect, painter, engraver, and +sculptor. For some time Domenico divided his attention between that +city and Fontainebleau, where he worked successively under Il Rosso +and Primaticcio. To illustrate the reputation he ultimately enjoyed, it +suffices to add that many years later he was employed to execute the +pedestal and vase of the famous group of the Three Graces by Germain +Pilon, which formed part of Primaticcio’s design for the tomb of +Henri II.</p> + +<p>Situated between Burgundy and the Netherlands, the city of Troyes +had early been subject to Flemish influences. These had doubtless +had their effect in forming the taste of the family at Polisy. Their own +Burgundian antecedents must not be forgotten. Gradually the permeating +sway of the French Renaissance recast local traditions in a +new mould; and when the Italian artists imported by Francis I. gave +a further impetus to contemporary design, Troyes was found well +prepared to receive it. How far the presence of Domenico Fiorentino +contributed to produce this result, it is impossible to determine. But +it is certain that a large number of the French assistants employed at +Fontainebleau were natives of the city in Champagne.⁠<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a></p> + +<p>Such being the state of things artistic in France, it is interesting +to note that at the very time when Dinteville began to build his new +house, Primaticcio and Domenico Fiorentino were his guests at Polisy.</p> + +<p>The foundation-stone of the new Château was laid in 1544. On +the massive central pillar of the great cellar of the castle, the inscription, +in Gothic letters, may still be read:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center larger gothic">Lan de grace MDXLIIII Jehan de Dinteville bailly de Troies +apres avoir achever la basse court feit comencer.</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[128]</span></p> + +<p>Just at this time the King of France bestowed on Primaticcio the +Abbey of St. Martin-ès-Aires, at Troyes. The artist had, however, +no thought of going in person to take possession of his benefice. He +consequently issued a “procuration” dated from Polisy, and there +witnessed by Domenico Fiorentino and Hubert Julyot (one of a well-known +family of sculptors at Troyes), on the 15th December, 1544.⁠<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a></p> + +<p>The new house was something more of a stronghold in the old +style than the majority of dwellings now in fashion. The proximity of +the Imperial frontier rendered it in fact necessary that the place should +be capable of defence. War had again broken out between Francis I. +and Charles V., and at the very moment +when Dinteville set to work, the town of +St. Dizier, not very far away, had been +besieged and taken by the Imperial +forces.</p> + +<figure class="figright illowp68" id="illus07" style="max-width: 15.625em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus07.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>ARMS OF JEAN DE DINTEVILLE AS STILL SEEN AT POLISY.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>At some period in the history of +Polisy the waters of the small river +Laigne, which flow into the Seine almost +beneath the windows of the Château, had +been diverted from their course to form +a complete moat round its walls.⁠<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> A +variety of towers contributed to the protection +no less than to the picturesqueness +of the place, while a substantial keep and drawbridge fortified the +main entrance. Possibly some portion of these defences were a heritage +from older times which the Bailly repaired and added to; completing +them with the slender and graceful towers seen in <a href="#illus04">the illustration</a>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> +But the new dwelling which now arose within this circle of walls +was entirely his own work, if certain details, due to his brother +François, be excepted. Severely simple in aspect where the external +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[129]</span>wall formed one link of the chain of defence, it was probably on +the inner façade, overlooking the court, that the Bailly lavished those +decorative effects for which the presence of Primaticcio and his fellow-labourers +appears to vouch. What was the extent of their co-operation +there are no means of judging, since that façade has been utterly swept +away. The coat-of-arms which once adorned it, and a stone pediment +which perhaps surmounted the principal entrance, are now built into a +wall in the stable yard. The shield, bearing the arms of the Bailly of +Troyes, still shows traces of colour. On a scroll beneath it are inscribed +the words: “Jo. de Dinteville condebat.”</p> + +<p>These objects were removed to their present position in this +century, when the Château was completely modernized. Nearly all +traces of former splendour, to say nothing of archæological interest, +were at the same time blotted out. Much may have been previously +destroyed by time and sieges; for Polisy seems to have borne a full +share of the country’s misfortunes. The towers and machicolations +which we know to have existed, the delicate Renaissance ornament +which we surmise, have alike perished. The featureless modernity +which has replaced them offers hardly a suggestion of the edifice once +raised by the Bailly of Troyes.</p> + +<p>The main walls towards the river are, however, still those of his +construction,⁠<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> as well as several details of the interior. The immense +thickness of those walls is shown in the deep bay-windows which look +eastwards over the Laigne. A long series of apartments on the ground +floor is surmounted by a corresponding suite above, from which a +pleasant view is obtained over the green undulations of the surrounding +country.</p> + +<p>One of these rooms on the upper floor contains the chief remaining +glory of Polisy, the famous <i>carrelage</i>, or tesselated pavement, placed +there in 1545 by the Bishop of Auxerre, who owned a share of the +estate.</p> + +<p>This beautiful piece of Italian work, justly famed as one of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[130]</span>finest pavements in France, was probably executed under the supervision +of Girolamo della Robbia, whether designed by him or by +Primaticcio. The symmetrical pattern in variously coloured tiles, shows +a series of allegorical figures of the cardinal and theological virtues, +inclosed in octagonal medallions, grouped round a central cross. These +figures are connected by arabesque patterns, interwoven with smaller +medallions containing emblems of war and of the chase. But the most +interesting of the series, because +it bears directly on the history +of the Dinteville, who commemorated +in the symbolism of this +floor the Bishop’s return to +favour, are the two medallions +above and below the central +cross. The first of these contains +the figure of Fortune in her most +smiling mood. On the white +frame which surrounds the goddess +may be read the motto of +the house of Dinteville: ἡ τύχη +ἀκολούθος ἔστι τῆς ἀρετῆς, Fortune +the Companion of Merit. The +second more important medallion +displays the arms of the Bishop of Auxerre, round which the Dinteville +motto again appears, this time in its more familiar Latin garb, <i>Virtuti +Fortuna Comes</i>, accompanied by the date 1545.</p> + +<figure class="figleft illowp75" id="illus08" style="max-width: 21.875em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus08.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>ARMS OF THE BISHOP OF AUXERRE FROM THE TESSELATED + PAVEMENT AT POLISY.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>The bishop seems indeed to have appropriated the family motto +just now to his special use; for these were not his only allusions to +Fortune. In the garden of Polisy, just beyond the spot formerly +bounded by the moat, a curiously-designed building catches the eye. +This house, in close proximity to the church, still goes by the name of +the “Maison de l’Aûmonier.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[131]</span></p> + +<p>The upper floor is finished by a dormer window, flanked by two +thick columns. These are connected midway by a horizontal mullion, +which divides the window in such a way as to form the letter H. The +large columns are surmounted by two smaller ones, finishing in blunt +points, to resemble miniature towers. The apex of the gable between +these mock turrets is crowned by a third small column of similar +design; and this last and most conspicuous turret springs from a pair +of Hermes’ wings divided by a +sphere. In the centre of the +upper pane of stained glass is +the date 1545.</p> + +<figure class="figright illowp68" id="illus09" style="max-width: 15.625em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus09.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>DORMER WINDOW OF THE MAISON DE L’AÛMONIER AT POLISY, + SHOWING THE EMBLEM OF FORTUNE.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>What is the significance of +this elaborate pile of symbolism? +The printer’s device of a little +book published at Lyons in 1542 +by Sébastien Gryphe, or Gryphius, +gives us the solution of at +least a portion of it.</p> + +<p>The sixteenth century repeated +its favourite symbols over +and over again. Alciati had +made famous that form of emblem +in which words and picture +combine to form a single device. But in so doing he had merely given +classical shape to a general taste. The better-known symbols were so +familiar that they were readily understood without the explanatory +text. Such was that adopted by the Bishop of Auxerre in the window +of the Maison de l’Aûmonier.</p> + +<p>The sphere with the wings of Hermes is an emblem appropriated +by Fortune. Sometimes a youth, sometimes a maiden, with winged +feet lightly poised on an ever-rolling globe, or wheel,⁠<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> the figure of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[132]</span>deity was well known and popular in the sixteenth century. Derived +from the antique, it had quickly leaped into favour on the revival of +learning. There were many variations of the familiar allegory. +Machiavelli had devoted a sonnet to it; Alciati had placed it among +his emblems; it had been painted and carved, and all were acquainted +with the symbols that gave it pictorial expression. When, therefore, +the winged globe was abstracted from the whole subject and used as a +separate emblem it was readily interpreted. But to guard against all +possibility of misunderstanding, the +printer Gryphius has added to the +symbol the motto, <i>Virtute Duce, +Comite Fortuna</i>. The meaning is +identical with that of the Dinteville +motto and conclusively proves the +point.⁠<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a></p> + +<figure class="figleft illowp80" id="illus10" style="max-width: 25.0em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus10.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>MARK OF THE PRINTER GRYPHE OF LYONS, SHOWING THE EMBLEM + OF FORTUNE.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>This explanation exhausts, however, +but a small portion of the +symbolism of the window, and the +rest is less easy to unravel. What +is the meaning of the letter H?</p> + +<p>The more obvious interpretation +is that it stands for “Henri.” +The Dauphin was the special protector of the Dinteville brothers, and +to him, probably, the return of the smiles of Fortune was in large +measure due. But this explanation omits the three columns which are +too curiously original to be mere accidents of design. Some such +symbols occur in various works dealing with the occult sciences. They +suggest a relationship with Hermeticism, and an alternate interpretation +of the letter H. The Hermes’ wings would gain additional point +from this explanation, which seems likely to be the true one.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[133]</span></p> + +<p>Beyond the Maison de l’Aûmonier is the Basse-Cour, which we +know from Dinteville’s inscription in the castle cellar to have been +completed before the new dwelling was begun. Entering one of the +unpromising-looking doors which give access to the stable, the visitor +is surprised by a beautiful vaulted undercroft of considerable dimensions. +It is now used for lumber. Most likely it once supported upper apartments, +perhaps occupied by the Dinteville family during the building of +the house. If so, those rooms have entirely disappeared, and have +given place to lofts of the commonest modern type. The Basse-Cour, +it may be added, was once of far greater extent than it is at present.</p> + +<p>On a slope by the road-side, about half a mile from the Château, +is a high and slender cross of sixteenth-century workmanship. The +origin of this interesting monument is veiled in darkness, but an old +engraving shows more than one cross dotting the landscape around +Polisy.</p> + +<p>It is known that Jean de Dinteville built a chapel to serve as a +sepulchre for himself and his family, and that he placed in it the epitaphs +of those who had gone before him.⁠<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> He was himself laid to rest in it +when his time came. But no similar monument was in turn erected to +preserve his memory. Not even the site of the chapel, which has wholly +disappeared, can now be identified with precision. Possibly it is represented +in <a href="#illus04">the illustration of Polisy</a> by the building to the left pierced +by three windows.</p> + +<p>About the year 1547, a young relation, Jean de Mergey, came to +Polisy to be brought up, or “nourished” as the phrase was, in the house +of the Bailly of Troyes. Fortunately Mergey has left a short memoir +of his life,⁠<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> which gives us a passing glimpse of Polisy during the four +or five years of his stay there. Catherine de Mergey, <i>née</i> Dinteville, +the mother of this boy, was cousin and governess to the daughters of +Guillaume, Seigneur Deschenetz; and these relations, as well as François, +Bishop of Auxerre, seem to have spent much of their time at Polisy. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[134]</span>Madame de Polisy, widow of Gaucher the elder, lived there until her +death, which took place in 1545; and the sisters of the Bailly found a +home there whenever they required one.</p> + +<p>The picture drawn by Mergey is a pleasant one, and shall be given +in his own words. He had begun his education early, having been +placed at the College of Troyes at the age of eight years. Thence his +mother transferred him to the Abbey of Montierender; but, says Mergey,</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a>“... ne voulant estre Moyne, elle me mist avec Mr. de Polizy, Bailli de Troyes, +chef de la maison de Dinteville, personnage accomply et orné de toutes vertus et +sciences autant que homme de son temps et qualité; aiant esté Gouverneur de +Monsieur d’Orleans et Ambassadeur pour le Roy en Angleterre. Mais estant +devenu Paralitique et impotent de tous ses membres, et ne pouvant plus a cette +occasion demeurer à la Cour, et s’estant retiré chez soy, se mist pour son plaisir +et exercice à bastir cette belle maison de Polizy. Lequel me prist en telle amitié, +qu’il prenoit bien la peine luy mesme de m’instruire en toutes les sciences desquelles +mon jeune age pouvoit estre capable; et aiant demeuré avec luy jusques +en l’aage de quatorze ou quinze ans, et me voulant mieux former par la fréquentation +du monde et exercice des armes, me donna a Mr. Deschenetz son frère, +Chevalier de l’Ordre du Roy,⁠<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> et Capitaine de cinquante hommes d’Armes, avec +lequel je fis plusieurs voyages....”</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[135]</span></p> + +<p>A letter of 1552 (it is dated February, 1551, old style) shows us +the master of Polisy for the last time. It is written by his uncle, Du +Plessis Savonnières, the father of Vanlay’s bitter enemy. The cordiality +of tone speaks well for both writer and recipient.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>⁠<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a>“Monsr. mon nepveu,” so it runs, “j’ay receu deux lettres de vous, l’une +dattée du IIIJᵉ. jour d’Octobre, et l’autre du XXIIIᵉ. jour de janvier derniers +passés. Vous m’escripvez qu’avez receu lettres de ma soeur de Lyencourt⁠<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> et +qu’il vous semble qu’elle est bien contente de l’affaire de Monstier la Scelle; elle +en a bien raison; elle est bien tenue et obligée à prier Dieu pour monseigneur +d’Auxerre, et nous tous, du grand bien qu’il luy plaist faire à Banjamyn.⁠<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> Ma +niepce de Lyencourt qui est avec Madame la connestable⁠<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> m’a escript que +mondit seigneur d’Auxerre et monsr. des Chenetz estoient à Fontainebleau. Et +depuys Nicolas de la Croix m’a escript que mondit seigneur d’Auxerre debvoit +arriver à Paris. J’avois pieça entendu la prinse que les gens de l’empereur avoient +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[136]</span>faicte d’Aspremont. Ledict Nicolas de la Croix m’escript que le bled a vallu à +Paris cent dix sept solz tournois le septier, et l’avoyne quarente huit, qui est bien +cher.... Il me deplaist de la malladie de ma dame de la Mothe⁠<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> et de sa fille, +mademoiselle de Esmon; mais puys qu’elles sont en amandant j’espere que ce +ne sera rien. Ceulx qui viennent de la court dient qu’il est grand bruict que le +Roy⁠<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> doibt aller en Allemaigne; que le duc Maurice de Sax et autres princes +dudict Allemaigne, en grand nombre, sont en armes contre l’empereur et qu’ilz +doibvent tenir le party du Roy et estre en son service; que la Royne sera +regente en France et qu’elle sera à Reyms; que monsr. l’admiral doibt demourer +avecques elle; que monsr. le Cardinal de Tournon doibt estre lieutenant +du Roy a Lyon; que le Grand Seigneur faict grands preparatifz pour faire +la guerre la presente année, tant par terre que par mer. Je fais mon compte +que entendez mieulx toutes ses nouvelles la que l’on ne faict par deça, car en +pouvez estre advisé par Messrs. d’Auxerre et des Chenetz qui sont à la court. +J’estime que au commancement de ce mois de mars pourray partir de ce pais +pour aller à Lyon, passant toutesfois par Grenoble. Quant je seray à Lyon, +vous feray scavoir de mes nouvelles et vous envoieray des graynnes pour vostre +nouveau jardin.</p> + +<p>“Monsieur mon nepveu, je me recommande humblement à vostre bonne +grace et prie Dieu vous donner en santé tres bonne et longue vie—De Montpellier, +ce XXJeme. jour de fevrier, 1551.</p> + +<p class="center">“Vostre oncle et amy</p> + +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Duplessys</span>.”</p> + +<p>“Monsr. mon nepveu, Monsr. de Pollisy, bailly de Troyes.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[137]</span></p> + +<p>Thus the last years of Dinteville’s life glided away.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding his ill-health, he survived all his brothers except +Guillaume, Seigneur Deschenetz, whom he made his heir. Not one of +the family attained the age of sixty.</p> + +<p>Gaucher, Seigneur of Vanlay, died in 1550, and was buried at +Thennelières, where he had resided.</p> + +<p>The Bishop of Auxerre departed from the stage of this world in +September, 1554. His death took place at the Château of Régennes, +his favourite place of abode. It is said that he decorated this house, +and others belonging to the see, with paintings executed by his own +hand; art and mechanics being his most cherished recreations.⁠<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p> + +<p>All the brothers had recovered their former prestige before the +end came, and were honoured servants of the king.</p> + +<p>The Bailly, obliged by the paralysis which had overtaken him to pass +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[138]</span>his days in retirement at Polisy, found solace in the occupations he could +cultivate at home: his building, his garden, his home circle, the education +of his little cousin in the sciences that had been dear to him in his most +prosperous days. In these tranquil surroundings we take leave of him. +Of the last scene, beyond the barest record, we know nothing. How +keenly he felt the death of the Bishop of Auxerre may perhaps be inferred +from the silent fact that he survived his brother but a few months.</p> + +<p>Jean de Dinteville died at Polisy, in 1555, in the fifty-first year of +his age. Probably the event took place before the summer, as early +in the same year Guillaume, Seigneur Deschenetz, was appointed Bailly +of Troyes.</p> + +<p>Thus ends the story of a typical Frenchman of the reign of +Francis I. The varied incidents of his career, public and private, are +vivid with the local colour of his date and nationality. The very +contrasts are those of the age. Life marched with such a swing that +there is hardly a pause between the heights of success and the depths +of ignominy. No time for discussion as to deserved or undeserved: +the king’s will is everything. Another turn of the wheel, and the +branded fugitive is recalled to favour. The past is wiped out; and Life +resumes her dancing gait as though no voice of the night had croaked +of banishment and disgrace.</p> + +<p>The intellectual aspect is marked by the same extremes. Old and +new, mediæval and modern, were wrestling for supremacy. While, on +the one hand, the revival of letters, the progress of science, the discoveries +of the great navigators, had opened fresh horizons to the +understanding, the paths of mystery that led back to the middle ages +were still freely trodden. Astrology, alchemy, and kindred pursuits yet +maintained their hold on minds permeated by the new learning. There +was no proportion, no power of differentiation. All subjects were +pursued with equal eagerness. All were illuminated by the same glow +of the imagination, which flung its halo over past and present alike. +It is this transforming quality which fuses into unity the strangely +heterogeneous elements of the time, and gilds its mistakes no less than +its successes.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[139]</span></p> + +<p>In the joyous vitality of the age, the love of magnificence, the +social <i>bravura</i>, the spirit of adventure, the same influence of the +imaginative faculties is apparent. But it is in the passion for art that +the distinctive note is sounded. Soldier and scholar, statesman and +priest, all came beneath that sway, which was enhanced and intensified +by influences derived through a thousand channels from Italy.</p> + +<p>It is to be regretted that so little is known of the private friendships +of the Bailly of Troyes. Some indications of the cordial feelings +of which he was the object are indeed to be found, here and there, in +the letters that have been noticed. But the most striking instance +of the esteem in which he was held has been handed down to posterity +by the genius of Hans Holbein. For the very fact of Dinteville’s +friendship with the learned and saintly Bishop of Lavaur is a sufficient +testimony to his own worth.</p> + +<hr class="tb"> + +<p>No second portrait is known for certain to exist of Jean de +Dinteville. There is, however, an unnamed drawing by Holbein in +the Windsor collection, the features of which show such considerable +resemblance to those of the Bailly of Troyes that it has been thought +to represent him at a later date. A reproduction of this drawing is +here inserted⁠<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> that the reader may make the comparison for himself.</p> + +<p>The chief difficulty in accepting this theory seems, at first sight, to +lie in the marked difference of age between the two presentments.⁠<a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> +Dinteville was, as we know, in the twenty-ninth year of his age when +painted by Holbein in 1533. His last visit to England took place in +1537, when he was in his thirty-third year. But there appears to be +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[140]</span>more than four years’ interval between these two portraits, if they be +held to represent the same man.</p> + +<p>Yet, in spite of this objection, the mould of the rather peculiar type +of countenance is so similar in both cases, that this drawing does, in all +probability, represent Jean de Dinteville as a somewhat older man.</p> + +<p>No one who, when visiting Dresden, has compared the original +drawing of Morette by Holbein, with his splendid portrait of that envoy,⁠<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> +can have failed to observe the happy knack by which, in the finished +painting, the artist has slightly rejuvenated and refined the features of +his sitter, without losing either likeness or character. Did we possess +the original drawing of Dinteville, made for the picture of the +“Ambassadors,” it might, in all likelihood, show less discrepancy with +the Windsor drawing than is exhibited by the painting itself, where the +same tendency to emphasize the more favourable aspect of the sitter has +probably come into play.</p> + +<p>Both these drawings—of Morette and of the supposed later +Dinteville—once formed part of the Arundel collection, and were engraved +at that time, in the shape of two small rounds, by Wenzel Hollar. +One of these is inscribed “Mr. Morett”; the other is unnamed. But +the fact of their having been engraved as pendants suggests the idea +that the individuals portrayed were connected by tradition as members +of the same nation and profession, thus further confirming the belief +that the unnamed portrait represents the Bailly of Troyes.⁠<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer1.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[141]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header6.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="PART_III">PART III<br> +<span class="smaller">GEORGE DE SELVE</span></h2> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer1.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[142]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[143]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header7.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2>GEORGE DE SELVE</h2> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_III_CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br> +<span class="smcap">The Early Years of George de Selve, and his First +Diplomatic Employment</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-t.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">The career of the Bishop of Lavaur, the ambassador <i>de robe +longue</i>, forms an interesting contrast to that of the <i>homme +d’épée</i>, or <i>de robe courte</i>, whose acquaintance has been made +in Dinteville. In many respects each completes the other. +Together they form a typical picture of the diplomacy of the day, in +which churchmen and laymen played an almost equal part.</p> + +<p>The political missions of George de Selve, taken alone, would give, +however, a very inadequate idea of the man. In the case of the Bailly +of Troyes the secular note is naturally dominant. With the Bishop +of Lavaur outward events seem dwarfed by the depth and fervour of +the inner life. His spiritual vocation was all in all to him. The services +he rendered to diplomacy rather hinder than assist a just estimate +of his character and attainments. They constitute, indeed, the chief +outward landmarks of his existence. But in so far as they emphasize +the mundane rather than the religious aspect of his life they disturb its +true proportions.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus11" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus11.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>THE CATHEDRAL OF LAVAUR AT THE PRESENT DAY.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>George de Selve, Bishop of Lavaur, was the third son of Jean de +Selve, Premier Président of the Parliament of Paris, and of Cécille de +Buxi. He was born in the winter or early spring of 1508-9, probably +about January or February.⁠<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[144]</span></p> + +<p>The family of Selve was said to be of Milanese extraction,⁠<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> and +had settled in France near Limoges. The first of its members to rise to +eminence was Jean, the father of the future bishop. Hardly a name in +French history is more celebrated in the early decades of the sixteenth +century than that of this great lawyer and statesman; none stands higher +for probity, political sagacity, and faithful service rendered to the Crown.</p> + +<p>The young George must have had a varied childhood if the family +accompanied Jean de Selve to his several spheres of duty. Having +successively presided over the Parliaments of Rouen and of Bordeaux, +Jean was sent to Italy, after the battle of Marignan, as Vice-Governour +of the Duchy of Milan. The earliest associations of which George +could have had much recollection thus centred in Italy. The sojourn +in the south terminated in 1521, when the Imperial troops drove the +French from the Milanese. Jean de Selve now returned to France and +received the appointment of Premier Président of the Parliament of +Paris. Henceforth the influences which moulded the youth of the +future bishop were, so far as is known, derived from his native country.</p> + +<p>The boy was now about twelve years old. The early age at which +he subsequently obtained distinction favours the belief that he must +have displayed extraordinary precocity in his studies. He himself tells +us, as will presently be seen, that he received instruction in Greek and +Latin from the famous scholar, Pierre Danès; indeed, if we may judge +from a letter written at a later period by Bunel,⁠<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> Danès appears to have +superintended the whole training of the young student. He could not +have been in better hands, nor would it be easy to imagine two spirits +more likely to be congenial than those of master and pupil. The relationship +developed into a lifelong friendship.</p> + +<p>Whether George de Selve subsequently attended the University of +Paris is unknown. It appears improbable that he came under the influence +of the Sorbonne. He was reared no doubt in a strict school of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[145]</span>Roman Catholic theology; for in later years he always showed himself +an orthodox son of his Church. But the extreme type among the theologians +of Paris, whose headquarters were at the Sorbonne, had at this +time a holy horror of those classical languages in which Selve learned +to excel under the guidance of Danès. The latter, indeed, was among +the first professors appointed a few years later to the famous Collège +Royal, founded to impart the very knowledge which the doctors of the +Sorbonne would have withheld.</p> + +<p>At the University of Paris only one of the two great branches of +law essential to a public career was at this time taught. Instruction in +civil law was forbidden, and had to be obtained elsewhere. Orleans, +Poitiers, Bourges, possessed great schools for the secular arm. The +universities of the provinces equalled that of Paris in efficiency, if not in +size. Many young Frenchmen also went abroad to complete their studies, +especially to Italy. It is highly probable that Selve was counted among +their number, although there exists no positive evidence to that effect.</p> + +<p>It is certain that he owed some part of his education to the +liberality of Francis I. While still a youth, he translated eight of +Plutarch’s “Lives” into French by order of the king; and in the +prologue which he affixed to this work and addressed to his royal +patron, he speaks of the obligations under which he is placed to the +king, “eslevé ou je suis, et moy et les miens, par vos bienfaitz....”⁠<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a></p> + +<p>The king’s kindness seems, by these words, to have extended +also to the brothers of George de Selve. The family of the Premier +Président was numerous, consisting of six sons,⁠<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> and no less than +eight daughters. Jean de Selve can hardly have been a rich man, +and the assistance afforded by Francis I. was doubtless welcome.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[146]</span></p> + +<p>The translation from Plutarch’s “Lives” at once brought the name +of George de Selve into prominence. He states indeed in his preface, +with laudable modesty, that he could not have completed his work +“without the aid of Maistre Pierre Danès.” Nevertheless, the achievement +was considered a remarkable one for so young a scholar; and +later writers mention Selve as the worthy precursor of Amyot.⁠<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a></p> + +<p>The year 1525 saw the long negotiations between France and +Spain which succeeded the defeat of Pavia, and led up to the release +of Francis I. The Archbishop of Embrun, better known at a later +date as Cardinal Tournon, Philippe de Chabot, Admiral de Brion, +and Jean de Selve, Premier Président of the Parliament of Paris, were +the three principal emissaries deputed by the Regent, Louise of Savoy, +to represent France at the conferences held at Toledo. Montmorency +joined them occasionally from Madrid, where he was in attendance on +the captive king; while Gabriel de Grammont, Bishop of Tarbes, +another future cardinal, was later on added to the list of negotiators.</p> + +<p>Their efforts were crowned in January, 1526, by the signature of +the Treaty of Madrid. The settlement was humiliating enough for +the King of France, but it was due to the skill of the ambassadors that +even such measure of success was obtained. At least, it restored him +to his subjects, and enabled him, in the following March, to cross the +Bidassoa on his way back to France.</p> + +<p>The capacity displayed on this occasion by Jean de Selve, and +the profound knowledge of constitutional law which lent force to his +diplomatic skill, made a deep impression on the French Court. It +was desired that the recognition of his great services should assume +some practical form. Francis therefore determined to reward the +father, who had already attained every honour that could be bestowed, +in the person of his son. In the month of May following the king’s +release, the Papal licence was penned with which we are already +acquainted. At the end of October in the same year (1526), the see +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[147]</span>of Lavaur fell vacant by the death of Bishop Pierre de Buxi,⁠<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> and +George de Selve, now in his eighteenth year, was nominated by the +king to succeed him.⁠<a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a></p> + +<p>For the present Selve could only undertake the administration of +the diocese and enjoy its revenues and title. The Church forbade the +consecration of a bishop before the completion of his twenty-fifth year.</p> + +<p>The appointment of the new prelate was not however allowed to +pass unchallenged. In 1616 the Concordat had been signed between +Francis I. and Leo X., by which, in return for the payment of annates, +the Pope conceded to the King of France the right to nominate to +vacant benefices. The Gallican Church, which had previously enjoyed +the privilege of electing its own dignitaries, protested vehemently +against this innovation. Francis I., whose rule tended more and more +towards absolute despotism, clung with tenacity to his usurped authority +in clerical matters. But the local bodies from whom the ancient rights +had been wrested equally illegally by king and pope, often set up a +rival claimant, and disputed every inch of the way to the royal +nominees. They had the more excuse for so doing, because, from the +time the Concordat was arranged, the king overlooked all canonical +rules as to age or fitness in the persons proposed,⁠<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> filling the vacant +benefices merely according to his personal convenience and pleasure. +It was due to good fortune rather than to any appropriate principle of +selection, when the royal choice fell upon so eminently suitable a +candidate as George de Selve. It seems by no means clear, however, +in what way the relations of the king with the Gallican Church +concerned the Legate of Avignon, Cardinal Clermont, or why this +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[148]</span>prelate should now have intervened and endeavoured to quash the +new appointment. The metropolitan see of Avignon, which was +subject to papal authority, was governed by a Legate, who appointed to +bishoprics within its area. But as Lavaur was not included in its jurisdiction, +the interference of the Cardinal-Legate on this occasion seems +difficult to account for. Possibly he had been promised the right to +nominate to this particular vacancy. The fact, however, remains that +Clermont laid claim to the see of Lavaur, and, to judge by the excitement +his action aroused at the French Court, with some show of right +on his side.</p> + +<p>In a series of letters still extant,⁠<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> the various members of the French +royal family urged the Legate to withdraw his claim. Francis I. begged +him in a letter dated from St. Germain, on the 1st April,</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“pour l’amour de moy et de ma priere, vous desister de la poursuite dudict +evesché, vous demettant au proffict du filz dudict premier president de tout le +droit que pouvez avoir et pretendre audict evesché.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>The king’s mother, Louise of Savoy, whose right hand Jean de +Selve had been during the period of her regency, writes with even +more insistence:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Mon cousin, vous avez par cy devant entendu le désir que le Roy et moy +avons que le filz de Monsʳ. le premier president soict pourveu de l’evesché de +Lavaur, et pour ce que ledit seigʳ. et moy n’avons encore eu responce de vous qui +en ce satisface a nostre intencion, j’ay esté meue, mon cousin, de rechief vous en +rescrire, vous prient tres affectueusement, et autant que je sauroys jamais pour +nulle autre chose, faire que vous veulhez à la requeste dudit sgʳ. et miene vous +desister de la poursuite et aussi de metre au proffit et en faveur du filz dudit +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[149]</span>premier president de tout le droict que vous pouves pretendre audit benefice; +estant asseuré que le dit sʳ. et moy aurons memoire de ce plaisir en melheure +chose, de sorte que vous en serez content, vous advisent au demourant et pour +conclusion que ledit sʳ. et moy porterons tout outre le filz dudit premier president +en cest affaire jusques en faire le nostre propre; pour ce je vous prie encores ung +bon cop, mon cousin, que vous veulhez bien y pencer et en cest endroict obtemperer +a la tres affectionnée requeste dudit sgʳ. et de moy. Et adieu, mon cousin, lequeilh +je prie vous avoir en sa saincte garde. Escript a St. Germain en Laye le premier +jour d’avril.”</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>A postscript follows in her own writing:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Je vous prie, mon cousin, que vous complezes au Roy et a moy du contenu +cy dessus et vous vous en trouverez bien.</p> + +<p class="center">“Vostre bonne cousine,</p> + +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Loyse</span>.”</p> + +<p>“A mon cousin le Cardinal de Clermont, legat d’Avignon.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>Montmorency, too, is pressed into the service by the royal family. +His intervention had special point, because M. de Clermont, brother of +the legate, was his deputy in the government of Languedoc, which the +king had bestowed upon him in the previous year. Writing to the +Cardinal on behalf of George de Selve, on the 3rd April, Montmorency +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[150]</span>says that the king and his mother “ont la chose si très à cueur que ne +le vous pouroys assez escripre.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a></p> + +<p>Remonstrance from such high quarters could not remain unheeded. +The Cardinal withdrew his claim. Indeed, he had the wit not merely +to accede to the wishes of the Court, but to do so with grace. On the +22nd June he writes to George de Selve in reply, it would seem, to an +expression of gratitude on the part of the latter:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Monsʳ. de Lavaur, mon amy, j’ay receue la lettre que m’avez escripte, et +n’est besoing user de remerciement en mon endroit car je suis trop et de tout +temps amy de vostre pere, et luy vouldrois faire et a toute la rasse plaisir. Vous +adviserez de vostre cousté si en autre chose me voulez emploier et ne me +trouverez jamais autre que bon frere plus par effect que de parolle; et ainsi vous +prie le croyre; qui sera la fin de la presente apres avoir prié le Createur vous +tenir en sa saincte garde. D’Avignon ce XXIJᵉ de jung.</p> + +<p class="center">“Vostre meilleur frere et amy</p> + +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">F. Cardˡ de Clermont</span>.”</p> + +<p>“A Monsʳ de Lavaur.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>So the matter was settled, and the promotion of 1526 confirmed. +But the cumbersome technicalities were so long in adjusting themselves, +that nearly ten more months elapsed before George de Selve +was able to take the oath of fidelity for the temporalities of the see of +Lavaur.⁠<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a></p> + +<p>The year 1529 saw the earliest employment of the Bishop of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[151]</span>Lavaur in a diplomatic capacity. The first edition of the “Gallia +Christiana”⁠<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> states that George de Selve was sent as ambassador in +this year to both Charles V. and the republic of Venice; while a +manuscript biographical notice of the bishop, preserved at the Bibliothèque +Nationale at Paris, confirms this information as regards the +embassy to the Emperor.⁠<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> The mission to Venice appears also to +derive confirmation from the wording of the Treasury grant of +1533.⁠<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a></p> + +<p>The embassy of George de Selve to the Court of Charles V. in +1529 is of special interest to the student of Holbein’s “Ambassadors.” +It makes it seem highly probable that the young Bishop attended +the Diet of Spires as one of the representatives of France—a +mission which assorts well with the presence of the Lutheran hymn-book +placed near to him in Holbein’s picture. At the very outset +of his career he is thus seen occupied with those ideas of religious +reunion which absorbed so large a share of his attention throughout +his life.</p> + +<p>His youth is indeed a striking circumstance in connection with so +important an occasion. But such were the Bishop’s precocity of mind +and gravity of temperament that he seems usually to have produced +the impression of a man considerably older than was actually the +case.⁠<a id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a></p> + +<p>Amongst the works of George de Selve, which were collected +and published after his death, are two orations, or “Remonstrances,” +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[152]</span>as he terms them, addressed to the Germans, with the object of recalling +them to the obedience of the Church. Both these discourses +were drawn up to be delivered at public Diets held in Germany for the +promotion of religious unity. The second, as will presently be seen, +was indited in response to a special invitation from Charles V. in the +year 1540. The first in date, erroneously placed last in order by the +editor of the collected “Œuvres,” is obviously the work of a very +young man. A glance at its contents appears to confirm the surmise +that it was composed for delivery before the Diet held at Spires in +1529.</p> + +<p>After so many and exalted personages, says the youthful orator, +who have here come forward in the hope of appeasing the dissensions +of the Church, it would be great presumption on the part of anyone to +attempt to intervene of his own accord. But it would be equally +cowardly to hold back if called upon to take part in the deliberations. +Therefore, finding himself summoned, at an hour when no such thing +had entered his thoughts, by his king, whom it is the will of God that +he should obey, to come hither and try to assist in the pacification of +these great divisions; seeing also that his vocation is of those to whom +are entrusted the salvation of souls; having, furthermore, long felt +within himself exceeding pain at the calamity of the times and an +extreme desire to see it remedied, even were it with the loss of all his +possessions in this world, or even of something more besides; seeing +all these things, he felt that, notwithstanding he is forbidden by +ignorance and insufficiency, it was his duty to accept the office imposed +upon him. He begs that nothing very high or speculative may be +expected of him. Besides that his mind is incapable of such flights, as +one who is a simple beginner in the profession of letters, the truth of +things has not been so hidden that it is necessary to go beyond the +judgment of the simplest.⁠<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a></p> + +<p>It would seem that this discourse was divided into two parts, of +which only the first has been preserved. The teaching contained in +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[153]</span>that portion requires no minute analysis here. But while keeping well +within the lines of Roman Catholic doctrine, it is remarkable that +Selve already strikes the note which predominates in his later writings, +basing all his arguments on the teaching of the New Testament. +His references are always made direct to the Scriptures, and, in this +instance, to the Epistles of St. Paul—a fact which is not without +interest in the practice of a young Roman Catholic prelate at this period +of history.⁠<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a></p> + +<p>At the end of the year 1529 George de Selve lost his father. +The Premier Président was buried in the church of St. Nicolas du +Chardonnet at Paris, where a rhymed epitaph was placed to his +memory,⁠<a id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> much in the style of that of Gaucher de Dinteville.</p> + +<p>The death of Jean de Selve caused a real and profound sorrow in +the royal circles of France. The reflection of this feeling is still +apparent in a letter written in the following April (1530) by the Queen +of Navarre to the Archbishop of Bourges. Marguerite recommends +to his kindly notice the Bishop of Lavaur, who is the bearer of the +letter. She begs him to continue the affection he bore to “feu +monsieur le premier president,” towards “ses pauvres enffans.” The +occupant of the archiepiscopal see at this time was no other than +François de Tournon, who as Archbishop of Embrun had co-operated +with Jean de Selve in the negotiations preceding the Treaty of Madrid. +He was now on the eve of promotion to the rank of cardinal.</p> + +<p>In a second letter, written a week later to Anne de Montmorency +who was busy in the south with his duties as Governour of Languedoc, +Marguerite performs a like kind office. She had been unwilling, she +says, to allow the Bishop of Lavaur to leave for the south without +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[154]</span>asking him to bear to Montmorency some news of the Court and of +herself.⁠<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> But these words are merely a pretext for the warm expressions +with which the queen recommends to her correspondent the bearer of her +letter. “You know, as well as I do,” she continues, “the services of the +father and the greatness of his merits; and what gratitude they deserve +towards the members of his family.” It would seem from this that +Montmorency was at this time not acquainted, or but slightly acquainted, +with the young bishop.</p> + +<p>Both these letters are dated from Blois, where Selve had doubtless +paused to visit the Court on his way to Lavaur.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp56" id="illus12" style="max-width: 28.125em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus12.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>JEAN DE SELVE, PREMIER PRÉSIDENT OF THE PARLIAMENT OF PARIS, + FROM BULLART, ACADÉMIE DES SCIENCES ET DES ARTS.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>Beyond such scattered hints there are no means of judging of his +movements in the years which now elapsed.</p> + +<p>In the month of November, 1532, another sorrow fell upon him +in the death of his mother.⁠<a id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> The following spring saw him in England, +the guest of his friend, the Bailly of Troyes.</p> + +<p>The visit of the Bishop of Lavaur to this country began at some +period before Easter, 1533,⁠<a id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> and terminated before the end of May. It +is not necessary to repeat here the few facts concerning that event +which have already been narrated in previous chapters.⁠<a id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a></p> + +<p>In December of the same year he was appointed French ambassador +at Venice. To judge by the wording of the Treasury grant which +records the first payment made to him, he had already been sent on a +short mission to that city at a previous time.⁠<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a></p> + +<p>The grant is dated from Lyons, where the Court was now sojourning +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[155]</span>on its way back from the interview with Pope Clement VII. Here +the Bishop probably received his final instructions before setting out +to take up his new task. Here, also, he must have met again his friend, +the Bailly of Troyes, who just at this time arrived at Lyons after his +long absence in England. It is to be presumed, however, that Selve +made no long stay, as his salary was reckoned from the 12th December.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer5.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[156]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header4.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_III_CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br> +<span class="smcap">The Bishop of Lavaur Ambassador at Venice and at Rome</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-a.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">At some time in the course of the year 1534, having +completed the canonical age, George de Selve was consecrated +bishop.⁠<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> Whether this took place in France before +his departure for Italy, whether he visited Rome expressly +for the purpose, or received consecration at Venice, there are no means +of judging. Our next glimpse of him is as French ambassador in +the last-named city.</p> + +<p>It would be tedious to record in detail the minute variations of +Italian politics which it was the duty of the Bishop of Lavaur to +note and report to the French Court. During part of the time he +spent at Venice, which extended over fully three years, George +d’Armagnac, Bishop of Rodez, was associated with him as ambassador. +Many of the despatches sent to France are jointly signed by the two +prelates. They give a lively idea of the rival endeavours of Francis I. +and Charles V. to secure the friendship of the Italian princes, and of +the steps taken by the King of France on his part to achieve that +desirable end. Every movement of the Italians, more especially of the +Pope, was watched as a cat watches a mouse. Every hair’s-breadth of +supposed deviation on their part to the Imperial side was made the +subject of a report. The relations of Venice with the Turk, with whom +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[157]</span>Francis I. was now on the verge of a definite alliance, is another point +of interest. Again, in 1536, when war broke out between France and +the Empire, details gleaned from Italian sources of the supposed projects +of Charles for the conduct of the campaign form a considerable +item in the despatches.</p> + +<p>It would be more interesting, if it were possible, to follow the +private pursuits, the friendships and correspondences of George de Selve +during his stay in Italy.</p> + +<p>The Aldine press, under the guidance of Paolo Manuzio, was in +full swing. Learned men, lay and ecclesiastic, of all types and nations +crowded the quays of Venice; and a further element of intellectual life +was added by the constant intercourse with the neighbouring university +of Padua. Moreover, Venice was the high road to the East; and, +whether bent on the purchase of rare Greek manuscripts, or on some +secret mission from the King of France to the Turk, or merely on the +active exchange of rich merchandise, all passed by her port.</p> + +<p>A scholar of high reputation himself, it would have been impossible +for Selve to breathe such an atmosphere without in some degree imbibing +its tone. He threw himself keenly into the learned interests by +which he was surrounded, displaying special eagerness in the collection +of classical manuscripts. Pierre Danès, to whom he was chiefly indebted +for his brilliant acquaintance with the ancient languages, had +accompanied him to Venice, where, says Thevet, “il n’y eut antiquité, +cabinet ou rareté,” which Danès did not visit.⁠<a id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> Here, also, the Bishop +attached to himself another <i>savant</i>, Pierre Bunel, who had long +sojourned in the City of the Lagoons in the service of Selve’s predecessor, +Lazare de Baif.⁠<a id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[158]</span></p> + +<p>Other friendships which George de Selve contracted while in +Italy are known principally from his letters. Reginald Pole,⁠<a id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> Cardinal +Bembo,⁠<a id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> + Sadoleto, Bishop of Carpentras,⁠<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> were counted amongst the +most intimate of these. It might almost be thought, indeed, that Selve +had taken the great and gentle Sadoleto for his episcopal model, so +many are the points of resemblance between the two churchmen.</p> + +<p>The first letter we possess written by the bishop himself from the +beautiful city on the Adriatic is dated in February, 1534, and is +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[159]</span>addressed to the Duchesse de Chartres.⁠<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> George de Selve expresses +his delight at the prospect of shortly seeing that princess at Venice. +The tone of this letter and of others indited by him to the same princess +during his residence in Italy is one of genuine friendliness, notwithstanding +the sympathies which Renée was well known to harbour for +the Reformers.⁠<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> But at her Court at Ferrara all classes of her countrymen +were sure of a welcome. Indeed, the partiality she evinced for +them was regarded with small favour in the land of her adoption, where +her path was often a thorny one.</p> + +<p>A yet earlier indication of the presence of the Bishop at Venice +exists in a letter addressed by Bunel to a younger brother of the new +ambassador, Odet de Selve,⁠<a id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> who appears at this time to have been +studying at Padua. Bunel had evidently become acquainted with the +latter before the arrival of the Bishop of Lavaur, as he alludes in a +friendly manner to a day recently spent with Odet at the university. +The letter dilates in warm terms on the piety of the Bishop of Lavaur +and on the courtesy and frankness of Pole, in which encomium Sadoleto +is included. The writer adds a special note of admiration for the +principles which, in his opinion, have enabled Pole to place spiritual +objects above all mundane philosophy or temporal advantage.⁠<a id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> Some +such estimate of the character of the future Cardinal seems to have +been formed at this time by many of his friends in Italy, and explains +the warm regard entertained for him by so unworldly a man as George +de Selve. The intimacy with Pole became indeed one of the salient +features of the Bishop of Lavaur’s stay in Italy, and there will often be +occasion to revert to it.</p> + +<p>In other letters addressed by Bunel to various correspondents +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[160]</span>the striking impression made by Selve himself in his new sphere is +vividly reflected. As soon, says the writer, as he, Bunel, had set eyes +on him, concerning whose surpassing sanctity, learning, and benevolence +he had heard such great things, and from so many persons, his +one thought became to obtain permission to remain near him. Never +did he receive holier nor sweeter counsel than from this bishop. Again, +when, at a later date, Bunel wearied of Italy and desired to return to +France, the single fact that lightened for him the term of waiting was +that he dwelt with a patron “whose disposition and conduct, as they +are of the most virtuous, so also are they gracious in a surpassing +degree; to whose manner of life there could cling not the very shadow +or suspicion of aught unseemly; in whose every word and deed is +nought but gentleness....” He goes on to speak of the bishop’s +“astounding sagacity in the transacting of business, which doth surpass +both his years and the credence of all men, of his great learning in the +Greek tongue, of his wonderful eloquence....”⁠<a id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> Such language may +contain for modern ears a ring of exaggeration. But it is necessary to +quote such passages in order to understand the extraordinary estimate +of the character and abilities of George de Selve entertained by all his +contemporaries.</p> + +<p>What were his relations with the world of art? Was it possible +to dwell at Venice when the fame of Titian was at its zenith, when the +frescoes jointly executed by him with Giorgione on the Fondaco dei +Tedeschi shone out in pristine freshness, undimmed, as yet, by the +hand of time and decay, when the beautifying of outward life was a +passion with all men, when most of those with whom the bishop lived +in daily intercourse, private or official, were enthusiastic patrons of art,—was +it possible, under such circumstances, to remain an uninterested +spectator?</p> + +<p>Indifferent so gifted and sensitive a man was surely not. But the +ascetic tendencies implanted in him by nature and deepened by rigorous +and persistent training, stood in sharp contrast to the luxurious vitality +of Venice. Outside the limits of that religious vocation which absorbed +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[161]</span>almost his whole soul, his love of literature and profound interest in the +classics formed probably his nearest point of contact with the tastes of +the fashionable <i>dilettanti</i>.</p> + +<p>Towards the end of the year 1536 Pole was made a Cardinal, and +the Bishop of Lavaur wrote to congratulate his friend on his new +honour.⁠<a id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> In the following February (1537) Cardinal Pole was appointed +Papal Legate to England,⁠<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> and started on the abortive expedition +intended to raise the English people in rebellion against +Henry VIII.⁠<a id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> Another letter from Selve addressed to him on this +occasion shows how firm a root the friendship with Pole had taken in +his heart. He has heard, he says, by letters which Danès has received, +that Pole is about to make a journey through “our France,” and he +offers him his house and fortune. He has also written to the Grand-Maître +of France; not that he thought his letters would have more +influence than the name of Legate and the fame of Pole’s virtues, but to +satisfy his own mind. He incloses the letters to be delivered if Pole +thinks fit.⁠<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> Of the political objects of Pole’s mission he makes no mention.</p> + +<p>It is plain that the position of the Bishop of Lavaur must by now +have assumed considerable importance, if he was able to send letters of +recommendation of a Papal Legate to Anne de Montmorency. He +was in fact rapidly advancing to the front rank of his profession. His +success was due to sheer merit, for he detested the intrigues by which +many ecclesiastics sought to obtain promotion. The capacity he had +displayed for public affairs had gradually been pointing him out for a +more conspicuous post; and at the very moment of Pole’s journey +to the north, George de Selve was named French ambassador to the +Holy See, in conjunction with Cardinal Mâcon. The payments for his +new office began on the 20th February, 1537.⁠<a id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[162]</span></p> + +<p>The mission to Rome seems at first to have been intended to last +only till the summer.⁠<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> In point of fact, it extended over a very much +longer time. It is probable, however, that in the autumn the Bishop +was able to absent himself for some months from his post, as there is +a gap in the letters dated from Rome, which extends from August to +November.⁠<a id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> No doubt he took advantage of this interval to visit his +diocese, as well as to report to the French Court the results of his +diplomatic labours.</p> + +<p>Throughout the period in which Selve was accredited to the Court +of Rome, the long-deferred General Council, which was to settle the +differences of religion, formed a constant subject of negotiation between +the Powers. The Pope had actually fixed a date on which the Council +was to assemble; but the war between Francis I. and Charles V. +hindered the accomplishment of the plan. For this reason, amongst +others, it was the urgent desire of Paul III. to bring about a peace between +the rival sovereigns. So keenly did he feel upon this point, that +at one moment he actually intended to hurl the thunders of the Church +upon whichever of the contending parties might decline to assent to +his proposals. The Cardinals were invited to pronounce upon this +policy. But it was quickly seen that such a course would destroy the +position of neutrality which the Pontiff desired to maintain; and the +idea was therefore abandoned.⁠<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a></p> + +<p>Early in the year 1538 Cardinal Carpi, the most intimate confidant +of Paul III., was sent on a special mission to France, for the purpose +of inducing the king to consent to make peace with his rival. While +heartily concurring in the object proposed, the two French ambassadors +at Rome had their doubts as to the trustworthiness of the Papal +messenger. They sent a note of warning to Montmorency some weeks +before the departure of the Cardinal, to bid him be careful in dealing +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[163]</span>with this Legate, who was “the soul of the Pope.” Moreover, they +suspected Carpi of a secret understanding with the Imperial party, and +doubted the sincerity of his professed goodwill towards France. They +were careful to add, however, that his overtures should be met with due +cordiality, while recollecting caution.</p> + +<p>It is a curious fact that at this time Paul contemplated, or pretended +to contemplate, the re-establishment of peace between the rival +sovereigns on the basis of the restitution of the Duchy of Milan to France. +Whether this was merely a bait held out to catch the French king, and +thus inveigle him into the peace so ardently desired by the Pope, it is +impossible to say. It is certain that, at a later date, when Francis was +still scheming to obtain that much-coveted possession, Paul expressed +his conviction that the Emperor would never yield it up.</p> + +<p>The spring of 1538 passed in inconclusive negotiations. The truce +of ten months between France and the Netherlands, agreed upon at +Bomy in July of the previous year, had been followed by the shorter +suspension of arms in the southern campaign, arranged at the end of +November. Both agreements were now drawing to a close. But such +was the mutual distrust of the two monarchs, that no permanent +peace had been arranged in the interval, as had been intended. The +Pope resolved to take the matter in hand himself. Besides the assembling +of the General Council, his heart was bent on a coalition scheme by +which Francis and Charles should jointly oppose the Turk.⁠<a id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> To both +objects the establishment of peace was a necessary preliminary. Paul +therefore proposed a meeting between the two sovereigns, at which he +would himself assist and endeavour to bring them to terms.</p> + +<p>While the triple interview between the King of France, the Emperor +of Germany, and the Pope, was impending, an intrigue had been set on +foot at the Court of Rome which went far to justify the distrust felt by +the French ambassador and his colleague⁠<a id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> for Cardinal Carpi. The +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[164]</span>latter professed to have obtained possession, probably during his +mission to France, of a copy of a letter written by Cardinal Mâcon +and the Bishop of Lavaur to Cardinal Tournon,⁠<a id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> in which Carpi’s +sincerity and the reasons of his journey were made the subjects of +unfavourable comment. The letter, so Cardinal Carpi asserted, had +come miraculously to his hands. He hastened to lay it before the +Pope. Cardinal Tournon, who was at this time in Spain, vehemently +denied the authenticity of the document as soon as news of the affair +had reached his ears. He severely upbraided Cardinal Carpi, saying +the letter was a hoax, and that the Cardinal, if he had not forged it +himself, had been rash to show it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a></p> + +<p>Be that as it may, the manœuvre was sufficiently cunningly +contrived to produce exactly the effect intended by its designer. In +an indignant despatch addressed to Montmorency on the 1st May, +Cardinal Mâcon and the Bishop of Lavaur beg to be instantly recalled, +in order that they may explain by word of mouth the treatment to +which they have been subjected. The Papal Court, accompanied by +the two French ambassadors, was at this time at Piacenza, on the way +to Nice, where the coming interview was to take place. The Frenchmen, +so they related, were here suddenly summoned into the presence +of his Holiness. Cardinal Trivulzi, a faithful servant of French +interests at the Vatican, was sent for at the same time. Carpi +then turned upon the French envoys, in the presence of the Pope’s +relation, Cardinal Farnese, such a torrent of malevolent accusation that +they could only feel their position as the representatives of France at +the Holy See henceforth rendered impossible. The Legate had +declared that, by their “méchans et deshonnestes offices contre sa +Sainteté,” they had utterly frustrated the purposes of his mission to +France. To justify his reproaches he had read aloud their supposed +letter; declining, however, to let them see it, or to show their double +signature, which it must have borne had it been genuine. For all their +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[165]</span>asserted machinations, Cardinal Carpi threw the blame on Trivulzi, on +whom he heaped yet more violent invective than on the ambassadors +themselves.</p> + +<p>On the same day Cardinal Carpi himself wrote to the French +Court, protesting against the calumnies of the supposed letter and +loudly asseverating the honesty of his intentions towards France.⁠<a id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a></p> + +<p>A very pretty tangle on the eve of a meeting at which it was +intended to proclaim general peace. The motive of Cardinal Carpi is +tolerably clear. The intrigue was a clever attempt to undermine in the +eyes of the Pope the credit of the three principal cardinals attached +to the interests of France, Tournon, Mâcon and Trivulzi. That it +took place immediately before the interview with the King and Emperor +at Nice was no doubt a matter of subtle calculation. The French +ambassadors had, it seems, not been far wrong when they suspected +Cardinal Carpi of manœuvring in the Imperial interest.</p> + +<p>The Nuncio in France, on his side, informed Montmorency of the +events which were going forward at the Papal Court. The Connétable +warmly espoused the cause of his countrymen, declaring that an offence +offered to the kings ambassadors was an offence offered to the king +himself. He wrote to the two envoys, telling them what had passed, +and directing the Bishop of Lavaur to leave for France immediately +in order to report upon the circumstances. Cardinal Mâcon was +enjoined to use the greatest prudence while conducting affairs single-handed. +Meanwhile the King of France would remain near Romans +and Valence, postponing the meeting with the Pope and Emperor until +Selve’s report had been first heard. So dangerous did Montmorency +consider the position of Cardinal Trivulzi, that he adds an express +message to him to beware of poison in his food, or of any other attempt +against his person.⁠<a id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[166]</span></p> + +<p>Selve reached Avignon on the 14th May,⁠<a id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> three days after his +departure from Savona,⁠<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a> having probably taken ship as far as Marseilles +to accelerate his journey. In the conditions of those times and the bad +state of the coast-roads of the Riviera, it would hardly have been +possible to cover the distance by land in so short a period.</p> + +<p>We are left in ignorance as to the results of the communication he +had to make to his sovereign. The proposed meeting duly came off at +Nice in the following month.⁠<a id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> But all the efforts of the Pontiff proved +unavailing to effect a permanent treaty of peace. The most that could +be achieved was a suspension of arms for ten years, known in history +as the Truce of Nice.⁠<a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a></p> + +<p>Francis and Charles did not, in point of fact, see each other at all +until the agreement was signed and the Pope had departed. They +then arranged an interview at Aigues-Mortes which led to conversations +of some apparent cordiality, and seemed to promise greater practical +results.</p> + +<p>The Duchy of Milan was, as usual, the central topic of discussion +between the two sovereigns. A marriage had been discussed at Nice, +to take place between the Duke of Orleans and the Infanta of Spain. +Francis now parted from his rival at Aigues-Mortes persuaded that the +fulfilment of this project would at last restore the Milanese territory to +the House of Valois, as part of the dowry of the Emperor’s daughter.</p> + +<p>The termination of the conference at Nice saw the conclusion of +Selve’s mission to the Papal Court. Intrigue of the type which marked +the final period of his embassy must have been peculiarly noxious to a +man of his sternly upright disposition, who, at the best, bestowed his +time on secular matters only from a sense of duty towards his sovereign, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[167]</span>and, as it were, under compulsion. His heart was in his diocese, +whither he now joyfully turned his steps.⁠<a id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a></p> + +<p>Curiously enough he thus left Italy but a few months before the +Dinteville brothers fled thither as exiles. What a difference might +have been effected by the presence there of so true a friend during their +years of banishment! So few of the private letters of George de Selve +have been preserved that little is known of the intercourse between the +families during the period we are now considering. The year 1537, +however, throws a chance light on the subject, the preservation of which +is due to the official nature of the correspondence in which it is found.</p> + +<p>The Count of La Mirandola, a descendant of the celebrated Giovanni +Pico, was a firm friend of France, or, in other words, was probably in +receipt of a French pension. His city and castle,⁠<a id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> situated in a fertile +plain at about twenty miles from Modena, formed a valuable strategical +point in the event of any outbreak of hostilities; and, early in 1537, +Guillaume de Dinteville, Seigneur Deschenetz, was despatched to La +Mirandola to strengthen and increase the fortifications.⁠<a id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> The Count +meanwhile was absent in France, busy with the various arrangements +rendered necessary by his alliance with the king.</p> + +<p>These circumstances form the subject of two letters written by +George de Selve from Italy. One, signed in conjunction with the +Bishop of Rodez, was despatched to the French Court from Venice just +before Selve’s promotion to Rome. The second is addressed a few +months later to Deschenetz himself, and shows the good offices in which +the ambassadors at Rome were engaged on his behalf with the Pope. +The writers foretell honour and profit to him from his work at La Mirandola; +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[168]</span>they have complained to the ambassador of the Duke of Ferrara +of the animosity displayed by the duke towards Deschenetz; they have +even obtained the permission of the Pope to write direct to the duke +himself. In short, it is easy to read between the lines of the ambassadorial +communication, the personal friendship which inspired its +contents.⁠<a id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer6.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[169]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header3.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_III_CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III<br> +<span class="smcap">Repose at Lavaur, and Embassy to Charles V</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-i.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">It is uncertain whether the Bishop of Lavaur spent in his +diocese the whole of the fifteen months which elapsed +between his return from Italy in the summer of 1538 and +his next special appointment. A payment made to him +subsequently, as a “gift” for services rendered at Venice, Rome, and +“elsewhere with the Emperor,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> seems to indicate that, besides his +residence in those cities, some temporary mission to the Imperial Court +may have occurred in this interval.⁠<a id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> But it is probable that the greater +part of the time was quietly spent in the old Cathedral city. A letter +to Pole is dated thence on the 1st January, 1539.⁠<a id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a></p> + +<p>We may take advantage of this interval of repose to make further +acquaintance with Selve in the sphere he loved best, and in which +alone he felt truly at ease.</p> + +<p>The contrast must indeed have been complete between the worldly +pomp of the Papal Court, honeycombed by restless ambitions and +political intrigue, and the rural seclusion of Lavaur.</p> + +<p>Surrounded by the sunlit vineclad country of southern France, +the principal charm of the quiet little provincial town is derived from +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[170]</span>the beauty of its situation. Perched upon a rocky cliff overlooking +the rushing river Agout, it commands a noble expanse of distant plain +and hill. The full range of the view is obtained from a broad terrace +beyond the apse of the Cathedral of St. Alain, which is finely placed +on the brow of the declivity. The structure itself is of brick, a material +often used in the churches of the south of France. Architecturally it +shows considerable diversity of style. Nearly all the changes and +additions were however made before the sixteenth century; so that the +traveller who visits Lavaur to-day sees the cathedral much as it +appeared in the lifetime of George de Selve.</p> + +<p>The episcopal palace formerly stood in a line with the cathedral, +and commanded the same fine view. Fancy conjures up a pleasant +picture of the ancient residence of the Bishops of Lavaur in the days of +its prosperity.⁠<a id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> Casements open to the soft and billowy southern country, +silence unbroken by any sound but the lapping of the water far below, +or the occasional clang of the cathedral bell, shady gardens where, in +the spreading branches of ilex and mulberry-tree, the tiny green canary +doubtless then, as now, found a happy home.</p> + +<p>It was probably in these gentle surroundings that George de Selve +indited the greater part of those pastoral letters and addresses through +which we are chiefly acquainted with the current of his inner life. In +some of them he displays a naive poetry of expression which seems to +reflect the atmosphere in which they were composed; as, for instance, +when he speaks of baptism as “la porte par laquelle nous sommes +entrez au parc de Jesus Christ ou nous sommes maintenant, portants le +nom et la marque de ses brébis.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp56" id="illus13" style="max-width: 28.125em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus13.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>GEORGE DE SELVE, BISHOP OF LAVAUR.</p> + <p>FROM A POSTHUMOUS PAINTING AT THE CHÂTEAU OF VILLIERS, SEINE-ET-OISE.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>The collected works of the Bishop of Lavaur comprise spiritual +discourses suited to almost every occasion, from the great public +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[171]</span>questions which were dividing the heart of Europe, down to admonitions +addressed to his own household. In a few instances the titles of the +various compositions give some clue to the period at which they were +written. Such is the case with an exhortation “written on first arriving +at his diocese, to a friend of his who had but just returned home to seek +repose and leisure.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> It is tempting to believe, nor does it seem in +any way improbable, that the “friend” in question may have been Jean +de Dinteville, returning to Polisy for a brief spell of “repose and +leisure” after a long residence at Court. The warm tone of unconventional +affection rings curiously through the pastoral admonition. “Il +me semble en vous escrivant,” exclaims the writer, excusing himself for +the length of his letter, “que je suis avec vous a deviser, qui m’est si +grande consolation que ie n’en puis ou n’en veux trouver le bout.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a></p> + +<p>Placed immediately after this epistle is one addressed “to a friend +grievously ill,” the language of which seems to indicate that it was intended +for the same individual. The bishop writes in deep anxiety +about the health of his friend. Were it not that he is detained by so +many necessary causes, he would himself set out immediately to visit +the invalid. “Plust a Dieu,” he exclaims, “que je peusse estre aupres +de vous pour quelques iours!”</p> + +<p>Another heading appears to denote, almost conclusively, that the +discourse in question was addressed to Anne de Montmorency. The +supposition is borne out by the beginning, “Monseigneur,” a mode of +address which would only have been employed by the bishop towards +a superior, and which was almost invariably that used towards the +Connétable even by men who were themselves of high position. It is +entitled: “Discours contenant le seul et vrai moyen, par lequel un +serviteur favorisé et constitué en administration de son Prince, peut +conserver sa félicité eternelle et temporelle, & eviter les choses qui lui +pourroient l’une ou l’autre faire perdre.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[172]</span></p> + +<p>The doctrine inculcated in all these compositions is strictly that of +the Church to which their author belonged, though there is a marked +avoidance of controversial points and of any sort of exaggeration. +On the vexed question of justification by faith, for instance, he points +out how, if a preacher “parle au jourd’huy de vivre en obedience, ou de +faire les oeuvres comme nécessaires pour la vie éternelle, une partie du +monde crie après, et dict que e’est un Papiste, et un justiciaire. S’il +presche le salut par Jesus-Christ, et la redemption des pechez, une +autre partie du monde crie que c’est un Lutherien, et un seminateur de +maulvaise doctrine....”⁠<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a></p> + +<p>But the striking feature in all the bishop’s writings, and that which +still, at the present day, breathes life and warmth into the old-world +formulas, is the deep and glowing note of personal piety which rings +through every line. Nowhere, perhaps, is this more apparent than in +the prayers and contemplations intended for private use. The beauty +of thought and fervour of expression here attained entitle these pieces +to a high position in the ranks of devotional literature.</p> + +<p>At about this time there arose a question of sending the Bishop of +Lavaur to represent France at a Diet projected by the Emperor, to +take place in Germany, for the pacification of religion. On some occasion, +perhaps the mission of 1529, Charles appears to have been deeply +impressed by the personality of Selve. He now made it an object of +special request to the King of France that M. de Lavaur should attend +this conference, at which the Emperor, on his part, was to be represented +by the Bishop of Lunden.⁠<a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[173]</span></p> + +<p>The scheme progressed so far that Selve actually drew up part of +an oration for delivery at the Diet. This fragment has been preserved +to us. It is entitled: “Remonstrances adressentes aux Allemans, +faictes et mises par escript par messire George de Selve, evesque de +Lavaur, pour les prononcer publiquement en la diette qui se debvera +tenir en Allemagne [quand il fust appellé du Roy très-chrestien a la +requisition de l’Empereur pour y aller procurer la reunion d’iceulx +Allemans avec l’ordre ecclésiastique].”⁠<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a></p> + +<p>The contents of this discourse, so far as completed, exemplify +once more the weight attached by the bishop to reformation of life +and conduct, rather than of doctrine, as the true means of attaining +religious reunion. Just as, six years before, in the “Hymns” selected +for Holbein’s picture, the keeping of the Ten Commandments, aided +by the guidance of the Divine Spirit, is indicated as the only path to +temporal and eternal bliss, so now the same theme is reiterated with +yet greater insistence. He does not, he says, desire subtle arguments, +but will use simple words that the very populace can understand. +Passions must be moderated, and only the divine honour thought of. +Reunion must be sought in improved discipline, not in attacks upon +dogma. The Papal supremacy, the body ecclesiastical, the doctrines +of the Church must be upheld unimpaired. Every needful reform +would certainly have come to pass had the holy examples of past times +been followed in humility and sobriety. The sins of Churchmen, their +avarice and ambition, have brought things to the present pass. Only +by returning to the teaching of the Holy Scriptures, and of the doctrines +received and upheld by the common consent of the Universal +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[174]</span>Church, can the true remedy be found for the dissensions which rend +Christianity.</p> + +<p>There follows an invitation to the Germans to return to the +obedience of the Pope. But it is easy to read between the lines, even +were we not told so explicitly in another composition to which there +will be occasion to return later on, that, in the eyes of the Bishop of +Lavaur, the chief responsibility for the divisions of the Church rested +upon the shoulders of the Roman priesthood.</p> + +<p>The scheme of despatching the Bishop of Lavaur to attend the +Diet was abandoned, and the oration was left unfinished. Lazare de +Baif, formerly French ambassador at Venice, was sent in his stead to +Hagenau, where the conference ultimately took place. Subsequently +a more important Diet was held at Ratisbon (1541), without however +attaining any definite result.</p> + +<p>The exact circumstances which led to the change of plan are not +quite clear. But from a letter written by Pole to Cardinal Contarini, +it would appear that the form of Diet at first proposed was regarded +with disfavour in high quarters at Rome. It was considered an +infringement of the Papal prerogative that the Emperor, and not the +Pope, should have convened it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> If this objection were hinted to the +Bishop of Lavaur, through Pole or by other means, it would certainly +have led him, as an obedient son of his Church, to renounce the +execution of the plan.</p> + +<p>Apart, however, from any motive of this kind, he seems to have had +no desire for the new honour thrust upon him. He longed to remain +in peace at Lavaur, after his absence in Italy, and to devote himself to +the duties of his diocese.</p> + +<p>A letter addressed by Bunel to Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes, from +Lavaur, in the spring of 1539, throws some further light upon the +thoughts and plans of his protector. Castelnau, like some other +acquaintances of the Bishop of Lavaur, seems to have attributed his +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[175]</span>unwillingness to take advantage of so great an opportunity for worldly +distinction to undue influence on the part of Bunel, who greatly favoured +a life of retirement. The latter now sent to the Bishop of Tarbes a +long and somewhat tart epistle in reply to these animadversions. “My +patron” (says Bunel towards the end of this letter), “when, with the +approval of all worthy persons, he returned to fill his office at Lavaur, +bestowed on the general welfare of mankind a benefit far greater than +would be the case if, by command of the king, he were now to set forth +to Germany.” The bishop must indeed go thither, if the king +command it; just as Castelnau must remain in Spain, if such be the +king’s pleasure. Yet it is Bunel’s desire that the bishop and himself +be suffered to dwell in tranquillity at Lavaur; and that Castelnau, +in like manner, be permitted to return to his diocese as soon as may +be.⁠<a id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a></p> + +<p>The sentiments of this letter are those of George de Selve. For +the moment his desire was fulfilled. His spell of leisure was however +of short duration. In the autumn of 1539 the post of resident +ambassador at the Imperial Court became vacant by the death of the +Bishop of Tarbes. The Emperor had but recently given so striking a +proof of the high esteem in which he held the Bishop of Lavaur, that +the appointment of the latter to succeed Castelnau was a foregone +conclusion. A Treasury grant of the 9th October, 1539, enables us +to fix the exact date at which George de Selve entered upon his new +duties.⁠<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a></p> + +<p>The talk about the Diet had indeed sunk into a secondary +position, so far as Selve was concerned. Charles V., on the invitation +of Francis I., and, as it were, to emphasize in the sight of the world +the friendship between the two sovereigns, was about to pass from one +end of France to the other, ostensibly for the purpose of visiting his +rebellious subjects at Ghent. For the moment this journey absorbed +general attention.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[176]</span></p> + +<p>On the 27th November, 1539, the Emperor crossed the Bidassoa. +The wording of Selve’s appointment specially refers to “the journey +which he is about to make to Spain.” It is therefore safe to infer +that, from the outset, the Bishop was of the Imperial company. The +Duke of Orleans met Charles on the Spanish side of the frontier; +Montmorency and the Dauphin joined him near Bayonne; the +King of France awaited him at Loches,⁠<a id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> and escorted him towards the +frontier of the Netherlands as far as Saint-Quentin. From Spain to +Flanders the journey was a triumphal progress. Towns were decorated, +pageants initiated, honours heaped on the Imperial guest. The common +people saw in his presence the ending of the wars which had brought +so much misery in their train. But the king meant something more +than this by the lavish welcome he bestowed upon his rival. It was +expected that Charles, as a graceful acknowledgment of his brilliant +reception in France, would take that opportunity to rivet the friendship +by the cession previously promised of the Duchy of Milan. It had +been specially stipulated before he responded to the invitation to pass +through France that no advantage should be taken of his presence to +discuss political matters. The journey was to be simply one of pleasure. +Francis readily agreed. But he secretly hoped that the Emperor would +yield spontaneously that which he thus bound himself not to extort. +The negotiations for the marriage of the Duke of Orleans with the +Infanta, which had preceded the journey through France, gave him +some grounds for this expectation.</p> + +<p>Never were hopes more completely deceived. Charles passed +through the country from end to end, receiving a magnificent welcome +at Paris on the 1st January, 1540, without uttering a single word on the +subject so eagerly awaited.</p> + +<p>The disappointment at the French Court was great. Hope was +not yet extinguished, however; and, in anticipation of the desired utterance +on the part of the Emperor, the relations between the two Courts +continued to be of the most amicable nature.</p> + +<p>The Bishop of Lavaur proceeded with the Imperial party to the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[177]</span>Netherlands. His first letter is dated from Mons, on the 27th January. +It was expected that Francis would immediately pay a return visit to +his recent guest. As a refinement of courtesy the King of France +therefore signified to Charles that henceforth great expenditure in any +visits they might mutually make to each other would be superfluous, and +proposed that they should for the future come and go informally in +each other’s dominions. The Emperor, so Selve reported, was ready +to acquiesce in this suggestion, but added that after the manner of his +reception in France he could not do otherwise, on the occasion of the +king’s first visit, than follow the example that had been set to him.</p> + +<p>At Brussels, Hellin, French resident at the court of the Queen-Regent,⁠<a id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> +joined the diplomatic labours of the Bishop of Lavaur.⁠<a id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> For +a considerable time the despatches sent to France were now signed by +both negotiators.</p> + +<p>Towards the middle of February the Imperial Court moved to +Ghent. It was thought that, when the Emperor had settled the affairs +of that city, he would have more leisure to devote to the interests of +France. The French king and his suite hovered near the borders of +Flanders, daily expecting that Montmorency would be sent for in order +to bring the negotiations to the desired conclusion. No message came. +Both Henry VIII. and Paul III.⁠<a id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> had expressed the conviction that +Charles would never cede the Milanese. Francis himself was beginning +to lose heart. His projected visit to the Netherlands dropped into the +background.</p> + +<p>Finally Charles moved. Early in March he sent for Bonvalot, his +resident ambassador at the French Court, to impart to him further +instructions for communication to the King of France.⁠<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> He now +offered Burgundy and Flanders in substitution for the Duchy of Milan, +as his daughter’s marriage portion.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[178]</span></p> + +<p>On the 29th March, Selve left Ghent⁠<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> for Aumale, there to receive +the king’s answer to the proposals made by the Emperor. Francis +vehemently protested against the new scheme, laying stress on his +rights to the Milanese territory and on the Emperor’s former promise to +yield it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> The instructions delivered to the Bishop of Lavaur on his +return to Flanders relate to many other points besides that of the +cession of Milan. But all knew that in this really lay the crux of the +matter, and that upon it hung the success or failure of all the +negotiations. Which way these were tending was abundantly evident. +“As for France,” writes Wyat to Cromwell, soon after the return of +the Bishop of Lavaur to Ghent, “things here are as cold as if the past +were but dreams.” The changes, he continues, introduced by the +Emperor into the original proposals for his daughter’s dowry have so +“disdained” the French king that he is out of hope of further +treating. They remind Wyat of the tale of the Welshman who, +being in danger on the sea, vowed a taper as big as the mast; but when +he came on land, paid a little candle to Our Lady, and “offered her to +be hanged” if ever she took him on the sea again!⁠<a id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a></p> + +<p>The witty Englishman had gauged the situation accurately. The +negotiations dragged on for some weeks longer, each party in turn +making proposals inacceptable to the other. But it soon became +evident that nothing was to be gained by further prolonging them.</p> + +<p>To the Bishop of Lavaur the coolness that ensued between the +two sovereigns was a bitter disappointment. Keenly alive to the ills +and sufferings that had been wrought by the long wars that had ravaged +Europe, he looked to a good understanding between the King of +France and the Emperor as the necessary preliminary to those ecclesiastical +reforms which were the dearest object of his life. From the +outset of his career his heart had been set on that reconciliation of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[179]</span>religious differences, beneath the <i>ægis</i> of a regenerated and purified +Rome, which for a moment had appeared a not impossible dream. +How deeply he had felt the iniquity and corruption of the body +ecclesiastical, which he had been called upon to witness during his +mission to the Papal Court, we shall shortly see. The prospect of the +interview at Nice had then created hope of a permanent peace between +the two great continental powers which should afford leisure for the +consideration of the affairs of the Church. This hope was, as we know, +raised only to be immediately dashed by the inconclusive results of that +meeting. Again, the proposal for a marriage between the Duke of +Orleans and the Infanta of Spain seemed to promise a happier era. +Now this prospect also was rendered abortive by the refusal of the +Emperor to surrender Milan. War seemed, to those looking on, to be +once more within measurable distance.</p> + +<p>Filled with the thoughts inspired by all these circumstances, it was +during the term of his embassy to the Netherlands that the Bishop of +Lavaur indited the ripest and most powerful of all the compositions +included in his collected works. For what occasion it was intended, or +whether it was ever delivered, is unknown. It is entitled, “Discours +du vrai et seul moyen de faire une bonne et perpetuelle paix entre +l’Empereur et le Roy tres chrestien: faict par George de Selve, +Evesque de la Vaur, estant ambassadeur dudict Roy tres chrestien, +vers ledict Empereur.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a></p> + +<p>It shows the bishop in the plenitude of his mental powers. He +has shaken off the diffidence of early youth, and speaks with the full +consciousness of the authority bestowed upon him by his sacred office.</p> + +<p>Peace and war, he says, have already been several times between +these two sovereigns. War has been very fertile of evil, but peace has +been sterile of good. He proposes to demonstrate how, by the use of +right means, peace can be made good and fruitful for all Christianity.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[180]</span></p> + +<p>The cause of war has been that these princes, instead of first +serving God, have preferred their private passions and personal interests. +The worst result of this has been that the lives of ecclesiastics have +come to such extremity of wickedness as would have been impossible +had the wars of these two princes not prevented remedy, or rather, +thrust the delinquents yet further into impiety.</p> + +<p>The leaders of the Church have brought their position and dignity +into derision, rather than abandon their vices, their covetousness, their +ambition. The result has been that a great part of Germany has fallen +away from the Church, and that other countries threaten to follow the +same course. Yet all the negligence of which ecclesiastics have been +guilty, has been accompanied by a pretence of good words, and of +willingness to provide against these evils.</p> + +<p>How far these professions were sincere, may be judged by the +effects.</p> + +<p>Popes, who condemned and pursued the Lutheran heretics, had in +their private surroundings openly mocked Christ and the Christian +religion. Others had showed in their lives that He to whom they gave +least authority was the Blessed Saviour: of Whom they willingly +occupied the place, but Whom they took good care not to resemble.</p> + +<p>Besides the irreligion of the heads of the Church, which it would +be impossible to detest sufficiently, it should be considered what harm +is wrought by the nature and quality of all ecclesiastical promotions; +which are such that it may be said that never did the devil invent, +nor could he possibly invent, a more active venom with which to poison +every part of Christianity.</p> + +<p>The Cardinals, who should hold the place of Apostles, and be, as +it were, the flower of the universal Church, for many years have only +owed their promotion to Papal interests or to the protection of a prince. +Except a very small number who are deserving, all have reached their +position by purchase, or by ambition. Bishoprics are given to them +that they never visit; and from this corrupt multitude the Pope is +elected by a majority of votes, generally bought with money, or princes’ +favour.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[181]</span></p> + +<p>The promotion to bishoprics is just as illegal. Popes and princes +bestow them with equal levity, simply by favour, on unknown or unfit +persons, or on children. Of such stuff are those made who have the +care of souls. Only to provide for the man is thought of, not for the +diocese. And whereas the Apostles and their successors proceeded to +the election of bishops with so great reverence, beseeching the divine +assistance: to-day, bishops are made with raillery and light talk, and +with far less reflection than would be bestowed if it were a question of +placing a new cook in the kitchen.</p> + +<p>The appointments to benefices are equally bad, if not worse. +The Pope gives them to any unknown person, or to a courtier who +does not pretend to be a priest and will never see his cure. The poor +parishes are desolate and abandoned. A trade is made of benefices, +which are treated as speculations, divided, and mortgaged.</p> + +<p>Bishops who have themselves been so lightly promoted are yet +more careless in the making of priests. The bishop being generally +absent from the diocese, intrusts his charge to a substitute. Out of a +thousand of these there is not one who does the work from devotion, +or from a desire to serve; it is merely undertaken to gain a livelihood +by repeating masses. Most of these men cannot even read; especially +in France, where the priests, in their vulgarity, ignorance and irreverence, +surpass those of all other countries. This corruption of ecclesiastics +is the greatest wound of Christendom. It has been made much +worse by the wars between the two princes, because, instead of taking +measures to cure it, their only thought has been to avoid giving offence +to the Popes, to whose party passions they pander for their own benefit. +And the Popes have availed themselves of the wars to turn everything +to their private advantage.</p> + +<p>From all this the Lutheran heresy, due in great measure to the +deformities of Churchmen, has gained force and vigour....</p> + +<p>These wars have also encouraged the Turk....</p> + +<p>Then, what sufferings to the poor have they not caused!—spiritual +neglect, bloodshed, famine, and pestilence. The poverty of the small +folk is incredible throughout the dominions of these two princes....</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[182]</span></p> + +<p>Again, the wars have produced miscarriage of justice....</p> + +<p>The very princes themselves, seeking each his own profit, have +not found it; on the contrary, each has become impoverished.</p> + +<p>What then is the remedy for so many and great evils?</p> + +<p>The only true and certain remedy is the acknowledgment and +confession of sin; belief in the justice of God; confidence in His mercy; +and the resolve to lead amended lives. Only by penitence can these +two princes hope to avoid divine condemnation. Their actions have +been such that their forces are weakened, their honour trodden in the +dust, their consciences stained. The only means by which they may +hope to avert eternal punishment is by sorrow, repentance, and amendment.</p> + +<p>No peace made between them has ever gone to the root of the +matter. To be permanent and effective peace must rest on good and +not on evil.</p> + +<p>A long and eloquent peroration concludes this remarkable composition, +and sets forth in further detail the manner of arriving at the +only true peace.</p> + +<p>This powerful indictment of the vices of the Roman hierarchy +shows very clearly to how great an extent Selve anticipated the conclusions +of the Council of Trent with regard to matters of Church discipline. +His chosen companions, Pole, Sadoleto, Contarini,⁠<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> belonged +to the same small group among the ecclesiastics, whose influence, direct +or indirect, did so much to bring about the Counter-Reformation. Had +the life of the Bishop of Lavaur been prolonged, it appears highly +probable that he would have been among the delegates summoned to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[183]</span>assist in the deliberations at Trent. As it was, his friend and later +successor in the see of Lavaur, Pierre Danès, was twice appointed to +attend that assembly as one of the representatives of France.⁠<a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer7.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[184]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header8.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_III_CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV<br> +<span class="smcap">The Closing Days of the Bishop of Lavaur. His +Portrait at Villiers</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-i.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">In the summer of 1540 the Bishop of Lavaur begged permission +to resign his public career, for the future to devote +himself wholly to the care of his diocese.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, following the court from place to place on +the Emperor’s progress through Holland, the month of August found +Selve at the Hague. An urgent letter to Montmorency, who, on the +verge of disgrace,⁠<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> still had charge of the correspondence with ambassadors, +shows the almost feverish anxiety which possessed the bishop +to be released from his post. The “days are years” to him. “Vous +supplions, Monseigneur, après m’avoir tant faict d’autres grâces, ne +m’oublier point maintenant jusques là que de me laisser ici plus longuement.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[185]</span></p> + +<p>Yet the man who thus passionately implored release from a post +which was the zenith of other men’s ambitions, was now only in his +thirty-second year.</p> + +<p>Ten days later he repeats the same request, but with a breath of +relief, Montmorency having apparently answered in a manner not unfavourable +to his desire. Probably the Connétable had consented to his +departure so soon as a suitable substitute could be found; for Selve +mentions several names of persons in his opinion specially fitted to replace +him as ambassador with the Emperor.⁠<a id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> But, adds the bishop, with +characteristic modesty, the number of those more capable than himself +to fill the post is so great, that this point can present no difficulty.</p> + +<p>He includes in his letter a request to Montmorency to remember +his brothers, having regard to the services of their father and to their +own ability. “What is asked for them,” he adds, with dignified simplicity, +“is only that they should be put in the way of earning their living +by work and by service.”</p> + +<p>The explanation must have read curiously to Montmorency. The +habit of the times had accustomed him to receive continual petitions for +advantageous posts unaccompanied by any such suggestion of corresponding +responsibility. The Connétable himself had not been unduly +scrupulous in amassing his enormous wealth.</p> + +<p>It would seem from the letter in question that Montmorency had +sent to the Bishop of Lavaur some part of the arrears of his salary, +the defections in which, combined with the expense of continual journeys +with the Imperial Court, were putting him to serious straits. The +irregularity with which these payments were made, and the distress of +ambassadors who frequently saw themselves constrained to keep up an +honourable appearance on their often slender private means, are chronic +features in the diplomatic correspondence of the period.</p> + +<p>The letters of the Bishop of Lavaur give a lively idea of the unhealthiness +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[186]</span>of the cities of the Low Countries at the time of his mission. +While at the Hague he reported that a third part of the Court had fallen +ill, some of tertian, some of daily fevers. There had already been +several deaths. His own house was full of sick people. Arrived at +Antwerp, where he trusted to have found a cleaner atmosphere, he was +told that in that city alone there were more than seven thousand cases of +illness, and that the whole surrounding country was in a similar state.⁠<a id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a></p> + +<p>The Emperor meanwhile, who was suffering from gout, had dispensed +with the company of the ambassadors in his recent journeys. +The Court, including the diplomatic circle, only met again at Brussels +on the 1st September. On the same day the Bishop of Lavaur wrote +to Montmorency, overjoyed at the news that he was at last to be relieved. +M. de Vély had been appointed to succeed him.⁠<a id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a></p> + +<p>The political facts recorded in the correspondence of the Bishop of +Lavaur at this period are not of great moment. A kind of lull had +fallen on everything since the fiasco of the negotiations for a closer +union with France. Charles V., still lame from his last attack of gout, +pale and feeble, hardly showed himself to the Court. Granvella displayed +such reticence in his communications with the French ambassador +that the latter no longer cared to question him.⁠<a id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> The Imperial +party were, in fact, as disappointed on their side at the rejection of their +proposals by the French king as Francis himself was at the tenour of +those offers. To the practical intelligence of Charles V. it was impossible +to understand the objection felt by the King of France to the +substitution of Burgundy and Flanders for the Duchy of Milan, +a far more valuable concession than the Italian territory would have +been. In political sagacity, in cold clear grasp of a situation, the +Emperor by a long way surpassed his rival. But, for that very reason, +he failed to take into account the imaginative temperament of Francis, +so far removed from his own, and the halo with which that king was +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[187]</span>apt to invest the objects of his desire. Of these, Milan was the very +essence, and was therefore clung to with corresponding obstinacy. +Moreover, the aims of the two sovereigns in dealing with this subject +were diametrically opposed. Charles sought to banish French influence +from Italy, and was ready to pay a good price to effect his purpose. +Francis wished by the acquisition of Milan to consolidate his position +in the peninsula. Mutual disappointment could alone result from such +diversity of character and aim.</p> + +<p>Under these circumstances the breach between the two Courts, +though still laboriously veiled by a show of friendship, necessarily +widened from month to month.</p> + +<p>Weakened by the rigorous abstinence which he habitually practised, +as well as by the worries of his responsible position, the Bishop of +Lavaur now fell a victim to a severe attack of the prevalent tertian +fever. In his next letters he begs that, if ready to start, M. de Vély +may be despatched instantly, for he, Selve, is unable to attend to the +king’s business. As to his recovery, he resigns himself entirely to the +Divine Will; but he fears it will be long and slow. Such has been the +case with others who have sickened in the same way. Indeed, the Low +Countries disagree with him to such a point that he thinks it impossible +he should get well there; and a large part of those who accompany +him are even more ill than himself.⁠<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a></p> + +<p>The fever appears to have increased, for he shortly after “thanks +God that he has passed one day without a fresh attack.” Nevertheless +M. de Vély’s arrival was postponed from week to week, and instructions +were continually sent to the bishop for communication to +Granvella, in spite of the fact that he was so feeble as to be unable to +leave his bed. The Emperor was to leave Brussels in three weeks’ +time; and, as it was important that the business of the last despatches +should be transacted before his departure, the sick man writes an urgent +appeal to the King of France to despatch M. de Vély without further +delay. Under such circumstances it can hardly cause surprise that he +should have had relapse after relapse, which further undermined his +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[188]</span>already enfeebled constitution. He now resolved to travel in a litter +to France on receipt of permission to depart, sooner than remain a +single day longer than necessary in the infected atmosphere.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the severity of his fever he still continued to +inform Montmorency of such public events as he could follow from his +bed of sickness. The arrival of the Prince and Princess of Orange, the +assembling of the Estates of the country in the presence of the Emperor +and Queen of Hungary, the speech of the Imperial Chancellor, are +amongst the intelligence thus transmitted.</p> + +<p>At last, to his infinite joy, he received the tidings that M. de Vély +had actually started. He gratefully acknowledges this piece of good +news in a letter dated the 5th October, the last of the series. On the +10th of October M. de Vély arrived at Brussels. The French Court +appears to have realized at last that the case was urgent; for the new +envoy performed the journey by post, three days in advance of his +suite.⁠<a id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a></p> + +<p>Notwithstanding his arrival, Selve was kept at his post until the +middle of the following month. A Treasury grant of the 12th November, +1540, still qualifies him “ambassador with the Emperor.” A second +similar grant, however, dated on the 22nd of the same month, shows that +his term of office at last expired on the 18th November.⁠<a id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a></p> + +<p>Henceforth the bishop was free to return to his beloved flock at +Lavaur. Henceforth he could give himself completely to his pastoral +duties in the pure and peaceful atmosphere of the little southern diocese, +for which he had so often sighed.</p> + +<p>It is sad to think how short a time was left to him in which to +fulfil this, his dearest wish. When he returned to Lavaur his health +was broken, his days were numbered. The terrible fever which had +prostrated him in the Netherlands still clung to his shattered frame, +and refused to be shaken off.</p> + +<p>His retirement was so complete that not even a passing mention +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[189]</span>of his name occurs in the various series of documents in which, so short +a time before, it had blazed in the full glare of publicity.</p> + +<p>But a letter addressed at a later period by Bunel to Danès +supplies the want, and gives some idea of the concluding scenes of the +bishop’s life.⁠<a id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a></p> + +<p>“On such days as the fever of the Bishop of la Vaur was not upon +him,” says Bunel, “I often, since he had thus requested me, used to +visit him. Ever did he discourse of things divine, and of good and +holy living. At times he would lament that, being hindered by sickness, +he was unable to take part in everything that occurred in his +diocese.... On such occasions, when I would humbly beseech him +for the present to set aside burdensome matters, and such as might +increase his dejection, he would very cheerfully discourse to this effect: +that never did he spend his time more happily than when engaged in +the discharge of his duty.... He said furthermore that, although he +was prevented by sickness from taking advantage of his high calling in +order to exhort his flock to virtue, yet that even the risk of death could +not and ought not to hinder him from the care of those things which +pertained to the health of their souls. Wherefore he would fain learn +of others such things as he could not himself know; not indeed that he +might be the more severe on any in particular, but that he might make +trial of every manner of remedy. By such meditations, which were +most sweet, his melancholy, said he, was nowise increased, but rather +diminished....”⁠<a id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a></p> + +<p>Thus, intent to the last upon the welfare of his people, the bishop +gently awaited his latter end. A few short months yet remained to +him, in which to find solace in the society of his friend; to bask +perhaps, on his less suffering days, in the sunshine of southern France, +generous even in winter; above all, to provide for the spiritual needs +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[190]</span>of the flock committed to his charge. But the burning spirit of the +man who combined with the accomplishments of a scholar the ardour +of an apostle, had too early consumed its earthly tabernacle. Slowly +but surely his life was ebbing away.</p> + +<p>The approach of death appears to have been very gradual. On +the 19th March he made his will; after which he still lingered for +several weeks. Then, when the first flush of spring was spreading in +green waves over the southern landscape, George de Selve, twenty-first +Bishop of Lavaur, sank to his last rest. Worn out in body, though not +in mind, by the travail of things divine, he passed away on the 12th +April, 1541, in the thirty-third year of his age.⁠<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a></p> + +<p>His remains were laid to rest at Lavaur, in the cathedral which +had so often witnessed his ministrations.⁠<a id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a></p> + +<p>The monument raised to his memory perished at the time of the +French Revolution. Not even the site of the grave is known at the +present day. The curious epitaph, formed upon the letters of his name, +together with the answer supposed to proceed from his spirit, once +inscribed upon his tomb, have, however, been preserved for us by the +editor of his collected works:⁠<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">“G Grandement fortuné en toutes entreprises:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> E Excellent en vertu, sa guide familière:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> O Orné de contenance ensemble douce et fière:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> R Riche de toutes parts à un Prelat requises:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> G Gouvernant deuëment les ouailles comprises</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> E En tout son Evesché: du peuple la lumière:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> S S’esloignant du forfaict: amy de vie entière:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> D De touts costez conneu par ses vertuz exquises:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> E Estimé et aimé des hommes vertueux:<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[191]</span></div> + <div class="verse indent0"> S S’humiliant à tous, mesmes aux vicieux:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> E Et orné de tout ce qui accomplit un homme:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> L L’Evesque de la Vaur cy git, qui à iamais</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> V Vivra, pour ses vertuz, en eternelle paix,</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> E Et pour autant, Passant, n’empesche point son somme.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="center"><i>L’Esprit dudict de Selve, aux Humains.</i></div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Ce n’est pas moy, c’est vous, qui n’estes point en vie:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ce n’est pas vous, c’est moy, qui suis exempt de mort:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ny moy, ny vous, mais Dieu est le puissant et fort:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Et vous, et moy, à lui avons l’ame asservie.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p>The sorrow caused by the early death of the Bishop of Lavaur +was deep and sincere. Bunel mourned for him as for a father. +“There was never a good or wise man intimately acquainted with thy +brother,” so he writes to Odet de Selve, “who did not desire to resemble +him.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> And to Danès he says, “I did fervently love and most deeply +revere him.... I seem moreover to have noted this, that those who +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[192]</span>have attained with unusual speed unto maturity seldom live to an +advanced age. For what can years contribute unto men beside +moderation, prudence, skill and experience in the most important +matters! All these things this man possessed in so high a degree that +first the Senate of Venice, then the Roman Pontiff, and finally the +Emperor, to all of whom the King sent him to treat of the weightiest +matters, marvelled at his surpassing virtue, his great experience in +human affairs and his administrative skill.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a></p> + +<p>There can be no doubt that Bunel did not exaggerate the general +opinion formed of George de Selve by his contemporaries. The +reputation of his extraordinary gifts has indeed survived to the present +day, and is reflected in every notice that has been printed of his life. +A distinguished modern historian has paid a high tribute to the brilliant +and precocious talents displayed by him on his various embassies, +and records the impression everywhere produced by his learning.⁠<a id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a></p> + +<p>It would appear that Odet de Selve proposed to Bunel to write a +biography of the bishop. Bunel did not decline an undertaking which +he himself had been the first to desire. But for some reason he was +unable to devote himself to the task at the required moment,⁠<a id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> and the +work was left undone. It is to be regretted that posterity should thus +have been deprived of a contemporary account of so remarkable a man +composed by one to whom it would have been a labour of love. Bunel +suggested to Odet, however, that his brothers translations from the +Greek, and discourses on the Christian religion, should be carefully +preserved, and, at some future time, given to the world.⁠<a id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> This was +done; the theological portion constituting those collected works which +have been so freely quoted in the course of this sketch.</p> + +<hr class="tb"> + +<p>The portrait of George de Selve given in <a href="#illus13">the illustration, page 170</a>, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[193]</span>is taken from an oil painting in the possession of the Marquis de Selve +at the Château of Villiers, near La Ferté-Alais, Department of Seine-et-Oise, +and is reproduced here by the kind permission of the +proprietor.</p> + +<p>This portrait, which is life-size, on canvas, is the only one known +to exist of the Bishop of Lavaur besides that of the “Ambassadors.” +The coat-of-arms of the Selve family and the following inscription are +painted on the background:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="allsmcap noindent">GEORGE DE SELVE EVEQUE DE LAVAUR AMBASSADEUR +A VENISE A ROME ET VERS LEMPEREUR CHARLE QUINT +MORT JEUNE A SON DIOCESE EN MDXLI.</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>The picture is posthumous. It forms a pendant to the portrait of +Jean-Paul de Selve, Bishop of Saint-Flour (brother of George), and +was obviously painted at the same time and by the same hand. Jean-Paul +de Selve was only made a bishop comparatively late in the +sixteenth century, long after his brother’s decease, and, as both +prelates are represented in episcopal dress, it is evident that the +portrait of George de Selve can only have been painted many years +after his death. The style of painting, which is highly mannerized, +bears out these indications; if, indeed, it does not point to a yet later +date.</p> + +<p>The portrait of Jean-Paul de Selve has an inscription identical in +orthography, and in shape and size of letters, with that on the portrait +of George. If these inscriptions are contemporaneous with the painting, +as appears to be the case, both portraits must be posthumous, as +the wording records the date of death in each case. The demise of +the Bishop of Saint-Flour occurred in 1570.</p> + +<p>But the painter of these portraits, whoever he was, must have had +something to go upon in producing them; probably, in the case of +George, some old likeness which he generalized somewhat freely to +bring it into line with the fashion of a later day. Family tradition, +moreover, would have preserved the memory of the colouring and +general appearance of so distinguished a bishop.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[194]</span></p> + +<p>Here it is that the interest of the comparison with Holbein’s +portrait comes in. The Villiers presentment of George de Selve shows +the same dark eyes and hair, the same fashion of beard, that we are +already acquainted with in the “Ambassadors.” The emaciated +features of the later picture tell, indeed, of the effect that years of +asceticism, combined with feeble health, had wrought upon the frame +of the bishop. But, when every allowance is made, the resemblance +between the two portraits is sufficient, it is thought, to show that they +represent the same individual, and to lend interest to the examination +of the Villiers picture.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer5.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[195]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header1.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="PART_IV">PART IV<br> +<span class="smaller">THE DETAILS OF THE PICTURE</span></h2> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer1.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[196]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">[197]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header5.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2>THE DETAILS OF THE PICTURE</h2> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_IV_CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br> +<span class="smcap">General Description of the Picture—The +Death’s-Head—The Dagger—The Order of St. Michael—The +Celestial Globe—The Terrestrial Globe</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-b.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">Benvenuto Cellini, in his “Autobiography,” records +an interesting conversation which took place between +Francis I. and himself. The artist was submitting to his +patron a drawing for a fountain at Fontainebleau.</p> + +<p>“The king began by asking me,” says Cellini, “what I had meant +to represent by the fine fancy I had embodied in this design, saying +... he knew well I was not like <i>those foolish folk who turn out something +with a kind of grace, but put no intention into their performances</i>.” +Cellini then addressed himself to the task of exposition, “showing the +king that certain of his figures embodied those arts and sciences in +which his Majesty took pleasure and which he so generously patronized. +On the right hand was to be seen Learning, accompanied by emblems +which indicated Philosophy, and her attendant branches of knowledge.” +The Art of Design, Music, and Generosity followed in due place.⁠<a id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a></p> + +<p>The design thus described is but a typical instance of the love of +allegory which characterized the period. It would be idle to multiply +examples, for their name is legion. Whether in the shape of personified +qualities, such as are seen in the Polisy “carrelage” of 1545, or of +inanimate emblems of learning, or of those minor forms of symbolism +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[198]</span>expressed by the all-popular “devise,” they permeate art in every direction. +Classical allegories, resuscitated from their grave of centuries, +are met half-way by the heraldic symbolism, the badges and devices +called into existence by the wars of chivalry. The various forms of the +Dance of Death contribute their peculiar quota to the prevailing tendency. +North and South foster, each in its own kind and degree, the +love of expressing things by riddles, the sense of which, half-hidden +and half-revealed, was intended to afford some play to the ingenuity of +the observer.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp48" id="illus14" style="max-width: 28.125em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus14.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>THE “ARMS OF DEATH” FROM HOLBEIN’S “DANCE OF DEATH.”</p> + <p>THE DEATH’S-HEAD BROOCH IN DINTEVILLE’S CAP.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>This was particularly the case with the “devise” or emblem now +at the height of fashion, especially in France. The first edition of +Alciati’s “Emblems,” which attained an almost incredible popularity, +was published at Augsburg in 1531. But as early as 1522 a collection +of one hundred emblems was made by him at Milan and privately circulated +among his friends.⁠<a id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a></p> + +<p>Beneath the level of finished elegance which had made Alciati’s +emblems the classics of their domain, every amateur tried his hand +upon these toys of the imagination. Every French nobleman, from the +sovereign downwards, had his personal <i>devise</i>, or more often a series of +them. Montmorency, for instance, had a variety of emblems of his own.</p> + +<p>The publishers’ mark is among the few forms of this widely-spread +taste which have survived to the present day. One such, that of the +printer Gryphius of Lyons, has already enabled us to interpret the +emblem placed by the Bishop of Auxerre on the Maison de l’Aûmonier +at Polisy.</p> + +<p>This tendency, so frequently exhibited in the art and literature of +the sixteenth century, found its way naturally enough into Holbein’s +picture of the two “Ambassadors.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[199]</span></p> + +<p>It is curious that while the emblems employed in sacred subjects +(those, for instance, by which we recognize certain saints) are a matter +of common knowledge, the symbolism used in secular art +has been to a large extent neglected, and is occasionally treated as +almost non-existent. Both branches were in reality expressions of the +same spirit—a spirit that it is absolutely essential to take into account +if we are to obtain any real grasp of the vein of thought illustrated in +Holbein’s painting.</p> + +<p>In the preceding chapters the origin of the picture has been traced, +as well as a great part of its subsequent history. The lives of the two +men whose outward and visible forms it has preserved for us have been +followed in outline; and something has been seen of the circumstances +which helped to mould them to the types presented by the painter. It +now remains for us to examine in closer detail the work itself, and to +ascertain what traces it bears, beyond the mechanical correspondence +of dates and seasons, of the soil from which it sprang. The connection +will be found to be even closer and richer than might have been anticipated. +The picture reveals itself, in fact, as the exact logical outcome +of the circumstances which produced it.</p> + +<p>The very first thing which strikes the spectator, the contrast between +the swordsman on one side and the gownsman on the other, is +intensely characteristic of the era and profession of the two ambassadors.</p> + +<p>Brantôme has an amusing passage which well illustrates this point. +Himself a dashing swordsman, he inveighs with energy against the +preference exhibited by Francis I. for the employment of “gens de +robe longue” as ambassadors, rather than of those, in Brantôme’s +opinion, far superior, “de robe courte.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> He notes especially one +occasion at Rome when, according to his ideas, the swaggering attitude +of a swordsman would have better served the cause of the King of +France than the tame verbosity which, in his view, constituted the only +weapon of the man of the gown. The latter, in this instance, was doubly +represented by the Bishop of Mâcon and Monsieur de Vély, with both +of whom acquaintance has been made in the course of these pages.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[200]</span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Une chose voudrois-je bien scavoir,” he exclaims, “si ... il y eust eu +quelque brave et vaillant chevalier de l’Ordre du Roy, ou un capitaine de gensdarmes, +ou autre valeureux gentilhomme de main et de bonne espée et bravache, +... encor si l’Empereur se fust tant advancé en paroles, s’il n’eust pas songé +deux ou trois fois, quand il eust veu l’autre parler à luy et respondre bravement, +quelquesfois mettant la main sur le pommeau de l’espée, quelquesfois au costé +pour faire semblant de prendre sa dague, quelquesfois faire une desmarche brave, +quelquesfois tenir une posture altière, maintenant son bonnet enfoncé, maintenant +haussé avec sa plume,⁠<a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> ores au costé, ores au devant, ores en arrière, maintenant +laisser pencher à demy sa cappe⁠<a id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> comme qui voudroit l’entortiller à l’entour du +bras et tirer l’espée.... Au lieu que M. de Mascon et M. de Vely, encor qu’il +respondit un peu bien pour son estat et profession, ne pouvoit tenir autre contenance, +sinon quelquefois avec les doigts rabiller son bonnet carré, racoustrer, et +entendre bien, avec ses deux mains serrées et les pouces étendus, sa cornette de +taffetas, retrousser sa grande robbe de velours ou de satin sur les costez; tout +cela ne pouvoit donner la moindre terreur du monde, ny a penser rien de peur +dans l’âme.” ...⁠<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>So far the pen of the vivacious Brantôme. Without necessarily +endorsing his reasoning, it may be said that his words form a striking +comment on the costumes exhibited to us by Holbein, whose work must +now be examined in detail.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Description of the Picture.</span>—The Bailly of Troyes stands to the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[201]</span>left, the Bishop of Lavaur to the right, of a solid wooden table, of two +shelves, which occupies the centre of the painting.</p> + +<p>Dinteville is richly clad in a slashed doublet of rose-coloured satin, +a black jacket and surcoat. The latter is lined with ermine, with which +the shoulder-puffs, further adorned with gilt tags, are piped. The oval +medallion of the French Order of St. Michael is suspended from a gold +chain worn round the neck. With the right hand he grasps a gold +dagger, the elaborately-chased sheath of which bears the inscription: +<span class="allsmcap">AET. SVAE 29</span>. A large green and gold silk tassel, of surprisingly fine +execution, hangs, with the dagger, from his girdle.⁠<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> The hilt of a +sword, protruding from the surcoat, while its sheathed point may be +seen in the shadow near the ground, shows that Dinteville followed the +fashion, then almost universal in France, of wearing both dagger and +sword.⁠<a id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> His left arm reposes on the upper shelf of the table: the +tapering white fingers droop carelessly over its edge. The whole +attitude bespeaks easy self-confidence. On his head a small black +cap, worn jauntily on one side, is adorned by a diminutive silver skull +placed on a fanciful shield.</p> + +<p>The features of the Bailly of Troyes abound with vivacity and +intelligence. The ample dark hair is cut square on the forehead, and +worn full on either side of the face; the silky moustache and beard are +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[202]</span>of a rich chestnut-brown. Brilliant dark eyes, surmounted by strongly +marked brows, look straight at the spectator. A tinge of mockery +hovers in their glance, as well as in the curves of the small, firmly-closed +mouth. Notwithstanding vigour of type, and a certain effect of +burliness, partly due to the width of costume then in vogue, signs +are not wanting of the delicate health from which the Bailly so frequently +suffered. The excessive transparency of the warm, brown skin, +the almost hectic flush on the high cheek-bones, the refined, sharply-cut +eyelids and prominent eyes, all of which are rendered with +extraordinary skill by the painter, tell of a constitution the reverse of +robust.</p> + +<p>A marked contrast to Jean de Dinteville, the serious and somewhat +heavy figure of George de Selve next claims our attention. +Dressed in a long gown of chocolate-coloured brocade of large design, +lined with brown fur, the Bishop of Lavaur leans his right elbow on a +closed book, probably intended to represent some portion of the Holy +Scriptures.⁠<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> On the leaves of this book, which rests on the top shelf +of the double table, are the words: <span class="smcap">AETATIS SVE (<i>sic</i>) 25</span>. The square +Catholic cap crowns a head that is grave beyond its years. Like his +companion, Selve has abundant dark hair and beard. But, in his case, +their hue is deeper and colder; and the eyes which look out from +beneath the thick dark brows are still and lustreless. Indeed, the +contrast of vitality between the two figures is so great as to suggest the +fact we already know, that the bishop’s stay in England was of limited +duration, and that his portrait was probably not completed from life.</p> + +<p>The table which divides the two friends is covered by a Turkish +cloth and is littered with musical and mathematical instruments. A +celestial globe, placed near Dinteville, a sundial, a decagon, and other +geometrical paraphernalia, are scattered on the upper shelf. The +lower one is occupied by a terrestrial globe; a lute with a broken string +(the case of which is seen beneath the table); an open German hymn-book, +in which words and music are plainly legible; a German book of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[203]</span>arithmetic, kept open by a square; a pair of compasses, and some +flutes. The background of the picture is formed by a curtain of green +damask, which half-conceals a small silver Crucifix, hung high up in the +left-hand corner. The floor is a very beautiful one of coloured mosaic. +But the most striking feature of all this remarkable <i>mise-en-scène</i> is a +large oval object placed slanting-wise in the very centre of the foreground. +Close examination reveals this to be a skull, or Death’s-head, +distorted by reflection in a curved mirror.⁠<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a></p> + +<p>The threads of this complex web are woven into each other with +astonishing ingenuity. A few of the more interesting objects shall now +be described separately, which will pave the way for some account of +their significance in combination. The Death’s-head may serve as a +starting-point; the conspicuous position assigned to it at once revealing +its importance.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Death’s-Head.</span>—It has been pointed out by more than one +observer, beginning with the late Dr. Wornum,⁠<a id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> that the composition of +the “Ambassadors” bears striking resemblance to one of Holbein’s +illustrations of the “Dance of Death.” The design in question is the +last of the series, and is entitled “Die Wapen des Thotss” (“The +Arms of Death”).⁠<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> On either side of a central erection culminating in +an hour-glass and in a pair of skeleton arms in the act of projecting a +huge stone, stand a man and a woman, symbolical no doubt of human +life.⁠<a id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> In the foreground, corresponding exactly to the position occupied +by the distorted skull of the “Ambassadors,” is a Death’s-head, displayed +on a shield which resembles in general character the mount of +the silver skull which Dinteville wears in his cap.</p> + +<p>The repetition of the Death’s-head twice over in the picture of the +“Ambassadors,” the singular resemblance of the composition to the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[204]</span>design just described, the name borne by the latter, “The Arms of +Death,” solve at least one of the mysteries of the picture. Dinteville +had apparently made acquaintance in England with the “Dance of +Death” series, and had adopted the skull or Death’s-head—“die +Wapen des Thotss”—as his personal badge or <i>devise</i>.</p> + +<p>It can hardly be doubted that this is the true explanation of the +repeated symbols of Death that appear in the picture. Moreover, it may +be remembered that in one of the early sets of the “Dance of Death,” +which Dinteville may have seen, the design called “die Wapen des +Thotss” bears the alternative inscription: “Gedenck das end”—<i>memento +mori</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a></p> + +<p>The gloomy thought, perhaps, coincided with the ambassador’s +mood. He was often ill. The vision of Death hovered constantly +before his eyes. He declares to his brother that he is “the most +melancholy ambassador that ever was seen,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> and implores the Bishop +of Paris to procure his recall lest he leave in this country “his skin and +his bones.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> + The murder of Merveilles⁠<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> at Milan probably accentuated +his sinister forebodings and added to them the anticipation of a speedy +renewal of war. Under such circumstances the choice of the “Arms +of Death” for his <i>devise</i> seems but a natural outcome of his frame of +mind.</p> + +<p>Holbein’s “Dance of Death” was first published at Lyons in 1538. +The composition of the series belongs, however, to a much earlier date, +and was in fact completed before Holbein left Basle in 1526. The +death of the engraver, Hans Lützelburger, which occurred in the same +year, long delayed publication. But Holbein no doubt possessed +proofs of the engravings produced up to that period, several sets of +which still exist.⁠<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> There is therefore no difficulty in supposing that +Dinteville saw them when he was in England in 1533.</p> + +<p>“The device,” says a well-known writer on the subject,⁠<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> “was +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[205]</span>assumed for the purpose of mystification—was, in fact, an ingenious +expression of some particular conceit of the wearer containing a hidden +meaning.” It was not to be “so plain as to be understood by all, nor +so obscure as to require a sphinx to interpret.”</p> + +<p>In exact accordance with the conditions thus laid down, the large +Death’s-head in the picture of the “Ambassadors” is so ingeniously +contrived that the real significance is not apparent until the spectator +has discovered the proper spot from which to look at it. Then it +stands revealed, at once and incontrovertibly.</p> + +<p>The very shadow reflected in the glass has been painted in with +the skull that throws it: thus adding to the mystification by making +this shadow appear to fall in a different direction from the others of the +picture. The painted reflection is indeed but the shadow of the shadow +of Death; and, as such, not subject to the laws which govern things of +solid substance. It is, in fact, an emblem; not a reality.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Dagger.</span>—Richly chased in arabesque fruits and foliage +springing from the head and trunk of a satyr who occupies the centre of +the sheath, the gold dagger clasped in Dinteville’s right hand is a highly +characteristic specimen of Holbein’s design.</p> + +<p>On the sheath, just above the bold and clear inscription: <span class="allsmcap">AET. +SVAE 29</span>, there is a confused appearance of further minute lettering. +Although difficult or impossible to decipher now, it seems likely from +their position and shape that these parallel strokes were once legible +characters.⁠<a id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> Ornament of this form and in this place would be +meaningless. Properly speaking, a <i>devise</i> was composed of two parts, +emblem and motto; and here, if anywhere, the verbal half of the <i>devise</i> +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[206]</span>of the Death’s-head would naturally be sought, as it was a common +practice to introduce a motto upon some part of a weapon. Further, +such a motto would be likely to appear in a small and, probably, much +abbreviated form, in accordance with the rule that the <i>motif</i> of a device +should be concealed as deeply as possible.</p> + +<p>In addition to abbreviation, a barbaric compound of more than +one language occasionally figures as the motto of a dagger, intentionally +increasing the difficulties of interpretation. In the museum at Basle,⁠<a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> +there is a design after Holbein for the sheath of such a weapon, which, +on a space corresponding to that which, on Dinteville’s dagger, shows his +age, bears the mysterious inscription: <span class="allsmcap">MORQUNOT</span>. It has been suggested +that this strange conglomeration might be resolved into: <span class="smcap"><i>MOR</i>TE <i>QU</i>IESCAT +<i>NOT</i></span>; a hotch-potch of Latin and German which may be translated: +“Death stills all ills.” Precedents are not wanting in favour of a +polyglot reading of this kind. In this instance the meaning, if correct, +would gain satirical point by its position on a death-dealing weapon.</p> + +<p>Something of this kind, perhaps even this very motto in further +abbreviated form, may once have been expressed by the miniature +strokes on the sheath of Dinteville’s dagger. The two German books +open before him bring the supposed German ending of the motto +within the range of possibility. This reading is, however, purely +hypothetical; though there is a strong inherent probability that the +opening letters <span class="allsmcap">MOR</span> of the Basle design, contain an allusion to Death.</p> + +<p>It is not necessary, however, to pin our faith to any particular +motto. The number of adages that referred to Death was very large. +The often-repeated “Disce mori” (Learn to die) was the motto of +Sadoleto, Bishop of Carpentras, whose acquaintance has been made as +the friend of George de Selve. “La Mort n’y mord pas” was that of +the poet Clement Marot. Innumerable other instances might be +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[207]</span>quoted. The best known of them all, the familiar “Memento mori,” +was, as has been seen, inscribed, in one set of engravings, over “The +Arms of Death”; and through this circumstance comes into special +consideration here.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp83" id="illus15" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus15.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>DINTEVILLE’S DAGGER-SHEATH FROM THE PICTURE OF THE “AMBASSADORS.”</p> + <p>DESIGN FOR A DAGGER-SHEATH AFTER HOLBEIN, AT THE MUSEUM OF BASLE.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Order of St. Michael.</span>—This Order was founded in 1469 +by Louis XI., and was composed of thirty-six gentlemen with the +sovereign for their perpetual head. It was called the “Ordre du Roi,” +and was a coveted distinction for nearly a century after being instituted. +The Order of St. Michael was, in fact, the French equivalent of the +Order of the Garter in England, and of the Fleece in Spain. Throughout +the reign of Francis I., and for some time subsequently, it stood +alone as the one great order of France.⁠<a id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> The roll of the knights was +unfortunately destroyed during the French Revolution. But the names +of a good many of those admitted to the order under Francis I. and +his predecessors can be gathered from the pages of contemporary +literature, and show them invariably to have been persons in high +office or of distinguished family.</p> + +<p>The Grand Collar of the order, from which was suspended the +image of the Archangel, was composed of cockle-shells linked together +by a complicated system of chain-work.⁠<a id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a></p> + +<p>On certain occasions, carefully enumerated in the statutes, the +knights were, however, exempted from the obligation of wearing the +Collar. These exceptions shall be quoted in the words of the statutes. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[208]</span>After laying down the rule respecting the Grand Collar, article iii. +continues:⁠<a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“... excepté en armes, où il suffira seulement porter ledict imaige saint +Michel pendant a une chainette d’or ou lacet de soye, qui ainsi faire le vouldra. +Et pareillement quand ledict Souverain ou l’un desdicts Chevaliers iront par pays +ou seront en leurs maisons a privée, mesmes en chasse, ou en autres lieux ou ils +n’auront aucune compagnie ou assemblée de gens d’estat, ne seront point astrains +de porter ledict Grand Collier, fors seulement ledict imaige de l’Ordre en la façon +que dict est.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>It will be noted how precisely Holbein’s representation of the +Order coincides with the rules laid down in this extract for the “Petit +Ordre,” which Dinteville wears in the picture.</p> + +<p>This “Petit Ordre,” as it was called in opposition to the “Grand +Ordre” with the Collar of scallop-shells, was worn daily by the +knights. They were forbidden to part with the Order, or to discard +its use in one of the two forms, on any pretence whatever, even were +it to save their lives.⁠<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a></p> + +<p>The treatment of the pendant image of the saint came to vary +considerably as time went on. When worn with the Collar, it was +occasionally a clear-cut figure, without encircling rim, similar to the +English “George.” But the oval medallion of gold depicted by +Holbein was no doubt the usual and more correct form. It is to be +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">[209]</span>seen in innumerable French portraits of about this date. Several +instances may be found in the Louvre. In at least one of these—the +portrait of Francis I., attributed to Clouet⁠<a id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a>—the medallion, which here +has a black enamel rim, is <i>percé à jour</i> in similar fashion to that worn +by the Bailly of Troyes.</p> + +<p>Another good example, because within a short time contemporary +with the “Ambassadors,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> is seen in the portrait of Alfonso I. +d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, by Battista Dossi, which now hangs in the +Gallery at Modena. Here the medallion of the order is wholly +wrought in French colours, blue and gold. The border of the oval is +of leaf-pattern worked in gold; while the figures, also in gold, of the +Archangel and prostrate dragon are relieved upon a background of +bright blue enamel.</p> + +<p>Instances of these variations might, however, be multiplied indefinitely. +Within certain general limits, a good deal of liberty was +permitted to the designer. The forms of Archangel and fiend vary in +every fresh instance. The one essential point was that the image +should tell its story: that being given, individual taste settled the +rest. Nothing could be more fallacious than to apply the standards +of uniformity derived from an age of machine-work to the free fancy +and unfettered pencil of the sixteenth century.⁠<a id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Celestial Globe.</span>⁠<a id="FNanchor_441" href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a>—It has been a matter of some discussion +whether or not this globe is meant to record an astrological observation. +To settle the point, a photograph was submitted to the Astronomer Royal, +who kindly gave as his opinion that it appeared to represent an ordinary +celestial globe, which would also be used for astrological purposes, and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">[210]</span>in much the same way. It would therefore be impracticable to tell +from the picture whether an astrological, or simply an astronomical +observation were intended.</p> + +<p>Astrology apart, however, the central position awarded to “Galacia,” +the cock, a very ancient device of France, appears to suggest a secondary +meaning of another kind. The furious attitude of the game-bird, +apparently directed against the falling and flying vultures, would surely +be unnecessary, supposing a mere constellation to be represented. It +seems to symbolize the onslaught of France upon her foes, and their +ultimate downfall and flight.</p> + +<p>The celestial globe also stands here for Astronomy as one of the +Seven Liberal Arts.</p> + +<p>It is not known from what original this globe was copied.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Terrestrial Globe.</span>⁠<a id="FNanchor_442" href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a>—Much interest attaches to this instrument +both on its own account and for its special relations with +Dinteville’s life and career.</p> + +<p>From the point of view of the geographer it is interesting to find +that this hand-globe of small dimensions is a facsimile in size and contours +of that discovered in 1885 by the late Mr. Henry Stevens of Vermont.⁠<a id="FNanchor_443" href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> +As such, it affords a second example of a globe of which only Mr. +Stevens’ copy had hitherto been known to exist. The gores purchased +by him—for the globe was not found in finished form—gave rise to a +lively dispute among special students of the subject. Mr. Stevens at +once identified his find as the lost globe of Johann Schöner of 1523. +This view was maintained and further elaborated by the late Mr. +C. H. Coote of the British Museum, who, on the death, in 1886, of +Mr. Henry Stevens, edited that gentleman’s notes on the subject, and +added to them a valuable introduction.⁠<a id="FNanchor_444" href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp75" id="illus16" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus16.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>CELESTIAL GLOBE, FROM THE PICTURE OF THE “AMBASSADORS.”</p> + <p>(Reduced in scale.)</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[211]</span></p> + +<p>The attribution to Schöner was not, however, allowed to pass +unchallenged. Among other competent geographers who disputed the +claim, Baron Nordenskiöld and, in his wake, Mr. Justin Winsor,⁠<a id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> +asserted their conviction that the gores in question were those of a +spurious Hartmann globe dating from about 1540. The discovery +that it was painted by Holbein in 1533 of course put an end to this +theory.</p> + +<p>The date of the production of this globe is thus narrowed to a +possible range of about ten years. The track of the first circumnavigation +of the world by the Spaniards, laid down upon it, proves that it +cannot have been designed until after the return of that expedition in +1522. The fact of its appearance in Holbein’s “Ambassadors” shows +that it must have been published before 1533.</p> + +<p>All authorities agree in the opinion that this globe was made at +Nuremberg. Amongst other indications, the name of that city is +marked conspicuously in the centre of Europe, and rendered with +equal emphasis by Holbein.</p> + +<p>A curious feature is the line of demarcation fixed by Pope +Alexander VI. to divide the Spanish and Portuguese possessions of +the new world. This line is explained in the original globe and in its +copy by Holbein by the words: “Linea Division̄is Castellorū et +Portugallen̄.”</p> + +<p>Two little ships are to be seen on the Nuremberg gores. They +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[212]</span>show the course of Magellan’s voyage, the line of which is traced all +round the world. These two ships are reproduced by Holbein, one +north, one south of the Equator, in about the same positions as those +marked on the gores. But the line of circumnavigation is omitted, +because Magellan’s voyage was not the point to which it was, in this +case, intended to draw attention, nor the object for which the globe +was depicted.</p> + +<p>A careful comparison shows that the two globes have about a +hundred names in common: identical save for one or two trifling +variations of orthography.</p> + +<p>A more striking divergence is seen in a number of names inserted +in Holbein’s globe, which are not found upon the original. These +additions are all in Europe, and principally in France and Spain. The +writer is informed on highly competent authority⁠<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> that no professional +map-maker would have crowded this quantity of names on to a hand-globe +of small dimensions. All the extra words must have been +added by an amateur for some special reason.</p> + +<p>The truth of this observation is at once made manifest by the fact +that “Polisy,” the name of Dinteville’s Château in Burgundy, is +amongst the places marked in France.</p> + +<p>A further curious point makes it doubly clear that the object was +to invite the spectator’s attention to certain centres in Europe of peculiar +interest to the ambassador. The position of the globe in the picture is +such, handle downwards, that the names marked upon it, if copied exactly +from the model, would naturally appear wrong side up. This is, in +fact, the case with the large continent of “Affrica,” which had no connection +with the purposes in view. But, in the continent of Europe, +the names are placed by Holbein <i>in reversed position</i>, so as to be easily +legible.⁠<a id="FNanchor_447" href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a></p> + +<p>The places added, no doubt on Dinteville’s initiative, are nearly +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[213]</span>twenty in number. They consist of five provinces⁠<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> + and four towns,⁠<a id="FNanchor_449" href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> including +Polisy, inserted in France; four provinces in Spain,⁠<a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> two cities +in Italy;⁠<a id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> Sinus Adriaticus; and the telling names, Servia, Polonia, and +Saxonia.</p> + +<p>The additions are precisely such as an acquaintance with Dinteville’s +life and career would lead us to look for.</p> + +<p>France is naturally the country where he has chiefly increased their +number. His native Burgundy; his home at Polisy; Paris and Lyons, +where he had spent so much of his life at Court; Bayonne, the seat of +many important negotiations during the troubles with Spain; Brittany, +recently incorporated with the French Crown; Languedoc, of which his +cousin and protector Montmorency was the Governor: these are amongst +the first names we should expect to find, and do find, inserted.</p> + +<p>Spain ranks second in the proportion of places added—a fact +sufficiently explained by the relations of France with Charles V., which +dominated the whole tenour of her diplomacy. Moreover, Spain was +familiar ground to Dinteville’s brothers, if not to himself. Vanlay had +been employed to carry despatches between France and Spain during +the negotiations which preceded the Treaty of Madrid. Deschenetz +had been brought up in the household of Henry, Count of Nassau, at +the Spanish Court.⁠<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> Louis de Dinteville had been sent thither as +ambassador by the Knights of St. John.⁠<a id="FNanchor_453" href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> Here then were links enough +to give that country a prominence second only to France in the estimation +of the Bailly of Troyes. But it was probably the political aspect +which he chiefly intended to emphasize. The key to Dinteville’s +additions to the globe, outside France, is to be found in the course of +French diplomacy between 1525 and 1533.</p> + +<p>Rome, placed by her great position in the forefront of public affairs, +seems an addition natural enough to the map of Italy. The recent +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[214]</span>mission of the Bishop of Auxerre to the Holy See gave a touch of personal +interest to the political importance of the name.⁠<a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> Genoa, the second +city added to Italy, was still claimed by the King of France as his rightful +possession and included in his titles. Venice, the great emporium +of South German commerce with the East, was already marked on the +Nuremberg globe. Closely allied with France, the city of the Lagoons +was the port through which all her secret negotiations with the Turk +were conducted. Thence the various emissaries despatched by the +French King traversed the Adriatic to reach the court of Solyman. +It is therefore not surprising to find that Dinteville has included Sinus +Adriaticus in his list of additions, and that Servia, whose capital, +Belgrade, had been conquered by the ally of France, Solyman II., finds +a conspicuous place among the countries of Southern Europe. Constantinople +was already marked on the model globe.</p> + +<p>Polonia and Saxonia are the two additions which remain to be +considered. These names represent two further powers allied with +France: Sigismund, King of Poland, and the Protestant princes of +Germany, at whose head stood the Elector of Saxony.</p> + +<p>Thus we have in Dinteville’s additions to the globe a kind of +epitome of the foreign relations of France, in the period which +immediately preceded the creation of the picture. It will presently +be seen that the Lutheran Hymn-book, placed near the Bishop of +Lavaur, is equally symbolical of her religious diplomacy.</p> + +<p>The interpretation thus arrived at is the necessary corollary of the +choice of names made by the Bailly for insertion upon the globe. To +imagine those additions to be the result of pure chance would be to +suppose an effect without a cause. The single fact among them of +the word “Polisy” forbids such an idea. If it was worth while to +insert them at all, they must have been the result of some principle of +selection: a mere globe could have been simply copied from the +model.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp64" id="illus17" style="max-width: 37.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus17.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>TERRESTRIAL GLOBE, FROM THE PICTURE OF THE “AMBASSADORS.”</p> + <p>(Reduced in scale.)</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp80" id="illus18" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus18.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>GORES OF THE NUREMBERG GLOBE COPIED BY HOLBEIN.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>The following is a complete list of the names marked, in the given +hemisphere, on either globe. Dinteville’s additions have been printed +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">[215]</span>in <i>italic</i> type, for convenience of comparison. In a few instances, where +the surface of the picture has been slightly damaged, portions of names +have become obliterated; but in all cases where the words do not form +part of Dinteville’s additions, the parent globe supplies the defective +letters.</p> + +<table> + <tr> + <th><span class="smcap">List of Names on the Stevens Globe.</span></th> + <th><span class="smcap">List of Names on Holbein’s Globe.</span></th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Insula Espaliola</td> + <td>.....a .sp......</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Antiglie Insule</td> + <td>Antiglie Insul..</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Accores</td> + <td>Accores</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Medera</td> + <td>Medera</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Canarie</td> + <td>Canarie</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>S. Anthoni</td> + <td>S. Anthoni</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>S. Jacobi</td> + <td>S. Jacobi</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Insule Hesperide</td> + <td>Insule Hesperidū</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>S. Thome</td> + <td>S. Thome</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Brisilici terra</td> + <td>Brisilici R.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Islandia</td> + <td>Isl.....</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Europa</td> + <td>Europa</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Angli</td> + <td>Angli</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Scocia</td> + <td>Scocia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Ibernia</td> + <td>Ibernia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Lisibono</span></td> + <td>Portugal</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Hispania</td> + <td>Hispania</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Castil</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Aragon</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Navar</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Grana</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Francia</td> + <td>Francia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Pritann</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Norma..ia</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Avern</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Burgund</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Languedoc</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;"><i>P..ris</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;"><i>Leon</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;"><i>Polisy</i>⁠<a id="FNanchor_455" href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;"><i>Baion</i></span><span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[216]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Italia</td> + <td>Italia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;"><i>Roma</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Venetia</span></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Venecie</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;"><i>Genua</i></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Maiorica</td> + <td>Maiorica</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Minorica</td> + <td>Minorica</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Corsica</td> + <td>Corsica</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Sardinia</td> + <td>Sardinia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Sicilia</td> + <td>Sicilia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Creta</td> + <td>Creta</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Rodis</td> + <td>Rodis</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Ciprꝰ</td> + <td>Cipra</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Germania</td> + <td>Germania</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Nurēberga</span></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Nurēberga</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><i>Saxonia</i></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><i>Polonia</i></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><i>Servia</i></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Cōstāti</span></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Cōstāti</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Prussia</td> + <td>Prussia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Dacia</td> + <td>Dacia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Russia</td> + <td>Russia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Grecia</td> + <td>Greci</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Dalma</td> + <td>Dalmacia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Cremani</td> + <td>Cremania</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Norbegia</td> + <td>Norbegia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Scania</td> + <td>Scania</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Svetia</td> + <td>Svetia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Lappia</td> + <td>Lappia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Russia (second time)</td> + <td>Russia (second time)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Desertū magnū</td> + <td>Desertū m....</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Naymano rum reg:</td> + <td>N.... .....</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Livonia</td> + <td>Livonia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Moscovia</td> + <td>Moscovia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Bulgaria</td> + <td>Bulgaria</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Tartaria Cumanie</td> + <td>Tartaria Cumanie</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Bisermino um terra</td> + <td>Bisermino um terra</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Tartaria Corasine</td> + <td>Tartari.. Corasine</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Tartaria Torqueste</td> + <td>Tartaria Tor..ues..e</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Cambera</td> + <td>C..m....<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">[217]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Persarū reg:</td> + <td>Persarū Reg..</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Chaldea</td> + <td>Chaldea</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Nagai</td> + <td>Nagai</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Iberia</td> + <td>Iberia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Turchia</td> + <td>Turchia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Armenia</td> + <td>Armenia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Georgia</td> + <td>Georgia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Mosalia</td> + <td>Mosalia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Mesopotamia</td> + <td>Mesopotamia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Siria</td> + <td>Syria</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Jerosolima</span></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Jerosolima</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Arabia Sterilis</td> + <td>Arabia Sterilis</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">ᵒMecha</span></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">ᵒM....</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Arabia Felix et Leaman</td> + <td>...... ..... .. L..man</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Aden</span></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Aden</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Affrica</td> + <td>Affrica</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Barbaria</td> + <td>Barbaria</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Fessa</span></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Fessa</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Getulia</td> + <td>Getulia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Senega</td> + <td>Senega</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>C. Viride</td> + <td>C. Viride</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Ginoia</td> + <td>Ginoia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>C. de palmis</td> + <td>C. di Palmis</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Libya Interior</td> + <td>Libia Interior</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Libya desertum</td> + <td>Libie Desertum</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Marmarica</td> + <td>Marmarica</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Egiptꝰ</td> + <td>Egiptꝰ</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Alexā</span></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Alexā</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="nw">Habesch presbyter Joannes⁠<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a></td> + <td>Habesch ..esbiter ...nnes⁠<a href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Ethiopia</td> + <td>Ethiopia</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Ethiopia sub Egiptꝰ</td> + <td>Ethiopia sub Egiptꝰ</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Seyla</span></td> + <td><span style="margin-left: 4em;">...la</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Orguene Regnū</td> + <td>Orguene Regnū</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Melli regnū</td> + <td>Melli Regnū</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Nubie regnū</td> + <td>Nubi.. Regnū</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Rio de Camareos</td> + <td>Rio de Camareos</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Rio de Gaban</td> + <td>Rio de G.....</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Angra das Aldas</td> + <td>An... ... .....<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[218]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdc" colspan="2">(Seas, Gulfs, etc.)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td><i>Sinꝰ Adriaticus</i></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Pōtꝰ Euxinꝰ</td> + <td>Pōtꝰ Euxinꝰ</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Hircanū et Caspiū.. mā</td> + <td>Hircanū et Caspiū Ma..</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Persicū et Bessara Si.</td> + <td>Persicū et Bes...a Si..</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Arabicꝰ Sinꝰ</td> + <td>Arabicꝰ Sin...</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdc" colspan="2">(Rivers.)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Renꝰ</td> + <td>(Rhine marked but not named)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Danubiꝰ</td> + <td>Danubius</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Neper Fl.</td> + <td>Neper Fl.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Meroe Nilꝰ Fl.</td> + <td>Meroe Nilꝰ Fl.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Troglodite</td> + <td>Troglo....</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Mãgi Congo</td> + <td>Mãgi Congo</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Tanais</td> + <td>Tanais</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td>(The Seine and Rhone are also marked by Holbein, but unnamed)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdc" colspan="2">(Divisional Lines, etc.)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Arcticꝰ Circulꝰ</td> + <td>Arct.. ......</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Tropicꝰ Cancri</td> + <td>Tropicꝰ Cancri</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Equinoctialis circulꝰ</td> + <td>Æquinoccialis Circulꝰ</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Tropicꝰ Capricorni</td> + <td>Tropicꝰ Capricorni</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Linea divisionis Castellanorū et Portugallen̄</td> + <td>Linea Divisionis Castellanorū et Portugallen̄</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer8.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">[219]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header3.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="PART_IV_CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br> +<span class="smcap">The Lutheran Hymn-Book—The Book of Arithmetic—The +Geometrical Instruments—The Mosaic Pavement—The +Lute—The Seven Liberal Arts—The Silver +Crucifix—Occult Science—Conclusion</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-t.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap"><span class="smcap">The Lutheran Hymn-Book.</span>—The introduction of a +German Hymn-book on the lower shelf of the table, +near George de Selve, tends to confirm the belief that the +Bishop of Lavaur had already been sent to Germany in +a diplomatic capacity as early as 1529, and had there probably attended +the Diet of Spires.⁠<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a> Certainly, no two hymns could better exemplify +his views regarding religious reunion than those selected in the picture.</p> + +<p>On the left-hand page is seen the “Veni Creator Spiritus” in +Luther’s German rendering: on the right, Luther’s “Shortened +Version of the Ten Commandments.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_458" href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus19" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus19.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>HYMN BOOK FROM THE PICTURE OF THE “AMBASSADORS.”</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>Both these hymns are to be found in Johann Walther’s “Geystliche +Gesangbüchlein,” published at Wittemberg in 1524.⁠<a id="FNanchor_459" href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> This, the +first Lutheran Hymn-book containing music as well as words which +was used in the Reformed Churches of Germany, was the basis +of numerous later editions, chiefly published in South Germany. A +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[220]</span>distinguishing mark of Walther’s “Gesangbuch,” in which it is followed +by all these South German reproductions, is the preservation +of the old word “Glast,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> instead of the more modern “Glantz,” in +the hymn “Kom Heiliger Geyst.” This feature may be observed in +Holbein’s copy. A slight difference in the termination of each verse +suggests that the example he had before him may have belonged to one +of the later editions referred to above. If so, that edition must have +followed the original very closely; for the actual number XIX. placed +by Walther over the second hymn, “Mensch wiltu leben seliglich,” is +copied into the picture. Either by inadvertence, or because the first +hymn, “Kom Heiliger Geyst,” was here intended to figure only as an +antiphon,⁠<a id="FNanchor_461" href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> the number is however placed by the painter over “Kom +Heiliger Geyst,” instead of over “Mensch wiltu.”</p> + +<p>The following is the exact text of the two hymns, as given in the +Chorale-book of the “Ambassadors”:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="center">XIX.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">KOm Heiliger Geyst Herregott</div> + <div class="verse indent0">erfüll mit Deiner gnaden gut</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Deiner gleubgē Hertz mut un̄ sin</div> + <div class="verse indent0">dein brūstig lib entzūd in ihn.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">O Herr durch Deines lichtes glast</div> + <div class="verse indent0">zu dem glaubē versamlet hast</div> + <div class="verse indent0">das volck aller Welt zungē</div> + <div class="verse indent0">[das sey] dir Herzu lob gesungen gesungen.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">[221]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">[On the opposite page:]</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Mensch wiltu leben seliglich</div> + <div class="verse indent0">und bei Gott bliben e[wiglich]</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Soltu halten die zehen gebot</div> + <div class="verse indent0">die uns gebeut unser Gott unser [Gott]</div> + <div class="verse indent34">D[ein]....⁠<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p>Coming now to the setting of the two hymns, it is to be remarked +that while Walther preserved the old and familiar melody of “Kom +Heiliger Geyst,” the music of “Mensch wiltu leben seliglich” first +appeared in the “Gesangbuch” of 1524.⁠<a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> The melody of the former hymn +is in the treble part, that of the second in the tenor. As the book copied +in Holbein’s picture is a tenor part-book, only the counterpoint sung by +that voice is found to the hymn “Kom Heiliger Geyst”; while, to the +second hymn, the melody is given, which in this instance resided in the +tenor.⁠<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a></p> + +<p>The reader who has followed the career of the Bishop of Lavaur +through the earlier pages of this volume will have seen how large a +part the hope of religious reunion between the Roman Catholic and +Reformed Churches played in his life. To find means to promote +that end was the object of his most earnest thought; to see it accomplished, +the dearest wish of his heart. The healing of the schism, so +the bishop held, could only be sought in a better endeavour, under +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">[222]</span>guidance from above, to live in conformity with the divine teaching. +When therefore it is found that the two hymns chosen in Holbein’s +picture to emphasize this point are “Come, Holy Ghost” and the +“Ten Commandments,” it is evident that a more telling selection +could not have been made.</p> + +<p>Had a Latin text of the “Veni Creator” and the Commandments +been chosen, in accordance with the use of the Roman Catholic +Church, they would have conveyed nothing to the spectator of the +Lutheran schism and of efforts towards reunion. But the German +version at once emphasizes the desired point.</p> + +<p>The doctrine expressed by these two hymns belonged, moreover, +to all Christian bodies, orthodox or the reverse. They therefore appeared +singularly fitted to furnish the common ground so much desired.</p> + +<p>The “Veni Creator Spiritus” was (and still is) the great hymn of +Christendom for all specially solemn occasions. Selve must have heard +it on the opening day of the Diet of Spires. Soon he would again listen +to its strains, on the occasion of his own consecration as bishop.⁠<a id="FNanchor_465" href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> In +the Lutheran churches it was sung on all Sundays and Festivals.⁠<a id="FNanchor_466" href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> Thus, +no hymn had a more universal character.</p> + +<p>It has been plausibly suggested that some of the German objects +introduced into the picture may have been a loan from Nicolas Kratzer, +the astronomer. In the present instance, however, this idea does not +commend itself as probable. There does not seem any reason to +suppose that Kratzer, an orthodox Catholic, who had no professional +relationship with theology, was the possessor of a collection of Lutheran +hymns. If not the property of the Bishop of Lavaur, the book may +easily have belonged to Cranmer. Official ties had brought him into +contact with the Bailly of Troyes;⁠<a id="FNanchor_467" href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> while the connections of the archbishop +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[223]</span>with the Protestants of South Germany are well known.⁠<a id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> But +it is not necessary to push the question further, for the channels were +multitudinous, both within and without the Steelyard, through which +the Hymn-book might have been obtained.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Book of Arithmetic.</span>—If a satisfactory reason is forthcoming +for the representation of the Hymn-book in the German tongue, what +can be said to account for the fact that the book of Arithmetic is +couched in the same language?</p> + +<p>The question brings the reader to one of the <i>collective</i> meanings of +the picture. The language of this book, significantly kept open by a +square, was probably a matter of indifference, being introduced, so far +as can be seen, only to symbolize Arithmetic as one of the Seven Liberal +Arts. The interest centred on the numbers, not on the nationality of +the book. Any well-known manual of arithmetic, in any language, +would have attained this object.</p> + +<p>Some separate significance, which it has not been possible to +fathom, may of course attach to the book beyond the one here +specified; many of the objects of the <i>mise-en-scène</i> being made to do +duty two or three times over, first singly, and then in varied combination.</p> + +<p>It may be noted also that the Bailly of Troyes shared, to the fullest +extent, the love of his time and country for setting such riddles deep. +The whole picture is conceived in that spirit of the <i>devise</i> which was +“assumed for the purpose of mystification” and contained “a hidden +meaning.” If the use of the German language, with which both +ambassadors were probably familiar, would complicate the problem of +interpretation, Dinteville would have been likely to prefer it for that +very reason.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[224]</span></p> + +<p>The “Merchant’s Arithmetic Book” selected to represent one +branch of the Seven Liberal Arts, was a widely disseminated manual at +the period under consideration, and was therefore eminently representative +of the subject of which it treats.⁠<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> The exact title is: “Eyn Newe +unnd wolgegründte underweysung aller Kauffmannss Rechnung in +dreyen büchern ... durch Petrum Apianū von Leyssnick u. Astronomei +zu Ingoldstat Ordinariū verfertiget.” (A new and well-grounded +Instruction in all Merchant’s Arithmetic, in three books ... compiled +by Peter Apian of Leisnig, Astronomer in Ordinary at Ingoldstadt.) +The colophon reads; “Gedrückt und volendt zu Ingoldstadt durch +Georgium Apianum von Leyssnick im Jar nach der Geburt Christi +1527 am 9. tag Augusti.” (Printed and completed at Ingoldstadt by +George Apian of Leisnig, in the year after the birth of Christ 1527, on +the 9th day of August.)⁠<a id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> The page copied by Holbein is in Book III., +Q 8, verso.⁠<a id="FNanchor_471" href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a></p> + +<p>This manual of arithmetic may have been borrowed from one of +the merchants of the Steelyard, or possibly from Kratzer.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Some of the Geometrical Instruments.</span>—Several of these instruments +are repetitions of those introduced by Holbein into his portrait +of Nicolas Kratzer, painted in 1528.⁠<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> Such are the compasses, seen +on the lower portion of the wooden stand; and the columnar dial, the +astrolabe, and the decagon, placed upon the upper shelf.</p> + +<p>It has been suggested that the torquetum which occupies a conspicuous +position on the top of the table, represents an instrument +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[225]</span>invented by Apian, of which an illustration is given by him in a book +published this very year (1533).⁠<a id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> Variations of this instrument, +however, are not, it appears, uncommon at about this period. Nevertheless, +the attribution to Apian does not seem improbable, bearing in +mind that he was also the author of the book of Arithmetic and was a +compatriot of Kratzer’s.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp48" id="illus20" style="max-width: 28.125em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus20.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>BOOK OF ARITHMETIC, FROM THE PICTURE OF THE “AMBASSADORS.” + (Reduced in scale.)</p> + <p>PAGE OF APIAN’S “MERCHANT’S ARITHMETIC” COPIED BY HOLBEIN. + (Reduced in scale.)</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>A curious question arises in connection with the hands of some +of the instruments, the shadows from which fall perplexingly at +cross-purposes, pointing sometimes one way, sometimes another. The +reader must please himself in deciding whether this was done to bring +out special numbers and indicate definite, though now inexplicable meanings, +or whether it was merely the result of carelessness on the part of +assistants who probably executed some of the mechanical details. In +the case of the Death’s-head, the divergence of the shadow was too +remarkable to be attributed to accident, and was, moreover, accounted +for by having been painted from a reflection. But in the <i>minutiæ</i> of +some of the mathematical instruments, such lapses from strict science +may be due to chance, and are not unknown to Holbein’s practice. In +the series of the Seven Liberal Arts, these instruments help to +symbolize Astronomy and Geometry.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Mosaic Pavement.</span>—It is an easy step from these illustrations +of mathematical science to the further symbol of Geometry, the +beautiful floor of “Opus Alexandrinum,” unique in Holbein’s performance, +and perhaps in the annals of pictorial art. And it is surely a +point of high interest to observe that this design is an accurate copy +of the well-known mosaic pavement in the Sanctuary of Westminster +Abbey, for the construction of which marbles and workmen were +brought from Italy by Abbot Richard Ware in the reign of Henry III. +Nothing brings the English sojourn of the great painter more closely +home to us, than to fancy him wandering through the aisles of the venerable +Abbey—venerable even then—to sketch the outlines of the historic +pavement trodden by so many generations before and since that time.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[226]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus21" style="max-width: 37.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus21.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <table> + <tr> + <td style="padding-left: 0;"><p><span class="nw">DESIGN OF THE + MOSAIC PAVEMENT</span> IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY, WITH DETAILS OF PATTERNS.</p></td> + <td><p><span class="nw">DESIGN OF THE MOSAIC PAVEMENT</span> IN + HOLBEIN’S PICTURE, WITH DETAILS OF PATTERNS.</p></td> + </tr> + </table> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>The mosaic pavement of Westminster consists of a square centre +filled with interwoven circles, and flanked on either side by oblong +strips, which complete the width of the Sanctuary.⁠<a id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> The square +centre contains the portion copied by Holbein in the floor of the +“Ambassadors.” Range upon range of beautiful patterns adorn the +interlacing circles of the Westminster mosaic. The reduced scale and +perspective view necessary for the picture, has obliged Holbein to +simplify some of these to a certain extent. Occasionally he has +borrowed smaller patterns from the narrower strips of mosaic on either +side of the central figure. But in several instances the patterns are +copied with undeviating precision; while the main lines of the great +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[227]</span>central figure itself, in reversed order, are reproduced in the painting +with the utmost fidelity. The colouring is slightly varied to meet the +exigencies of another art.</p> + +<p>In the presence of so much that is accurate, one notable deviation +strikes the eye. The central circle of the Westminster mosaic is filled, +at the present day, with a plain round slab of marble, somewhat similar +to those which Holbein has placed in the angles of his reproduction. +The central circle of the mosaic of the “Ambassadors,” on the other +hand, contains a six-pointed star: that double triangle which in a +thousand applications played so large a part in the emblematic art of +the Middle Ages. A famous figure of Geometry, it was equally well +known as the symbol of the Trinity and as the mystical “Solomon’s +Seal” of the alchymists.</p> + +<p>The first question that arises when considering this discrepancy +is whether any alteration has taken place in the central ornament of the +Westminster mosaic since the painter sketched it?</p> + +<p>Probably this has been the case. The pavement has been much +patched and repaired at various times, and, in the judgment of the late +Sir Gilbert Scott, “the eye of the great centre circle has a very modern +look.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> If the six-pointed star once adorned that centre, Holbein’s +picture has preserved for us an interesting record of the appearance it +then presented.</p> + +<p>If, on the other hand, the further surmise of Sir Gilbert Scott is +correct, that the centre was “probably originally occupied with an +engraved plate of brass,” an unsuitable subject for the painter, the +latter would not have had far to seek for the star he has introduced. +That ornament was to be seen in abundance, on a small scale, in the +mosaics of the Shrine of Edward the Confessor and elsewhere in the +Abbey.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Lute.</span>—Balancing the terrestrial globe on the lower shelf of +the table, a ten-stringed lute divides the two books already described.⁠<a id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[228]</span></p> + +<p>Taken in its most obvious application, this instrument serves as +an illustration of Music in the Seven Liberal Arts.</p> + +<p>Closer inspection reveals, however, that one string of the lute <i>is +broken</i>—a discovery which yields some further curious results.</p> + +<p>It is hardly necessary to dwell on the universally accepted interpretation +of a broken string as an emblem of Death. In the lute we +have thus a further insistence on those melancholy symbols which play +so large a part in the composition of the picture.</p> + +<p>But, beyond this, another more specialized meaning may perhaps +have been intended, which, remembering the political import of the +terrestrial globe and book of chorales, seems worth consideration.</p> + +<p>In the first known edition of Alciati’s “Emblems,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> there is one +inscribed “Fœdera Italorum.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_478" href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> It is composed, as usual, of two +parts: the pictorial device and explanatory text. In this instance the +former is a lute⁠<a id="FNanchor_479" href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> and the accompanying Latin poem expounds the +author’s meaning in selecting that symbol. The significance is wholly +political. The latest commentator of Alciati believes that this emblem +was composed to commemorate the League of Cognac of 1526,⁠<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> which, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[229]</span>as already explained, united the princes of Italy in a common bond +with France and England against the Emperor. Italian patriots +anticipated from this league a cessation of those internecine feuds by +which their unhappy country had been rent no less than by the intrigues +and invasions of foreigners. It was this hope of peace which inspired +the choice and composition of the emblem presented by Alciati to +his sovereign, the Duke of Milan.</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">“Hanc citharam a lembi quæ formâ halieutica fertur,</div> + <div class="verse indent2">Vendicat et propriam Musa latina sibi,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Accipe Dux; placeat nostrum hoc tibi tempore munus,</div> + <div class="verse indent2">Quo nova cum socijs fœdera inire paras.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Difficile est, nisi docto homini tot tendere chordas:</div> + <div class="verse indent2">Unaque si fuerit non bene tenta fides,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ruptave (quod facile est) perit omnis gratia concha</div> + <div class="verse indent2">Illique præcellens cantus ineptus erit.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sic Itali coërunt proceres in fœdera: concors</div> + <div class="verse indent2">Nil est quod timeas, si tibi constet amor:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">At si aliquis desciscat (uti plerumque videmus)</div> + <div class="verse indent2">In nihilum illa omnis solvitur harmonia.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">“This lute, called ‘Fisher’ for its boat-like form,</div> + <div class="verse indent2">And claimed by Muse of Latium for her own,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Lord Duke, accept; as welcome at this time,</div> + <div class="verse indent2">When you are bent on new alliances.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">’Tis hard, save for skilled hands, these chords to tune;</div> + <div class="verse indent2">And be there one ill-tuned or broken string,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Easy mischance! all grace of music dies,</div> + <div class="verse indent2">And disconcerted is the concert fair.</div> +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">[230]</span> <div class="verse indent0">So, when the lords of Italy unite</div> + <div class="verse indent2">In congress, fear not whilst good will stands firm,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">But if (as chanceth oft) one start aside,</div> + <div class="verse indent2">Dissolved is harmony, and comes to nought.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_481" href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p>It is easy to see how striking is the application of this emblem to +the events which took place in the summer of 1533 at Milan, the actual +centre for which it was composed. Nothing could more aptly illustrate +Alciati’s metaphor of the broken string than the sudden secession of +the Duke of Milan from his alliance with France—an alliance which +was a leading feature of that very League to celebrate which the +emblem is believed to have been composed. The startling manner of +Sforza’s defection, proclaimed by the ruthless murder of the French +envoy, Merveilles, emphasizes the point.⁠<a id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a> The very hand in which +Alciati had placed his exhortation to peace had roughly snapped the +string of the lute. In a moment the face of French politics was +changed. The clash of arms in the near future seemed the only +possible reply to the affront. The jangle of discord was all that +remained of the fair promise of harmony.</p> + +<p>Viewed in this light, the lute of Holbein’s “Ambassadors” acquires +a meaning which well agrees with the important position assigned to +it in the picture and with the political significance of some of the +surrounding objects.</p> + +<p>It is of course neither possible nor desirable to press an interpretation +of this kind too far. But, considering the enormous popularity +of Alciati’s emblems, and the practical certainty that Dinteville was +familiar with them, the suggestion can hardly be considered far-fetched +or improbable.</p> + +<p>It seems likely enough, indeed, that the ambassador was personally +acquainted with Alciati. At the very time when the picture was being +painted, that great jurisconsult was filling the Chair of Law at +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[231]</span>Bourges, which he held from 1529 to 1534. His fame was immense, +and hearers flocked to his lectures. Francis I. himself was occasionally +counted amongst his audience; and it seems tolerably certain +that Dinteville, whose life, when in France, was spent almost +entirely at Court, must have been present at one or other of these +discourses.</p> + +<p>Just at the same moment, the Augsburg edition of the “Emblems” +was achieving popularity by leaps and bounds. The woodcuts that it +contained were, however, very inadequate; and, anxious to remedy +this defect, Alciati was now occupied in arranging with the printer, +Christian Wechel, to bring out an improved and refined edition at Paris.⁠<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> +In short, the threads which connected Alciati with France, and with +the familiar surroundings of the Bailly of Troyes, were numerous, and +appear to place beyond doubt the acquaintance of the latter with the +“Book of Emblems.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Seven Liberal Arts</span> occupy a considerable place in the +scheme of the picture. Having been frequently alluded to in detail, +their collective appearance shall now be briefly summed up.</p> + +<p>It has already been stated⁠<a id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> that these were divided into two parts. +The first group, comprising Grammar, Logic, and Rhetoric, had to do +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[232]</span>with the things of speech. The two ambassadors themselves, whose +profession at that period was largely dependent on the dialectic skill of +the negotiator, may be held to personify this division.</p> + +<p>The second part was concerned with things of fact, and embraced +Music, Arithmetic, Geometry, and Astronomy.</p> + +<p>Music is represented by the Lute, the Hymn-book, and the Case +of Flutes.</p> + +<p>Arithmetic is symbolized by Apian’s “Kauffmannss Rechnung.”</p> + +<p>Geometry is illustrated by the various mathematical instruments, +including the Square and Compasses, and by the Mosaic Pavement.</p> + +<p>Astronomy shares with Geometry many of the mathematical instruments, +and is further represented by the two Globes, celestial and +terrestrial.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Silver Crucifix.</span>—This is perhaps the most puzzling object +of the whole elaborate <i>mise-en-scène</i>. Pushed away in the upper corner +of the picture, as inconspicuously as possible, half-hidden half-revealed +by the green drapery of the background, the very fact of its mysterious +introduction in such varied surroundings announces some definite +object to be attained by its presence. Was it placed there in allusion +to the sacred calling of the Bishop of Lavaur? Was it intended as a +further indication of the only means by which, in his opinion, the +divisions of the Church could be healed and unity re-established?</p> + +<p>The Crucifix hangs, however, above Dinteville, not above George +de Selve. But there is no doubt that the Bailly of Troyes and the +liberal Catholic party in France, led by the Du Bellay brothers, fully +shared the bishop’s views. Reunion on the basis of the common +grounds of faith formed the essence of their ecclesiastical policy—a +policy which was just now reaching its climax. In secular diplomacy, +these efforts towards a better understanding with the Protestants of +Germany, corresponded with the anti-Imperial alliances which Dinteville +so fervently upheld, and which he illustrated by his additions to the +terrestrial globe.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Occult Sciences.</span>—Whether the picture contains, besides +its more palpable meanings, any hint in the direction of alchemy and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">[233]</span>astrology, would seem to be a moot point. Votaries of occult science +would probably claim the presence of the mystic “Solomon’s Seal” in +the mosaic floor as evidence in their favour, and might further be +disposed to deduce many things from the presence of the square and +compasses, and from the choice and arrangement of the numbers +indicated by the various instruments. On that abstruse path the +writer cannot pretend to follow them.</p> + +<p>It is a fact, however, that just at this period such pursuits were at +the height of fashion, not only in France, but throughout the educated +circles of Europe. Men of the highest intelligence, such, for instance, +as Pirkheimer, at Nuremberg, still believed in them and set horoscopes;⁠<a id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> +whilst the subject of the transmutation of metals claimed +general attention. At the Court of France, where the protection +afforded by the king to humanistic studies made all branches of +learning, or <i>quasi</i>-learning, fashionable, the mediæval sciences were +specially in vogue. “On s’applique surtout aux fausses sciences,” says +M. Decrue de Stoutz, writing of the French Court at this period. +“L’astrologie et l’alchimie ont plus de crédit que l’astronomie et la +chimie.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> The peculiar fashion of the Maison de l’Aûmonier at Polisy +seems to suggest that the Dinteville brothers had not escaped some +share of the general infection.</p> + +<p>At the outset of their career, when Jean received his first appointment +at Court, and his brother François was Almoner to Louise of +Savoy, the famous Cornelius Agrippa, the “Great Agrippa” of our +nursery rhymes, was physician to that princess. He soon lost his post at +the French Court, having favoured the enterprise of the Connétable de +Bourbon. But the Dinteville brothers were in all probability acquainted +with his writings, which had achieved enormous celebrity, as well as with +other literature of Hermetic art.⁠<a id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> Their favourite sciences, geometry +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[234]</span>and astronomy, were closely linked with occult science on their more +abstract side.</p> + +<p>Is any illustration of this obscure range of study to be found in +the accessories of the picture? It is difficult to answer this question +with any degree of certainty, the evidence appearing insufficient to +afford definite proof of such an intention. But if for a moment the +hypothesis be allowed, the presence of the Crucifix would gain additional +point as an indication that only the higher forms of these pursuits, such +as were countenanced by Churchmen, were here cultivated.⁠<a id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> Cornelius +Agrippa, in explaining his Key to Occult Science, describes a mysterious +kind of Death to all worldly affections as a necessary preliminary to the +true understanding of philosophy. This was the common ground on +which dignitaries of the Church and men of his type could meet. +Agrippa specially illustrates his meaning by quoting the passage from +St. Paul, Colossians iii., verse 3. Whatever is to be found in books, +says Agrippa, concerning the virtue of magic, astrology, and alchemy, +is false and deceitful when literally understood. A mystical sense is to +be sought in those studies, and this sense can only be attained by +means of the Death above alluded to. “This precious Death,” he +continues, “is granted but a small number of people, beloved by God, +or favoured with a propitious influence of the stars, or supported by +their own merits, and the secret of the art.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[235]</span></p> + +<p>Ideas such as these seem to harmonize not ill with the Device of +Death selected, in its more material sense, for representation in the +picture, when taken in conjunction with the presence of the Crucifix. +But the point leads into a region too abstruse to be further pursued +here, and with these few general remarks the reader must be left to +decide as he pleases on the presence or absence of intentional allusion +to occult science.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Conclusion.</span>—Enough has been said here to prove, with tolerable +certainty, that while the general design and masterly realization of the +whole subject is due to the genius of the artist, the peculiar train of +thought expressed in the manifold details, is the outcome of the mind +of Jean de Dinteville. From the simply pictorial point of view, the +introduction and position of such objects as the foreshortened Skull +and half-hidden Crucifix could not be accounted for. An extraneous +influence has here been at work. The closer the examination of the +picture, the more this conviction is brought home to the attentive +spectator. The objects selected for illustration precisely represent the +pursuits and occupations most in vogue at the time in France. +Geometry and mechanics, the foundations of the builder’s art just then +attaining classical expression in the lovely creations of the French +Renaissance; Music, especially that of the lute, which was so fashionable +that every Frenchman of exalted position carried a lutist in his +train; the ingeniously contrived and artistically rendered <i>devise</i>; these, +as the literature of the period abundantly testifies, were among the +favourite studies and pastimes of the Court of France. When to these +are added the personal touches arising from the special career and +idiosyncrasy of each ambassador, the additions to the Terrestrial Globe, +the choice of the Lutheran hymns, and the other striking details +already enumerated, it becomes evident that only the active influence of +the principal sitter could have produced so perfect an epitome of the +lives of the two Frenchmen.</p> + +<p>For, while the views of the Bishop of Lavaur receive their full +meed of attention in the picture, it may certainly be reckoned to the +credit of the Bailly of Troyes that such should be the case. The +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">[236]</span>brief visit of George de Selve terminated so early that little, if any, +progress can have been made with the <i>minutiæ</i> of the great composition +before he took his leave.</p> + +<p>To Jean de Dinteville, therefore, we owe a record, probably unique +in the domain of art, of the thoughts and studies, the hopes and fears, +which swayed his country and generation, and, through them, were +reflected in his individual life.</p> + +<p>But it is to the magnificent skill of the painter, Hans Holbein, that +the preservation of that record is due in the interesting form we see to-day; +and it is to him alone that we are indebted for having wrought +the heterogeneous objects which accompany his noble presentment of +the two Ambassadors into the abiding unity of a great work of art.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer6.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[237]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header9.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX">APPENDIX</h2> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer1.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[238]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">[239]</span></p> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_A">APPENDIX A<br> +<span class="smcap">Georg Gyze, or Gisze</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-a.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">A letter written by Thomas Houth to the Earl of Kildare, Lord Deputy of +Ireland, shows that in 1533 Holbein’s sitter, Georg Gyze, was Deputy to the +Alderman of the Steelyard.</p> + +<p>The portion of the document which here concerns us, in which recovery is +sought of a debt owed by one Wolff, in the employment of Kildare, to a man +named Peter Rych, runs as follows:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Your servant Wolff is indebted to the bearer, as appears by bills of Wolff’s son-in-law’s +hand. I ascertained at the Steelyard that the handwriting was his, <i>by the evidence +of George Gyes, the Alderman’s Deputy</i>....”⁠<a id="FNanchor_491" href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>The origin of the name of Gyze, and the variations in the mode of spelling +it, have been a considerable puzzle to students of Holbein. It occurs several +times over on the addresses of letters and other accessories introduced into the +portrait of this German merchant painted by Holbein in 1532, and each time +takes a different form. Perhaps the most salient version is that placed in the +portrait beneath the motto, “Nulla sine merore voluptas,” where the name is +variously read “G. Gisze,” or “Gyze,” according to whether the second letter is +taken to be an “i,” followed by a long “s,” or whether the two strokes are combined +into one letter, and read as a “y.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a></p> + +<p>Equal uncertainty appears to prevail as to the type of German used in the +various inscriptions. The catalogue (1891) of the Berlin Gallery, where the +portrait now is, spells “Gisze,” and says, “An der Wand Briefe mit seiner Adresse +in <i>hoch</i>deutscher Mundart.” (On the wall letters with his address in <i>High</i> +German dialect.) Dr. Woltmann, in the first volume of “Holbein und seine +Zeit” (2nd German edition, 1874), writes “Gyze,” and says (in his note, page 366), +“Die Adressen auf den Briefen sind in <i>nieder</i>-deutschen Sprache geschrieben.” +(The addresses on the letters are written in <i>Low</i> German language.) In his +second volume (1876, “Verzeichniss der Werke von Hans Holbein d. J.,” No. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">[240]</span>115), Dr. Woltmann alters the spelling to “Gysse,” a form which adds another +stroke to the name and corresponds with no rendering given by Holbein.</p> + +<p>Where authorities differ so widely a further suggestion may perhaps be permissible.</p> + +<p>It must be recollected that the merchants of the Hansa came from many +different localities, and brought a variety of dialects to the Steelyard of London. +At this time, when the spelling of proper names was, like some of the languages +to which they belonged, still in a fluid state, and largely phonetic, the rendering +of any given name was liable to vary very considerably, according to local circumstances +and the pleasure or <i>provenance</i> of the writer.</p> + +<p>Whether we read Gisze or Gyze, the name was probably a variation of that +of Gueiss, which was one of the most distinguished of the Steelyard, and frequently +reappears in its annals. The family belonged to Cologne. Albert von Gueiss +was a representative of the Steelyard at the conference held at Bruges in 1520 +between England and the Hansa.⁠<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> He was Burgher-master of Cologne in 1523 +and 1526.⁠<a id="FNanchor_494" href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> As it is recorded in the portrait of George Gyze by Holbein that the +sitter was in his thirty-fourth year in 1532, he may have been a younger brother +or possibly a son of this Albert von Gueiss. Further research in the archives of +Cologne would perhaps reveal his exact identity.</p> + +<p>Besides the form already quoted, Holbein gives the name on the portrait in +several other versions: “Gisse” and “Ghisse,” and, in Latin, “... Georgii +Gysenii.” (See Berlin catalogue under “Holbein.”)</p> + +<p>The name of Gueiss is also found in three different shapes in the records of +the Steelyard: “Albertum von Gueyss,” “Albert von Gueiss,” and “Albert +<i>Gissen</i>.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a></p> + +<p>The third form “Gissen” is practically or wholly identical⁠<a id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> with at least one +of Holbein’s renderings of the name; while Gueiss, Gisze, Gyze, and Gyes are +sufficiently nearly related to make it appear tolerably certain that, in the loose +orthography of the period, they represent the same name, varied according to +the fancy or nationality of the writer.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">[241]</span></p> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_B">APPENDIX B<br> +<span class="smcap">“Presbyter Joannes” (Prester John)</span></h3> + +</div> + +<div> +<img class="dropcap" src="images/dropcap-t.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt=""> +</div> + +<p class="dropcap">“The idea” (says Colonel Yule)⁠<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a> “that a Christian potentate of enormous wealth +and power, and bearing this title, ruled over vast tracts in the far East, was universal +in Europe from the middle of the twelfth to the end of the thirteenth +century, after which time the Asiatic story seems gradually to have died away, +whilst the Royal Presbyter was assigned to a locus in Abyssinia; the equivocal +application of the term <i>India</i> to the East of Asia and the East of Africa facilitating +this transfer. Indeed I have a suspicion, contrary to the view now generally +taken, that the term may from the first have belonged to an Abyssinian Prince, +though circumstances led to its being applied in another quarter for a time.</p> + +<p>“Be that as it may, the inordinate report of Prester John’s magnificence +became especially diffused from about the year 1165, when a letter full of the +most extravagant details was circulated, which purported to have been addressed +by this potentate to the Greek Emperor Manuel, the Roman Emperor Frederick, +the Pope, and other Christian sovereigns. By the circulation of this letter, +glaring fiction as it is, the idea of this Christian Conqueror was planted deep in +the mind of Europe, and twined itself round every rumour of revolution in further +Asia....”</p> + +<p>The title of Prester John, borne by this semi-mythical Christian hero, was +transmitted to his successors in Africa; and at the time when Holbein copied +the name of his kingdom on to the globe of the “Ambassadors,” was the common +appellation of David, King of Abyssinia.</p> + +<p>Lord Herbert of Cherbury⁠<a id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> has a curious passage concerning this personage. +In his narrative of the meeting that took place at Bologna between Charles V. +and the Pope in the winter of 1532-33,⁠<a id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> he says:</p> + +<p>“During this interview I find in our records a Portuguez in the name of +David King of the Ethiopians (vulgarly called Prete Jan) presented himself Ambassador +to his Holiness; for authorizing which Charge he brought with him not +only Letters of Credence (translated out of the Chaldee to the Italian and +Portugal tongues) wherein the said King declared himself to be descended from +Queen Candace, mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, but a Crucifix of gold; +the further effects of his employment being to require some excellent artificers +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">[242]</span>and 2000 Arquebusiers whom he would use in a war against the Turk in Egypt, +when his Holiness would compose the differences in Western Parts, and join all +Christian Princes for recovery of the Holy Land; pretending thereupon in the +name of that King to render obedience to the Pope as the true successor of St. +Peter. But this (as Augustino de Augustini, an Italian there present, and sometimes +servant to Cardinal Woolsey, hath it in his letter to Cromwell⁠<a id="FNanchor_500" href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a>) made the +rest suspected; and the rather that other circumstances made it probable, that +this Ambassador was suborned partly by the Portugal to countenance his +monopoly of spices towards those parts (much grudged by his neighbour Princes), +and partly by the Pope to advance his authority and reputation.”</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer6.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES</h2> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> The terms right and left signify, throughout this study, the spectator’s right and left.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> The picture was acquired, with two others, from the late Earl of Radnor, for +£55,000; of which £25,000 was contributed by the State, and £30,000 by Messrs. Nath. +Rothschild and Sons, Sir Edward Guinness, Bart. (now Lord Iveagh), and Mr. Charles +Cotes. (See Catalogue of the National Gallery, under “Holbein.”)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> The husband of Mme. Vigée Le Brun, the painter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> These measurements are incorrect. See <a href="#Footnote_17">note 4, page 9</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> Le Brun, “Galerie des Peintres Flamands, Hollandais et Allemands.” Paris, 1792, +vol. i., page 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> The following entries occur in the Account Books of Longford Castle:</p> + +<ul> + <li>1808, Feb. 18, Buchanan, Picture Dealer, on account, £100.</li> + <li>1809, June 24, Buchanan and his assignee Halden, £1,000.</li> +</ul> + +<p class="noindent">As on a print of the picture at the British Museum a note is inscribed, “sold by Buchanan +for 1,000 guineas,” there can be no doubt that the entries in question refer to “The +Ambassadors.” These and other facts relating to the Longford period in the story of +the picture have been kindly communicated to the writer by Lady Radnor.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> “Some account of the Life and Works of Hans Holbein,” by Ralph Nicholson +Wornum, London, 1867, chap. xiv., page 275.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> “Holbein und seine Zeit,” by Dr. Alfred Woltmann, second German edition, +vol. i., page 372, vol. ii., page 141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> “Archæologia,” vol. xliv., part ii., pp. 450-455. (“Remarks on some pictures of +Quintin Matsys and Holbein in the Collection of the Earl of Radnor at Longford Castle,” +by John Gough Nichols, Esq., F.S.A.) In spite of errors of fact and speculation, Mr. Gough +Nichols’ treatment of the subject was by far the most scientific it had met with up to that +time.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> Amongst the Windsor drawings by Holbein there are two portraits of Wyat. +Several oil paintings also exist of this personage.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Curiously enough, Mr. Gough Nichols actually cites the name of George de Selve, +Bishop of Lavaur, but rejects it, having examined it only with regard to the left-hand +figure, which obviously is not that of a Bishop! So near did he come to the truth.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> “Times,” September, 1890. “Art Journal,” January, 1891.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> It seems unnecessary to record here the many interesting suggestions put forward +for the identification of Holbein’s sitters. An exception should perhaps be made with +regard to Mr. Sidney Colvin’s proposal of Nicholas Bourbon, the poet, for the second +figure; because, in consequence of an article from his pen in the “Art Journal” for +January, 1891, the idea was repeated in more permanent form, though merely as a +surmise, by Mr. Lionel Cust, in the “Dictionary of National Biography” (art. “Holbein”). +It is sufficient to say here that Mr. Colvin immediately withdrew his suggestion when the +real identity of the second individual was made known. (“Times,” Dec. 10, 1895.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> The seigneurie of Avaux in Champagne was raised to the rank of a Comté in 1638, +in favour of Jean Jacques de Mesmes, who had married the heiress of that estate.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> See <a href="#Footnote_311">note relating to the sons of Jean de Selve, part iii</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> “Times,” May 15, 1894. Mr. Dickes had a different theory of his own which his +interesting find materially assisted to overthrow.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> The catalogue of the National Gallery (1898) gives the dimensions as follows: “In +oil, of ten vertical panels, 6 ft. 10 in. high, by 6 ft. 10¼ in. wide.” It is curious that while +the catalogue of the Beaujon sale makes the picture much wider than high, Le Brun’s +description, about five years later in date, exactly reverses those proportions. Le Brun’s +measurements are obviously the less incorrect of the two, as the engraving in the “Galerie +des Peintres Flamands,” etc., shows that the picture, if represented in proportions that at +all corresponded with the original, was, in his time, much higher than broad; but both +descriptions must have been very inaccurate. Excessive carelessness on the part of the +French writers is probably the main explanation of the discrepancies.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> The spectator’s right.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> The signature and date have been recorded as existent or non-existent at various +times in the history of the picture, according to the condition of the painting and of the +light at the moment of examination. In the excellent circumstances it now enjoys, both +one and the other are plainly visible.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Cote Yᵈ, 184; and a second +copy in the same library, Imprimés, V, 8201, 18. Catalogue de tableaux ... après le +décès de M. Beaujon ... redigé par P. Rémy et C. F. Julliot, fils. Pp. 7 et 8, +Ecole des Pays-Bas, Jean Holbein. In the margin of the first copy named is a note in +ink: “Prix de vente 602L. A été vendu avec le No. précédent et pour la même somme.” +The preceding number (16) is under the same heading “Jean Holbein.” But as it is said +to represent “La Cour de François II.,” who began to reign in 1559, while Holbein died +in 1543, it is scarcely necessary to observe that, <i>if rightly described</i>, it can have had nothing +to do with this painter. The sale began on April 25, 1787; the “Ambassadors” and its +companion picture were disposed of on May 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> “Revue de Champagne et de Brie,” vol. xxiv., page 318. M. Lefèvre-Pontalis +alludes to the same notice in his preface to the “Correspondance politique d’Odet de +Selve,” edited by him for the French Foreign Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> The paragraph in brackets is in another writing. See <a href="#illus02">facsimile, facing page 12</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Up to Easter (April 13), 1533, the year was still 1532 by the old reckoning.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> “[Remarks on the subject of an excellent picture of the Sieur d’Inteville Polizy, and +George de Selve, Bishop of Lavour, showing the offices they held, and the time of their +decease.</p> + +<p>“In this picture is represented, life-size, Messire Jean de Dintevile chevalier Sieur de +Polizy, near Bar-sur-Seyne, Bailly of Troyes, who was Ambassador in England for King +Francis I. in the years 1532 [O.S.] and 1533 and since Governour of Monsieur Charles +de France, second son (<i>sic</i>) of the said King; the same Charles died at Forest Monstier in +the year 1545, and the said Sr. de Dintevile in the year 1555. Interred in the Church +of the said Polizy. There is also represented in the said picture, Messire George de Selve, +Bishop of Lavaur, a personage of great learning and virtue, who was Ambassador with the +Emperor Charles V.; the said Bishop was the son of Messire Jean de Selve, Premier +President of the Parliament of Paris; the said Bishop died in 1541, having in the above-mentioned +year 1532, or 1533, gone to England by permission of the King, to visit the +said Sieur de Dintevile, his intimate friend, and also of all his family; and they two +having met in England an excellent Dutch painter, employed him to make this picture, +which was carefully preserved at the said place, Polizy, up to the year 1653.”</p> + +<p>This document is now the property of the Trustees of the National Gallery.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Possibly the writing of the docket might be identified by a person conversant with +the handwritings of the French antiquaries of the seventeenth century, who did such good +service by the preservation of ancient manuscripts.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> “Gallia Christiana” (Lutetiæ, 1715), vol. xiii. (1722), page 344. “Ecclesia Vaurensis,” +No. xxi., Georgius de Selve.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> This deed, preserved at Villiers-par-Cerny, near La Ferté-Alais (Seine-et-Oise), and +never before published, was kindly placed at the writer’s disposal by the Marquis de Selve. +The Papal licence forms an authoritative standard by means of which the many loose +statements regarding the bishop’s age, with which the printed notices of his life abound, +may be easily checked. Villiers was owned by Jean de Selve, Premier President, father +of the Bishop of Lavaur, at least as early as 1528.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> Joachim de Dinteville, the head of the elder line who resided at Dinteville in +Champagne, died in 1607. He was Lieutenant du Roi in that province, and a man of great +ability and reputation. His correspondence has been published in the “Revue de +Champagne et de Brie.” With his demise the male line of the house of Dinteville became +extinct in both branches.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Brother to Jean, the Ambassador.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Fonds Du Puy, 702 f. 147. Camusat to Du Puy. Madame de +Cessac was niece to the Bishop of Auxerre.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. fr. nouv. acquisition, 6208 (“Corr. des frères de Sainte-Marthe”), +f. 74. Camusat to MM. de Sainte-Marthe, Troyes, 21 August (probably 1607). +“Je vous envoye une généalogie qui m’a esté donnée par la dame de Sesac, laquelle est +de la maison de Polizy Dinteville....”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> “Meslanges Historiques,” part ii., p. 211 (Troyes, 1st ed., 1619).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> Not to be confounded with a distant connection, Louis de Castlenau, Marquis de +Cessac, a celebrated gambler, who is alluded to by various writers of the time. John +Evelyn mentions having paid this person a sum of money owed to him by Lord Berkeley, +which Castelnau immediately played away. (“Diary,” Bray’s ed., vol. ii., p. 107.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> Dubuisson-Aubenay, “Journal des guerres civiles,” edited by M. Saige, vol. ii., +pp. 65-73. The Dictionaries of Nobility, etc., mention only the daughter, Charlotte-Marie, +who survived.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> Imperial territory.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> Dubuisson-Aubenay, “Journal des guerres civiles,” vol. ii., pp. 65-73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> Polisy was sold 1654, Deschenetz in 1656, the smaller properties no doubt following +suit as occasion offered.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> Memoir in explanation of three letters sent by Monsʳ. Camusat, Canon of St. +Pierre at Troyes, [touching a picture made in England of George de Selve, Bp. of Lavaur, +who had gone thither to visit the Bailly of Troies, Sr. de Polizi, Jean d’Inteville, at that +time the king’s ambassador].</p> + +<p>There are two relating to the Bishop of Lavaur, George de Selve, son of M. le +Premier President de Selve, which Bishop had been invited by M. de Polizy, bailly of +Troyes, ambassador in England in the years 1532 [O.S.] and 1533, to visit him in England, +which he did, having first taken leave of the king. And being in England, they had made +the excellent picture by a Dutch painter, Holben, which picture was preserved in the +House of Polizy, distant but one league from Bar-sur-Seine, a hundred and forty [<i>sic</i>] years +and more, as belonging to the Seigneur of the place, Sʳ. de Sessac, until the year 1653, +when he had it removed to Paris, to his house near the parish of St. Sulpice; the said +picture representing the said Sr. de Polizy, Jean de d’Inteville, and the said Bishop of +Lavaur who was afterwards ambassador with Charles V.; the said Bishop died in 1541. The +said picture is considered the finest piece of painting in France in the opinion of the best +painters. M. le Maréchal du Plessis-Praslain bought the estate of Polisy for three hundred +thousand livres from the said Sr. de Sessac.</p> + +<p>M. de Vic, garde des sceaux, formerly said that it was the most beautiful piece of +painting in France.</p> + +<p>M. George de Selve, and his brothers, worthily served France in various embassies +and legations.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> The portion between brackets is in another hand. See <a href="#illus03">facsimile, on opposite page</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> It will be remembered that these dates are reckoned in the old style, <i>i.e.</i>, the year +beginning at Easter. Jean de Dinteville was in England on this occasion from February +to November, 1533. The commencement of his sojourn would therefore belong to 1532, +by the old reckoning.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> The name “Holben” is inserted between the lines, but is in the same hand and of +the same date as the writing which surrounds it. See <a href="#illus03">facsimile, on opposite page</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> Obviously a slip of the pen for “cent vingt ans.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> “Méri de Vic, sieur d’Ermenonville, président au parlement de Toulouse, conseiller +d’Etat, garde des sceaux (24 Dec., 1621), mort le 2 sept. 1622.” (Lalanne, “Dict. Hist. +de la France.”)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> Paris, Bibl. de l’Institut, Collection Godefroy, Portefeuille 216, f. 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> “... The said Bishop ... went to visit in England in 1532 [O.S.] an intimate +friend of his, Mr. de Polizy, Jean de d’Inteville, bailly of Troyes, who was then ambassador +with Henry VIII.; and then also the said Bishop and Bailly of Troyes had made in +England the excellent picture which is now at Paris, in the dwelling of M. de Sessac, in +which the said Bailly and Bishop are represented life-size; the said picture is by the hand +of a Dutchman; the piece is esteemed the richest and best wrought that is to be found in +France.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> Paris, Bibl. de l’Institut, Fonds Godefroy, p. 520, ff. 282 and 283. Mémoire de +M. Camusat, chanoine de Troyes touchant les enfans et descendans de Mr. le premr. +président de Selves, etc. Dated 1654.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> Archives of Polisy, kindly communicated by M. Abrand, the proprietor’s agent.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> Paris, Arch. Nat., Y 25, fol. 325.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> Berty et Tisserand, “Topographie Historique du vieux Paris” (Région du Bourg +St. Germain), pp. 155, 157, 159. (Paris, 1876.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> In 1779 Carlos de la Traverse wrote from St. Ildefonse (Spain) to M. d’Angeviller, +proposing to him to buy some cartoons for tapestry designed by Holbein. But the offer +was declined on the ground that Holbein was “<i>un peintre sec et demi-gothique</i>.” (“Nouvelles +Archives de l’Art français,” IIᵉ Série, t. i., 7th of the collection, pp. 258-262.) The +cartoons in question represented scenes from the Passion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> In 1661 M. de Cessac signed a deed in the house “on pend pour enseigne le +Croissant,” Rue de Bourbon (Toulouse, Arch. de la Hte. Garonne). In 1669, the date +of his marriage with Anne Louise de Broglie, he was in the Rue des Boucheries, Faubourg +St. Germain. The marriage contract reveals that he possessed at this time, in all, three +houses in Paris; the other two being situated in the Rue des “Viels” Augustins. He had +therefore parted with the “logis” in the Rue du Four. The contract confers on him the +power to sell, or exchange, in like manner, the three houses now in question. Subsequent +legal deeds show a series of further changes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> Archives du Var, B 197 (quoted by M. Dardenne).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> Milhars is situated in the Department of Tarn, on a rocky height commanding the +junction of the small river Cérou with the Aveyron. For all the facts relating to the +history of the Château, and for many of those which concern its occupants, the writer is +indebted to M. Henri Dardenne, of Carcassonne, Trésorier-Général of the Department of +Aude. This gentleman, who is the author of an interesting (unpublished) history of +Milhars and its successive owners, based on original documents, most kindly placed his +manuscript at the writer’s disposal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> Camusat himself possessed portraits of Guillaume, Seigneur Deschenetz, and +Gaucher, Seigneur de Vanlay, brothers of Jean the Ambassador, as well as that of their +cousin, Joachim de Dinteville, head of the elder branch of the family, whose residence +was at Dinteville in Champagne. The two first-named portraits Camusat left by will +(Paris, Bibl. de l’Institut, Coll. Godefroy, vol. 308, f. 116), to D’Hozier, author of the +“Nobiliaire de Champagne”; that of Joachim de Dinteville, to the Abbé Bonhomme, a +well-known collector of the time at Troyes. (See Bonnaffé, “Les Collectionneurs de +l’ancienne France”). The indifference displayed by the Marquis de Cessac to Dinteville +records, in allowing Camusat to acquire these portraits (either at the time of the sale of +Polisy, or earlier), brings into strong relief the value placed upon “The Ambassadors,” +which seems to have been the only picture retained. This is the more striking, as M. de +Cessac possessed, it appears, a “Cabinet” of portraits of some interest, derived from the +neighbourhood of his family estates, Cessac and Cazillac. Two of these were reproduced +for Du Chesne’s “Hist. des Cardinaux François” (Paris, 1660, pages 426 and 521). The +two Cardinals in question belonged respectively to the dioceses of Cahors and Limoges; +proving sufficiently that the Marquis de Cessac who owned their portraits was François de +Cazillac, and not, as M. Bonnaffé states (“Dict. des Amateurs français”), Louis de Castelnau, +the notorious card-player, whose property lay in quite a different part of the country. (See +also <a href="#Footnote_33">note, page 15</a>.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> The deed recording the attempted donation was drawn up at Milhars, 1st September, +1665. Roger de Guénégaud was the son of Henri Du Plessis Guénégaud, Marquis de +Plancy, the well-known Secretary of State and Garde des Sceaux. This gentleman had +married Isabelle (or Elizabeth) de Choiseul, daughter of Charles de Choiseul, Marquis de +Praslin, and of Claude de Cazillac, aunt of M. de Cessac. As such, Roger de Guénégaud +descended, through his mother, in as direct a line from the Dinteville heiress as the Marquis +de Cessac himself. The latter lived on terms of intimate friendship with these relations. +Mme. de Sévigné records having met M. de Cessac at Fresnes, the country place of Du +Plessis Guénégaud. (Letter to the Marquis de Pomponne, 1st August, 1667.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> M. Aug. Vidal of Albi (Tarn) kindly made researches for the writer on this point, +both in the Archives at Toulouse and at the Château of St. Géry, now owned by Madame +O’Byrn, a descendant of the family of Rey de St. Géry, who purchased Milhars from the +Lamoignon family in 1765. This lady, who has at St. Géry a large quantity of legal papers +brought from Milhars, was good enough to place them at M. Vidal’s disposition, but +unfortunately without result.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., MSS. français, 28,998, f. 17a, De la Roche-Fontenilles. At the +end are the words: “Copie pour Monsieur Voisin,” and the date 1685.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> See <i>ante</i>, <a href="#Page_15">page 15</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> Dardenne MS., p. 164, quoted from the Minutes Gaugiron, p. 51. These are one +of M. Dardenne’s most important sources. M. Gaugiron was a notary of Milhars, with +whom many of the legal documents of this period were deposited.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> St. Simon (“Mémoires”), who has nothing but sarcasm for the family of Mesmes in +general, is full of admiration for the goodness, amiability, and unaffected piety of Mme. de +Fontenilles. This lady seems to have been in every way a contrast to her husband.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> It will be seen later on, however, that the Voisin inheritance was bequeathed elsewhere, +so that on Mme. Voisin’s side the connection could only have affected the fate of +the picture by supposing that it was given to, or purchased by, the Premier Président, before +her death.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> Marie-Renée, who, owing to her quarrel with her mother and residence in Champagne, +probably knew nothing of the story of the picture, would certainly have been none +the wiser if this were the case.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Perhaps no member of the Lamoignon race is better known to history than this one. +Born in 1735, Chrétien-François de Lamoignon, Marquis de Basville et de Milhars, +became a President <i>à mortier</i> of the Parliament of Paris in 1758. Mixed up in the +political storms which preceded the outbreak of the Revolution, he shared the exile of his +party in 1772; was recalled; appointed Garde des Sceaux in 1787; resigned the following +year, and died at Basville in 1789.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> Chrétien-François died, however, and his son fled, at the outbreak of the Revolution, +so the arrangement came to an untimely end.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> Nicolas Beaujon, a native of Bordeaux, had raised himself, not always by the most +creditable means, from a humble origin to a position of great wealth and influence. He +was Banker to the Court, and Treasurer to the Order of St. Louis. Although society +smiled at the eccentricities of the <i>parvenu</i>, the magnificence of his house and collections +made it impossible to overlook their owner. His charities, moreover, were immense. +For these and the facts given in the text respecting Beaujon, the writer is indebted to +Dr. Charles Fournel, whose little work, “L’Hôpital Beaujon depuis son origine jusqu’à +nos jours” (Paris, E. Deuter, 1884), gives the only correct information to be had respecting +the millionaire, being founded throughout on original documents. The popular compendiums +of biography bristle, as usual, with errors; not excepting Jal, who, however, +gives one authentic document.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> Now the Elysée, the residence of the President of the Republic.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> The letters and chronicles of the time are rich in local colouring, and are preferable +for the present object to the stately histories written in a subsequent age. The immense +stores of manuscripts preserved in the public libraries of France, especially in the Bibliothèque +Nationale at Paris, fortunately facilitate the task to a great extent. Among printed +sources none are more valuable than the various series of State Papers, published both in +England and France, the “Meslanges Historiques” of Camusat, and—for a contemporary +French view of the events of the time—the Memoirs of the Du Bellay brothers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> Literally, “Des Chenets,” and often so written in early records. But the name +soon lost its original meaning and was corrupted into one word.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> Paris, Arch. Nat., X¹ᵃ 8611, dated Amboise, 4th Dec., 1516.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> Ph. de Comines, “Mémoires” (ed. by Mlle. Dupont for the Soc. de l’Hist. de +France), vol. ii., p. 436.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> Michelet, “Hist. de France au XVIᵉ̀ᵐᵉ siècle” (ed. 1855), “Renaissance,” pp. 190, +191.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> A royal order of 1511 permits Gaucher de Dinteville to recover certain moneys due +to him from the heirs of Jean, Duc de Nemours, which he had previously been unable to +claim owing to absence from home. In this deed he is called “Seigneur de Pollisy et +bailli de Troyes.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Fonds fr. 7853.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Cab. des Titres, Pièces Orig., vol. 1004, No. 65, Dossier Dinteville.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Charrière, “Négociations de la France dans le Levant” (Doc. inéd. sur l’hist. de +France), vol. i., part ii., chap. i., “Premières Relations de la France avec la Porte.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Fond fr. 5502, f. 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Paris, Arch. Nat., X¹ᵃ 1523 (Rég. du Conseil, f. 33).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> Boutiot, “Hist. de Troyes,” p. 285.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Marguerite, the widowed Duchesse d’Alençon, was married to the King of Navarre +in January, 1527.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Blois.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Louise of Savoy, the king’s mother.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> Génin, Lettres de Marguerite de Valois, vol. i., Lettre 56, p. 224. Marguerite +“à mon nepveu, M. le Grant-Maistre, de Gabarre, le 17 Octobre, 1527.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> It was not the first, nor perhaps the second visit, which Anne de Montmorency had +paid to our shores. In 1519 he had been one of eight hostages, four nobles and four +commoners, sent to England in connection with the cession of Tournay to France. He +bore at that time the title of La Rochepot, which has caused Du Bellay to confound him with +his younger brother, subsequently known by that name (see Decrue de Stoutz, “Anne de +Montmorency,” part i., p. 13, note 1). One of his fellow-hostages in 1519 was Charles de +Solier, Comte de Morette, later more than once French ambassador in England, and the +subject of the magnificent portrait by Holbein now in the Dresden Gallery. Another was +Antoine des Prez, Seigneur de Montpesat, who also returned subsequently as ambassador +(see “Mémoires Du Bellay,” ed. Petitot, vol. i., p. 282). Hall is wrong in saying that +there were only four hostages altogether, but identifies Montmorency correctly (see +Ellis’s “Original Letters,” 3rd series, vol. i., letter lxxviii., where the passage from Hall’s +Chronicle is quoted).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> Lefèvre had previously been the instructor of Renée of France, whose sympathies +with the Reformers were well known. (Fontana, “Renata di Francia,” vol. i., p. 275, +where the further authority is cited: Franz Blümmer, “Renata von Ferrara,” p. 24.) Jacques +Lefèvre was born at Etaples about 1455, and died at Nérac in 1537.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> Guillaume Budé was born at Paris in 1467. He was secretary to Charles VIII.; +was sent by Louis XII. on various missions to the Holy See; was appointed Master of the +King’s Library under Francis I., and persuaded that sovereign to found the Collège +Royal. His learning and his proficiency in Greek brought him high reputation; he was +also the author of many works and translations on a variety of subjects. Budé died in 1540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> Desiderius Erasmus was born at Rotterdam in 1467. Famous alike for profound +learning and biting wit, no one, perhaps, exercised greater influence than he in preparing +the way for the Reformation. Like many of the humanists of his time, especially those of +France, he was not, however, prepared to go to the extreme length of secession from Rome, +and was therefore blamed by the Lutherans, rather unjustly perhaps, for weakness and +half-heartedness. His relations with England, especially with Warham and More, and his +portraits by Holbein, are too well known to need more than a passing mention here. It +was owing to his introduction that Holbein first came to England, and was received into +the house of Sir Thomas More. Erasmus died at Basle in 1536.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Roussel, another divine of Lutheran leanings, became confessor to the Queen of +Navarre, and subsequently Bishop of Oloron.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> Erasmus to Lefèvre, 24 March, 1527. Quoted by Ch. Schmidt, “Gérard Roussel.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> Ch. Schmidt, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 74.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> Erasmus to Germain Brie, 21 September, 1528, quoted by Schmidt, “Gérard Roussel.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> This princess had been brought up by Madame de Châtillon, a lady of high accomplishments, +later secretly re-married, it was said, to the Bishop Jean du Bellay.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> Daughter of Louis XII. and Anne de Bretagne.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> Boutiot, “Hist. de la ville de Troyes,” p. 432. (Paris, 1874.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Guillaume Du Bellay, Seigneur de Langey, was born at Glatigny, near Montmirail, +in 1491, and died 1543. He was Viceroy of Piedmont from 1537, and displayed high +capacity in whatever work he undertook. He was part-author of the well-known memoirs, +completed by his brother Martin Du Bellay.—Jean Du Bellay, Cardinal, was born 1492, +and died at Rome in 1560. As statesman, churchman, ambassador, and author, his +career was one of the most distinguished of the reign of Francis I.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> Coxe, “Life of Melanchthon,” p. 371.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> That is, two hands clasped in each other.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> A third souvenir of the Dinteville, and record of their artistic tastes, in the Church +of Thennelières, is the beautiful but ruined white marble figure of Louise de Coligny, wife +of Gaucher the younger, who inherited Thennelières from his father. It is apparently of +Italian workmanship, and was formerly recumbent. It now leans disconsolate in an +upright position against the wall of the church, despoiled of its black marble base. See, +for an account of the Church of Thennelières, and illustrations of its curiosities, M. Charles +Fichot, in the “Statistique Monumentale de l’Aube.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> Louis de Dinteville, Knight of Rhodes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> Guillaume, fourth son of Gaucher, was brought up in the household of Henry, +Count of Nassau, who was attached to the Court of Charles V. The Count of Nassau was +related to the Dinteville family, and at his death left to Guillaume a house in Paris. On +this side the family had both Spanish and German connections.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> François (II.), Bishop of Auxerre; Jean, Bailly of Troyes; and Gaucher the younger, +who was employed in the public service to carry despatches, etc. All the brothers further +held Court appointments.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> The following is a literal prose translation of the epitaph:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">“The support of the good, Gauche de Dinteville</div> + <div class="verse indent0">After having in the civil wars</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Of France acquired the name of sage though young;</div> + <div class="verse indent0">After having in the renowned expedition</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Made by Charles to Naples and Rome,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Won the name of a brave gentleman;</div> + <div class="verse indent0">After having, in the ancient city of Sienna,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Filled the post of head of the Republic;</div> + <div class="verse indent0">After having been Bailly of Troyes</div> + <div class="verse indent0">In Champagne, and seen born to him</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sons, by whom, in his lifetime,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Rhodes, Spain and France were served;</div> + <div class="verse indent0">After having in the King’s house had the lot</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Of a good Maître d’hostel in Ordinary,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">And of First Maître d’hostel to M. le Dauphin:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Seeing his end at last approaching,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">And knowing that happy none can be</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Until he has put off this terrestrial robe,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">He desired to give to his agèd eyes</div> + <div class="verse indent0">That last happiness, of being closed by his own family;</div> + <div class="verse indent0">The love and pity of whom have laid him here,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Full of years, honours, riches, and friends.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> Paris, Arch. Nat., P. 164², côte 1494.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> Gaucher de Dinteville attended the coronation of Francis I. as a Knight of St. +Michael. (Paris, Bibl. Nat., Fonds fr. 32865, Chevaliers de l’Ordre de St. Michel depuis +1515 jusqu’en 1560. This list is, however, incomplete, being an early attempt to reconstruct +the roll of the Knights after the destruction of the original at the time of the French +Revolution. The MS. expressly states, with regard to Jean, that the only documentary +evidence at the disposal of the compiler was an act of 1588, in which Jean is termed +Chevalier de l’Ordre du Roi, and the manuscript list of the Knights drawn up by D’Hozier, +in 1660, which gives him the same quality. D’Hozier, a famous genealogist, and author +of the “Nobiliaire de Champagne,” had every opportunity for obtaining correct information, +and had, of course, access to the roll which was subsequently destroyed. Although +the exact date of Jean’s admission to the Order is unknown, the fact of his having been a +Knight of St. Michael is therefore incontestable.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> Charrière, “Négociations de la France dans le Levant,” vol. i., p. 146, Villiers +L’Isle-Adam to Montmorency.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Decrue de Stoutz, “Anne de Montmorency,” part i., p. 172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Fonds Dupuy, 702, fol. 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> Lebeuf, “Mémoires concernant l’Eglise d’Auxerre,” pp. 138-199, quoted by Sandret, +“Revue Hist. et Nobiliaire,” xiii., 220.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> See <a href="#illus08">illustration, Part II., chap. vii.</a></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Letters and Papers, For. and Dom., Henry VIII., vol. v., 1531-32, No. 579.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Gilles de la Pommeraye was a right-hand man of Montmorency. He had previously +been French ambassador at the court of the Archduchess Margaret at Brussels.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” Letter of La Pommeraye to the Bishop of Auxerre, March +10, 1532.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> ... “You are right to envy me being with so amiable a prince, for I think that +after the king our master, there has been none for two hundred years past of greater +intelligence or grace, or more magnanimous than this one. And to speak frankly to you, +the said king our master is under an obligation to him for the good will he shows him, +by which I profit greatly, for I am treated here, not as an ambassador, but as a prince of +the country; lodged in the house of this said king, and, when I go to see him, always +eating at his table. So you must not wonder if I beg and exhort you to uphold his quarrel.</p> + +<p>“This prince has a great wish to chastise the priests of this country and not to allow +them to enjoy such great privileges as has been their habit; which is caused by the wrong +that is being done him at Rome, which is so great that it could not be surpassed. It is a +strange thing that the Emperor should have so much power over the Pope as to prevent him +doing right and justice there where he knows them to be.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> Bridewell Palace.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” part ii., p. 78b, La Pommeraye to the Bishop of Auxerre, +20 March, 1532. The avowed object of La Pommeraye’s mission was to support the +king’s desire that his cause should be heard in England and not at Rome. (Letters and +Papers, Henry VIII., vol. v., 1531-32, No. 614, Chapuys to Charles V.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> Balavoyne was the maternal uncle of Théodore de Bèze, the historian of the French +Reformation, whose uncle, on the paternal side, Monsieur de Bèze the elder, an orthodox +Catholic, died beneath the protecting roof of the bishop’s house in Paris, during the +absence of the latter in Rome. Paris, Bibl. de l’Institut, Coll. Godefroy, p. 254, Nos. +23, 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Coll. Dupuy, vol. 726, ff. 90, 91. Letter from Berthereau to the +Bishop of Auxerre.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. 728, f. 51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> Paris, Bibl. de l’Institut, Coll. Godefroy, Letter of Balavoyne to the Bishop of +Auxerre, Nantes, 25 August, 1532.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> Du Bellay, “Mémoires,” ed. Petitot, vol. ii., p. 133. These were certainly the only +English subjects admitted to the French Order at this period. The reason given by Du +Bellay for the selection of the two dukes sufficiently proves the high esteem in which the +distinction was held.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> Camusat, “Meslanges Historiques,” p. 110. Traicté touchant la contribution que +le Roy et le Roy d’Angleterre doyvent faire pour la deffension du Turc. See also p. 109, +Double des traictés, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, vol. iv., 1527-33, No. 832. Zuan Antonio +Venier to the Signory, Oct. 31, 1532.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> See <a href="#Footnote_83">note 7, p. 42</a>. Morette, another of the hostages, had already been over on a +short mission in the spring of 1528.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> Katherine of Aragon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. v., 1531-32, No. 1579, Chapuy to Charles V., +Nov. 26, 1532. The “king’s house” in question was the palace of Bridewell.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> Perhaps his unmarried sister at Polisy, or possibly his mother. Married women +were sometimes termed Mademoiselle, though in this case the appellation would not have +been strictly correct, the rank of Gaucher de Dinteville entitling his widow to the name of +Madame.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> Paris, Bibl. de l’Institut, Coll. Godefroy, portfolio 225, ff. 23, 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> “Besides this, the Grand Maître expressly charged me to write to you that the moment +they have left you can come away. I am sure it will be quite right to say good-bye. But +whatever remonstrances, on the score of the king’s service or other things, are made, come +away; and you will be welcomed and well received, I assure you; not by me, for you will +not find me, as I leave to-morrow; and I hope, please God, that on your arrival, you will +find your appeals despatched.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Fonds Dupuy, 726, f. 107. The Bailly of Troyes to the Bishop +of Auxerre, 26 Jan., 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> “Be assured, at least such is my fancy, that they are not your friends; but, also, the +wisdom of a man is to sit firm in his great encounters. I can tell you that you were in +as good grace with the master, when I left Court, as they. Continue as you have begun, +and vary nothing, no matter what they may say; and, so long as you speak the truth, care +nothing for the rest, for the patron is on your side and three of the most valiant champions.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” part ii., p. 115b. Gilles de la Pommeraye to the Bishop +of Auxerre at Rome. From La Morlaix, near Rennes (in Brittany), 4 Dec., 1532.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, vol. iv. (1527-1533), No. 188. Marco +Antonio Venier to the Doge and Signory of Venice, London, 20 October, 1527.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> Whom Falier came to succeed as resident ambassador.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> Sir William Weston.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> Jean Du Bellay, at this time Bishop of Bayonne, was in 1528 resident French +ambassador in London.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, vol. iv. (1527-33), No. 380.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> Letters and Papers, For. and Dom., Henry VIII., vol. vi. (1533), Nos. 768 and +1227, De Dinteville to Cromwell.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. v., 1531-1532, No. 627, Grant 18. Bridewell +Palace has fared badly compared with some other houses of the same date, for not only +has every trace of it disappeared, but few records or prints exist to give an idea of its +appearance in Tudor times. The early period at which it ceased to be a royal residence +probably accounts for this deficiency. Edward VI. converted it to benevolent purposes +as a kind of workhouse for vagrants; and this use, gradually approaching the functions of +a house of correction, was continued in the new buildings erected after the Great Fire +almost to the present day. Nearly all the engravings of Bridewell refer to its later history. +There are, however, one or two exceptions, on a small scale, and on these the above +description is founded. Perhaps the most accurate idea of the palace in Tudor times is +to be obtained from the “View of London and Southwark in 1543,” by Anthony Vanden +Wyngrerde (Oxford, Bodleian Library; a facsimile in pen-and-ink by N. Whittock may be +seen at the Guildhall, London). As certain details of this view agree with a later drawing +of about 1660, it is likely that it is more correct than the intermediate version by Ralph +Aggas, which shows variations not to be found either in the earlier or later engraving +mentioned (“Civitas Londinum,” a map of London, Westminster and Southwark, surveyed +by Ralph Aggas about the year 1560, Guildhall Library). The view of 1660 may be seen +in “Bridewell Palace as it appeared about the year 1660” (Published for the Proprietors +by W. Herbert, Penlington Place, Lambeth, 1817). The same work gives a vignette +professing to represent Bridewell in the year 1540. As this view differs equally from that +given by Wyngrerde (1543) and that of 1660, it should probably be received with caution.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> State Papers, Venetian, vol. iv. (1527-1533), No. 374, Gerardo Molza to the +Marchioness of Mantua. So great was the throng that, in leaving, some of the Italians +actually lost their shoes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> Subsequently known as Whitehall.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> Letters and Papers, For. and Dom., Henry VIII., vol. vi. (1533), No. 1595, Grant +10, February 16, 24 Henry VIII.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> Mario Savorgnano, State Papers, Venetian, vol. iv. (1527-1533), No. 682, quoted +from the Sanuto Diaries, 25 August, 1531. The whole letter is of great interest, as is +also No. 694 in the same volume (Report of England made to the Senate by Ludovico +Falier, 10 November, 1531). The Venetians write with enthusiastic admiration of the +country and capital.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> Old London Bridge; the only bridge London at that time possessed. It was +massively constructed on a large number of boat-shaped piers, and covered with houses +and shops. There was also a beautiful Gothic Chapel upon it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> St. Paul’s Cathedral and Westminster Abbey. The latter part of the sentence +alludes of course to Henry VII.’s Chapel.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> Westminster (in which York Place was now included) and Bridewell.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> Howard, Duke of Norfolk; Brandon, Duke of Suffolk; Fitzroy, Duke of Richmond. +(State Papers, Venetian, vol. iv., No. 682.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> Grey, Marquis of Dorset; Courtenay, Marquis of Exeter. (<i>Ibid.</i>)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> Apparently of the lesser citizens, apart from the palaces previously described.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. iv. (1531-1532), pp. 310 and 316, March +and November, 1529. The ambassador was one of Dinteville’s predecessors.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. vi. (1533), No. 111, Montpesat to Montmorency.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. vi. (1533), No. 160, Chapuys to Charles V., London, 15 February, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” p. 4. Mémoire et Instruction a Monsieur le Bailly de +Troyes, etc., 27 January, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> Letters and Papers, vol. vi. (1533), No. 160, Chapuys to Charles V., 15 February, +1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. v. (1532), No. 1545, Clement VII. to Henry VIII., 15 November, 1532.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> Decrue de Stoutz, “Anne de Montmorency,” part i., pp. 207, 213, where a list of +authorities will be found.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> It is quite possible that Dinteville was acquainted with More before the embassy of +1533. La Pommeraye, writing from England to the Bishop of Auxerre in the summer of +the previous year, says, “Mr. Morres, <i>que vous congnoissez</i>, qui estoit Chancelier de ce +Roy s’est desfaict, ou l’on l’a desfaict, ne sçay lequel, de sa Chancellerie, & est demeuré +personne privée....” (Mr. Morres [note by Camusat: Th. Morus], <i>whom you know</i>, +who was Chancellor to this king, has resigned or has been deprived of his Chancellorship, +I do not know which, and has retired into private life.) Camusat, “Meslanges Historiques,” +p. 93, Gilles de la Pommeraye, from London, to the Bishop of Auxerre at Rome, June +21st, 1532.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> Some of the instruments seen in the picture of the “Ambassadors” are identical +with those introduced into the portrait of Kratzer, and may have been lent by him (see +<a href="#PART_IV_CHAPTER_II">Part IV., chap. ii.</a>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> In 1533 George Gyze, or Gisze, the subject of Holbein’s fine portrait now at Berlin, +was the Alderman’s Deputy (see <a href="#APPENDIX_A">Appendix A.</a>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> On one occasion the king sent instructions to Cromwell to despatch Barnes immediately +in post, to Germany, with Deryk (or Diryk). (Foxe, “Life of Melanchthon,” p. 385.) +Holbein, as is well known, painted two Dericks in 1533: Derick Born, whose portrait is +now at Windsor, Derick Tybis at Vienna. The latter certainly, the former probably, was +a German merchant of London. As the king’s servants were frequently spoken of by +their Christian names only (Holbein as “Haunce,” Kratzer as “Nicolas”), either of these +Dericks may have been the one sent on the diplomatic mission. Augustus de Augustinus, +a foreign agent in English pay, writing to Cromwell from Ratisbon, incloses a copy of an +Imperial decree, presumably written in German, with the comment, “<i>Any of the Steelyard +merchants will interpret it to you</i>.” (Letters and Papers, vol. v., 1532, No. 1027.) In 1538 +Kratzer forwarded to Cromwell various papers +through the agency of Hans Holbein. It is well known that Kratzer never +acquired the English tongue. Had Holbein more success? (Ellis’s “Original Letters,” +3rd series, vol. i., p. 230.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> See the letter of the Bailly of Troyes to his brother, the Bishop of Auxerre, <a href="#Page_79">p. 79</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> See the extract from Camusat’s memoir on the children and descendants of the +Premier Président de Selve, <a href="#Page_20">p. 20</a>. Camusat there states that the Bishop of Lavaur came +over to England on a visit to Dinteville in 1532; which year ended, according to the old +French reckoning, on Easter eve, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> See <a href="#Page_79">p. 79</a>, Dinteville’s letter to the Bishop of Auxerre, 23 May, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> Selve had almost certainly been already employed in this capacity by the King of +France. See <a href="#PART_III">Part III.</a></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> <a href="#PART_IV">Part IV.</a> of this study.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. vi. (1533), No. 465, Chapuys to Charles V., +10 May, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” p. 128, Bailly of Troyes to Francis I., 23 May, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> “I have received your letter written from Sommevoyre, by which I understand you +to tell me that some time ago you said to the ambassadors of this king [<i>i.e.</i>, the King of +England] when in Italy, that you had heard the Pope say that, regarding the affair of this +said king, the marriage would be better made than to make. If this was so, it is a thing +which would be of great service to him [<i>i.e.</i>, to the King of England]. Pray let me know +whether, in case the Pope does not desire to take another course than the one mentioned +respecting the affairs of this country, I might inform this said king of what you told me; +and similarly, if things should become very threatening, whether you would remind the +Pope of the expressions he then used to you, telling him that you at once communicated +them to the ambassadors of this said king, seeing the affairs of the king [of France] and +his, to be but one. If you please, send me your opinion on this matter, which you will do +well to discuss a little with our friends, and perhaps with Monseigneur the Grand-Maître +and the Bishop of Paris [Jean du Bellay], for the thing is of considerable importance.</p> + +<p>“For the rest, we thank you very much, M. de la Tournelle, my cousin and I, for +the branches of your yew-tree which you offer to us, but over here we are well furnished +with arquebuses and with bad archers, of whom I am the worst.</p> + +<p>“Pray send me a drawing of the oval compass of which you wrote; I cannot at all +understand the fashion in which it is made.</p> + +<p>“I am growing very weary in this country, while awaiting the end of the six months, +which will expire on the 22nd July. The Grand-Maître promised me that I should only +remain here for the said six months. I pray God he may keep his word. I have had +tertian fever, but recovered from it long ago. Please consult a little with M. de Paris +about my return. I assure you very earnestly that I am the most melancholy, weary and +wearisome ambassador that ever was seen.</p> + +<p>“M. de Lavor did me the honour to come to see me, which was no small pleasure to +me. There is no need for the Grand-Maître to hear anything about it.</p> + +<p>“I have had letters from Scotland from M. de Beauvois. I hope the truce will soon +be concluded, for one year, between these two princes.</p> + +<p>“The Duke of Norfolk will leave here in two or three days to go and join the king +[of France]. Pray make his acquaintance, for here his master holds you in good esteem; +he told me so within a week.</p> + +<p>“As for the vultures [a species of hawk is here meant], I think it would only be an +expense to send them, for this king does not like falconry, and this country is full of such +birds.</p> + +<p>“I cannot believe that if you go to Rome, it will only be for a short time. If you +will believe me, do your utmost to get the commission given to somebody else. Pray +attend well to your legal appeals. I cannot think it well that you should leave them +behind.</p> + +<p>“I am longing to have news of you and to know what you say to the tower and to +the pictures. Sir, etc. From London this 23rd May.</p> + +<p>“I shall have to go to great expense for this coronation. I have written on the +subject to the Grand-Maître, begging him to ask the king to give me some money to meet +it with. I should be very glad to hear something of it. I also wrote to M. de Paris, who +may mention it to you, and who can help me a great deal about it.</p> + +<p class="center">“Your humble servant,</p> + +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">The Bailly</span>.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> The family to which this gentleman belonged was a distinguished one, but it does +not appear which individual this was.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> The italics are the present writer’s.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> French ambassador in Scotland.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> The Kings of England and Scotland.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> “Evocation” was a legal term which signified the removal of a cause from the +jurisdiction of a lower tribunal to that of a higher one.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Coll. Dupuy, vol. 726, f. 46. From the Bailly of Troyes to his +brother, the Bishop of Auxerre, 23rd May, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. vi. (1533), No. 465, Chapuys to Charles V., +May 10, 1533. Bonner returned from Rome in January, 1533. See also Froude, +“Divorce of Catherine of Aragon,” chap. xii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> Paris, Arch. Nat., J. 962, No. 527. Pagny, 21 Dec., 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> Camusat found it amongst the Polisy papers. See “Meslanges Historiques,” +part ii., p. 211.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> Decrue de Stoutz, “Anne de Montmorency,” part i., p. 205.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> “The Queen of England left Greenwich on Thursday at about four o’clock in the +afternoon, and came by water in a flat barque, like a brigantine, which was painted in her +colours outside, and had several flags flying from it; her ladies and maids of honour +being with her. There were besides a hundred or a hundred and twenty other similar +barques, which accompanied her, and were much decorated with banners and standards. +They had erected on the said barques small masts, slender and very high, to which were +attached a great quantity of ropes, as on a large ship, these ropes being all dressed with +little flags of taffetas, and, in my opinion, of gold metal, for they shone strongly in the sun. +There were also many tambourines, trumpets, flutes, and hautbois. All came in less than +half-an-hour from Greenwich to the Tower, where the artillery was very loud. It was very +beautiful to see this arrival, for besides the barques, there were, I think, more than two +hundred small craft following behind; the whole surface of the river was covered with +boats.</p> + +<p>“On Friday the Queen did not leave her apartments.</p> + +<p>“On Saturday at about five o’clock in the afternoon, the said Lady, attired in her +royal robes, which are in the fashion of those of France, or nearly so, mounted a litter, +covered within and without with white satin. The litter was open, and above her was +carried a canopy of cloth of gold. Behind came twelve ladies on hackneys, who were +all dressed in cloth of gold, and their hackneys draped in the same. Then came twelve +young ladies on hackneys, all arrayed in crimson velvet. There followed a chariot +covered with cloth of gold, with trappings to match. In this chariot were only the +Duchess of Norfolk and the Queen’s mother. Then came three gilt chariots, where sat +various young ladies; and, behind these, twenty or thirty others on hackneys draped with +black velvet.</p> + +<p>“Around the litter of the Queen were the Duke of Suffolk, who for that day was +High Constable, and the brother of the Duke of Norfolk, Lord William, who was serving +in the place of his said brother as Earl Marshal and Lord Chamberlain, which offices are +hereditary in this kingdom. Before them went two men, called equerries, who had great +bonnets lined with ermine, almost similar to those of the Premier Huissier of Paris.</p> + +<p>“After these came the Ambassador of France, accompanied by the Archbishop of +Canterbury.</p> + +<p>“Afterwards, the Ambassador of Venice, with the Lord Chancellor.</p> + +<p>“After these, several bishops, and then the rest of the great lords and gentlemen of +this kingdom, to the number, perhaps, of two or three hundred.</p> + +<p>“And, before all, went the merchants of France, clad in violet velvet, having each +one sleeve in the colours of the Queen; their horses caparisoned in violet taffetas +powdered with white crosses.</p> + +<p>“At the cross-ways there were scaffoldings, where Mysteries were being played, and +fountains running wine; the streets were all lined with the tradespeople, who were kept +stationary....</p> + +<p>“On Sunday morning, accompanied by all the said lords and gentlemen, the Lady +went on foot from her apartments to the church; the road by which she walked was all +covered with cloth, and might be of about the same length as the garden of Chantilly. +All the bishops and abbots went to fetch the said Lady, accoutred in their mitres and +pontifical ornaments, and conducted her to the church; and after having heard a low +mass, she mounted on a daïs that had been arranged for her in front of the high altar, +which daïs was all covered with red cloth; and round the spot where she sat, which was +further raised by two steps, was laid a velvet carpet. And in this place the Lady remained +after having been crowned by the Archbishop of Canterbury, who placed the crown on +her head and anointed her at the high altar, and then completed the office and mass of +the said coronation.</p> + +<p>“The Duke of Suffolk, High Constable for that day, remained always near the said +Lady, with a great white staff in his hand; close by were also the said Lord William and +the Lord Chamberlain. Behind the said Lady were various ladies; duchesses and countesses +dressed in scarlet, with cloaks lined with ermine, which are the robes of duchesses +and countesses, and their hats on their heads. Similarly the dukes and earls, with many +other knights, were dressed in robes of scarlet lined with ermine, almost of the fashion of +those of the Premiers Présidents at Paris, with their hoods.</p> + +<p>“When the coronation was over the Lady was conducted back as on arrival, with the +exception of the bishops, and taken to a great hall where dinner was prepared....</p> + +<p>“The hall is very large and was not crowded, for very good order was kept. Beneath +the queen’s daïs there were four great tables which filled the whole length of the hall. At +the upper end were those of this kingdom who have charge of the Ports, and beneath +them, at the same table, various gentlemen: at the corresponding table, at the top and +side, were the Archbishops and Bishops, the Lord Chancellor, and several Earl-Knights. +At the two other tables on the other side of the hall, at the upper one were the Mayor of +London accompanied by the Aldermen; and, at the other table, the ladies, Duchesses, +Countesses, and other ladies and young ladies.</p> + +<p>“The Duke of Suffolk was gorgeously accoutred, with many stones and pearls, on a +courser caparisoned in crimson velvet: he rode about on his horse, round the hall and +amongst the tables. Lord William did the same, looking after the service and keeping +order. Both remained always bare-headed, which you know is the custom of this country. +The king was in a place that he had had made for the occasion, whence he could see all the +ceremony without being seen; where he took with him the Ambassadors of France and of +Venice.</p> + +<p>“At the door of the hall there were conduits spouting wine, anyone who pleased +might take some. Similarly there were kitchens to provide food for anyone who came +that day; it was a marvel how much was eaten. Trumpets and hautbois sounded for +every service, and heralds cried largesse.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> May 29 Anne Boleyn was fetched in state by the Mayor and Corporation of +London, and brought to the Tower, whence she returned to Westminster on Saturday for +her coronation on Whit Sunday, June 1. (Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. vi. +(1533), No. 601.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> The stepmother of the Duke.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> The Countess of Wiltshire.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> Lord William Howard, brother to the Duke of Norfolk, who, it will be remembered, +was now absent in France.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> Dinteville and Cranmer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> Carlo Capello and Sir Thomas Audley.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> Peeress’s robes corresponding to those still worn by peers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> Westminster Hall.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> The hall seems, in fact, to have been arranged much like a College hall at the +present day, with the high table across the top and the long tables below placed at right +angles to it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> The Barons of the Cinque Ports.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> Knights of the Garter?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> Camusat, “Meslanges Historiques,” part ii., p. 17. Narration de l’Entrée et couronnement +de la Royne d’Angleterre Anne de Boulan à Londres, le 2 (it should be, le 1) juin, +1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. vi. (1533), No. 707. Francis wrote back a +pacifying answer denying all knowledge of the rumours referred to.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> The 22nd July. Dinteville’s embassy was reckoned from the 22nd January.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” part ii., p. 130<i>b</i>, Mr. de Polizy, Bailly of Troyes, to M. Du +Bellay, Bishop of Paris, 7 June, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> See <a href="#Page_227">description of the Lute, Part IV.</a></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> His name was really Maraviglia, but had become gallicized by long residence in +France.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> The subject, at a later period, when a young widow, of Holbein’s beautiful portrait, +now the property of the Duke of Norfolk.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> Ranke, “Zeitalter der Reformation,” vol. iii., p. 313. Decrue de Stoutz, “Anne +de Montmorency,” part i., p. 207.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> Decrue, etc., p. 213, where a list of authorities is given.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> Camusat, “Meslanges Historiques,” part ii., p. 135. Francis I. to the Bailly de +Troyes, 16 July, 1533. See also the following letter from the same to the same, 12 +August, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> Camusat, “Meslanges Historiques,” p. 139. The Bailly of Troyes to Francis I., +3 September, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> “M. le Bailly, knowing well how long you have been over there, and that it is very +reasonable you should go to your home to put your affairs in order, I have been willing to +grant you leave to depart whenever it may please you; and am sending to take your place +the Sieur de Castillon, a gentleman of my chamber, who is the bearer of this.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” part ii., page 9. Francis I. to the Bailly of Troyes, 6 Sept., +1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” part ii., page 142. The Bailly of Troyes to the King of +France, Greenwich, 2 Nov., 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> Decrue de Stoutz, “Anne de Montmorency,” part i., page 213.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> “Nota, that often the king after his tempers has said to me that he esteems me such +that I should neither say nor write anything to diminish friendship between them, and that +his Council have begged me to the same effect.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” part ii., pp. 19-21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., No. 1481, Grant 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1435, Castillon to the Bishop of Paris, London, 17 November, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> “I begged the Duke of Norfolk and others who seemed to be among the principal +members of the Council of this said king, to give the king their master to understand ... +that one may so press and worry a friend as to become importunate.”</p> + +<p>“... for I doubt if the gentlemen of his Council to whom I spoke will dare to say +such things to him as boldly as I shall say them.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” part ii., p. 143. The Bailly of Troyes to the Grand-Maître, +7th November, 1533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> Claude Dodieu, Sieur de Vély, was repeatedly employed as French ambassador to +Charles V., and also to the Holy See. He was made Bishop of Rennes in 1541, and died +in 1558.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> Some of the most interesting of these letters are only known to have existed by +entries in catalogues, having been amongst the objects of the thefts from French libraries +perpetrated in the first half of the present century. See “Dictionnaire des Pièces autographes +volées,” etc., by MM. Lalanne et Bordier, Paris, 1851.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., MSS. fr. 15629, No. 473.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> Sleidan, 132-135. Clairembault, 334, No. 4949; quoted by Decrue de Stoutz, +“Anne de Montmorency,” part i., p. 221.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> Boutiot, “Hist. de la Ville de Troyes,” p. 346.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> Documents inédits sur l’Histoire de France. Relations des Amb. Vénétiens. Voyage +de Jerôme Lippomano, Amb. de Venise en France, par son sécrétaire.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> Clement VII. had died in September, 1534, and Cardinal Farnese (Paul III.) had +been elected Pope in his place.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Coll. Dupuy, vol. 265, f. 239. Letter of Anne de Montmorency +to Cardinal Du Bellay.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. ix. (1535), No. 434. Chapuys to Charles V.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> “Besides the charge which I gave you the other day on your departure, to speak to +the King of England on the subject of the contribution, I wish you to say to him that if +perchance the Emperor were disposed to invade me, and that I had to arm and equip on +a large scale as might be the case, and that ... in order not to lose the occasion and the +said expenditure, I chose to employ it for the recovery of my State and Duchy of Milan, +Seigneurie of Genoa, and County of Asti, that, in this case, the said King of England +would be bound to contribute up to the third portion of the expense I should have to +incur for the maintenance of my said army. And do not fail to uphold this stiffly, so +that the said king may accede to the terms above demanded.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” part ii., p. 12v. Letter from Francis I. to the Bailly of +Troyes, from Esclarron, 29th Aug., 1535.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 84v. (Traicté entre les Roys de France et d’Angleterre.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. ix., 1535, No. 420. Norfolk to Cromwell.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> Anthoine de Castelnau.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. ix. (1535), No. 594. Chapuys to Charles V.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a> “... You know the tumult which occurred between her and her governess when +we went to see her little sister, and that we were told that she was placed as though by +force in her room, in order that she might not speak to us, and that it was only possible +to appease her and keep her in her room when the gentleman who conducted us had told +her that the king her father had ordered him to say to her that she was not to show herself +while we were there.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” p. 21, “autre memoire non datté,” etc. Chapuys’ letter +enables us to fix the date.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. ix. (1535), No. 595. Chapuys to Charles V.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. ix. (1535), No. 443. Henry VIII. to Gardiner.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. x. (1536), No. 375. Gardiner and Wallop +to Henry VIII.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. x. (1536), No. 908. Chapuys to Charles V.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a> The Bishop of Tarbes accompanied Dinteville to Court.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. x. (1536), No. 1069. Chapuys to Charles V.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. xi. (1536), No. 304. Henry VIII. to Gardiner and Wallop.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. xi. (1536), No. 1143.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. x. (1536), No. 1084. Cromwell to Gardiner and Wallop.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. x. (1536), No. 1084. Cromwell to Gardiner +and Wallop.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. xi. (1536), No. 52. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, + vol. xi. (1536), No. 228. Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes, to Cardinal Du Bellay.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Coll. Dupuy, vol. 547, f. 308. Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” part iii., +p. 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> ... “The Pope, in Consistory, has created Legate, the Englishman, Cardinal Poule +(Pole), not only for England, but for every place which it may suit him to pass through on his +way thither ... with the intention, in case the King of England will not return by peaceable +means to the obedience of the Roman Church and of the Holy See, of delivering to the said +Cardinal, through the merchants, a good sum of money, for the purpose of assisting the +people against the said king, in order to oblige him to return to the said obedience by +means of force....”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> Camusat, “Meslanges Historiques,” p. 13. Instruction au Bailli de Troyes, etc., +Moussi, 2 March, 1537.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xii., part i., No. 817. Henry VIII. to Gardiner, +Westminster, 3 April, 1537.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xii., part i. (1537). F. Wyngfeld to Cromwell, +Dover, 8 April, 1537.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> <i>I.e.</i> forestall.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> Flemish fishing-boats. The name is still in use.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xii., part i. (1537), No. 884. Sir Francis Brian +to Cromwell, Calais, 9th April. (These extracts are given in the abridged form printed +in the Letters and Papers.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> The only source that the writer has been able to find for this statement is contained +in a paper on Polisy by M. Lucien Coutant, published in the “Almanach de Bar-sur-Seine” +for 1864. M. Coutant, as a rule, is very unreliable; but in this instance the facts +appear too circumstantial to be entirely without foundation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> Nearly all modern writers refer the disgrace of the Dinteville to the accusation +made by Montecuculli against Deschenetz at the time of the Dauphin’s death. But this is +obviously incorrect, for not only did the accuser make “amende honorable” to the accused, +but Deschenetz is found after that time in full enjoyment of the confidence of the king +and Grand-Maître. It is quite possible, however, that his enemies made use of that +occasion as a basis for fresh insinuations against him, and as a lever to stir up anew the +king’s suspicions. The older writers merely state that the accusation was one of high +treason.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> Henri, formerly Duke of Orleans, was now Dauphin. Charles, Duke of Angoulême, +had succeeded to the title of Duke of Orleans when Henri became Dauphin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> Decrue de Stoutz, “Anne de Montmorency,” part i., pages 398, 399.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> Ribier, “Lettres et Mémoires d’Estat,” vol. i., page 294. Gaulcher de Dinteville, +Seigneur de Vanlay, to the Dauphin, Venice, 20th Dec., 1538.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Pièces Orig., vol. 1004, Dossier Dinteville, ff. 84, 85.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> Ribier, “Lettres et Mémoires d’Estat,” vol. i., page 373. The Duke of Guise to +the Connétable, Dijon, 10th Feb.—Whether the year was 1539, 1540, or 1541, makes no +difference to the argument; but it was probably the first of the three years named.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> Nephew of Vanlay’s mother, whose brother was Seigneur Du Plessis, de Savonnières, +d’Ouschamps and de la Perrine.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> Ribier, “Lett. et Mém. d’Estat,” vol. i., p. 294. Gaulcher de Dinteville (Seigneur +de Vanlay) to the Dauphin, Venice, 20 Dec., 1538.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. i., p. 301.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> Renée, daughter of Louis XII., married in 1527 to Ercole, son of the Duke of +Ferrara. See also <i>ante</i>, <a href="#Page_45">p. 45</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> Ribier, “Lett. et Mém. d’Estat,” vol. i., p. 449. Grignan to the Connétable, 29 +April, 1539.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> Ribier, “Lett. et Mém. d’Estat,” vol. i., p. 479. Grignan to the Connétable, Rome, +21 Oct., 1539.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., MSS. fr. 20440, pp. 81-84. Deposition of the Bailly of Troyes in +favour of his brother, the Bishop of Auxerre.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> Selve died in April, 1541.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Fonds Dupuy, 702, ff. 138-9. (A gold reliquary set with precious +stones; another of silver-gilt set with similar stones; another reliquary of silver enamelled +in blue, with a long and large stone called lapis lazuli, engraved with the mysteries of the +Passion.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> “On the following day the said Damoyselle de Thelligny and Madame de Brou, her +sister, came to dine with me at the apartment of the late Duke of Orleans. Which ladies +both told me it would be necessary to come to an agreement with the said Bishop of Lavaur, +and that Madame d’Estampes had become very angry when the said M. de Lavaur had +come to speak to her in the room where she was playing at cards, and had said that we +were not yet where we imagined.... Seeing which I recognized that we should be obliged +to take that course. And the next or the same day (I do not remember which) I went to +find the said Bishop of Lavaur in his apartment, in a little low room, where was the Bailly +of Dijon ... and a few others ...; and I said these, or similar, words to the Bishop +of Lavaur:</p> + +<p>“‘Sir, my friends have told me that Madame d’Estampes has in the last two days spoken +ill words of Monsieur d’Aucerre and of my brothers. For which reason, sooner than to +fall again into the king’s disfavour, we would rather lose all we possess. You know that +in past times we were friends. You speak of wishing to have the bishopric of Aucerre; +I beg and warn you to content yourself with something else instead.’</p> + +<p>“He insisted that he wished to have the Abbey of Monstier-aramey. I then begged +him to give up the said Abbey of Monstier-aramey. He continued to insist, desiring it +rather than that of Monstier-la-Celle. Nevertheless I showed him that the said Abbey +of Monstier-aramey was close to Polisy, and that that of Monstier-la-Celle was of the same +value, within six or seven hundred livres, which was not a great sum. In the end, the +said Bishop of Lavaur agreed to this.</p> + +<p>“He then made a great fuss about having the house of the see of Auxerre at Paris, +which I would not at all agree to, although, if he became our friend, not only that one, +but all others would be at his service....”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> Married women were called “Mademoiselle;” only those whose husbands were +knights had the right to the title of “Madame.” Decrue de Stoutz, “La Cour de France +au seizième siècle,” p. 74.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> Charles, Duke of Orleans, died in 1545, and this document, though referring to +1542, was drawn up at a later date.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> <i>I.e.</i>, to resign one of the abbeys.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> “... And it was agreed this should be put in writing. Which was done on the +following day in my room, at the apartment of the said late Duke of Orleans; in the +absence of the said Bishop of Auxerre, who declined to be present.... And I truthfully +certify that the resignation of the said Abbey of Monstier-la-Celle, which was then made to +the said Bishop of Lavaur, and the receipts given for the furniture and revenues of the +bishopric of Auxerre, proceeded from the fear and dread lest Madame d’Estampes should +replace the said Bishop of Auxerre, and all of us, his brothers, in the bad graces of the +king; and lest it should again be necessary to fly and remain out of the kingdom, as had +been done before; and in order that the said Madame d’Estampes and the said Bishop of +Lavaur might no longer prevent my brother from returning and re-possessing himself of +his houses and benefices.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> The Bishop protested against this enforced resignation. See Camusat, “Promptuarium +sacrarum antiquitatem Tricassinæ diocesis,” p. 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Pièces Orig., vol. 1004, Dossier Dinteville, ff. 84, 85.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Fonds Dupuy, 702, f. 134.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="label">[273]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Fonds Dupuy, 702, f. 134. Camusat, “Promptuarium,” etc., pp. +26-28, June, 1542.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="label">[274]</a> “Bailly, having seen your basque here, I would not allow him to return without sending +you some news of me through him; which are, thank God, very good, and such as you +desire them to be; but they will be still better when I hear that you have quite recovered +your health, which I beg you to take great care of; and, in return, I will tell you, bailly, +that I am doing all that is possible to reduce Ivoy, which I shall attack to-morrow from +another side; and by these and all other means, I hope to take the place, with the aid of +Him who is the giver of victory. For the rest, I have had news from Longueval, who is +only at two or three days’ march from here, with his troop, which I am told is as fine and +resolute a one as one could wish to see. I shall make him hang about the place where he +is with his said troop, pending the return of Iversay, whom I have sent to the king to bring +me back orders as to what it will please him that I should do with the said troop, and also +with that which is with me here. Meanwhile, having nothing more to say at present, I will +end, recommending myself to you, and praying Our Lord, Bailly, that He may give you as +good health as I wish to you. Written from the camp before Ivoy this 14th day of August, +[1542].</p> + +<p class="center">“Your good master,</p> + +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Charles</span>.</p> + +<p>“To M. the Bailly of Troyes, one of my chamberlains.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="label">[275]</a> The deceased Louis de Dinteville, Seneschal of Rhodes, also had a Basque servant. +This may have been the same one, or perhaps it was a fashion of the moment to have a +Basque attendant.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="label">[276]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Coll. Dupuy, vol. 726, f. 117.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="label">[277]</a> Brantôme, “Hommes Illustres Français,” Discours xlvi., Eloge du Duc d’Orléans. +Decrue de Stoutz, “La Cour de France,” etc., pp. 31, 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="label">[278]</a> Decrue de Stoutz, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="label">[279]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Pièces Orig., vol. 1004, Dossier Dinteville, f. 87a.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="label">[280]</a> Primaticcio designed for the house of the Connétable allegorical figures of the +cardinal virtues, which were executed in fresco by Niccolò dell’ Abate. The house was +situated in the Rue Sainte-Avoie, now Rue du Temple. It was subsequently the Hôtel +de Mesmes. See Félibien, “Entretiens sur les Vies et les ouvrages des plus excellents +peintres,” tome i., p. 523, and Decrue de Stoutz, “Anne de Montmorency,” part i., +p. 419.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="label">[281]</a> Mrs. Mark Pattison, “The Renaissance in France,” vol. ii., p. 269.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="label">[282]</a> He may indeed have been acquainted with greater than they. In 1540 Benvenuto +Cellini was in the service of the French Court, and twenty-one years earlier, when the +future Bailly was yet a boy, Lionardo da Vinci died at the Château Cloux, near Amboise.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="label">[283]</a> The writer is indebted for nearly all the facts relating to the artists of Troyes, and +to the Italians employed by Dinteville, to the very interesting paper by M. Albert Babeau +(Secretary of the Soc. Acad. de l’Aube), entitled, “Doménique Florentin, Sculpteur du +seizième siècle.” It was published in “Réunion des Sociétés savantes des Départements à +la Sorbonne, du 4 au 7 Avril 1877. Section des Beaux-Arts.” Paris, Plon, Nourrit et Cie. +1890, part i., page 108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="label">[284]</a> Archives de l’Aube, registre G. 66, fol. viˣˣ, xii, vᵒ. Quoted by M. Babeau, <i>loc. +cit.</i>, who gives the detailed heading of the Latin act.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="label">[285]</a> This has since been filled in on one side. An old map, preserved at Polisy, shows +the original plan, which is partly indicated also in <a href="#illus04">the illustration, page 35</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="label">[286]</a> <a href="#illus04">Page 35.</a> See also his letter to the Bishop of Auxerre, May 23, 1533, <a href="#Page_81">page 81</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="label">[287]</a> They are seen in the long gabled front overlooking the river, in <a href="#illus04">the illustration, +p. 35</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="label">[288]</a> Was this an allusion to the Bishop of Auxerre’s appointment as almoner to the +king and other royal personages? The repetition of the date 1545, and the symbol of +Fortune about to be explained, make it clear that the house was built by him.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="label">[289]</a> In the <i>carrelage</i> of Polisy the goddess is seen with both globe and wheel, as well as +with the horn of plenty, but without the wings. The attributes varied in different versions. +The sphere with the Hermes’ wings is sometimes interpreted as the rising sun, equally a +symbol of Fortune.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="label">[290]</a> “Christophori Longolii Lucubrationes. Lugduni, apud Seb. Gryphium, 1542.” The +winged globe is here surmounted by the Gryphon, etc., which formed the rest of the +bookseller’s device; but these attributes do not concern us here. The “Orations of Longolius” +are bound up with the “Epistles of P. Bunelli,” published in 1551 at Paris, by Ch. +Etienne. The volume is rare.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="label">[291]</a> Camusat, “Mesl. Hist.,” part ii., p. 212.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="label">[292]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, at the end of the volume. The memoir has also been reprinted in some of +the French collections of famous memoirs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="label">[293]</a> ... “as I did not wish to become a monk, she placed me with M. de Polizy, +Bailly of Troyes, head of the house of Dinteville, a personage as accomplished and as +adorned with all virtues and sciences as any man of his time and quality; having been +governour to M. d’Orléans and ambassador for the king in England. But having become +paralytic, and helpless in all his limbs, and being unable for this reason to continue at +Court, and having therefore retired to his own home, he began for his pleasure and entertainment +to build this beautiful house of Polizy. Which personage showed me such +friendship that he would take the trouble himself to instruct me in all the sciences of which +my youth was capable; and, when I had remained with him up to the age of fourteen or +fifteen years, wishing to form me better by the frequenting of society and the exercise of +arms, he gave me to M. Deschenetz, his brother, Chevalier of the King’s Order, and captain +of fifty men-at-arms, with whom I made several journeys....”</p> + +<p>At a later date Mergey fought for “la religion” (<i>i.e.</i>, the reformed religion), under +La Rochefoucauld; but wishing to have, as he says, “another string to his bow,” he did +not forget to cultivate “Mr. de Sesac” (a follower of the Guise), who had meanwhile become +the husband of Claude de Dinteville, the eldest daughter of Deschenetz and heiress of +Polisy. This was the lady with whom, in later years, Camusat was acquainted, and through +whom he learnt the story of Holbein’s masterpiece (see Part I., <a href="#Page_14">p. 14</a>). It will be perceived, +therefore, how close was the connection between Jean de Dinteville, uncle to this lady, +and the documents derived from Camusat which relate the history of the picture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="label">[294]</a> It is probable that at the time of disgrace Jean de Dinteville either resigned or was +deprived of the Order of St. Michael, and that Henri II., on his accession, made his special +<i>protégé</i> among the Dinteville brothers, Guillaume, Seigneur Deschenetz, a knight of the +order in the place of Jean, whose health no longer allowed him to leave home. Article +XV. of the statutes of the order provides that any knight can be deprived for treason, +or for the accusation of treason. It further lays down that if a knight be grievously +wronged by his sovereign, and cannot obtain justice after having requested it, and allowed +due time to elapse, that knight may return the collar and quit the order without forfeiting +his honour.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="label">[295]</a> “My nephew, I have received two letters from you, one dated the 4th October, the +other the 23rd January last. You write to me that you have received letters from my +sister De Lyencourt and that it appears to you that she is much pleased with the affair of +Monstier la Scelle; she may well be so; she is indeed bound and obliged to pray God +to bless Monseigneur d’Auxerre, as we all are, for the great benefit he has been pleased +to confer on Benjamin. My niece De Lyencourt, who is with Madame la Connestable, +wrote me word that the said Monseigneur d’Auxerre and Monsr. Des Chenetz were at Fontainebleau. +And since then Nicolas de la Croix has written to me that the said Monseigneur +d’Auxerre was about to arrive at Paris. I had heard of the capture of Aspremont +by the forces of the Emperor. The same Nicolas de la Croix writes to me that +wheat has been sold at Paris for a hundred and seventeen <i>solz tournois</i> the <i>septier</i>, and +oats for forty-eight, which is very dear.... I am sorry to hear of the illness of Madame +de la Mothe and her daughter, but as they are mending, I hope it will be nothing. Those +who come from Court say that there is a great rumour that the king is to go to Germany; +that Duke Maurice of Saxony and other German princes are in arms against the Emperor, +and that they will take the side of the king and enter his service; that the queen will be +Regent in France, and will be at Rheims; that Monsr. l’Admiral will remain with her; +that Cardinal Tournon will be the king’s lieutenant at Lyons; that the Grand Seigneur +[the Turk] is making great preparations for war in the present year, both by land and sea. +I expect you hear all these news better where you are than we do here, for you can receive +information from Messrs. d’Auxerre and des Chenetz, who are at Court. I think that by +the beginning of the month of March I shall be able to leave this country to go to +Lyons, taking Grenoble on the way. When I am at Lyons, you shall have news of me, +and I will send you some seeds for your new garden.</p> + +<p class="center">“My nephew, etc.,</p> + +<p>“From Montpellier, 20th February, 1551 (N.S. 1552).</p> + +<p class="center">“Your uncle and friend,</p> + +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Duplessys</span>.”</p> + +<p>“To my nephew, M. de Pollisy, Bailly of Troyes.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="label">[296]</a> Guillaume Du Plessis, Seigneur de Liancourt, was a younger brother of Dinteville’s +correspondent, Charles Du Plessis, Seigneur de Savonnières, d’Ouschamps, and de la +Perrine. Both were brothers of Dinteville’s mother. Guillaume, Seigneur de Liancourt, +died in 1550. The lady mentioned in the text was his widow.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="label">[297]</a> The Bishop of Auxerre had presented the Abbey of Montier-la-Celle to his first +cousin, Benjamin, son of Guillaume, Seigneur de Liancourt.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="label">[298]</a> De Montmorency.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="label">[299]</a> Dinteville’s sister, Charlotte, had married Louis Raguier, Seigneur de la Motte de +Tilly.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="label">[300]</a> Henri II.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="label">[301]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS. fr. 20465, f. 299a.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="label">[302]</a> Le Beuf, “Mémoires concernant l’histoire ecclesiastique, etc., d’Auxerre,” page 588. +The Bishop had a favourite painter, named Felix Chrétien, whom he had raised from the +position of simple chorister to that of canon of the cathedral, on account of his delicacy +of hand in penmanship and painting. Chrétien possessed considerable talent, and was +the painter of a large triptych representing the “Martyrdom of Ste. Eugénie,” which still +hangs in the church of Varzy, in the diocese of Auxerre (Dept. of Nièvres), though now +in a terribly dilapidated state. The portrait of the Bishop is introduced amongst a group +in the central panel of this picture. (See <a href="#illus05">illustration, p. 56</a>.) Chrétien reproduced the +features of the Bishop a second time, in a smaller work, which is in every way inferior to +the picture at Varzy. This is the “Stoning of St. Stephen,” which now hangs in the north +ambulatory of the Cathedral of Auxerre. The Emperor Louis Napoleon offered a large +sum, without success, for the “Martyrdom of Ste. Eugénie,” which he wished to purchase +for the Empress. Being unable to obtain the picture, he had a copy made of it. Varzy +is a place which travellers should by no means pass by. The church is of very beautiful +thirteenth-century Gothic, and resembles a small cathedral. The ancient inn was +formerly a religious house, and with its tower and court is strikingly picturesque. The +same family has now owned it for upwards of two hundred years.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="label">[303]</a> See <a href="#illus06">illustration, page 110</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="label">[304]</a> Unless it may be assumed that the drawing in question was executed by Holbein on +one of his later journeys abroad, which would give some additional latitude of time. On +his way to “High Burgundy,” for instance, in the summer of 1538, he would almost pass +the gates of Polisy, if the direct route across France were selected. (High Burgundy, or +Franche-Comté, was Imperial territory, and lay due east of French Burgundy, in which +Polisy was situated.) If the Bailly of Troyes sat to Holbein for this drawing at about the +time suggested, the days of adversity which shortly fell upon the Dinteville family would +explain the fact that, so far as is known, no painting was ever made from it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="label">[305]</a> Both hang in one room at the Dresden Gallery.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="label">[306]</a> The late Sir Frederick Burton was of this opinion, which is also held by Mr. Sidney +Colvin (see his letter to the “Times,” September, 1890).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="label">[307]</a> The authentic sources for the date of Selve’s birth are given Part I., <a href="#Page_13">p. 13</a>. None +of the popular compendiums of biography, etc., so far as the writer is acquainted with them, +are to be trusted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="label">[308]</a> Bayle denies this, and says the name in its original form is De Salva, and is of +Limousin origin (Dictionary, ed. 1739, Art. Selve).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="label">[309]</a> “Petri Bunelli Epistolæ,” Paris, 1551. Letter to Danès (1541), p. 95.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="label">[310]</a> “Educated where I am, both I and those belonging to me, by your benefaction....”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="label">[311]</a> Of these all, excepting one, sooner or later served the king as ambassadors. They +are usually given in the following order: 1, Lazare, Gentilhomme de la Chambre du Roi, +ambassador in Switzerland; 2, Jean-Paul, Bishop of St. Flour, ambassador (at a late +date) at Rome; 3, George, Bishop of Lavaur, the subject of this memoir; 4, Odet, +Président du Grand Conseil, ambassador in England, at Venice, and at Rome, where he +died; 5, Jean, Abbé de Saint Vigor; 6, François, ambassador at Constantinople.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="label">[312]</a> Jacques Amyot, author of a famous translation of Plutarch’s “Lives,” was born +1513, and died 1593. He was tutor to the sons of Henri II., was sent on a mission to +the Council of Trent, and was Bishop of Auxerre from 1571 until his death.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="label">[313]</a> Probably a relation of Selve’s mother.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="label">[314]</a> All the confusion in popular sources as to the date of Selve’s birth appears to have +arisen from one misstatement or misprint, to the effect that he was promoted to the +episcopate in 1524. Coupled with the unquestioned fact that he was made a bishop +when in his eighteenth year, it was therefore loosely inferred that he must have been born +in 1506. The facts given above show that the circumstances of his appointment to +Lavaur were such as to preclude all possibility of its having taken place before 1526; +even were the Papal licence (<a href="#Page_13">page 13</a>) not proof positive as to his age.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="label">[315]</a> The Cardinal of Lorraine, of the house of Guise, was made Archbishop of Rheims +in 1534, at nine years old.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="label">[316]</a> The originals of these letters are at the Château of Villiers near La Ferté Alais, and +belong to the Marquis de Selve, to whose courtesy the writer is indebted for their use here. +Copies are to be found in the Bibl. Nat. at Paris (Carrés d’Hozier, vol. 579). They bear +no date of year in either series, but only of day and month. Those addressed to the +Cardinal-Legate must, however, have been written in the spring following Selve’s appointment, +<i>i.e.</i>, in 1527. Two series of letters are mixed up both in the originals and the copies, +as at least one letter from the Queen of Navarre was not written till after the death of the +Président de Selve, which occurred in 1529.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="label">[317]</a> “... for love of me, and at my request, to abandon your claim to the said bishopric, +resigning in favour of the son of the Premier Président every right you may have or claim +to the said bishopric.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="label">[318]</a> “My cousin, you have already heard of the king’s desire, and mine, that the son of +Monsʳ. the Premier Président should be provided with the bishopric of Lavaur; and as +the king and I have not yet received a reply from you which satisfies our intention, I have +been moved, my cousin, to write to you again about it, begging you very affectionately and +as much as I know how to beg for anything, that you would desist, at the request of the +said lord and of me, from your claim, and also would dispose to the profit and in favour +of the son of the said Premier Président of all right that you may pretend to the said +benefice; assuring you that the said lord and I will recollect this favour in a thing of greater +consequence, in such a way that you will be satisfied. For the rest, and in conclusion, +you must know that the said lord and I will support the son of the said Premier Président +right through this affair, making it our own; for which reason I earnestly beg you again, +my cousin, to be so good as to think over it, and to yield in this matter to the very +affectionate request made by the said lord and by me. And thus fare well, my cousin, +etc.... Written at St. Germain en Laye, 1st April. (Postscript.) I pray you my cousin +to oblige the king and me in the matter above treated of, and you will find it to your +advantage.</p> + +<p class="center">“Your good cousin,</p> + +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Loyse</span>.”</p> + +<p>“To my cousin, Cardinal Clermont, Legate of Avignon.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="label">[319]</a> “... have the thing so greatly at heart that I cannot sufficiently write it to you.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="label">[320]</a> “Monsr. de Lavaur, my friend, I have received the letter that you wrote to me, +and there is no need that you should thank me, for I am too much and too old a friend +of your father’s, and should wish to please him and all his race. You, on your side, will +consider whether there is anything else I can do for you, and you will never fail to find +me a good brother, yet more in deeds than in words, and this I beg you to believe. +Which shall be the conclusion of this present, etc. From Avignon this 22nd June.</p> + +<p class="center">“Your best brother and friend,</p> + +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">F. Cardˡ. de Clermont</span>.”</p> + +<p>“To Monsʳ. de Lavaur.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="label">[321]</a> St. Germain, 3rd May, 1528. Paris, Arch. Nat., P556¹, côte 710. Bibl. de +l’Institut, Coll. Godefroy, Mémoire de M. de Camusat sur les enfants et descendants du +Premier Président de Selve.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="label">[322]</a> “Gallia Christiana,” 1656, vol. iii., p. 1142. The notice there given respecting the +missions of 1529 is omitted in the edition of 1715 (hitherto quoted in this work), where +the article on George de Selve was rewritten and enlarged. This circumstance might +appear to throw doubt on the accuracy of the information conveyed in the earlier +edition. But as it receives confirmation from several other independent sources, it is +probable that the facts of the previous edition are correct; but that the early diplomatic +labours of the Bishop were thrown into shade by the more important work of his riper +years dwelt upon in the later edition.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="label">[323]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Cab. d’Hozier, vol. 304, f. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="label">[324]</a> See <a href="#Footnote_333">note at the end of this chapter</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325" class="label">[325]</a> Most observers will agree that the appearance of the Bishop of Lavaur in Holbein’s +portrait bears out this remark.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326" class="label">[326]</a> “Œuvres de Feu Révérend Père en Dieu, George de Selve, Evesque de la Vaur,” +Paris, 1559. “Autres Remonstrances faictes par ledict De Selve auxdicts Alemans.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327" class="label">[327]</a> The Diet of Spires of 1529 was, as is well known, one of the most reactionary of +the great assemblies held at the epoch of the Reformation. A large majority of those +who attended it were partisans of Rome. Consequently, the resolutions passed were all +in favour of the old order of things, and actually reversed many decisions advantageous +to the Lutherans which had formerly been agreed upon. For a moment, the Reformation +received a sharp check. As a result of the proceedings, the minority drew up the famous +declaration which first gave rise to the name of “Protestants.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328" class="label">[328]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS. fr. 842, f. 122ᵇ.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329" class="label">[329]</a> Archives of the Château de Villiers (Marquis de Selve); and Paris, Bibl. Nat., +Carrés d’Hozier, vol. 579, f. 341. Marguerite, Queen of Navarre, to the Grand-Maître de +Montmorency, Blois, 18th April.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330" class="label">[330]</a> Paris, Bibl. de l’lnstitut, Coll. Godefroy, f. 414. Obsèques de la femme du premier +président de Selve, 27th November, 1532.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331" class="label">[331]</a> Easter fell in this year on the 13th April.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332" class="label">[332]</a> See pp. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77-78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333" class="label">[333]</a> “A Mʳᵉ George de Selve, évesque de Lavaur, ... pour aller comme ambassadeur +devers le duc et seigneurie de Venise, et illec ... <i>devant ledit temps</i>, pour leur communiquer +les choses dont il lui a donné charge et celles qui adviendroient ci après.”—Lyons, +2nd December, 1533. Paris, Bibl. Nat., Cabinet d’Hozier, vol. 304 (Dossier Selve), +f. 15, Extraits de Comptes, etc. See also <a href="#Page_151">page 151</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334" class="label">[334]</a> “Gallia Christiana” (1715), vol. xiii. (1722), p. 344. Ecclesia Vaurensis, No. xxi., +Georgius de Selve.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335" class="label">[335]</a> Thevet, “Histoire des plus illustres Hommes,” etc., Paris, 1661, vol. viii., chap. ii., +p. 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336" class="label">[336]</a> Pierre Bunel, called by Bayle (“Dict.,” second edition, 1735) “one of the politest +Latin writers that lived in the sixteenth century,” was born at Toulouse in 1499. He +studied with much distinction at the University of Paris, and proceeded thence to Padua. +He was three years in the service of Lazare de Baif at Venice (the friend, as we know, of +the Bishop of Auxerre); afterwards entering that of George de Selve, with whom he +remained until the death of that prelate. He then found himself plunged into poverty, +from which he was rescued by the Du Faur family, one of whom sent Bunel to Italy as +tutor to his sons. Bunel died of fever, at Turin, in 1546.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337" class="label">[337]</a> Reginald Pole, the celebrated Cardinal, was born in 1500, and was the son of Sir +Richard Pole and of Margaret Plantagenet, Countess of Salisbury. He was educated at +Charterhouse and Oxford, after which he was sent by King Henry VIII. to study at +Padua. He steadily opposed the divorce of the king, and in 1532 had drawn such a +hornets’ nest about his ears in England that he asked permission to go abroad again to +study theology. He now resided for some years at Padua, and either there or at Venice +made acquaintance with Selve. Bembo, Longolius, Sadoleto, Contarini, Ludovico Priuli, +were among the circle of his friends. The Pope employed him on a committee for reforming +the discipline of the Church, but the greater part of his time was spent in endeavouring to +raise the European powers against Henry VIII., with the view to re-establish the Papal +authority in England. He was one of the Legates sent to the Council of Trent. On the +death of Cranmer in 1557 Pole became Archbishop of Canterbury. He died on the +same day as Queen Mary, November 17, 1558.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338" class="label">[338]</a> Pietro Bembo, born at Venice in 1470, was one of the most celebrated Italian +writers of the sixteenth century. After a varied existence he was appointed secretary to +Leo X. in conjunction with Sadoleto. On the death of that Pope he retired to Padua, +where his house became a centre of intellectual life. He was made a Cardinal in 1539, +and subsequently Bishop of Gubbio and of Bergamo. He died, covered with honours, in +1547.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339" class="label">[339]</a> Jacopo Sadoleto, Cardinal, in whom brilliant talents were united with extraordinary +charm of disposition, was born at Modena in 1477. He studied at Ferrara at the same +time as Bembo, which was the origin of their friendship, and was afterwards secretary to +Leo X. Sadoleto never asked a favour for himself. He was appointed Bishop of +Carpentras (a Papal see in the south of France, depending from Avignon) in 1517. +Although reluctant to leave his diocese, such were his qualities of mind and character +that he was frequently summoned to Rome on important commissions, and was made a +Cardinal in 1536, without having in any way sought or coveted distinction. His gentleness, +goodness, and moderation made him beloved by all; he even protected heretics, saying, +“Je ne sais comment la nature m’a créé, mais je ne puis haïr parce qu’on ne partage pas +mon opinion” (Guettée, “Hist. de l’Eglise de France,” vol. viii., p. 222). His correspondence +with Calvin (from whose opinions he of course entirely differed) is well known. +Melanchthon sent him every new work he published. After being employed in many +high offices, Sadoleto died at Rome in 1547.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340" class="label">[340]</a> Renée of France bore this title until her husband succeeded, as Ercole II., to the +dukedom of Ferrara, which happened later in this same year (1534).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341" class="label">[341]</a> Selve even tried to obtain for her the release of some of her French <i>protégés</i> who +had been imprisoned on the accusation of heresy. (Bart. Fontana, “Renata di Francia,” +vol. i., p. 344.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342" class="label">[342]</a> See <a href="#Footnote_311">note 2, p. 145</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343" class="label">[343]</a> “Petri Bunelli Epistolæ,” p. 114. To Odet de Selve, from Venice, 16 January +1534.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344" class="label">[344]</a> “Petri Bunelli Epistolæ,” pp. 30 and 45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345" class="label">[345]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xii., part i., No. 14, Geo. Selva, Bp. of La +Vaur to Cardinal Pole. Venice, 3 Non. Jan. 1536 (Latin).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346" class="label">[346]</a> “Dict. Nat. Biography,” Art. Pole.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347" class="label">[347]</a> See <a href="#Page_108">p. 108</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348" class="label">[348]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xii., No. 516, Geo. Selva, etc., to Card. Pole.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349" class="label">[349]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS. Clairembault, 1215, f. 75. The payments for the post of +ambassador at Venice expire February 19; those for Rome begin on the following day.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350" class="label">[350]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS. Clairembault, 1215, f. 78.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351" class="label">[351]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, MS. fr. 2968, f. 87; Ribier, “Lettres et Mémoires d’Estat,” vol. i., p. 66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352" class="label">[352]</a> Ribier, “Lettres et Mémoires d’Estat,” vol. i., p. 41. Cardinal Mascon and the +Bishop of Lavaur to the King of France, Rome, 12th July, 1537. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 76. The same +to the Grand-Maître de Montmorency, Rome, December, 1537.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353" class="label">[353]</a> Ribier, “Lettres et Mém. d’Estat,” vol. i., p. 128, Card. Mascon and the Bp. of Lavaur +to the Conn. de Montmorency, Rome, 14th March, 1538.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354" class="label">[354]</a> Strictly speaking the Bishop of Lavaur alone was accredited as French ambassador to +the Holy See, but throughout this period he and Cardinal Mâcon acted in concert.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355" class="label">[355]</a> Letters and Papers, vol. xiii., part i. (1538), No. 972, Card. Tournon to Card. +Carpi, Valentia, May 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356" class="label">[356]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, same time and place.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357" class="label">[357]</a> Ribier, “Lett. et Mém. d’Estat,” vol. i., pages 147 and 150. Mascon and +Lavaur to the Connétable de Montmorency. Carpi to the same. Piacenza, 1st May, +1538.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358" class="label">[358]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, page 150. The Connétable de Montmorency to Cardinal Mascon and the +Bishop of Lavaur, 14th May, 1538.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359" class="label">[359]</a> Letters and Papers, vol. xiii., part i., No. 1004, Montmorency to Castillon, Avignon, +14th May, 1538.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360" class="label">[360]</a> “Monseigneur de Lavaur ... est parti ce jourd’huy matin en diligence, pour aller +trouver le Roy....”—Ribier, “Lett. et Mém. d’Estat,” vol. i., page 154. Cardinal +Mascon to the Connétable, Savona, 11th May, 1538.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361" class="label">[361]</a> June, 1538.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362" class="label">[362]</a> Which was broken at the end of four years (1542), when war was again declared +between France and the Empire.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363" class="label">[363]</a> The final payment he received as ambassador to the Holy See expired June 30, +1538.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364" class="label">[364]</a> The shell of the castle of the Pico family still exists, though in a half-ruinous condition. +A theatre has been established in one part of the building, which has lost all traces of +former magnificence. The latter can only be guessed at from the great height of some of +the apartments. The decision of the municipal authorities some years ago, to pull down +the old city walls of La Mirandola, has fatally robbed the little town of poetry and picturesqueness, +but it contains one or two interesting churches.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365" class="label">[365]</a> Paris, Archives des Affaires Etrangères, Corr. politiques, Rome, vol. iii., f. 401ᵇ, La +Mirandola.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366" class="label">[366]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., Fonds Dupuy, vol. xliv., f. 27ᵃ, and Aff. Etrang., Corr. polit., Rome, +vol. iii., f. 401.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367" class="label">[367]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS. Clairembault, 1215, f. 78. Compiègne, 9th October, 1538.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368" class="label">[368]</a> Perhaps it refers to 1529. There would be nothing surprising in the long postponement, +as the ambassadors’ salaries were in chronic arrears.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369" class="label">[369]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xiii., part i., No. 11. Geo. de Selve, Bp. of +Lavaur, to Cardinal Pole.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370" class="label">[370]</a> The episcopal palace was demolished in the present century by the person who +had acquired it at the time of the French Revolution, who pulled it to pieces, and sold +it stone by stone, lest the edifice should be claimed as ecclesiastical property. The grounds +and site are now used as public gardens. Lavaur ceased to be a bishopric towards the +end of the eighteenth century.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371" class="label">[371]</a> “The gate by which we have entered into the park of Jesus Christ where we are +now, bearing the name and mark of His sheep.”—“Œuvres de Feu Révérend Père en +Dieu, George de Selve, Evesque de la Vaur.” Paris, 1559.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372" class="label">[372]</a> “Œuvres de George de Selve,” etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373" class="label">[373]</a> “It seems to me, when writing to you, that I am with you in conversation, which +is so great a consolation to me that I cannot or will not find an ending to it.”—<i>Ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374" class="label">[374]</a> “Discourse containing the only true means by which a servant favoured by his +Prince and entrusted by him with the administration of affairs, may preserve eternal and +temporal felicity, and avoid those things which might cause him to lose either one or the +other.”—“Œuvres,” etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375" class="label">[375]</a> “... speak to-day of living in obedience, or of doing good works as necessary to +eternal life, one half of the world cries out that he is a Papist and an advocate of justification +by works. If he preach salvation through Jesus Christ and the redemption of +sins, the other half of the world exclaims that he is a Lutheran and a disseminator of +false doctrine....”—<i>Ibid.</i> (Letter addressed to a certain “Frère François” who was +preaching at Lavaur in the bishop’s absence.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376" class="label">[376]</a> Ribier, “Lett. et Pap. d’Estat,” vol. i., page 468. Relation of the Bishop-Elect of +Avranches on his return from Spain in September, 1539. The Bishop-Elect of Avranches +had been sent on a special mission to the Spanish Court, where Anthoine de Castelnau, +Bp. of Tarbes, was now resident French ambassador.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377" class="label">[377]</a> “Remonstrances addressed to the Germans, composed and put in writing by George +de Selve, Bishop of Lavaur, to be publicly pronounced at the Diet which will be held in +Germany [when he was summoned by the Most Christian King, at the request of the +Emperor, to go thither in order to procure the reconciliation of the said Germans with +the order ecclesiastical].”—“Œuvres de George de Selve,” and Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS. fr. +3114, f. 1. The portion of the title placed in brackets was evidently added as a docket +in the customary manner by a later hand.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378" class="label">[378]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xiv., part 1, No. 1090. Card. Pole to Card. +Contarini, Carpentras, 8 June, 1539. (Pole had found a refuge near Sadoleto, at +Carpentras, in the intervals between his diplomatic missions.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379" class="label">[379]</a> “Petri Bunelli Familiares Aliquot Epistolæ,” Lutetia, 1551, page 80. To the Bishop +of Tarbes, French ambassador with the Emperor. (Latin.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380" class="label">[380]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS. Clairembault, 1215, f. 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381" class="label">[381]</a> Decrue de Stoutz, “Anne de Montmorency,” part i., pp. 376, 377.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382" class="label">[382]</a> Mary, Queen-dowager of Hungary, regent of Flanders, sister of Charles V.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383" class="label">[383]</a> Ribier, “Lett. et Mém. d’Estat,” vol. i., p. 353. Hellin had been appointed to +that post on account of his intimate knowledge of the Flemish tongue.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384" class="label">[384]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. i., p. 449. Grignan, ambassador at Rome, to the Connétable, April, +1539.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385" class="label">[385]</a> Decrue de Stoutz, “Anne de Montmorency,” part i., p. 383.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386" class="label">[386]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xv. (1540), No. 448. Wyat to Cromwell, +Ghent, 2nd April, 1540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387" class="label">[387]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 457. Instructions given to the Bishop of La Vaur, etc. Aumale, 4 April, +1540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388" class="label">[388]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 508. Sir Thomas Wyat to Cromwell. Wyat was at this time English +ambassador at the Imperial Court.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389" class="label">[389]</a> “Discourse upon the true and only means by which a good and perpetual peace may +be made between the Emperor and the Most Christian King: composed by George de +Selve, Bishop of la Vaur, when ambassador of the said King with the said Emperor.” +(“Œuvres de G. de Selve,” etc.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390" class="label">[390]</a> Gasp. Contarini, born at Venice in 1483, was sent by that republic as ambassador +to Charles V.; and, after the release of Clement VII. from the Castle of Sant’ Angelo, +which Contarini had helped to bring about, filled a similar post at the Holy See. Paul III. +made him a Cardinal in 1535. He was Papal Legate at the Diet of Ratisbon in +1540. Contarini urged upon Charles V. the desirability of restoring peace between the +nations, and exhorted the bishops assembled at the Diet to renounce luxury, ambition, +and avarice, to succour the poor, to stay in their dioceses, and to be careful to select +worthy persons for ecclesiastical promotion; in all of which we see the counterpart of the +opinions held by George de Selve. Contarini died at Bologna in 1542.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391" class="label">[391]</a> Although convened in 1542, the first session of the Council of Trent was only +opened in December, 1545; the final one, after many breaks, one of which lasted ten +years, took place in 1563. A famous <i>bon-mot</i> is recorded of Danès when assisting at the +conferences. As one of the French representatives was declaiming against the delinquencies +of the Papal Court, the Bishop of Orvieto exclaimed scornfully, <i>Gallus cantat.</i> +Instantly Danès replied, <i>Utinam ad Galli cantum Petrus resipiscerat!</i> (Quoted by +Sismondi, “Hist. des Français,” tom. xi., page 380.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392" class="label">[392]</a> The collapse of the friendship with Charles V., and the failure to promote a marriage +between the Duke of Orleans and the Infanta of Spain which should bring in its train the +restitution of Milan to France, were the signal for the fall of the Connétable. Throughout +his career attached to the Spanish alliance, the success of these negotiations would have +placed the brightest jewel in his crown of fame. They failed; and the position of the +great minister trembled in the balance. Madame d’Etampes, jealous of his good understanding +with the Dauphin, used her influence against him. Finally, in October, 1540, the +Emperor gave the <i>coup-de-grâce</i> to French aspirations by bestowing Milan on his son Philip. +Henceforth that territory was lost to French ambition. Montmorency, shortly after deprived +of all share in the management of public affairs, lived in complete retirement until the +accession of the Dauphin (Henri II.), in 1547, restored to him position and importance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393" class="label">[393]</a> “Imploring you, Monseigneur, after having done me so many other favours, not to +forget me so far as to leave me here any longer.”—“Correspondance de Guillaume +Pellicier,” edited by M. Tausserat-Radel for the French Foreign Office. George de +Selve to the Connétable, The Hague, 7th August, 1540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394" class="label">[394]</a> M. de Saveuse, formerly Bailly of Amiens, and M. de Castillon, late ambassador in +England.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395" class="label">[395]</a> “Corr. de Pellicier,” edited by M. Tausserat-Radel. George de Selve to the Connétable, +Antwerp, 25th August, 1540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396" class="label">[396]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1st September, 1540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397" class="label">[397]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Brussels, 8th September, 1540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398" class="label">[398]</a> “Corr. de Pellicier,” G. de Selve to the Connétable. Brussels, September, 1540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399" class="label">[399]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xvi. (1540-41), No. 161. Pate to the Privy +Council, 14th October, 1540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400" class="label">[400]</a> Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS. Clairembault, 1215, f. 79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401" class="label">[401]</a> Bunel writes to justify himself from the accusation (see <a href="#Page_175">page 175</a>), that he had influenced +the bishop’s decision to retire to his diocese, thus cutting short a brilliant worldly +career. It was also believed that Bunel had encouraged his patron to lead a life of +exaggerated austerity, which had hurried him to a premature death.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402" class="label">[402]</a> “Petri Bunelli Epistolæ,” Paris, 1551. To P. Danès. Tholosæ, 14 Calend. +Sextil., MDXLI. (Latin).—Bayle’s “Dictionary,” Art. Bunel.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403" class="label">[403]</a> Many authorities give the date of Selve’s death as 1542. The inscription on his +portrait at Villiers, however (see <a href="#Page_193">page 193</a>), and Bunel’s letters, place beyond dispute +the fact that it occurred in 1541, as stated above. Several of Bunel’s letters dated in the +summer and latter part of this year enlarge upon the grief caused by the bishop’s decease. +Bayle’s “Dictionary” (Art. Bunel), the “Nouvelle Biographie Générale,” etc., also give the +year correctly.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404" class="label">[404]</a> “Gallia Christiana,” <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405" class="label">[405]</a> “Œuvres de feu révérend Père en Dieu,” etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406" class="label">[406]</a> The following is a rough literal translation of the epitaph. It makes no pretence +to finish or metre, being merely intended to give the meaning.</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">“G Greatly fortunate in every enterprise:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> E Excelling in virtue, his familiar guide:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> O Of countenance at once gentle and proud:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> R Rich in all qualities required in a Prelate:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> G Governing duly the flocks in his Bishopric</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> E Enclosed: the light of the people:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> S Sin’s enemy: of blameless life the friend:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> D Distinguished on all sides for his surpassing merits:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> E Esteemed and honoured by virtuous men:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> S Submissive to all, even to the undeserving:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> E Endued with all that which becomes a man:</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> L Lieth here the Bishop of la Vaur, who by his</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> V Virtue will live for ever, in peace</div> + <div class="verse indent0"> E Eternal. And thus, O Traveller, disturb not his repose.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="center"><i>The spirit of Selve to those on earth</i>:</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">It is not I, but you, who do not live:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">It is not you, but I, who am exempt from death:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Nor I, nor you, but God, is the mighty and the strong:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">And you, and I, are servants of His Will.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407" class="label">[407]</a> “Petri Bunelli Epistolæ,” page 94. To Odet de Selve—Tholosæ, prid. Calend. +Januar., 1541. (Latin.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408" class="label">[408]</a> “Petri Bunelli Epistolæ,” page 95. To Peter Danès. Tholosæ, 14 Calend. Sextil., +1541. (Latin.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409" class="label">[409]</a> Sismondi, “Hist. des Français,” vol. xi., page 380.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410" class="label">[410]</a> Poverty is the probable explanation of Bunel’s inability to give his time to the +writing of his patron’s life. See <a href="#Footnote_336">note 2, page 157</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411" class="label">[411]</a> “Petri Bunelli Epistolæ,” page 94. To Odet de Selve.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412" class="label">[412]</a> “Benvenuto Cellini, Life,” translated by J. A. Symonds, vol. ii., p. 187.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413" class="label">[413]</a> H. Green, “Andrea Alciati and his Book of Emblems,” London, 1872. Mr. Green +believes that the collection of 1522 was never published, years of laborious research having +failed to reveal a single copy. That it should have been reputed published shows, however, +the wide fame the emblems at once attained. Pierre Bunel speaks of Alciati’s +emblems in a letter dated from Venice in 1530 (“Petri Bunelli Epistolæ,” Lutetiæ, 1551). +This must have referred to the Milan collection, as the first edition brought out at Augsburg +by Steyner was only published in the following year.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414" class="label">[414]</a> “Robe longue” was worn by lawyers and ecclesiastics; “robe courte” by laymen.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415" class="label">[415]</a> Feathers were not yet as universal in 1533 as they became a few years later, when +Brantôme wrote.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416" class="label">[416]</a> The short cape also came into fashion at a rather later period.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417" class="label">[417]</a> Brantôme, “Hommes Illustres François,” Discours xlv. (François I.), Digression +contre les ambassadeurs de robe longue. “One thing I should like much to know; if +there had been present some brave and valiant knight of the King’s Order, or a captain +of gensdarmes, or any other valorous gentleman with a good sword and bravado, whatever +the Emperor might have advanced in words, whether he would not have thought twice +on seeing the other speak and reply to him bravely; sometimes putting his hand on the +hilt of his sword, sometimes to his side as though to draw his dagger, sometimes making +a defiant gesture, sometimes drawing himself up proudly, now with his cap drawn down, +now raised up with its feather, now placed on one side, now forward, now backward, now +letting his cape hang half-way as one who is about to twist it round his arm, in order to +draw his sword.... Instead of which M. de Mascon and M. de Vely, although he (<i>sic</i>) +replied fairly well for his calling and profession, could show no other front than to smooth +his square cap from time to time with his fingers; to re-dispose his skull-cap of taffetas, to +listen well, with his two hands clasped and his thumbs extended, to gather up the sides of +his long gown of velvet or satin: all this could not inspire the smallest terror in the world, +nor instil any thought of fear into any soul....”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418" class="label">[418]</a> It may be pointed out that Dinteville’s costume shows many points of similarity +with that of Morette, in the portrait by Holbein at Dresden.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419" class="label">[419]</a> Besides the allusion already quoted from Brantôme, the literature of the time has +many allusions to “la dague et l’épée,” the ordinary accoutrement at this period of the +French gentleman. In 1530, when the children of France were released from captivity on +the payment of their father’s ransom, it was ordered that the French and Spanish gentlemen +who met on the Bidassoa to effect the exchange, were to be armed only with “dagger +and sword,” <i>i.e.</i>, to wear their every-day dress and not full armour, so as to forestall any +possibility of treachery on either side. (Du Bellay, “Mémoires,” ed. Petitot, vol. ii., page +93.) See also for the mention of the same arms, the “Life of Benvenuto Cellini,” +translated by Symonds, page 169. In pictures the double weapon is frequently seen: in +England more especially among those representing persons who favoured Continental +fashions. Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, wears dagger, tassel, and sword in the +well-known portrait at Hampton Court. Instances could easily be multiplied. Planché +(“Cyclopædia of Costume,” vol. ii., page 159) states that Rabelais attributes the origin of +this fashion to Spain.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420" class="label">[420]</a> It was a common practice to represent ecclesiastics leaning on or holding a book; +sometimes inscribed to show it was the Bible or other work connected with religion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421" class="label">[421]</a> It resumes normal proportions when viewed downwards from the right-hand side of +the picture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422" class="label">[422]</a> “Some Account of the Life and Works of Hans Holbein.” By Ralph Nicholson +Wornum, London, 1867, p. 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423" class="label">[423]</a> See <a href="#illus14">illustration, page 196</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424" class="label">[424]</a> And not, as Dr. Woltmann, with singular absence of imagination, suggests, Holbein +and his wife! (“Holbein und seine Zeit,” 2nd German edition, vol. i., p. 278.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425" class="label">[425]</a> Woltmann, “Holbein,” vol. i., p. 279.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426" class="label">[426]</a> See <i>ante</i>, <a href="#Page_80">page 80</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427" class="label">[427]</a> <a href="#Page_90">Page 90.</a></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428" class="label">[428]</a> <a href="#Page_91">Page 91.</a></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429" class="label">[429]</a> At the British Museum, Paris, Berlin, etc. See Woltmann, “Holbein,” vol. i., +chap. xii., and vol. ii., pp. 174-179.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430" class="label">[430]</a> Mrs. Bury Palliser, “Historic Devices, Badges, and War-cries,” page 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431" class="label">[431]</a> The credit of having pointed this out belongs to Mr. C. L. Eastlake, late Keeper +of the National Gallery. Mr. Eastlake thought he could discern the letters <span class="allsmcap">ASCU</span>, or <span class="allsmcap">ASQU</span>, +preceded by a doubtful <span class="allsmcap">H</span>. The writer confesses to inability to decipher these letters; +but fully appreciates the value of the suggestion that some inscription was intended. An +alternative reading to that suggested in the text would be that the lettering represents the +name or initials of the goldsmith who wrought the sheath (supposing the design to have +been actually executed). It was not unusual for armourers to sign any fine piece of +work. In this case the letters might possibly be brought into relation with Hans von +Antwerpen, a goldsmith residing in London, who had sat to Holbein in 1532, and is known +to have executed some of his designs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432" class="label">[432]</a> Dr. Daniel Burckhardt, director of the Museum, has no doubt that this drawing, +though not an original, is copied from one by Holbein, of whose style it indeed bears every +mark. The writer is indebted to Dr. Burckhardt’s kindness for all the facts connected with +this design. It is not the original of the dagger in the “Ambassadors,” as a glance at <a href="#illus15">the +illustration on the opposite page</a> will show; but it furnishes an interesting point of comparison +with the one in question.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433" class="label">[433]</a> In 1560, François II., shortly before his death, bestowed the Order of St. Michael +simultaneously on eighteen gentlemen, at the instigation of the House of Guise. Down +to the death of Henri II., the royal order had always been held in very great esteem, +the statutes limiting the number of knights to thirty-six. Continuing the precedent +of François II., Charles IX. admitted so many to the order that it became despised +and neglected. (See “Mémoires de Castelnau,” with the additions by Le Laboureur, +vol. i., pages 11 and 355.) It was not till 1578 that Henri III. founded the Order of +the Holy Ghost in consequence of the deterioration of that of St. Michael. The members +nominated to the new order were received knights of St. Michael on the eve of their +installation as knights of the Holy Ghost. Hence they were called “Chevaliers <i>des +Ordres</i> du Roi.” (Lalanne, “Dict. Hist. de la France.”)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434" class="label">[434]</a> Francis I. slightly altered the original arrangement of the connecting chain to make +it simulate the rope of the Cordeliers, in allusion to his patron, St. Francis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435" class="label">[435]</a> “Excepting under arms, when it will suffice to wear only the said image of St. +Michael suspended from a small gold chain or silk lace, whoever pleases to do so. +And similarly when the said sovereign or one of the said knights shall be travelling, or +at their houses in private, or hunting, or in other places where there is no company or +considerable assembly, they shall not be obliged to wear the said Grand Collar, but only +the said image of the Order, in the manner appointed.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436" class="label">[436]</a> “Statuts de l’Ordre de St. Michel,” Imprimerie Royale, 1725, article iii. This +edition of the statutes was drawn up, as the preface informs us, by collation of all copies +then available, whether printed or manuscript. Excepting in one or two trifling verbal +details, these statutes are identical, as the writer has proved by comparison, with those +contained in the “Livre des Ordonnances des chevaliers de l’ordre du treschrestien roy de +france Loys XIᵉ a l’honneur de sainct Michel,” printed at Paris, in 1512, by Guillaume +Eustace. The later edition has been quoted in the text only for the sake of the more +modern orthography.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_437" href="#FNanchor_437" class="label">[437]</a> Brantôme, “Hommes Illustres français,” Discours lxxxii., art. v., M. de Tavannes.—“Statuts +de l’Ordre de St. Michel,” art. iv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_438" href="#FNanchor_438" class="label">[438]</a> No. 126. It is No. 109 in the Catalogue of the Louvre by M. Frédéric Villot +(1880).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_439" href="#FNanchor_439" class="label">[439]</a> Alfonso I. died in 1534; the portrait cannot therefore have been substantially <i>later</i> +in date than the “Ambassadors.” He was the father of Ercole d’Este, who in 1527 +married Renée of France.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_440" href="#FNanchor_440" class="label">[440]</a> There are two interesting sketches by Holbein, for the Order of St. Michael, in the +Basle Museum. They show far more freedom and spirit than the St. Michael of the +“Ambassadors.” Possibly the latter was more or less a copy from the actual medallion +worn by Dinteville; or it was put in by an assistant.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_441" href="#FNanchor_441" class="label">[441]</a> See <a href="#illus16">illustration, page 210</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_442" href="#FNanchor_442" class="label">[442]</a> Compare <a href="#illus17">illustrations, page 214</a>. The gores found by Mr. Stevens are reproduced +here by kind permission of Messrs. Henry Stevens, Son and Stiles.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_443" href="#FNanchor_443" class="label">[443]</a> See the writer’s letter to the “Academy,” February 6th, 1892. The Stevens globe +is now the property of Mr. Kalbfleisch of New York.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_444" href="#FNanchor_444" class="label">[444]</a> “Johann Schöner. A reproduction of his globe of 1523, long lost.... By Henry +Stevens of Vermont.... Edited by C. H. Coote. London, 1888.” Schöner was a distinguished +mathematician, astronomer, and geographer. Born in 1477 at Carlstadt, his +name is chiefly associated with Nuremberg, where, at various intervals, he spent long +periods of his life. He corresponded with Copernicus; and Melanchthon contributed +prefaces to several of his books. The latter, which are mainly concerned with astronomy +and mathematics, and the then kindred subjects of astrology and medicine, also include +treatises on the various celestial and terrestrial globes of which he was the author. Four +of Schöner’s earth-globes, if we include that under consideration, have come down to the +present day. A specimen of the earliest, dated 1515, is preserved at Frankfort; of the +second (1520) in the Germanic Museum at Nuremberg; the gores found by Mr. Stevens +are supposed to represent the third (1523); and the fourth (1534) may be seen in the +Grand-Ducal Library at Weimar. Schöner died in 1547. Further information may be +found, if desired, in the interesting book named above.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_445" href="#FNanchor_445" class="label">[445]</a> See Mr. Coote’s article on Maximilianus Transylvanus, “Athenæum,” July 16th, +1892.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_446" href="#FNanchor_446" class="label">[446]</a> The late Mr. C. H. Coote, British Museum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_447" href="#FNanchor_447" class="label">[447]</a> In <a href="#illus17">the illustrations, p. 214</a>, to facilitate comparison with the Stevens’ globe, Holbein’s +copy has been placed in the same position as the original gores. To see Holbein’s globe +as it is placed in the picture and described above, this book must be turned round, so as +to present the globe handle <i>downwards</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_448" href="#FNanchor_448" class="label">[448]</a> Pritann. (Britannia), Norma..ia., Avern., Burgund., Languedoc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_449" href="#FNanchor_449" class="label">[449]</a> Paris, Leon, Baion, Polisy. The rivers Seine and Rhone are also laid down by +Holbein, but left unnamed, probably through lack of space.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_450" href="#FNanchor_450" class="label">[450]</a> Castil., Aragon., Navar., Grana.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_451" href="#FNanchor_451" class="label">[451]</a> Roma, Genua.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_452" href="#FNanchor_452" class="label">[452]</a> See <a href="#Footnote_100">page 52, note 2</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_453" href="#FNanchor_453" class="label">[453]</a> <a href="#Page_54">Page 54.</a></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_454" href="#FNanchor_454" class="label">[454]</a> <a href="#Page_55">Page 55.</a></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_455" href="#FNanchor_455" class="label">[455]</a> The <i>S</i> in Polisy is partially effaced.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_456" href="#FNanchor_456" class="label">[456]</a> See <a href="#APPENDIX_B">Appendix B</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_457" href="#FNanchor_457" class="label">[457]</a> See <i>ante</i>, <a href="#Page_151">page 151</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_458" href="#FNanchor_458" class="label">[458]</a> See <a href="#illus19">illustration, page 218</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_459" href="#FNanchor_459" class="label">[459]</a> They are there respectively numbered II. and XIX. In both cases the words in +the form given are due to Luther: the first hymn being his translation of the ancient +“Veni Creator,” the second his paraphrase of the Ten Commandments. The latter first +received the title given to it by him, “Die zehen Gebot kürtzer gefasst” (“A shortened +Version of the Ten Commandments”), in the Wittemberg “Gesangbuch” of 1529. In +Walther’s “Gesangbuch” it is simply numbered “XIX.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_460" href="#FNanchor_460" class="label">[460]</a> Brightness, brilliancy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_461" href="#FNanchor_461" class="label">[461]</a> The first strophe of the “Veni Creator” was, in fact, used as an antiphon +in the Roman Catholic Church. (Antiphon: “A short piece of plain song introduced +before a psalm or canticle, to the tone of which it corresponds, while the words are +selected so as specially to illustrate and enforce the evangelical or prophetic meaning of +the text.”—Grove’s “Dictionary of Music and Musicians.”) The suggestion that an antiphon +was intended in the picture gains some force from the fact that while a faint “D...” is +seen beneath the second hymn (“Mensch wiltu”), pointing to the commencement of the +second verse (“Dein Gott allein und Herr bin ich,” representing the First Commandment), +no second verse is indicated in the case of “Kom Heiliger Geyst,” which is +limited to one strophe. The opening of the “Veni Creator” was actually printed as an +antiphon in the “Baseler Plenarium” of the year 1514, beneath a woodcut, by Hans +Scheuffelin, representing the Descent of the Holy Ghost. (Winterfeld, “Dr. Martin +Luther’s deutsche Geistliche Lieder,” Leipzig, 1840.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_462" href="#FNanchor_462" class="label">[462]</a> The words between brackets, where the surface of the panel has been injured, are +supplied from Winterfeld, “Dr. Martin Luther’s deutsche geistliche Lieder” (Leipzig, 1840), +where Walther’s hymns are reproduced. The only exception is in the last line of the +second hymn, where the repetition of the word “Gott” is obviously intended. In Walther’s +“Gesangbuch,” in place of the repetitions seen above, “Halleluia” is twice sung at the end +of “Kom Heiliger Geyst,” and “Kyrioleis” once at the conclusion of the first verse of +“Mensch wiltu.” (A stroke over a letter implies a suppressed consonant. Thus, for +“gleubgē” read “gleubgen”; for “brūstig,” “brunstig”; for “un̄,” “und,” and so on.) +For an English rendering of the first hymn the reader is referred to the numerous translations +of the “Veni Creator,” all of which give the sense generally, not literally. The +second hymn is a paraphrase of the Ten Commandments, opening with an admonition +to obey the behests they contain.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_463" href="#FNanchor_463" class="label">[463]</a> Winterfeld, “Dr. Martin Luther’s Geistliche Lieder.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_464" href="#FNanchor_464" class="label">[464]</a> See Mr. Barclay Squires’ letter to the “Times,” November 14, 1891. The information +there given is based upon Dr. Kade’s reprint of Walther’s “Gesangbuch.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_465" href="#FNanchor_465" class="label">[465]</a> It will be recollected that this hymn still forms part of the services of the Church of +England for the Ordering of Priests and for the Consecration of Bishops.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_466" href="#FNanchor_466" class="label">[466]</a> Spangenberg’s “Kirchengesenge,” Magdeburg, 1545; quoted by Winterfeld, “Der +Evangelische Kirchengesang,” p. 306.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_467" href="#FNanchor_467" class="label">[467]</a> “Je receuz ces jours passez voz lettres du premier mars.... J’ay aussy eu le pacquet +de celles que m’escripvoit Monsʳ l’Archevesque de Cantorberi auxquelles je faiz response.”—Claude +Dodieu, Sieur de Vély, French ambassador with the Emperor, to the Bailly of +Troyes. From Paris, 2nd May, 1533. (Paris, Bibl. Nat., Coll. Dupuy, vol. 263, f. 96.)—Throughout +the period of Henry VIII.’s divorce and re-marriage with Anne Boleyn +Cranmer had probably much to do with the Frenchmen. It will be remembered that in +the procession for Anne Boleyn’s coronation he and Dinteville rode side by side. (See +<i>ante</i>, <a href="#Page_85">page 85</a>.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_468" href="#FNanchor_468" class="label">[468]</a> Cranmer’s second wife, whom he married in Germany in 1532, the year before he +became Archbishop of Canterbury, was the daughter of Osiander, the Reformer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_469" href="#FNanchor_469" class="label">[469]</a> See <a href="#illus20">illustration, page 224</a>, for a comparison of the page painted by Holbein with +the corresponding page of the original book.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_470" href="#FNanchor_470" class="label">[470]</a> Peter Apian, or Bienewitz (of which name Apian is the Latinized form), born 1495 +at Leisnig in Saxony, became Professor of Mathematics (which included astronomy, etc.) +at Ingoldstadt in Bavaria, where he died in 1552. It appears probable enough that he may +have been a friend and correspondent of Kratzer, who was himself a native of Munich.—George +Apian, mentioned in the colophon, was evidently a member of the same family, +and a printer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_471" href="#FNanchor_471" class="label">[471]</a> The facts given above are taken from a letter to the “Athenæum,” July 30th, 1892, +in which the late Mr. C. H. Coote announced his very interesting discovery of a copy of this +book in the British Museum, and the identification of the very page seen in the picture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_472" href="#FNanchor_472" class="label">[472]</a> Now in the Louvre.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_473" href="#FNanchor_473" class="label">[473]</a> See Mr. W. Fred. Dickes in the “Magazine of Art,” November, 1891.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_474" href="#FNanchor_474" class="label">[474]</a> It was formerly of much greater extent than at present, but a portion was removed, +and other portions damaged, when “the new altar” was erected early in the eighteenth +century. See Dart, “Westmonasterum, or History and Antiquities of the Abbey Church +of St. Peter’s, Westminster,” 2 vols. fol., 1724.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_475" href="#FNanchor_475" class="label">[475]</a> Sir G. G. Scott, “Gleanings from Westminster Abbey,” second edition, 1863.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_476" href="#FNanchor_476" class="label">[476]</a> The Hymn-book and Book of Arithmetic.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_477" href="#FNanchor_477" class="label">[477]</a> Published by Steyner at Augsburg in 1531, and reprinted by him in the same year, +as well as in 1532, 1533, and 1534. Mr. Henry Green, in his authoritative treatise on +“Andrea Alciati and his Book of Emblems” (London, 1872), has shown that in all +probability the so-called first edition of Milan, 1522, existed only in manuscript.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_478" href="#FNanchor_478" class="label">[478]</a> Mr. W. Fred. Dickes was the first to point out the probable connection between +the lute in Holbein’s picture and this emblem (“Magazine of Art,” November, 1891). +The plausibility of the suggestion is happily not invalidated by the fact that Mr. Dickes +unfortunately failed to notice the broken string—a circumstance which, on Alciati’s +own showing (see <a href="#Page_229">the poem cited in the text</a>), exactly reverses the significance of the +symbol. This oversight naturally led Mr. Dickes to a wholly fallacious interpretation of +the emblem. Had that gentleman read Alciati’s explanation of the device in question, +he could not have been so misled.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_479" href="#FNanchor_479" class="label">[479]</a> Mr. Dickes says “a lute and two books” (“Magazine of Art,” November, 1891), +which of course brings the emblem much closer to Holbein’s representation. Whether the +manuscript collection of Alciati’s “Emblems” of 1522 (see <a href="#Footnote_477">above, note 1</a>) contained +“two books,” and whether that collection came under the notice of Holbein and his +sitters, it is impossible to say; no copy of it being known to exist. But had Mr. Dickes +carefully consulted the only version of Alciati’s “Emblems” which had been <i>published</i> up +to 1533—namely, that issued by Steyner—he would have seen that the device there consists +of a lute <i>only</i>. The two books first appear many years after the picture was painted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_480" href="#FNanchor_480" class="label">[480]</a> Green, “Andrea Alciati and his Book of Emblems” (London, 1872), pp. 12, 43-45. +In later editions of Alciati’s “Emblems,” “Fœdera Italorum” was inscribed “Ad Maximilian +Mediolani Ducem.” If it was indeed sent to Maximilian, it must have been composed +many years earlier than here suggested, as Maximilian was dethroned on the conquest of +the Duchy of Milan by the French, in 1515. It is noteworthy, however, that the name +of Maximilian is only appended to this emblem at a considerably later date, when it may +have been printed in error for Francesco, who was the reigning duke in 1526. Mr. Green, +indeed, appears so satisfied that the League of Cognac gave birth to this emblem, that he +excludes it from the possible list of emblems comprised in the Milan collection of 1522, +as having been composed at a later date. Internal evidence proves that it was addressed +to one of these two Dukes of Milan; to which of them is not very important. The same +fair hopes of peace in Italy, which were evoked by the accession of Maximilian, were +revived by the League of Cognac, under Francesco. The argument remains the same.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_481" href="#FNanchor_481" class="label">[481]</a> The writer is indebted for this translation to the kindness of Lord Francis Hervey.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_482" href="#FNanchor_482" class="label">[482]</a> See, for an account of all the circumstances, Part II., <a href="#Page_90">pp. 90-93</a>. The picture +had of course been begun earlier in the year, but it must have taken a considerable +time to think out all the elaborate accessories, and still longer to execute them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_483" href="#FNanchor_483" class="label">[483]</a> This edition was subsequently translated into French by Jean Le Fèvre, a native of +Dijon and Canon of Langres (in which diocese Polisy was situated), and was dedicated +to the friend of the Dinteville family, Philippe de Chabot, Admiral de Brion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_484" href="#FNanchor_484" class="label">[484]</a> Andrea Alciati was born in the Milanese in 1492. He studied at Pavia and +Bologna, and took his degree as Doctor of Laws in the twenty-second year of his age. In +1518 he was appointed to the Chair of Jurisprudence at Avignon. Returning to Italy in +1521, he remained at Milan till 1529, when he returned to France; this time to lecture +on law at Bourges, where he stayed till 1534. He now resided at various Italian centres +until his death, which took place in 1550. Erasmus and Paul Jovius were among his +friends, and his society was sought on all hands. Charles V. and Francis I. alike protected +him. The “Emblems,” which he composed as a recreation from his deeper studies, had +extraordinary celebrity, and were printed and reprinted in innumerable editions and +languages throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. One such was given to +the world by the printer Gryphius at Lyons in 1548. It is curious that the motto of the +Dinteville family, “Virtuti Fortuna Comes,” which, it has been seen, was also that of +Gryphius in slightly altered form, was used by Alciati as early as 1522, in conjunction +with the spread wings and other symbols of Hermes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_485" href="#FNanchor_485" class="label">[485]</a> See Part II., <a href="#Page_39">page 39</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_486" href="#FNanchor_486" class="label">[486]</a> Hagen, “Deutschlands literarische und religiöse Verhältnisse im Reformations-Zeitalter,” +vol. i., chap. vi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_487" href="#FNanchor_487" class="label">[487]</a> Decrue de Stoutz, “La Cour de France au XVIᵉ̀ᵐᵉ siècle,” page 159. Renée of France +also cultivated these sciences at the Court of Ferrara. (Bart. Fontana, “Renata di Francia, +Duchessa di Ferrara,” vol. iii., page 360.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_488" href="#FNanchor_488" class="label">[488]</a> It is a curious thing that Agrippa, whose name has descended to posterity as the +incarnation of black magic, enjoyed for a time a European reputation for learning of the +highest kind. Ecclesiastics such as the Archbishop of Cologne, Cardinal La Marck, and +Cardinal Campeggio, were his special protectors. The freedom with which he expressed +his opinion of the monks seems first to have drawn from his enraged enemies those +accusations of meddling with black art which afterwards sullied his fame. His talents +were universal. Secretary, soldier, knight, doctor of law, physic, and divinity, equally +at home in France, Germany, England, and Italy, his life was as varied as the professions +he undertook to exercise. But by some fault of tact or temper on his part his career +always broke off just when apparently about to prosper, and ended in bitterness and +disappointment. Agrippa died at Grenoble in 1535.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_489" href="#FNanchor_489" class="label">[489]</a> As opposed to the black magic which was considered to emanate from the Evil One, +and, as such, prohibited with the utmost rigour.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_490" href="#FNanchor_490" class="label">[490]</a> Bayle’s “Dictionary,” ed. 1735, Art. Agrippa. The letters from which these passages +are quoted were probably not published until a later date, but their purport appears to have +formed the substance of that “Key” which Agrippa was in the habit of explaining to +favoured persons.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_491" href="#FNanchor_491" class="label">[491]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. vi. (1533), No. 1170. Thomas Houth to the Earl +of Kildare. In the index to the volume in question Gyes is erroneously identified with one Gee, +an altogether different individual, as can be verified by reference to the letters, in the same +volume, which refer to the latter person.—The Alderman at this time was probably Barthold +Beckman, of Hamburg. (Lappenberg, “Urkundliche Geschichte des Hansischen Stahlhofes zu +London,” p. 157.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_492" href="#FNanchor_492" class="label">[492]</a> In this second form perhaps equivalent to “Gijze.” The “z” would have a hissing sound +similar to “ss.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_493" href="#FNanchor_493" class="label">[493]</a> Lappenberg, “Urkundliche Geschichte,” etc. Urkunden (No. clii., Aus dem Archive zu +Cöln), p. 173. Sir Thomas More was one of the representatives of England on this occasion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_494" href="#FNanchor_494" class="label">[494]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, part i., p. 80, No. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_495" href="#FNanchor_495" class="label">[495]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 81, Nos. 11 and 57, and part ii. (Urkunden), p. 173. Dr. Lappenberg adds a +fourth version, which he brings under the same head: “Hans van der Biesen,” which stands, in +his opinion, for “Hans van der Giesen.” (<i>Ibid.</i>, p. 81, Nos. 39 and 40.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_496" href="#FNanchor_496" class="label">[496]</a> The entry occurs as “Albert Gissen Kammer” (Albert Gisse’s or Albert Gissen +Room). If we may assume “Gissen” to be here in the genitive case, the nominative “Gisse” +would show perfect identity with one of Holbein’s versions of the name.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_497" href="#FNanchor_497" class="label">[497]</a> “The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian,” newly translated and edited, with notes, by +Colonel Henry Yule, C.B., vol. i., p. 205, note 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_498" href="#FNanchor_498" class="label">[498]</a> “Life and Reign of Henry VIII.” (1532-33, “Ambassador sent to the Pope from the +King of Ethiopia”).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_499" href="#FNanchor_499" class="label">[499]</a> See Holbein’s “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_72">p. 72</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_500" href="#FNanchor_500" class="label">[500]</a> Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. vi. (1533), No. 156.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">[243]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header6.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/footer1.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">[244]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">[245]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/header8.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h3>INDEX</h3> + +</div> + +<ul> + +<li class="dropcap"><img class="dropcap2" src="images/dropcap-a2.jpg" width="100" height="100" alt=""> +<span class="dropcap2">A</span>bate, Niccolò dell’, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Act of Supremacy, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Agout, river, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Agrippa, Cornelius, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Footnote_488"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Footnote_490"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Aigues-Mortes, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Albany, Duke of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Alchemy, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232-234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Alciati, Andrea, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Footnote_413"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228-231</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_484">231, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Alençon, Chancellor of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Alfonso I. d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, <i>see</i> <a href="#Este">Este</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Allegory, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Ambassadors"><span class="smcap">“Ambassadors,” Holbein’s picture of the</span>;</li> + <li class="isub1">purchased for the National Gallery, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31-32</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">personages represented, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, + <a href="#Page_200">200-202</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">owned by Le Brun, <a href="#Page_5">5-6</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31-32</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">by Jacob, Earl of Radnor, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Footnote_6"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31-32</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">documents showing history of picture, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">notice in Beaujon catalogue, <a href="#Page_9">9-10</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31-32</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">description of picture, <a href="#Page_200">200-203</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">details of same, <a href="#Page_203">203-236</a> (<i>see also under each head</i>).</li> + +<li class="indx">Ambassadors <i>de robe longue</i> and <i>de robe courte</i>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199-200</a>, <a href="#Footnote_414">199, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Amboise, Château of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Footnote_282">126, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Amboise, George d’, Cardinal Legate, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Amyot">Amyot, Jacques, Bishop of Auxerre, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Footnote_312"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Angeviller, Conte d’, <a href="#Footnote_50">22, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Angoulême, Charles, Duke of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Charles_Duke">Charles</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Angoulême, Duchesse d’, <i>see</i> <a href="#Louise">Louise</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Angoulême, Marguerite d’, <i>see</i> <a href="#Marguerite">Marguerite</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Anne_Boleyn">Anne Boleyn, Queen of England, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83-89</a>, + <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Antwerp, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Apian, George, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Footnote_470"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Apian, Peter, <a href="#Page_224">224-225</a>, <a href="#Footnote_470">224, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Aragon, Katherine of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Katherine">Katherine</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Arithmetic, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Arithmetic, Book of, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223-224</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Armagnac, Georges d’, Bishop of Rodez, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Arms of Death” (design by Holbein), <a href="#Page_203">203-204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Arms of François II., Bishop of Auxerre, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Arms of Jean de Dinteville, <a href="#Page_128">128-129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Arts">Arts, the Seven Liberal, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, + <a href="#Page_231">231-232</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Arundel Collection, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Aspremont, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Asti, county of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Astrology, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Footnote_444"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233-234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Astronomy, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Footnote_444"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, + <a href="#Page_233">233-234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Audley, Sir Thomas, Lord Chancellor, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Footnote_185"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 6</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Aumale, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Auxerre, cathedral of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Footnote_302">137, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Auxerre, François I. de Dinteville, Bishop of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Dinteville_Francois_I">Dinteville</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">[246]</span>Auxerre, François II. de Dinteville, Bishop of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Dinteville_Francois_II">Dinteville</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Auxerre, Jacques Amyot, Bishop of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Amyot">Amyot</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Avaux, M. d’,” <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>,</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>see also</i> <a href="#Mesmes">Mesmes</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Avaux, seigneurie in Champagne, <a href="#Footnote_14">9, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Avignon, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Footnote_484">231, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Azay-le-Rideau, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Baif, Lazare de, French Ambassador at Venice, etc., <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Footnote_336"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bailly, office of, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bailly of Troyes, The, <i>see</i> <a href="#Dinteville_Jean">Dinteville</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Balavoyne, steward of Bishop of Auxerre, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Footnote_116"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Barbier, Domenico del, <i>see</i> <a href="#Domenico_Fiorentino">Domenico Fiorentino</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bar-sur-Seine, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Basle, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Basse-Cour of Polisy, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Basville, <i>see</i> <a href="#Lamoignon">Lamoignon</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Basville, seigneurie, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bayonne, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Beaujon, Hospice (now Hospital), <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Footnote_65"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Beaujon, Nicolas, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30-32</a>, <a href="#Footnote_65">30, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Beauvais, M. de, French Ambassador in Scotland, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Footnote_170"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Belgrade, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Bellay_G">Bellay, Guillaume Du, Seigneur de Langey, <a href="#Footnote_67">35, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Footnote_94"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 2</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Bellay_J">Bellay, Jean Du, successively Bishop of Bayonne and Paris, and Cardinal, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Footnote_91">45, <i>note</i> + 1</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Footnote_94"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_135"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89-90</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bellay, Madame Du, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bellay, Martin Du, <a href="#Footnote_94">47, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bembo, Pietro, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Footnote_338"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Berthereau, secretary to Montmorency, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bèze, M. de, <a href="#Footnote_116">59, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bèze, Théodore de, <a href="#Footnote_116">59, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bidassoa, river, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Footnote_419">201, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Biez, Oudart Du, Governour of Boulogne, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Black Friars, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Blaigny, Charles le Genevois, Marquis de, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Blaigny, Charlotte Marie de Cazillac, Marquise de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Cazillac_C">Cazillac</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Blaigny, Marie Renée Le Genevois de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Marie_Le_Genevois">Le Genevois</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Blois, Château of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Boisy, Grand-Maître, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Boleyn, Queen Anne, <i>see</i> <a href="#Anne_Boleyn">Anne Boleyn</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bologna, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bomy, Truce of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bonhomme, Abbé, <a href="#Footnote_54">24, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bonner, Dr., <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Footnote_174"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bonnivet, Admiral, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bonvalot, François, Abbot of St. Vincent of Besançon, Imperial Ambassador in France, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bordeaux, <a href="#Footnote_65">30, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Born">Born, Derick, <a href="#Footnote_159">76, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Boulogne, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bourbon, Connétable de, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bourdaizière, La, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bourges, Archbishop of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Tournon">Tournon, François de</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bourges, University of, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Footnote_484"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Footnote_182"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87-88</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brantôme, <a href="#Page_199">199-200</a>, <a href="#Footnote_419">201, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Breton, secretary to Francis I., <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brian, Sir Francis, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109-110</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bridewell, Palace of, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Footnote_114"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Footnote_125"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67-71</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_138">68, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brion, Madame de, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brion, Philippe de Chabot, Admiral de, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, + <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brittany, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brittany, Anne of, wife of Louis XII., <a href="#Footnote_92">45, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Broglie">Broglie, Anne Louise de, second Marquise de Cessac, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brou, Denis Feydeau de, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brou, Madame de, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brun, Le, <i>see</i> <a href="#Le_Brun">Le Brun</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brussels, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Buchanan, picture-dealer, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Footnote_6"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">[247]</span>Budé, Guillaume, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Footnote_85"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bunel, Pierre, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Footnote_336"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, + <a href="#Page_174">174-175</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Footnote_403">190, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191-192</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Burgundy, Charles the Bold, Duke of, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Burgundy, County of (High Burgundy or Franche Comté), <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Footnote_304">139, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, + <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Burgundy, Duchy of, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_304">139, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Buttes, Dr., physician to Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Buxi, Cécille de, wife of Jean de Selve, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Footnote_313">147, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Buxi">Buxi, Pierre de, Bishop of Lavaur, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Cahors, <a href="#Footnote_54">24, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Calais, <a href="#Page_60">60-63</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">meeting of Henry VIII. and Francis I. at (1532), <a href="#Page_60">60-63</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Calvin, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Footnote_339">158, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Campeggio, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Footnote_488">233, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Camusat, Nicolas, Canon of Troyes, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_54">24, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Footnote_293">134, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Canterbury, Archbishops of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Cranmer">Cranmer</a>, <a href="#Warham">Warham</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Capello, Carlo, Venetian Ambassador in England, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Footnote_185"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 6</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Carew, Sir Nicolas, Master of the Horse to Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Carpentras, <a href="#Footnote_378">174, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Carpentras, Bishop of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Sadoleto">Sadoleto</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Carpi, Ridolfo Pio, Bishop of Faenza, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_162">162-165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><i>Carrelage</i> at Polisy (tesselated pavement), <a href="#Page_129">129-130</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Castelnau">Castelnau, Anthoine de, Bishop of Tarbes, French Ambassador in England and with Charles V., <a href="#Page_102">102-103</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Footnote_233"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 3</a>, <a href="#Footnote_376">172, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174-175</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Castelnau, Louis de, Marquis de Cessac, <a href="#Footnote_33">15, <i>note</i> 5</a>, <a href="#Footnote_54">24, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Castillon, Sieur de, French Ambassador in England, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Catherine de’ Medici (Duchess of Orleans, subsequently Queen of France), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Cazillac_C">Cazillac, Charlotte-Marie de, Marquise de Blaigny, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25-27</a>, + <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cazillac, Claude de, Baronne de Fontenilles, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cazillac, Claude de, Marquise de Praslin, <a href="#Footnote_55">25, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Cazillac_F">Cazillac, François I. de, Baron de Cessac, <i>see</i> <a href="#Cessac_I">Cessac</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cazillac, François II. de, Marquis de Cessac, <i>see</i> <a href="#Cessac_II">Cessac</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cazillac, seigneurie in Quercy, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cellini, Benvenuto, <a href="#Footnote_282">126, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cessac, Baronne de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Dinteville_Claude">Dinteville, Claude de</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Cessac_I">Cessac, François I. de Cazillac, Baron de, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Cessac_II">Cessac, François II. de Cazillac, Marquis de, <a href="#Page_15">15-17</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19-21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22-25</a>, <a href="#Footnote_51"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 1</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cessac, Marquise de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Broglie">Broglie, Anne-Louise de</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cessac, Marquise de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Choiseul">Choiseul, Marie de</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cessac, seigneurie in Quercy, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chabot, Philippe de, Admiral de Brion, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chambord, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Champagne, <a href="#Footnote_28">14, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Footnote_54">24, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, + <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Champagne et de Brie, Revue de,” <a href="#Page_10">10-12</a>, <a href="#Footnote_28">14, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chantilly, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chapeaufort, Maison du, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chapuys, Eustace, Ambassador of Charles V. in England, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105-106</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Charles_King">Charles VIII., King of France, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Charles IX., King of France, <a href="#Footnote_433">207, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Charles V., Emperor of Germany, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_100">52, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, + <a href="#Page_90">90-92</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, + <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, + <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, + <a href="#Page_172">172-182</a>, <a href="#Footnote_390">182, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184-188</a>, <a href="#Footnote_392">184, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Charles_Duke">Charles, Duke of Angoulême, subsequently Duke of Orleans, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, + <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, + <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Footnote_251">112, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Footnote_267"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 3</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121-124</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chartres, Duchess of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Renee">Renée</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Chartreuse,” The, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Châtillon, Mme. de, <a href="#Footnote_91">45, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chelsea, More’s house at, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chenonceaux, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">[248]</span>Choiseul, Charles de, Marquis de Praslin, <a href="#Footnote_55">25, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Choiseul, Duché-Pairie, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Choiseul, family of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Choiseul, Isabelle de, <a href="#Footnote_55">25, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Choiseul">Choiseul, Marie de, first Marquise de Cessac, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chrétien, Félix, <a href="#Footnote_302">137, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Christina, Duchess of Milan, niece of Charles V., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Footnote_197"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chronology of Holbein’s “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cinque Ports, Barons of the, <a href="#Footnote_189">87, <i>note</i> 4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Clement VII., Pope, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, + <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, + <a href="#Page_95">95-96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Footnote_218">100, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Clermont, Cardinal, Legate of Avignon, <a href="#Page_148">148-150</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Clermont, M. de, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Clouet, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cloux, Château, <a href="#Footnote_282">126, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cobham, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cognac, League of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Footnote_480"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Coligny, Louise de, wife of Gaucher de Dinteville the younger, <a href="#Footnote_98">51, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="College_Royal">Collège Royal (Coll. de France), <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cologne, Archbishop of, <a href="#Footnote_488">233, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Compass, an oval, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Compasses, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Concordat, The, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Contarini, Cardinal, <a href="#Footnote_337">158, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Footnote_390"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Conti, Prince de, Governour of Champagne, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Copernicus, <a href="#Footnote_444">210, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cosins Lane, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Council, The General, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Cranmer">Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85-87</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Footnote_467"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 3</a>, <a href="#Footnote_468">223, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Croix, Nicolas de la, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cromwell, Thomas, minister of Henry VIII., subsequently Earl of Essex, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Footnote_159">76, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, + <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Crucifix, Silver, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Dagger, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205-207</a>, <a href="#Footnote_432">206, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dagger-sheath, design for, after Holbein, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Footnote_432"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dagger and sword, worn together, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Footnote_419"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Dance of Death,” Holbein’s, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dance of Death, The, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Danes">Danès, Pierre, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Footnote_391"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dauphin François, The, <i>see</i> <a href="#Francois">François</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dauphin Henri, The, <i>see</i> <a href="#Henri">Henri</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Death, Agrippa’s Mystical, <a href="#Page_234">234-235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Death, Arms of,” <a href="#Page_203">203-204</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Death, Device and Emblems of, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_203">203-207</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Death, Mottoes concerning, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Death’s-head Brooch, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Deaths-head">Death’s-head, Distorted, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203-205</a>, <a href="#Footnote_421">203, <i>note</i> + 1</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Derick, <i>see</i> <a href="#Born">Born</a> <i>and</i> <a href="#Tybis">Tybis</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Deschenetz (Echenay), seigneurie, <a href="#Footnote_37">17, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, + <a href="#Page_113">113-114</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Deschenetz, Seigneur, <i>see</i> <a href="#Dinteville_Guillaume">Dinteville, Guillaume de</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Device of Death, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_204">204-207</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Device or <i>Devise</i>, <a href="#Page_197">197-198</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204-207</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Diane de Poitiers, “Grande Sénéchale,” subsequently Duchesse de Valentinois, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Diet of Hagenau (1540), <a href="#Page_172">172-173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— Ratisbon (1541), <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— Spires (1529), <a href="#Page_151">151-153</a>, <a href="#Footnote_327"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dijon, Bailly of (M. de Villiers les Potz), <a href="#Page_117">117-118</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dinteville, Charlotte de, wife of Louis Raguier, Seigneur de la Mothe, sister of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, + <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Footnote_299"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Dinteville_Claude">Dinteville, Claude de, Surintendant de Finance to Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, uncle to Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dinteville, Claude de, wife of François I. de Cazillac, Baron de Cessac, niece of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, + <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Footnote_295">134, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Dinteville_Francois_I"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">[249]</span>Dinteville, François I. de, Bishop of Auxerre, uncle of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, + <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Dinteville_Francois_II">Dinteville, François II. de, Bishop of Auxerre, brother of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, + <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55-60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62-65</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79-81</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, + <a href="#Page_113">113-121</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129-131</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135-138</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dinteville, Françoise de, sister of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Footnote_126">63, <i>note</i> 4</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Dinteville_Gaucher_I">Dinteville, Gaucher I. de, father of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_37">37-42</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50-53</a>, <a href="#Footnote_104">53, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Dinteville_Gaucher_II">Dinteville, Gaucher II. de, Seigneur of Vanlay and Thennelières, brother of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Footnote_98">51, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Footnote_100"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111-116</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, + <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Dinteville_Guillaume">Dinteville, Guillaume, Seigneur Deschenetz, brother of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Footnote_100"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 2</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107-108</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111-114</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133-138</a>, + <a href="#Page_167">167-168</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Dinteville_Jacques">Dinteville, Jacques de, Grand Veneur de France, uncle of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Dinteville_Jean"><span class="smcap">Dinteville, Jean de, Seigneur of Polisy and Bailly of Troyes</span> (subject of Holbein’s portrait).</li> + <li class="isub1">Birth and lineage, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">position at French Court, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Footnote_100"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 3</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99-101</a>, + <a href="#Page_111">111-113</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116-121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Bailly of Troyes and Governour of Bar-sur-Seine, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Knight of St. Michael, <a href="#Page_7">7-8</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Footnote_104"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Footnote_294">134, <i>note</i> + 2</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201-208</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">first embassy to England (1531), <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56-57</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">second and longest ditto (1533), <a href="#Page_66">66-98</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">third ditto (1535), <a href="#Page_100">100-103</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fourth ditto (1536), <a href="#Page_105">105-107</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fifth and last ditto (1537), <a href="#Page_108">108-110</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in disgrace with Francis I., <a href="#Page_111">111-113</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">back at Court, <a href="#Page_116">116-121</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">paralyzed, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">builds Polisy, <a href="#Page_125">125-133</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— His portrait by Holbein (“Ambassadors”), <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10-11</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18-20</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77-78</a>, + <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><a href="#Ambassadors"><i>see also under “Ambassadors.”</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">—— Supposed portrait amongst the Holbein drawings at Windsor, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dinteville, Jean de, son of Pierre de Jaucourt, ancestor of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dinteville, Jean de, another ancestor, <a href="#Page_36">36-37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dinteville, Joachim de, Seigneur of Dinteville in Champagne, <a href="#Footnote_28">14, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Footnote_54">24, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dinteville, Louis de, Knight Commander of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, brother of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, + <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dinteville, Pierre de, Seneschal of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, uncle of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dinteville, seigneurie in Champagne, <a href="#Footnote_28">14, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Footnote_54">24, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Dizier, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Dodieu">Dodieu, Claude, Sieur de Vély, French Ambassador with Charles V., <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Footnote_212"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186-188</a>, + <a href="#Page_199">199-200</a>, <a href="#Footnote_467">222, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Domenico_Fiorentino">Domenico Fiorentino (Domenico del Barbier), <a href="#Page_126">126-128</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dossi, Battista, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dover, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109-110</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Du Bellay, <i>see</i> <a href="#Bellay_G">Bellay, Du</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Du Faur, <i>see</i> <a href="#Faur">Faur, Du</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Du Plessis, <i>see</i> <a href="#Plessis">Plessis, Du</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Duprat, Chancellor, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Du Puy, <i>see</i> <a href="#Puy">Puy, Du</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Ecouen, Château of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Eleanor, sister of Charles V., Queen-Dowager of Portugal, Queen of France, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Elizabeth, Princess, daughter of Henry VIII. and Anne Boleyn, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102-103</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Emblems, Alciati’s Book of, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Footnote_413"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228-231</a>, <a href="#Footnote_477">228, <i>notes</i> 1-4</a>, <a href="#Footnote_483">231, <i>notes</i> 1 <i>and</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Embrun, Archbishop of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Tournon">Tournon, François de</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Epitaph of Gaucher I. de Dinteville, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Epitaph of George de Selve, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Erasmus, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Footnote_86"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Footnote_484">231, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ercole II. d’Este, <i>see</i> <a href="#Este">Este</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Escars, Susanne d’, wife of Charles de Cazillac, Baron de Cessac, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Esmon, Mademoiselle de, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Este">Este, Alfonso I. d’, Duke of Ferrara, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">[250]</span>Este, Ercole II. d’, Duke of Ferrara, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Footnote_259">115, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Footnote_340">159, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Este, Leonora d’, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Etampes, Duchesse d’ (Anne de Pisseleu), <a href="#Page_112">112-113</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117-121</a>, <a href="#Footnote_392">184, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Evelyn, John, <a href="#Footnote_33">15, <i>note</i> 5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Evreux, Hotel d’, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Footnote_66"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Falconry, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Falier, Lodovico, Venetian Ambassador in England, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Farnese, Alessandro, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Faur">Faur, Du, <a href="#Footnote_336">157, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Ferdinand">Ferdinand, King of Hungary, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ferrara, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Footnote_339">158, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ferrara, Dukes of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Este">Este</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ferrara, Duchess of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Renee">Renée</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester, <a href="#Page_100">100-101</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fitzwilliam, Sir William, Treasurer of the Household to Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Flanders, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Footnote_382"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Fleece">Fleece, Order of the, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fleet, the river, <a href="#Page_67">67-69</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Flutes, Case of, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fontainebleau, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, + <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fontaines, page of Louis de Dinteville, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fontenilles, <i>see</i> <a href="#Roche">Roche, De la</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Forestmontier, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fortespice, vassal of the Comte de Vaudemont, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fortune, emblems of, at Polisy, <a href="#Page_130">130-132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Four, Rue du (at Paris), <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">France, Collège de, <i>see</i> <a href="#College_Royal">Collège Royal</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">France, Kings of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Charles_King">Charles</a>, <a href="#Francis">Francis</a>, <a href="#Henri">Henri</a>, <a href="#Louise">Louis</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Franche-Comté, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Footnote_35"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Footnote_304">139, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Francis">Francis I., King of France, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40-47</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, + <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Footnote_104">53, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54-62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, + <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78-81</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89-98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99-102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, + <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107-110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114-122</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125-128</a>, + <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145-150</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, + <a href="#Page_165">165-167</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175-182</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, + <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Francis II., King of France, <a href="#Footnote_433">207, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Francois">François, The Dauphin, eldest son of Francis I., <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, + <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Footnote_251"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Gabarre, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Gardiner">Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Garter">Garter, Order of the, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Gaucher de Dinteville, <i>see</i> <a href="#Dinteville_Gaucher_I">Dinteville</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Genevois, Le, <i>see</i> <a href="#Le_Genevois">Le Genevois</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Genoa, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Geometry, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Germany, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45-47</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, + <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Géry, Château of, <a href="#Footnote_56">25, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Géry, Rey de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Rey">Rey</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ghent, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Globe, Celestial, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209-210</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Globe, Terrestrial, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210-218</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, + <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Godefroy family, The, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Godefroy papers (Bibl. de l’Institut), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Grammont, Gabriel de, Bishop of Tarbes, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64-65</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, + <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Grand-Maître, <i>see</i> <a href="#Montmorency">Montmorency</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Grand-Seigneur (the Turk), <i>see</i> <a href="#Solyman">Solyman II</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Grand Veneur de France, <i>see</i> <a href="#Dinteville_Jacques">Dinteville, Jacques de</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Granvella, Cardinal (Nic. Perrenot, minister of Charles V.), <a href="#Page_186">186-188</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Greenwich, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94-95</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Grenoble, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Footnote_488">233, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Grignan, French Ambassador at Rome, <a href="#Page_114">114-115</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Gryphe or Gryphius, printer of Lyons, <a href="#Page_131">131-132</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Guénégaud, Henri Du Plessis, Marquis de Plancy, <a href="#Footnote_55">25, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Guénégaud, Roger de, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Footnote_55">25, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Guildford, Sir Henry, Comptroller of the Household to Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Guise, Claude de Lorraine, Duke of, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Guise, Duke of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Guise, The, <a href="#Footnote_295">134, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Gyze, Gisze, Gyes, George, <a href="#Footnote_158">75, <i>note</i> 3</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>see also</i> <a href="#APPENDIX_A"><i>Appendix A</i>, p. 239</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">[251]</span>Hagenau, Diet of (1540), <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Hague, The, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Hargerie, Seigneur de La, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Hellin, French resident at Brussels, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Footnote_383"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Henri">Henri, successively Duke of Orleans, Dauphin, and Henri II., King of France, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, + <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61-62</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Footnote_251"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 2</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, + <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Footnote_294">134, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Footnote_300"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Footnote_392">184, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Footnote_433">207, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Henry VIII., King of England, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, + <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56-58</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60-63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67-74</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78-82</a>, + <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89-90</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93-98</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100-102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104-109</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Henry, Count of Nassau, Grand Chamberlain of Charles V., <a href="#Footnote_100">52, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Hermes’ wings, <a href="#Page_131">131-132</a>, <a href="#Footnote_484">231, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Hermeticism (Hermetic Art), <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Hesse, Philip, Landgrave of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="smcap">Holbein, Hans, the Younger</span>, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5-7</a>, <a href="#Footnote_2"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Footnote_13">8, <i>note</i> + 2</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Footnote_20"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Footnote_41"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 3</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20-22</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31-32</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Footnote_86">43, <i>note</i> + 3</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74-78</a>, <a href="#Footnote_295">134, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, + <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203-206</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Footnote_440">209, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211-212</a>, + <a href="#Page_215">215-218</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220-221</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224-227</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235-236</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— “Dance of Death,” <a href="#Page_203">203-204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— Design for the “Arms of Death,” <a href="#Page_203">203-204</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— —— for the Order of St. Michael, <a href="#Footnote_440">209, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— —— after, for a Dagger-sheath, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— Drawing at Dresden, of Morette, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— —— —— Windsor, supposed to represent Dinteville, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Footnote_303"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— Engravings after, by Hollar, <i>see</i> <a href="#Hollar">Hollar</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— Portraits by:</li> + <li class="isub1">The “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Ambassadors"><i>see under that head</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Born, Derick, <a href="#Footnote_159">76, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Buttes, Dr., <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Cromwell, Thomas, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Erasmus, <a href="#Footnote_86">43, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Fitzwilliam, Sir William, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Guildford, Sir Henry, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Gyze or Gisze, Georg, <a href="#Footnote_158">75, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#APPENDIX_A"><i>Appendix A</i> (pp. 239-240)</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Kratzer, Nicolas, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Footnote_157">75, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Footnote_470"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 4</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Milan, Christina, Duchess of, <a href="#Footnote_197">91, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">More, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">More family, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Morette, Comte de, <a href="#Footnote_83">42, <i>note</i> 7</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Footnote_418">201, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Norfolk, Duke of, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Steelyard Merchants, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Tybis, Derick, <a href="#Footnote_159">76, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Holland, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Hollar">Hollar, Wenzel, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Holy_Ghost">Holy Ghost, Order of the, <a href="#Footnote_433">207, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Hospice (now Hôpital) Beaujon, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Footnote_65"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Howard, Lord William, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Footnote_183"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 4</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87-88</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hozier, D’, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Footnote_54">24, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Footnote_104">53, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Humanists, the French, <a href="#Page_45">45 <i>et seq.</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hungary, Ferdinand, King of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ferdinand">Ferdinand</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Hungary, John Zapolski, King of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Zapolski">Zapolski</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Hymn-book">Hymn-book, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, + <a href="#Page_219">219-223</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Instruments, Geometrical, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224-225</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, + <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Italian artists employed in France, <a href="#Page_125">125-127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129-130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Iversay, M. d’, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ivoy, <a href="#Page_122">122-123</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Jaucourt, Pierre de, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">John, King of England, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. John of Jerusalem, Order of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, + <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Joinville, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Julyot, Hubert, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst" id="Katherine">Katherine of Aragon, Queen of England, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Footnote_124"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, + <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">[252]</span>Kingston, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kratzer, Nicolas, astronomer to Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Footnote_157"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, + <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Laigne, river, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lamoignon (place), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lamoignon, Chrétien de, Marquis de Basville, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Lamoignon">Lamoignon, Chrétien-François (II.) de, Marquis de Basville et de Milhars, Président <i>à mortier</i> of the Parliament of Paris, Garde des Sceaux, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_64"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30-31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Langey, <i>see</i> <a href="#Bellay_G">Bellay, Guillaume Du</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Languedoc, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, + <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lavaur (Lavor, La Vaur), Bishops of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Buxi">Buxi</a>, <a href="#Danes">Danès</a>, <a href="#Selve">Selve</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lavaur, Cathedral of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Le_Brun">Le Brun, Jean-Batiste-Pierre, <a href="#Page_5">5-6</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lefèvre d’Etaples, Jacques, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Footnote_84"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Le_Genevois">Le Genevois, Charles, Marquis de Blaigny, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Marie_Le_Genevois">Le Genevois, Marie Renée, wife of François Voisin, subsequently Marquise de Milhars, <a href="#Page_26">26-29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31-32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Leland, John, <a href="#Page_6">6-7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lesches, in Brie, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Liancourt">Liancourt, Madame de, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Footnote_295"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Liancourt, Seigneur de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Plessis">Plessis, Du</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Limoges, <a href="#Footnote_54">24, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lionardo da Vinci, <a href="#Footnote_282">126, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">L’Isle-Adam, Philippe de Villiers, Grand Master of the Knights of St John of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Loches, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">London, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66-71</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, + <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">description of (1531), <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Mayor of (Sir Stephen Pecock), <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Tower of, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Longford Castle, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Footnote_6"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Longueval, M. de, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lorraine, Claude de, Duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lorraine, Dukedom of, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Louise">Louise of Savoy, Duchess of Angoulême, mother of Francis I., <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Footnote_81"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 5</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, + <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148-149</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Low Countries, The, <i>see</i> <a href="#Netherlands">Netherlands</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lunden, Bishop of (John Vesalius, Archbishop of Linden), <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lute, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227-231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Luther, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Footnote_459"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lutheran Hymn-book in picture of “Ambassadors,” <i>see</i> <a href="#Hymn-book">Hymn-book</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lutherans (Luthériens), <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, + <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lützelburger, Hans, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Luxemburg, Duchy of, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lyencourt, <i>see</i> <a href="#Liancourt">Liancourt</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lyons, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131-132</a>, + <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Mablisteyn, Sir John, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mâcon, Charles de Hémard, Bishop of, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_161">161-165</a>, <a href="#Footnote_353">163, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199-200</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Madeleine, daughter of Francis I., subsequently Queen of Scotland, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Madrid, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Madrid, Château of (near Paris), <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Madrid, Treaty of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Magellan, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Magic, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Footnote_488"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>notes</i> 1 <i>and</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Maison de l’Aûmonier (Polisy), <a href="#Page_130">130-133</a>, <a href="#Footnote_288">130, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Maison du Chapeaufort (Paris), <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Malta, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mantua, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Manuzio, Paolo, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Maraviglia, <i>see</i> <a href="#Merveilles">Merveilles</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Marck, Cardinal La, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mareuil, Pierre de, Bishop of Lavaur, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117-121</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Marguerite">Marguerite d’Angoulême, successively Duchesse d’Alençon and Queen of Navarre, sister of Francis I., <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Footnote_79"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43-45</a>, + <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153-154</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Marguerite, Princess, daughter of Francis I., <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Marignan, Battle of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Marseilles, meeting of Francis I. and Clement VII. at, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93-94</a>, + <a href="#Page_95">95-96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mary, ex-Queen of France, sister of Henry VIII., wife of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">[253]</span>Mary, Queen-Dowager of Hungary, Regent of the Netherlands, sister of Charles V., <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, + <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Footnote_382"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mary, Princess, daughter of Henry VIII. and Katherine of Aragon, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mass, placards against, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Maurice of Saxony, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mechanics, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Melanchthon, André, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Melanchthon, Philip, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Footnote_339">158, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Footnote_444">210, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mergey, Catherine de, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mergey, Jean de, <a href="#Page_133">133-134</a>, <a href="#Footnote_293">134, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Merveilles">Merveilles or Maraviglia, French agent at Milan, <a href="#Page_90">90-93</a>, <a href="#Footnote_196">90, <i>note</i> 4</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Mesmes">Mesmes, Jean-Antoine de, Conte d’Avaux, ambassador, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mesmes, Jean-Antoine de, Conte d’Avaux, Premier Président of the Parliament of Paris, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Footnote_61"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 1</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mesmes, Jean-Jacques de, Conte d’Avaux, Président <i>à mortier</i> of the Parliament of Paris, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mesmes, Marie-Thérèse de, wife of François de la Roche, Marquis de Fontenilles, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Footnote_60"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, + <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Metals, transmutation of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="St_Michael">St. Michael, Order of (Ordre du Roi), <a href="#Page_7">7-8</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Footnote_104"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_120"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207-209</a>, <a href="#Footnote_433"><i>notes</i> 207-209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Milan, city of, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Footnote_413"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Footnote_477">228, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Footnote_484">231, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Milan, Duchy of, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90-92</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, + <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176-179</a>, <a href="#Footnote_392">184, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_480">228, <i>note</i> 4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Milan, Francesco Sforza, Duke of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90-93</a>, <a href="#Footnote_480">228, <i>note</i> 4</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, + <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Milan, Maximilian, Duke of, <a href="#Footnote_480">228, <i>note</i> 4</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Milhars, Château of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Footnote_53"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Footnote_56"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 2</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26-29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31-32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Milhars, Marquis de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Voisin">Voisin, François</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Milhars, Marquise de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Marie_Le_Genevois">Le Genevois, Marie Renée</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mirandola, La, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Footnote_364"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mirandola, La, Pico, Count of, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Modena, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Modena, Niccolò da, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mons, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Montecuculli, Count Sebastiano di, <a href="#Page_107">107-108</a>, <a href="#Footnote_250">112, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Montier-Aramey, abbey of, <a href="#Page_117">117-119</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Montierender, abbey of, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Montier-la-Celle, abbey of, <a href="#Page_117">117-121</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Footnote_296"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Montier-sur-Saulx, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Montmorency">Montmorency, Anne de, successively Maréchal, Grand-Maître, and Connétable de France, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Footnote_83"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 7</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48-49</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, + <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, + <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_280"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, + <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, + <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Montmorency, church of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Montmorency, Madame de (Madame la Connétable), <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Footnote_297"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Montpesat, Antoine des Prez, Seigneur de, French ambassador in England, <a href="#Footnote_83">42, <i>note</i> 7</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Montreuil, Madame de, <a href="#Page_39">39-40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42-43</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Montreuil, seigneurie, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">More, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Footnote_86">43, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Footnote_157"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, + <a href="#Page_100">100-101</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Morette, Charles de Solier, Comte de, French hostage, subsequently ambassador, in England, <a href="#Footnote_83">42, <i>note</i> 7</a>, <a href="#Footnote_123">63, <i>note</i> + 1</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Footnote_418">201, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Mosaic_Pavement">Mosaic Pavement, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225-227</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— Westminster Abbey, <a href="#Page_225">225-227</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Motte de Tilly, De la, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Footnote_299"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Raguier">Raguier</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Motto of the Dinteville family, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Footnote_484">231, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mottoes concerning Death, <a href="#Page_206">206-207</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mottoes on weapons, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Music, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, + <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Naples, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">[254]</span>Nassau, Henry, Count of, <a href="#Footnote_100">52, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">National Gallery, The, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5-6</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31-32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Navarre, College of (University of Paris), <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Navarre, Henri d’Albret, King of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Footnote_79"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Navarre, Marguerite d’Angoulême, Queen of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Marguerite">Marguerite</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Nérac, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Netherlands">Netherlands (Low Countries), <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, + <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Niccolò dell’ Abate, or, da Modena, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Nice, meeting of Francis I., Charles V., and Paul III. at, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Nice, Truce of, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Nichols, John Gough, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Footnote_9"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Footnote_11"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Norfolk, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Footnote_180"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Norfolk, Thomas Howard, second Duke of, Lord Treasurer and Earl Marshal, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Footnote_146">70, <i>note</i> 5</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, + <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Footnote_183"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 4</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, + <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Nuncio, the Papal, in England (Antonio de Pulleo, Baron de Burgo), <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Nuncio, the Papal, in France, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Nuremberg, <a href="#Footnote_444">210, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Occult Sciences, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_232">232-235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— Agrippa’s Key to, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Footnote_490"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Opus Alexandrinum,” <i>see</i> <a href="#Mosaic_Pavement">Mosaic Pavement</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Orange, Prince and Princess of, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Orders of Knighthood, <i>see</i> <a href="#Fleece">Fleece</a>, <a href="#Garter">Garter</a>, <a href="#Holy_Ghost">Holy Ghost</a>, <a href="#St_John_of_Jerusalem">St. John of Jerusalem</a>, <a href="#St_Michael">St. Michael</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Orleans, Dukes of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Henri">Henri</a>, <a href="#Charles_Duke">Charles</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Orleans, University of, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ouschamps, Seigneur of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Plessis">Plessis, Du</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Padua, University of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Footnote_336"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Footnote_337">158, <i>notes</i> 1 <i>and</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Paris, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18-21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Footnote_51"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, + <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Footnote_63"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Footnote_85">43, <i>note</i> + 2</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Footnote_280"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 1</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Paris, Bishop of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Bellay_J">Bellay, Jean Du</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Paris, Premier Président of the Parliament of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Mesmes">Mesmes</a>, <a href="#Selve">Selve</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Paris, President <i>à mortier</i> of the Parliament of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Lamoignon">Lamoignon</a>, <a href="#Mesmes">Mesmes</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Paris, University of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_336">157, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Parma, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Paul’s, old Cathedral of, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Paul III., Pope, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Footnote_218"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108-109</a>, + <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162-166</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Pavement, Mosaic, <i>see</i> <a href="#Mosaic_Pavement">Mosaic Pavement</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Pavement, tesselated, at Polisy, <a href="#Page_129">129-130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Pavia, battle of, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Pavia, University of, <a href="#Footnote_484">231, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Perrine, La, <i>see</i> <a href="#Plessis">Plessis, Du</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Philip of Spain, <a href="#Footnote_392">184, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Piacenza, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Piedmont, invaded by the French, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Pirkheimer, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Pithou, Pierre, advocate of Troyes, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Plessis">Plessis, Anne Du (Madame de Polisy), wife of Gaucher I. de Dinteville, mother of Jean the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, + <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Footnote_126"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 4</a>, <a href="#Footnote_256">114, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_295">135, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Plessis, Benjamin Du, son of Guillaume, Seigneur de Liancourt, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Footnote_296"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Plessis, Charles Du, Seigneur of Savonnières, Ouschamps, and La Perrine, uncle of Dinteville the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_135">135-136</a>, <a href="#Footnote_295">135, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Plessis, Guillaume de, Seigneur of Liancourt, uncle of Dinteville the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Footnote_295">135, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Plessis, Jean Du, the elder, Seigneur of Ouschamps and La Perrine, maternal grandfather of Dinteville the “Ambassador,” <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Plessis, Jean Du, the younger (“the young Savonnières”), <a href="#Page_114">114-115</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Plessis, Le, seigneurie, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Plessis-Praslin, Maréchal Du, subsequently Duc de Choiseul, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Plutarch’s “Lives,” <a href="#Page_145">145-146</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Poitiers, Diane de, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Poitiers, University of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">[255]</span>Poland, Sigismund, King of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_108">108-109</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Footnote_337"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, + <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Footnote_378"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Polisy, Château and Seigneurie of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10-12</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14-17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18-21</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, + <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, + <a href="#Footnote_126">63, <i>note</i> 4</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, + <a href="#Page_127">127-133</a>, <a href="#Footnote_285"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>various notes</i></a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Footnote_304">139, <i>note</i> + 2</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Footnote_449"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, + <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Footnote_455"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Polisy, Madame de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Plessis">Plessis, Anne Du</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Polisy, M. de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Dinteville_Jean">Dinteville, Jean de</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Polonia, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Pomponne, Marquis de, <a href="#Footnote_55">25, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Pont, Jean Du, a “busy friar,” <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Potz, M. de Villiers les, Bailly of Dijon, <a href="#Page_117">117-118</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Presbyter Joannes” (Prester John), <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>see also</i> <a href="#APPENDIX_B"><i>Appendix B</i>, page 241</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Primaticcio, Francesco, <a href="#Page_126">126-130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Puy">Puy, Du, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">St. Quentin, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Quercy, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Rabelais, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Radnor, Jacob, second Earl of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Radnor, William, fifth Earl of, <a href="#Footnote_2">5, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Raguier family, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Raguier">Raguier, Louis, Seigneur de la Motte de Tilly, <a href="#Footnote_299">136, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ratisbon, Diet held at (1541), <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Reformers, French, <a href="#Page_43">43-49</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Régennes, Château of (Diocese of Auxerre), <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Renaissance, French, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Renee">Renée of France, successively Duchess of Chartres and of Ferrara, daughter of Louis XII., <a href="#Footnote_84">43, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Footnote_92"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 2</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Footnote_259"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Footnote_340"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>notes</i> 1 <i>and</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Footnote_439">209, <i>note</i> + 2</a>, <a href="#Footnote_487">233, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Rey">Rey de St. Géry, family of, <a href="#Footnote_56">25, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rhodes, Knights of, <i>see</i> <a href="#St_John_of_Jerusalem">St. John of Jerusalem, Knights of</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Richmond, Henry, Duke of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Riez, Bishop of (François II. de Dinteville), <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Robbia, Girolamo della, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Robe courte” and “Robe longue,” <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199-200</a>, <a href="#Footnote_414">199, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Robes of peers and peeresses, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Footnote_186"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Roche">Roche, François I. de la, Conte and Marquis de Fontenilles, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Roche, François II. de la, Marquis de Fontenilles, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, + <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Roche, Jean-Jaques de, Baron de Fontenilles, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rochepot, La, Anne de Montmorency, Seigneur de, <a href="#Footnote_83">42, <i>note</i> 7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rochepot, La, François de Montmorency, Seigneur de, <a href="#Footnote_83">42, <i>note</i> 7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rochford, George Boleyn, Viscount, brother of Anne Boleyn, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rodez, Georges d’Armagnac, Bishop of, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Romans, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rome, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Footnote_116"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, + <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Footnote_339">158, <i>note</i> + 3</a>, <a href="#Footnote_349">161, <i>note</i> 5</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, + <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rosso, Il, <a href="#Page_125">125-126</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Roussel, Gérard, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Footnote_87"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Russell, Sir Giles, commander of Battisford and Dingley, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst" id="Sadoleto">Sadoleto, Jacopo, Bishop of Carpentras, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Footnote_339"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Footnote_378">174, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Alain, Cathedral of (Lavaur), <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Dizier, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Géry, Château of, <a href="#Footnote_56">25, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Géry, Rey de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Rey">Rey</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="St_John_of_Jerusalem">St. John of Jerusalem, Order of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, + <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Michael, Order of (Ordre du Roi), <a href="#Page_7">7-8</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Footnote_104"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Footnote_120"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> + 1</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207-209</a>, <a href="#Footnote_433"><i>notes</i> 207-209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Quentin, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Simon, <a href="#Footnote_60">27, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sainte-Marthe brothers, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Saluce (Saluzzo), Marquis de, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Saveuse, M. de, Bailly of Amiens, <a href="#Footnote_394">185, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Savona, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Savonnières, <i>see</i> <a href="#Plessis">Plessis, Du</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">[256]</span>Saxonia, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Saxony, Elector of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Schöner, Johann, of Carlstadt, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Footnote_444"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Science, Occult, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232-235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Scotland (Escoce), <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Footnote_170"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>notes</i> 1 <i>and</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Seine, river, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Selve, François de, ambassador at Constantinople, brother of the Bishop of Lavaur, <a href="#Footnote_311">145, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Selve"><span class="smcap">Selve, George de, Bishop of Lavaur</span> (subject of Holbein’s portrait).</li> + <li class="isub1">Birth and lineage, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">education, <a href="#Page_144">144-146</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Bishop of Lavaur, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Footnote_314"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Diet of Spires (1529), <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Footnote_322"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">visit to England (1533), <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77-80</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, + <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235-236</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ambassador at Venice (1534-1537), <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156-161</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">at Rome (1537-1538), <a href="#Page_161">161-166</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">interlude at Lavaur, <a href="#Page_169">169-175</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">addresses and orations, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170-174</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179-182</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ambassador with the Emperor (1539-1540), <a href="#Page_175">175-188</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">last days at Lavaur, <a href="#Page_188">188-190</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— His portrait by Holbein (“Ambassadors”), <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10-11</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77-78</a>, + <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><a href="#Ambassadors"><i>see also under “Ambassadors.”</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">—— Posthumous portrait at Villiers, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Selve, Jean de, Premier Président of the Parliament of Paris, father of the Bishop of Lavaur, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, + <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143-147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148-150</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153-154</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Selve, Jean de, Abbé of Saint Vigor, brother of the Bishop of Lavaur, <a href="#Footnote_311">145, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Selve, Jean-Paul de, Bishop of Saint-Flour, ambassador at Rome, brother of the Bishop of Lavaur, <a href="#Footnote_311">145, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Selve, Lazare de, ambassador in Switzerland, eldest brother of the Bishop of Lavaur, <a href="#Footnote_311">145, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Selve, Odet de, Président du Grand Conseil, ambassador in England, at Venice, and at Rome, brother of the Bishop of Lavaur, <a href="#Footnote_311">145, <i>note</i> + 2</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Selve, M. de,” <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Servia, <a href="#Page_213">213-214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sesac, <i>see</i> <a href="#Cazillac_F">Cazillac</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Seven Liberal Arts, The, <i>see</i> <a href="#Arts">Arts, the Seven Liberal</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sévigné, Madame de, <a href="#Footnote_55">25, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sforza, Francesco, Duke of Milan, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90-93</a>, <a href="#Footnote_480">228, <i>note</i> 4</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, + <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sienna (Senes), <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sigismund, King of Poland, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sinus Adriaticus, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Skull in picture of “Ambassadors,” <i>see</i> <a href="#Deaths-head">Death’s-head</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sleidan, Johann, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Solomon’s Seal” (double triangle), <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Solyman">Solyman II., the Grand Turk, <a href="#Page_40">40-41</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, + <a href="#Page_156">156-157</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sorbonne, The, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Spain (Espagne), <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Footnote_419">201, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Spain, Infanta of (Mary of Castile, daughter of Charles V.), <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, + <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Footnote_392">184, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Spires, Diet of (1529), <a href="#Page_151">151-153</a>, <a href="#Footnote_327"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Square, in picture of “Ambassadors,” <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Steelyard, The, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Footnote_159"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#APPENDIX_A"><i>Appendix A</i> (239-240)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Stevens, Mr. Henry, of Vermont, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Footnote_444"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sturm, Johann, rector of Strasburg University, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Suffolk, Charles Brandon, Duke of, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Footnote_182"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87-88</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Supremacy, Act of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Switzerland, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Footnote_311">145, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Tarbes, Bishop of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Castelnau">Castelnau</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Thames, river, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Théligny, Mademoiselle de, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Thennelières, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Footnote_98">51, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Toledo, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Tournelle, M. de la, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Footnote_167"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Tournon">Tournon, François de, successively Archbishop of Embrun, of Bourges, etc., Cardinal, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64-65</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, + <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91-92</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">[257]</span>Tower of London, The, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Transylvania, Waiwode of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Zapolski">Zapolski</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Trent, Council of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Footnote_391"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Trivulzi, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_164">164-165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Troyes, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, + <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99-100</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Footnote_283"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, + <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Troyes, The Bailly of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Dinteville_Jean">Dinteville, Jean de</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Troyes, Baillies of, belonging to Dinteville family, <a href="#Page_37">37-38</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Troyes, College of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">“Turk,” The, <i>see</i> <a href="#Solyman">Solyman</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Tybis">Tybis, Derick, <a href="#Footnote_159">76, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Urbino, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Valence, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Vanlay, Seigneur de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Dinteville_Gaucher_II">Dinteville, Gaucher II. de</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Varzy, <a href="#Footnote_302">137, <i>note</i> 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Vaudemont, Comte de, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Vaulx, Seigneur de, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Vély, Sieur de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Dodieu">Dodieu</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Venice, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156-161</a>, + <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Venier, Marco Antonio, Venetian ambassador in England, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Vic, Méry de, Garde des Sceaux, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Footnote_43"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Villiers-les-Potz, M. de, Bailly of Dijon, <a href="#Page_117">117-118</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Villiers-par-Cerny, Château of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Footnote_27"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Footnote_316">148, <i>note</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193-194</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Voisin">Voisin, François, Marquis de Bougueval, subsequently Marquis de Milhars, husband of Marie-Renée Le Genevois, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, + <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Voisin, Marie-Renée, Marquise de Milhars, <i>see</i> <a href="#Marie_Le_Genevois">Le Genevois</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Waiwode, <i>see</i> <a href="#Zapolski">Zapolski</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Wallop, Sir John, English ambassador in France, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Walther’s “Gesangbuch,” <a href="#Page_219">219-223</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ware, Richard, Abbot of Westminster, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Warham">Warham, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#Footnote_86">43, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Westminster Abbey, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Footnote_144"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— Mosaic Pavement of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Mosaic_Pavement">Mosaic Pavement</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Westminster Hall, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Footnote_187"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>notes</i> 2 <i>and</i> 3</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">—— Palace, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Weston, Sir William, Prior of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Footnote_134"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Weston, Young, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Whitehall, <a href="#Footnote_140">69, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Wiltshire, Countess of, mother of Anne Boleyn, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Footnote_181"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Winchester, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Winchester, Bishop of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Gardiner">Gardiner, Stephen</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Winkfield, Thomas, comptroller of the king’s works at Dover, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Wolmar, Melchior, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Wolsey, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Woltmann, Dr., <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Wornum, Ralph Nicholson, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Wurtemberg, Duke of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Wyat, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Footnote_10"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Footnote_388"><i>ibid.</i>, <i>note</i> 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">York Place (Whitehall), <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">York, see of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst" id="Zapolski">Zapolski, John, Waiwode of Transylvania, King of Hungary, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li> + +</ul> + +<p class="titlepage smaller">CHISWICK PRESS: PRINTED BY CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO. TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">[258]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="ERRATA">ERRATA</h2> + +</div> + +<div class="transnote"> +Transcriber’s Note: The errata have been corrected. +</div> + +<p><a href="#Footnote_24">P. 11, note 3</a>, line 4 from bottom, <i>for</i> “d’Intevile” <i>read</i> “d’Inteville.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_36">P. 36</a>, line 7 from top, <i>for</i> “de Jaucourt” <i>read</i> “Jaucourt.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_47">P. 47</a>, line 8 from top, <i>for</i> “these” (second time) <i>read</i> “them.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_57">P. 57</a>, line 2 from bottom, <i>for</i> “De la Pommeraye” <i>read</i> “La Pommeraye.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_72">P. 72</a>, lines 7 and 9 from bottom, <i>for</i> “Henry” <i>read</i> “Henri.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Footnote_159">P. 76, note 1</a>, <i>for</i> “from Lucca, a letter consisting chiefly of foreign political news,” <i>read</i> “various +papers.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Footnote_166">P. 78, note 2</a>, <i>for</i> “Bishop of Troyes” <i>read</i> “Bailly of Troyes.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_82">P. 82</a>, line 3 from top, <i>dele</i> “Campeggio.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_96">P. 96</a>, line 4 from top, <i>for</i> “Henry” <i>read</i> “Henri.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_96">P. 96</a>, line 5 from top, <i>for</i> “of Medicis” <i>read</i> “de’ Medici.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_96">P. 96</a>, line 10 from bottom, <i>for</i> “France” <i>read</i> “Francis.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_109">P. 109</a>, line 14 from top, <i>for</i> “Margaret” <i>read</i> “Mary.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_125">P. 125</a>, line 13 from bottom, <i>for</i> “Chenonceau” <i>read</i> “Chenonceaux.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_129">P. 129</a>, line 4 from bottom, <i>for</i> “tessellated” <i>read</i> “tesselated.”</p> + +<p><a href="#illus08">P. 130</a>, beneath illustration, <i>ibid.</i></p> + +<p><a href="#Page_145">P. 145</a>, line 3 from bottom, <i>for</i> “five” <i>read</i> “six.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_174">P. 174</a>, line 13 from top, <i>for</i> “(1540)” <i>read</i> “(1541).”</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_199">P. 199</a>, line 3 from top, <i>for</i> “study of symbols” <i>read</i> “symbolism.”</p> + +<p><a href="#Footnote_488">P. 233, note 3</a>, <i>for</i> “de la Mark,” <i>read</i> “La Marck.”</p> + +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77401 ***</div> +</body> +</html> diff --git a/77401-h/images/cover.jpg b/77401-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..10ada2e --- /dev/null +++ b/77401-h/images/cover.jpg diff --git a/77401-h/images/dropcap-a.jpg b/77401-h/images/dropcap-a.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..e0853d4 --- /dev/null +++ b/77401-h/images/dropcap-a.jpg diff --git a/77401-h/images/dropcap-a2.jpg b/77401-h/images/dropcap-a2.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..26cdb4e --- /dev/null +++ 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