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diff --git a/75377-h/75377-h.htm b/75377-h/75377-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..da0ac21 --- /dev/null +++ b/75377-h/75377-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,34548 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html> +<html lang="en"> + +<head> + +<link rel="icon" href="images/img-cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover"> + +<meta charset="utf-8"> + +<title> +The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Life of Henry Labouchere, +by Algar Labouchere Thorold +</title> + +<style> + +body { color: black; + background: white; + margin-right: 10%; + margin-left: 10%; + font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; + text-align: justify } + +p {text-indent: 1.5em } + +p.noindent {text-indent: 0% } + +p.t1 {text-indent: 0% ; + font-size: 200%; + text-align: center } + +p.t2 {text-indent: 0% ; + font-size: 150%; + text-align: center } + +p.t2b {text-indent: 0% ; + font-size: 150%; + font-weight: bold; + text-align: center } + +p.t3 {text-indent: 0% ; + font-size: 100%; + text-align: center } + +p.t3b {text-indent: 0% ; + font-size: 100%; + font-weight: bold; + text-align: center } + +p.t4 {text-indent: 0% ; + font-size: 80%; + text-align: center } + +p.t4b {text-indent: 0% ; + font-size: 80%; + font-weight: bold; + text-align: center } + +p.t5 {text-indent: 0% ; + font-size: 60%; + text-align: center } + +h1 { text-align: center } +h2 { text-align: center } +h3 { text-align: center } +h4 { text-align: center } +h5 { text-align: center } + +p.poem {text-indent: 0%; + margin-left: 10%; } + +p.contents {text-indent: -1.5em; + margin-left: 1.5em ; + font-size: 90% } + +p.thought {text-indent: 0% ; + letter-spacing: 2em ; + text-align: center } + +p.letter {text-indent: 1.5em; + font-size: 90%; + margin-left: 0% ; + margin-right: 0% } + +p.footnote {text-indent: 0% ; + font-size: 90%; + margin-left: 0% ; + margin-right: 0% } + +.smcap { font-variant: small-caps } + +p.transnote {text-indent: 0% ; + margin-left: 10% ; + margin-right: 10% } + +p.index {text-indent: -5% ; + margin-left: 5% ; + margin-top: 0% ; + margin-bottom: 0% ; + margin-right: 0% } + +p.intro {font-size: 90% ; + text-indent: -5% ; + margin-left: 5% ; + margin-right: 0% } + +p.quote {text-indent: 1.5em ; + font-size: 90%; + margin-left: 0% ; + margin-right: 0% } + +p.report {text-indent: 4% ; + margin-left: 0% ; + margin-right: 0% } + +p.finis { font-size: larger ; + text-align: center ; + text-indent: 0% ; + margin-left: 0% ; + margin-right: 0% } + +p.capcenter { margin-left: 0; + margin-right: 0 ; + margin-bottom: .5% ; + margin-top: 0; + font-weight: normal; + float: none ; + clear: both ; + text-indent: 0%; + text-align: center } + +img.imgcenter { margin-left: auto; + margin-bottom: 0; + margin-top: 1%; + margin-right: auto; } + +.pagenum { position: absolute; + left: 1%; + font-size: 95%; + text-align: left; + text-indent: 0; + font-style: normal; + font-weight: normal; + font-variant: normal; } + +</style> + +</head> + +<body> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75377 ***</div> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="capcenter"> +<a id="img-front"></a> +<br> +<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-front.jpg" alt="Henry Labouchere"> +<br> +Henry Labouchere +</p> + +<h1> +<br><br> + THE LIFE OF<br> + HENRY LABOUCHERE<br> +</h1> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> + BY<br> +</p> + +<p class="t2"> + ALGAR LABOUCHERE THOROLD<br> +</p> + +<p class="t4"> + AUTHOR OF<br> + "SIX MASTERS IN DISILLUSION," ETC.<br> +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> + G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS<br> + NEW YORK AND LONDON<br> + The Knickerbocker Press<br> + 1913<br> +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p class="t4"> + COPYRIGHT, 1913<br> + BY<br> + ALGAR LABOUCHERE THOROLD<br> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t4"> + The Knickerbocker Press, New York<br> +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> + To<br> + MY COUSIN<br> + MARY DOROTHEA<br> + (MARCHESA DI RUDINI)<br> + IN MEMORY OF MANY HAPPY DAYS AT<br> + VILLA CRISTINA<br> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<i>Oct. 15, 1913.</i> +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pv"></a>v}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3b"> +PREFACE +</p> + +<p> +It would be unfair both to the reader and to the subject of +this memoir to let this book go forth without a word of +introduction. The lot of Henry Labouchere, who was born +in the reign of William IV. and lived to see George V. on the +throne, was cast during a period of European development +as important, perhaps, as any that modern history records. +For certainly the most significant, if not the most salient, +fact in the history of modern Europe is that democratisation +of England which, in spite of many set-backs and obstacles, +has at length been, in principle at all events, definitely +achieved. To-day we are all democrats, Tories and Radicals +alike. In that process, the full significance of which has +still to unfold itself, Mr. Labouchere played a striking and +original part. It was not always a successful one, but it +was always played honestly, daringly, and, above all, +characteristically. Although a convinced, and in spite of himself, +if one may say so, even an enthusiastic Radical, no politician +was ever less of a party man. His loyalty was given to +principles, not men, and some of his bitterest attacks both +in Parliament and in the press were reserved for Radical +Ministries that, according to his lights, were untrue to their +profession. He was also, what is not so common in politics, +a thoroughly disinterested man. He sought neither office +nor honour. Circumstances placed him beyond the need +of money, and just as no personal feelings could ever blind +him to political shortcomings in his leaders, so the strongest +and most vehemently expressed disapproval of his opponents +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pvi"></a>vi}</span> +frequently went with a marked attachment to their persons, +and the strange thing is that he succeeded in convincing +both sides of the House of the genuineness of this emotionally +disinterested attitude. +</p> + +<p> +The opinions of Englishmen are rarely disinterested, and +it should never be forgotten that Henry Labouchere was, +in fact, a Frenchman. French by birth, he remained, to +the day of his death, French in his method of formation of +opinion, in his outlook on life, in the peculiar quality of his +wit. It was this that enabled, or rather obliged, him to take +that curiously detached view of English ideals which was at +times so disconcerting even to those who thought that they +understood him. Ideals, he held, were only entitled to +respect when translated into material currency. "How +much £ s. d. does he believe in what he says?" he would ask +concerning some fervid prophet. And if convinced that the +requisite materialisation had occurred, he would accept the +prophet as one more strange and amusing phenomenon in a +strange and amusing universe. It would have never +occurred to him that because the prophet was sincere he was +right. That was a matter for reason. He once observed +to me, in his whimsical way, of a colleague, that the mere +denial of the existence of God did not entitle a man's +opinion to be taken without scrutiny on matters of greater +importance. No "mere" Englishman could have said that. +That essential foreignness rendered him hard of comprehension +even to those who sympathised with his aims. For +instance, he was a Radical, as sincere and convinced a Radical +as the late Mr. Stead, but in a very different way. His +Radicalism was based on Reason. It represented Reason +applied to that particular department of human affairs +called Politics, and so applied, one may add, in spite of the +irrationality of most of the men called Radical politicians. +English Radicalism, on the other hand, rests mainly on +humanitarian sentimentalism. The <i>religion du clocher</i> of feudal +England has been largely replaced by a rival cult, the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pvii"></a>vii}</span> +hysterical excesses of which found in him a scathing critic. +He did not resent the hereditary principle in government +because it was unjust, but because it was absurd, and when +he fought some concrete instance of injustice, as he was +constantly doing, the emotional aspect of the case made +little, if any, appeal to him. He disliked injustice on rational +and, as it were, æsthetic grounds. He had no passionate +love of virtue, public or private; he thought it, on the whole, +a sound investment, but then even sound investments sometimes +go wrong. In his personal outlook on things he was +as completely non-religious as a man could be. He was not +anti-religious. He fully recognised the utility of religious +belief in others, perhaps even in society at large, and he +based this recognition not so much on the hardness of men's +hearts as on the thickness of their heads. But personally +he, Henry Labouchere, took no interest whatever in the +matter. In philosophy he was a strict agnostic, owning +Hume, for whom he had the greatest admiration, and the +Kant of the <i>Critique of Pure Reason</i>, as his masters. And +he was remarkably well read in the works of those +philosophers. +</p> + +<p> +He was constitutionally suspicious of strong feelings or +enthusiasm of any kind. All sensible people smoked, he +used to say, in order to protect themselves against such +disturbing factors. He loathed every kind of humbug. +He did not, however, disdain it as a weapon. During the +General Election of 1905 the Tories made a party cry of +Tariff Reform; he calmly observed one day, throwing down +his paper: "Well, of course I think we are right, but whether +we are or not, we've got all the bunkum on our side." +</p> + +<p> +In his personal relations with others he was very sociable +and courteous, retaining even in old age the fine manners of +an earlier generation. He was immensely kind-hearted, +and suffered fools, if not gladly, at least with politeness and +equanimity. His love for children is well known. There +was nothing he enjoyed more than giving children's parties, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pviii"></a>viii}</span> +and on these occasions would take any amount of personal +trouble to ensure the pleasure of his little friends. My +earliest recollection of him is, as a child of eight or so, sitting +on his knee drinking in the most fascinating and horrible +tales of the Siege of Paris, which he would tell me by the +hour. And almost my last recollection is of his interest in +a Christmas tree prepared for my own children on the very +day on which he took to his bed for the last time. +</p> + +<p> +These traits make up a character more familiar in France +than elsewhere. In his political ideas he resembled Clémenceau +more nearly than any English statesman, and in general +habit of mind he was a direct descendant of Voltaire. In +character he was more like Fontenelle. He had Fontenelle's +moral scepticism, his personal confidence in reason qualified +by his distrust of most people's reasoning powers, and his +profound sense of the dangers of enthusiasm. People called +him a cynic; and, if that somewhat vague term denotes one +who attempts to discount the emotional factor in judgment, +who endeavours to see the bare facts in as dry and objective +a light as possible, a cynic he was. But he was a +kind-hearted, even an affectionate cynic. It was not easy to +win his regard, but, if you succeeded in winning it, you were +sure of it. His own feelings he never expressed; this was +not because he had none, but because of the exaggerated +<i>pudeur</i> which he felt on the subject of the emotions. There +was something both ridiculous and indecent to his mind in +even the most restrained exhibition of affection. Briefly, +he may be said to have worn a fig-leaf over his heart. +</p> + +<p> +A word or two as to the method and scope of this book. +In order to give a full and detailed account of the whole of +Labouchere's career, it would have been necessary to write +at least a dozen volumes; some sort of selection imposed +itself. I have endeavoured to concentrate my own (and I +hope my readers') attention on Labouchere himself. There +is a danger which lurks for the biographer of a public man +lest the environment of his hero—the narrative of the events +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pix"></a>ix}</span> +in which he played a part—should hang too loosely to his +figure. There is also the danger that the frame, so to speak, +should not be given its due value in the portrait. In order +to appreciate the part played in public affairs by an +individual, it is necessary to understand what is going on. As +this book has been written for the general public, I have felt +it desirable to retell certain episodes in modern politics, in +which Mr. Labouchere played an important part, in greater +detail than would have been necessary had I been writing +for politicians. In such retelling I claim no originality. I +have followed standard authorities, and the point of view +of my narrative has been, to a great extent, that of +Mr. Labouchere himself, although, when I have come to the +conclusion that that point of view was mistaken, I have not +hesitated to say so. In this way I hope that the reader may +be enabled to see the inevitability of much of Labouchere's +political action, which at the time, looked at piecemeal, may +have appeared gratuitously mischievous. +</p> + +<p> +I feel I ought to call the reader's attention to the fact +that if Mr. Labouchere's many-sided life is considered as a +whole, his political proceedings represent but a small part +of his activity. He had lived an average lifetime before he +seriously took up political work, and genuine as his principles +undoubtedly were, still politics were never really more to +him than a means of self-expression and, it must be said, +amusement. He loved watching the spectacle of life, and +he came to find in the game of politics a sort of concentrated +version of life as a whole. This feeling, the strongest perhaps +that he possessed, combined with a passion to enter as an +effective cause into the spectacle he loved, was responsible +for his political incarnation. And he had a certain +half-perverse, half-childish love of mischief which he was not +always at pains to restrain, and which found in the intrigues +of parties and groups abundant scope for exercise. It could +not have found so much scope elsewhere, and was the motive +power of much of his political action, particularly towards +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Px"></a>x}</span> +the end of his time in Parliament. After his retirement +indeed, when politics had literally become nothing but a +game to him, he would watch the cards as they fell with +complete detachment from party views: "I wish I was +entering politics now as a young Tory blood," was a frequent +comment on public events during his last years. +</p> + +<p> +Of course, he had his own way of putting things, which +was not that of other people, and this brings me to the part +in life as to which both friends and foes are agreed that he +achieved complete success. Whatever else he was or was +not, everybody is agreed that he was the greatest English +wit since Sheridan. His gently modulated voice had a good +deal to do with his conversational success, and the bland +quiet manner with which the most startling remarks would +be accompanied gave them weight, if not point. Still, even +in cold print many of his sayings and appreciations will live +as long as men laugh from intellectual motives. "I do not +mind Mr. Gladstone always having an ace up his sleeve, +but I do object to his always saying that Providence put it +there," is a dictum which will not soon be forgotten. That +observation, gently drawled out one evening in the lobby of +the House of Commons, is a specimen of hundreds. I am +persuaded that originally he had no intention of being witty, +but supposed his quips and paradoxes to represent the bare +facts expressed with the greatest economy of language. It +is certain that no one was more surprised than he at the +entertainment people found in the <i>Letters of a Besieged +Resident</i>. He soon discovered his reputation for wit and +deliberately made use of it, both as a shield and as a weapon +of defence. It also served another purpose. There was a +strong tendency to indolence in him that was gratified by +his success in turning off awkward or puzzling questions with +some witty or irrelevant remark. If this analysis is correct, +it throws light on the nature of his wit, which consisted +largely in a naïve and shameless revelation of the <i>Secret de +Polichinelle</i>. For he said what every one thought but didn't +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxi"></a>xi}</span> +dare say. The originality of his mind really consisted in +the complete absence in his case of those conventional +superstructures which imprison most of us. When he replied +to some one who asked him if he liked Mme. X——, "Oh +yes, I like her well enough, but I shouldn't mind if she +dropped down dead in front of me on the carpet," he was +only saying what many of us think but would never dream +of saying even to ourselves of some of our friends. +</p> + +<p> +It is a commonplace of moralists to say that human +nature is full of contradictions. A subtler critic of man than +the mere moralist would add that much of men's time is +spent in smoothing out, or, at all events, conciliating, these +contradictions. We choose a possible type of humanity—Aristotle, +or some other Greek, gave an exhaustive list of +them—and see ourselves in the part we have selected. +According to our imaginative power and our strength of +will we succeed more or less in playing that part at least for +social purposes. Years pass and the mask grows to the face, +as in the case of Mr. Beerbohm's <i>Happy Hypocrite</i>, and +our friends and acquaintances cease in time to distinguish +between our pose and our character. But there are moments +when the mask cracks and close observers have their +surprises. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere gave up early in life any consecutive +attempt to make himself appear different to his real nature. +A fragment of an early diary which I have utilised does +indeed discuss the possibilities of success to the writer, and +criticises, in scathing terms, achievements up-to-date. But +this document, interesting and amusing as it is, is itself but +a piece of boyish introspectiveness. In point of fact he was +a terribly sincere person, partly from pride and partly from +indolence. Had he been willing to condescend to insincerity, +he would have been too lazy to do so for long. Here, then, +was an additional stumbling-block. It is easy enough to +understand a pose, or even a succession of poses, but a person +who says neither more nor less than exactly what he means, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxii"></a>xii}</span> +and means exactly what he says, not because he thinks he +ought to do so, or wishes to be understood as doing so, but +because so, and not otherwise, his nature spontaneously +expresses itself, is, in our present social state, almost +unintelligible. What saved him under these circumstances from +becoming a "prophet" was the pliability of intelligence +that enabled him to understand other people and the sense +of humour that enabled him to enjoy them. +</p> + +<p> +I have selected from the voluminous correspondence put +at my disposal only those letters which throw most light on +Mr. Labouchere's state of mind and the part he played in +political events with which he was connected. +</p> + +<p> +I have to thank my many relatives and friends who have +allowed me to make use of their letters from Mr. Labouchere, +and also my cousin, M. Georges Labouchère, for communicating +the result of his researches on the life of my +great-grandfather. Among old friends of Mr. Labouchere, who +have given me personal reminiscences of him, I have +especially to thank Mrs. Emily Crawford, Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, +Lord Welby, Sir Audley Gosling, and Mr. Robert Bennett, +the editor of <i>Truth</i>, whose help has been invaluable in the +narrative of Mr. Labouchere's founding of <i>Truth</i> and of its +subsequent fortunes. Most of all, my thanks are due to +Mr. Thomas Hart Davies, without whose constant sympathy +and assistance this biography could not have been +written. +</p> + +<p class="noindent"> + ALGAR L. THOROLD.<br> +</p> + +<p class="noindent"> + 12 CATHERINE STREET, WESTMINSTER.<br> + August 15, 1913.<br> +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxiii"></a>xiii}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3b"> +CONTENTS +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap01">CHAPTER I</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +THE LABOUCHERE FAMILY +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +The Huguenots of Orthez—Youth of Pierre-César—Exile—The Dutch +counting-house—A double ruff and a bid for a bride—Napoleon +and peace—Fouché—The French agent—-Ouvrard—The wrath of +Cæsar—The French loan—Residence in England—Lord +Taunton—Mr. John Labouchere +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap02">CHAPTER II</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +(1831-1853) +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Birth of Henry Labouchere—Early education—His first <i>mot</i>—Eton +days—The young pugilist—The toper—Views on fagging—Trinity +College, Cambridge—Insubordination—Suspension—His +defence—He lives at a London tavern—Severe judgment of +himself—Travels with a bear-leader—Wiesbaden—Voyage to +Mexico—Gambling and good resolutions—Letter to his tutor +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap03">CHAPTER III</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +TRAVELS AND DIPLOMACY +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +(1853-1864) +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Travels in Mexico—In love—The Chippeway Indians—In New +York—His American sympathies—His views on American education—On +American diplomats—On American girls—Becomes attaché at +Washington—Mr. Crampton—Gambling again—The Irish +patriot—Views on diplomatic negotiations—At +Munich—Stockholm—Frankfort—Bismarck +at Frankfort—Similarity of their opinions +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxiv"></a>xiv}</span> +about diplomacy—His popularity at Frankfort—Petersburg—In +love again—His opinion of Russians—Anecdotes—Dresden—Economical +family at Marburg—Republic of Parana—Revolution +in Florence—Constantinople—His stories about Lord Dalling—Close +of diplomatic career—Mrs. Crawford's estimate of his +character and remarks on his diplomatic career—<i>Memoir of Henry +Labouchere</i>, by Wilfrid Scawen Blunt +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap04">CHAPTER IV</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +PARLIAMENTARY AMBITIONS +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +(1866-1869) +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Why men enter Parliament—New Windsor—His agreement with Sir +Henry Hoare—Imprudent choice of agents—Election—Is unseated +on petition—Repartee before Special Commission—His line of +defence in the <i>Times</i>—Another letter on the subject—His maiden +Speech—Reminiscences of the Windsor election—Anecdote about +Lord Taunton—Becomes member for Middlesex—His speeches in +the House—General Election of 1868—Lord George Hamilton—His +quarrel with Lord Enfield—The <i>Times</i> on the quarrel—Nomination +of candidates—Conservative rowdies—the poll—Dignified +speech—Absurd reminiscence—Henry Irving at Brentford—General +Election of 1874—Is defeated at Nottingham +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap05">CHAPTER V</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +JOURNALISM AND THE STAGE +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +(1864-1880) +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +His connection with the <i>Daily News</i>—He buys a share—Manager of +the Queen's Theatre—<i>Time and the Hour</i>—<i>Dearer than +Life</i>—Contretemps—Financial loss—Poor opinion of artists—A +Bohemian—His knowledge of London—Edmund Yates tells how he came on +the staff of the <i>World</i>—His city articles—Trial of Abbott at the +Guild Hall—A calculator—Labouchere and Grenville Murray—He +leaves the staff of the <i>World</i>—Journey with Mr. Bellew—Adventure +with Dumas père—With Dumas fils—His visit to +Newgate—Sensations as a man about to be hanged—Remarks +about the Claimant—Immense popularity of <i>Truth</i>—The Lying Club +in Co. Durham +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxv"></a>xv}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap06">CHAPTER VI</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +THE BESIEGED RESIDENT +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +(September, 1870-February, 1871) +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +He replaces Mr. Crawford as correspondent—Mrs. Crawford's +impressions of him—Chaos at the Post Office—Immediate events leading +up to the siege—His account of how the news of Sedan was +received in Paris—The Prussians at Versailles—How he got his +letters to London—Ennui—Letter to his mother—Theatrical +behaviour of the Parisians—Further letters to his mother—His +wardrobe—His hat—The <i>Gaulois</i>—New Year's address to the +Prussians—His opinion of French journalists—His estimate of +General Trochu—Meals during the siege—Castor and Pollux—Another +letter to his mother—The leg of mutton and the sentimental +Prussian soldier—His departure from Paris—How he +behaved when under fire +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap07">CHAPTER VII</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +LABOUCHERE AND BRADLAUGH +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +The General Election of 1880—The "Radical" colleague—A faithful +constituency—Mr. Bradlaugh and the oath—A House divided +against itself—Labouchere's views on religion—His support of +Bradlaugh—Unscrupulous use of the <i>affaire</i> Bradlaugh by the +Opposition—Victory of Mr. Bradlaugh—His upright character and +final popularity in the House—Mr. Gladstone's +tribute—Mr. Labouchere on his colleague—The parallel of Wilkes +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap08">CHAPTER VIII</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +LABOUCHERE AND IRELAND +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +(1880-1883) +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Ireland in 1880—The Land League—Outrages—Lord Cowper and +Mr. Forster demand suppression of Habeas Corpus—Mr. Gladstone's +hesitation—He yields under threat of Lord Cowper's +resignation—Introduction by Forster of Bills +for the Protection of Life and +Property in Ireland, January, 1881—Labouchere's Irish views—Not +at first a Home Ruler—Labouchere criticises Forster's measure in +the House—The arrest of Parnell—His liberation—The +"understanding" with Mr. Gladstone—Murder of Lord Frederick +Cavendish and Mr. Burke—Renewed coercion opposed by +Mr. Labouchere—He negotiates between the Government and Irish +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxvi"></a>xvi}</span> +leaders in order to modify the Coercion Bill—Correspondence +with Mr. Chamberlain—Interviews with Mr. Parnell—Identity of +his Irish policy with that of Mr. Chamberlain +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap09">CHAPTER IX</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +LABOUCHERE AND MR. GLADSTONE'S EGYPTIAN POLICY +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Mr. Gladstone and Egypt—A legacy from Disraeli—Cyprus and the +Berlin Congress—The "Comedy of the Liars"—The Anglo-French +Condominium—Ismail—Nubar and Sir Rivers Wilson—Sir Evelyn +Baring—Deposition of Ismail—Khedive Tewfik—Revolt—Arabi +Pasha—Mr. Wilfrid Blunt—Labouchere and Egypt—Labouchere +drops his burden of Egyptian bonds—A letter to Sir Charles +Dilke—Labouchere and military occupation—The Egyptian Government +and the debt—The champions of Arabi—Speeches in the House—The +Soudan—General Gordon—Correspondence between Labouchere +and Chamberlain; between Labouchere and Mr. Blunt—Letters +from Arabi to Mr. Labouchere—A later letter to Mr. Blunt +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap10">CHAPTER X</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +HENRY LABOUCHERE'S RADICALISM +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Labouchere's political attitude—His faith in Chamberlain—Despair at +Chamberlain's secession—His article in the <i>Fortnightly</i>, +1884—The Radical creed—The House of Lords and the Crown—The +Church—The Land Laws—The Royal Family—Female +suffrage—Whigs more to be detested than Tories +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap11">CHAPTER XI</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +IN OPPOSITION +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +(June, 1885-December, 1885) +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Sir Henry Lucy on Labouchere—"The friendly broker"—Lord Salisbury's +First Administration—Irish and Tories—Labouchere, Healy, +and Chamberlain—The General Election—The Midlothian +manifesto—A letter from Mr. Davitt—From Mr. Parnell and Lord +Randolph Churchill—Letters from Mr. Healy—Labouchere's +letter to the <i>Times</i> about Home Rule—Correspondence between +Mr. Labouchere and Mr. Chamberlain +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxvii"></a>xvii}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap12">CHAPTER XII</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +THE SPLIT IN THE LIBERAL PARTY +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Legislators in correspondence—Further letters from Mr. Chamberlain +and Mr. Healy—Resignation of Mr. Chamberlain—Labouchere's +efforts to reconcile Mr. Chamberlain with the Cabinet—His +disappointment +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap13">CHAPTER XIII</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +SOME CONSEQUENCES OF BALFOUR's COERCION POLICY +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Lord Salisbury's Second Administration—The new Coercion +Bill—"Parnellism and Crime"—The facsimile letter—Mr. Healy on +the condition of Ireland—Radical demonstration in Hyde +Park—Mr. Labouchere on a waggon—He goes to Michelstown—The +famous meeting—He describes the meeting in the House—Lord +Randolph Churchill's criticism—<i>Truth</i> on the Michelstown +murders—More incriminating letters—Mr. Labouchere enters the +lists—The Parnell Commission—Correspondence with Pigott—First +interview—Correspondence with Irishmen in America—Letter from +Patrick Egan—Letters from Parnell—Pigott and the +Attorney-General +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap14">CHAPTER XIV</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +COLLAPSE OF PIGOTT +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Lord Russell's cross-examination of Pigott—The disappearance of +Pigott—His confession to Mr. Labouchere—Mr. Lewis returns the +confession—The Commission hears from Pigott—He sends the +confession, under cover, to Mr. Shannon—The confession read out +in court—Mr. Labouchere in the witness-box—Mr. Sala describes +the scene at 24 Grosvenor Gardens—Pigott's end—Mr. Labouchere's +compassion for his orphans—Letter from Dr. Walsh—Mr. Labouchere +and Primrose dames—Trying to hoax Labby +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap15">CHAPTER XV</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +MR. LABOUCHERE NOT INCLUDED IN THE CABINET +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Speeches on the Triple Alliance—He is not in the Cabinet—Queen +Victoria's objection to the editor of <i>Truth</i>—Mr. Gladstone's +correspondence with Mr. Labouchere—The indignation of +Northampton—Mr. Labouchere's desire to be appointed Ambassador at +Washington—Another disappointment for him +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxviii"></a>xviii}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap16">CHAPTER XVI</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +THE WAR IN SOUTH AFRICA +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +The Jameson Raid and the South African War—Mr. Labouchere on the +Jameson Raid Commission +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap17">CHAPTER XVII</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +LABOUCHERE AND SOCIALISM +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Mr. Labouchere on Socialism—Discussion with Mr. Hyndman +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap18">CHAPTER XVIII</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +MR. LABOUCHERE AS A JOURNALIST +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Mr. Labouchere as Journalist and Litigant—Narrative of <i>Truth</i> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap19">CHAPTER XIX</a> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +THE CLOSING YEARS +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +Retirement from Parliament—Farewell to Electors—Some +correspondence—Last days +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<a href="#chap20">INDEX</a> +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxix"></a>xix}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3b"> +ILLUSTRATIONS +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="noindent"> +<a href="#img-front">RIGHT HON. HENRY LABOUCHERE, P.C.</a> ... Frontispiece +</p> + +<p class="contents"> +From a photograph by Messrs. Brogi of Florence, taken in 1905 +at Villa Cristina, Florence. +</p> + +<p class="noindent"> +<a href="#img-126">FACSIMILE LETTER SENT BY BALLOON POST</a> +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p class="t3b"> +THE LIFE OF +<br><br> +HENRY LABOUCHERE +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap01"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P1"></a>1}</span></p> + +<h1> +THE LIFE OF LABOUCHERE +</h1> + +<p><br></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER I +<br> +THE LABOUCHERE FAMILY +</h3> + +<p> +Some forty miles south of Bayonne, on the right bank of +the Gave, lies the little town of Orthez, the ancient +capital of Béarn. Famous for the obstinacy of its resistance +to the apostolic spirit of Louis XIV. and the excellence of +its manufactured cloth, Orthez was further distinguished +during the Wars of Religion by the possession of a Protestant +university founded by Jeanne d'Albret in which Theodore +Beza was professor. In 1664, the most Christian King sent +his intendant Foucault to deal with the nest of heretics. +Foucault did not waste time in theological subtleties, but +gave the inhabitants twenty days in which to conform under +penalty of a dragonnade. They did so unanimously, but +there still remain more Protestants in Orthez than in any +other town of Béarn. +</p> + +<p> +Among the cloth merchants of Orthez none were more +distinguished than the Labouchères. According to the +Frères Haag, the compilers of <i>La France Protestante</i>, their +name should be Barrier de Labouchère, the patronymic +which they came to adopt being in reality the name of a +property in the possession of the family. The earliest +known ancestor of the Labouchères seems to have been a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P2"></a>2}</span> +certain Jean Guyon Barrier, who married in 1621 one +Catherine de la Broue. +</p> + +<p> +Pierre-César, the founder of the British branch of the +family and the grandfather of the subject of this memoir, +was born at The Hague in 1772. He was the second son of +Matthieu Labouchère and Marie-Madeleine Molière. His +father, who, in consequence of the revocation of the Edict +of Nantes, had been sent to England for his education, had +subsequently settled in Holland. Pierre-César was sent at +the age of thirteen to learn his uncle Pierre's business at +Nantes,[<a id="chap01fn1text"></a><a href="#chap01fn1">1</a>] where he remained until 1790, at which date he +entered the house of Hope at Amsterdam as French clerk. +In this humble position he laid the foundations of the great +fortune and financial career which were to be his. The rise +of the young French clerk was rapid. In six years he was a +partner in the house of Hope and had married Dorothy, +sister of Alexander Baring, who had become a partner in +the Dutch firm at the same time as his French brother-in-law. +The well-known story of the clever ruse by which +Pierre-César won the hand of his bride and also his +partnership in the house of Hope was told to the present writer +some twenty years ago by the Rev. Alexander Baring[<a id="chap01fn2text"></a><a href="#chap01fn2">2</a>] as +follows: +</p> + +<p> +Pierre-César was sent by Mr. John Hope to England to +see Sir Francis Baring on some business, and fell in love +with Sir Francis's third daughter Dorothy. Before leaving +England he asked Sir Francis to permit him to become +engaged to his daughter. Sir Francis refused. Pierre-César +then said: "Would it make any difference to your +decision if you knew that Mr. Hope was about to take me +into partnership?" Sir Francis unhesitatingly admitted that +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P3"></a>3}</span> +it would. Pierre-César then went back to Holland and +suggested to Mr. Hope that he might be taken into partnership. +On Mr. Hope discouraging the idea, he said: "Would +it make any difference to your decision if you knew that I +was engaged to the daughter of Sir Francis Baring?" Mr. Hope +replied, "Certainly." Whereupon the wily clerk +said: "Well, I am engaged to Miss Dorothy Baring." That +very day he was able to write to Sir Francis announcing the +news of his admission to partnership in the house of Hope, +and in the same letter he claimed the hand of his bride.[<a id="chap01fn3text"></a><a href="#chap01fn3">3</a>] +</p> + +<p> +The following picture of Pierre-César by a contemporary +is interesting. The writer was Vincent Nolte, for many +years a clerk in the house of Hope at Amsterdam. "Mr. +Labouchère was at that time but twenty-two, yet ere long +assumed the highly respectable position of head of the firm, +the first in the world, and studied the manners of a French +courtier previous to the Revolution: these he soon made so +thoroughly his own, that they seemed to be a part of his own +nature. He made a point of distinguishing himself in everything +he undertook by a certain perfection, and carried this +feeling so far that, on account of the untractable lack of +elasticity of his body and a want of ear for music which nature +had denied him, he for eighteen years deemed it necessary +to take dancing-lessons, because he saw that others surpassed +him in the graceful accomplishment. It was almost painful +to see him dance. The old school required, in the French +quadrille, some <i>entrechats</i> and one or two pirouettes, and the +delay they occasioned him always threw him out of time. +I have often seen the old gentleman, already more than fifty, +return from a quadrille covered with perspiration. Properly +speaking, he had no refined education, understood but very +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P4"></a>4}</span> +little of the fine arts, and, notwithstanding his shrewdness +and quickness of perception, possessed no natural powers of +wit, and consequently was all the more eager to steal the +humour of other people. He once repeated to myself as a +witty remark of his own to one of his clerks, the celebrated +answer of De Sartines, a former chief of the French police, +to one of his subordinates who asked for an increase of pay +in the following words: 'You do not give me enough—still +I must live!' The reply he got was: 'I do not perceive the +necessity of that!' Now, so hard-hearted a response was +altogether foreign to Mr. Labouchère's disposition, as he +was a man of most excellent and generous feeling. He had, +assuredly, without intention, fallen into the singular habit +of speaking his mother-tongue—the French—with an almost +English intonation, and English with a strong French accent. +But he was most of all remarkable for the chivalric idea of +honour in mercantile transactions, which he constantly +evinced, and which I never, during my whole life, met with +elsewhere, in the same degree, however numerous may have +been the high-minded and honourable merchants with whom +I have been thrown in contact. He fully possessed what the +French call <i>des idées chevaleresques</i>."[<a id="chap01fn4text"></a><a href="#chap01fn4">4</a>] +</p> + +<p> +In 1800 Pierre-César re-established himself for a time in +England, whither Hope's had been temporarily transferred +after the invasion of Holland by Pichegru. A few years +later he became involved in an interesting and delicate +political negotiation. +</p> + +<p> +In April, 1810, Napoleon, whose marriage with Marie +Louise had filled him with peaceful aspirations, surveyed the +world that he had conquered and decided that, for the +moment, he had conquered enough. To consolidate his +empire and his dependencies, peace was necessary. The +only obstacle to peace was England—England who had never +bowed before his eagles and only grudgingly admitted his +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P5"></a>5}</span> +existence. Negotiation with England was imperative, but +how to negotiate, and by what means? What had he to +offer Mr. Pitt? A substantial argument presented itself +in the condition of Holland. Louis Buonaparte had +disappointed his autocratic brother as an allied sovereign, and +it was the Emperor's intention to remove him from the Dutch +throne and unite the whole of the Netherlands to the Empire. +This course could not fail to be disagreeable to the English, +who would then be flanked by the French on two sides. So +it occurred to Napoleon that, by leaving Holland her +independence, he would be giving England a substantial <i>quid pro +quo</i> for the withdrawal of British troops from the Peninsula. +Evidently, however, he could not himself directly open +negotiations. Not only would such action lower his prestige, +but it was doubtful whether those infernal islanders would +consent to treat with him. The negotiations had to be +opened by way of Holland. King Louis' Government must +not appear in it. There were prudent men of affairs there +who could be trusted with the delicate task. Louis was +delighted with the idea. He would retain his estate as an +independent sovereign, the commerce of Europe would +once more circulate freely to the replenishment of his +subjects' coffers, and his terrible brother's ambitions would be +effectively circumscribed. +</p> + +<p> +Fouché, who, unknown to the Emperor, had already sent +a private agent to London to discuss with the British Cabinet +possible conditions of peace, entered enthusiastically into +the project and designated Pierre-César as in every way the +most suitable person to be entrusted with the affair. His +position in the world of business as a partner of Hope in +Amsterdam and of Baring in London was of the highest, and +his father-in-law, Sir Francis Baring, who had been one of +the principal directors of "John Company," was an intimate +friend of Wellesley, the English Foreign Secretary, with +whom he had spent some time in India. +</p> + +<p> +Labouchère was to present himself informally to Wellesley, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P6"></a>6}</span> +not as an envoy of the King of Holland and still less as the +mouthpiece of Napoleon, but in the names of Roell, Van +Der Heim, and Mollerus, three Dutch statesmen who professed +to have been initiated by their King into all the secrets +of the French Cabinet. He was to explain to the English +Foreign Secretary that the marriage of Napoleon had altered +his position and had caused him to desire the peace of Europe +as a necessary condition of the consolidation of his Empire, +and that, in order to induce the English Government to +abandon hostilities, he was prepared to forego his intention +of uniting Holland to his dominions. The Dutch Cabinet, +aware of the Emperor's views, had hastened to open informal +communications in order at one stroke to secure the peace +of Europe and to retain the independence of their country. +All having been arranged, Labouchère crossed from Brielle +to Yarmouth and posted to London on his secret mission. +</p> + +<p> +As a matter of fact the moment was not well chosen for +its success. After the retirement, on the Catholic question, +of Grenville and Grey, who had continued the Fox-Pitt +coalition, the old Duke of Portland, who had been Home +Secretary in Mr. Pitt's first Government, became Prime +Minister. He maintained his power with difficulty: Canning +and Castlereagh, respectively Home Secretary and Foreign +Minister, quarrelled, left the Cabinet in order to fight a duel, +and did not return to it. Lord Chatham did not survive +the results of the expedition to Walcheren, and shortly +afterwards Portland himself died. Mr. Perceval and Lord +Wellesley were the most important persons left in the Cabinet. +Perceval, who had been Portland's Chancellor of the +Exchequer, kissed hands as Prime Minister on December 2, +1809, and Wellesley took the place of Bathurst as Foreign +Secretary. Perceval was a clever lawyer and a bitter and +prejudiced Tory; Wellesley's hereditary politics were qualified +by suave manners, an enlightened spirit, and an unusual +talent for clear and eloquent statement. Less passionate +than Perceval, he had not the Prime Minister's influence +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P7"></a>7}</span> +with the party, but he enjoyed an immense reputation in +the country which was daily increased by the news of his +brother's gallant deeds at the front. The position of the +Government, in spite of their parliamentary majority, was +not very strong. They held their power by that most +uncertain tenure—success in arms. +</p> + +<p> +The opposition, led by Grenville and Grey, rejoiced in +the avowed favour of the Prince of Wales, whom an accident, +such was the state of the King's health, might any day call +to the regency, and even to the throne. The Prince had +openly declared himself against the war, and the leaders of +the opposition argued forcibly, in and out of season, against +its continuance. The militarism of the country was not, +however, to be checked in this way. The news of one victory +outweighed much argument. But news was not always of +victories. Forty thousand English troops had been forced +to retire before Antwerp, with a loss of fifteen thousand from +death and disease. This calamity more than balanced the +victory of Talavera. Perceval stuck to his war policy with +blind and furious determination. He no doubt felt that his +one chance of retaining office was to do so. Wellesley, on +the other hand, in spite of the glory won by his family +through the war, was open to reason on the subject. He had +already received politely Captain Fagan, a high officer in +Condé's army, whom Fouché had sent over on his own +responsibility to feel the way toward conditions of peace. He +had received him politely, but had answered him evasively +to the effect that the King's Government was by no means +bent on continuing the war at <i>all</i> costs, but would gladly +entertain proposals of peace if they were advanced by +responsible, fully accredited agents and were compatible +with the honour of the two nations. Labouchère was unable +to get anything more definite out of him. But Wellesley, +reserved with the French agent, opened himself more fully +to his old friend Sir Francis Baring. To him he explained +that no member of the Cabinet believed in Napoleon's good +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P8"></a>8}</span> +faith. He personally saw nothing in Labouchère's mission +but a trap laid for English public opinion by the supreme +adventurer, and judged that nothing was to be gained by +playing into his hand. Moreover, the Government would +never abandon Spain to Joseph or Sicily to Murat, and +would in no circumstances consent to the loss of Malta. +The fullest preliminary assurances on these points were the +<i>sine qua non</i> of any successful negotiation. +</p> + +<p> +Sir Francis Baring, who was a sagacious man, communicated +this conversation, together with his personal comments +thereon, to Labouchère. It was evident, he said, +that England had grown accustomed to the war, and would +not abandon it except under the stress of a reverse impossible +to predict, and that the nation would never lose all they had +fought for in the Peninsula by yielding Spain to a Buonaparte +prince. He suggested, without any official authority, an +arrangement which, leaving Malta to England, would give +Naples to Murat, Sicily to the Neapolitan Bourbons, and +would restore Spain to Ferdinand, save for the provinces on +the French side of the Ebro, which might be given to +Napoleon as an indemnity for the expenses of the war. +Convinced that nothing further was to be obtained in London, +Labouchère returned to Holland and sent to King Louis at +Paris the meagre results of his mission. Unfortunately, +Napoleon was as well accustomed to war as England. As soon as +he had received Labouchère's reply, he gave up the notion of +using Holland as a weapon against England and determined +to settle his affairs with his brother independently of the +general situation. Nevertheless, he did not wish to entirely +let fall the indirect relations on which Labouchère had +entered with the English Cabinet, and sent him a reply to +be transmitted through Sir Francis Baring to Lord Wellesley. +The Emperor's reply was perhaps more statesmanlike than +might have been expected. If England was accustomed to +the war, the French were even more in their element on the +battlefield. France was victorious, rich, prosperous, obliged, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P9"></a>9}</span> +no doubt, to pay a high price for sugar and coffee, but not +reduced to the point of doing without those luxuries. She +could support the situation for a long time yet. If, in these +conditions, he thought of peace, it was because in the new +position created by his marriage with an Austrian archduchess +he was anxious to terminate the struggle between the old +order and the new. As for the kingdoms he had created, +it was not to be thought that he would sacrifice any of them. +Never would he dethrone his brothers Joseph, Murat, Louis, +and Jerome. But the destinies of Portugal and Sicily were +still in suspense; these two countries, Hanover, the Hanseatic +cities, and the Spanish colonies might still be dealt with. +In any case, it might be possible to mitigate the horrors of +war. He had been obliged to reply by the decrees of Berlin +and Milan to the orders-in-council issued by the British +Cabinet, and the sea had been converted into a stage for +violence of every description. This state of things was +perhaps more dangerous for England than for France, since +an Anglo-American war might easily result. If the English +Government agreed with these appreciations they had but +to relax their laws of blockade. France would follow suit, +Holland and the Hanseatic towns would retain their +independence, the sea would be opened to neutrals, the war would +lose some of its bitterness, and, possibly, in time a complete +understanding between the two nations might be reached. +Such was Napoleon's, on the whole, judicious reply, and on +these terms, and on these terms only, was Labouchère +authorised to make any further attempts at negotiation. +</p> + +<p> +But Napoleon counted without Fouché. That brilliant +and unscrupulous person, who had been recently raised +to the important Ministry of Police with the title of Duc +d'Otrante, was a peace fanatic. In every day that the war +continued he saw danger to the Empire. The failure of the +Labouchère mission, in which he no doubt felt his self-love +wounded, since he had himself indicated the envoy, +disappointed him profoundly. He determined to bring about +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P10"></a>10}</span> +peace himself, and relied on his success to justify himself in +the Emperor's eyes. It would have been a dangerous thing +to do under any government: it was a piece of insanity +under a master so absolute, so vigilant, as Napoleon. He +accordingly sent one Ouvrard to Amsterdam to urge Labouchère +to reopen negotiations with the British Cabinet on +conditions much more favourable to England than the +Emperor had made. Labouchère naturally thought that +Fouché once more represented Napoleon, and recommenced +negotiations on a basis much more satisfactory to English +policy. The basis was different indeed. According to +Ouvrard, the Emperor would modify his views on Sicily, +Spain, the Spanish colonies, Portugal, and Holland; he was +earnestly desirous of peace, and he shared the hostility of the +British Cabinet to the Americans. In order to give Labouchère +more credit with Wellesley, Fouché offered to give up +to him a mysterious personage called Baron Kolli, an English +police agent, who had been visiting Valencay to arrange the +escape of Ferdinand. Kolli had been arrested by the French +troops who had charge of the imprisoned King. The arrest +had been considered an important event by the Cabinet of +St. Cloud. To all this Ouvrard added a good deal of his +own, and Labouchère could not do otherwise than believe +what he was told. Accordingly he reopened negotiations +by letter with Wellesley.[<a id="chap01fn5text"></a><a href="#chap01fn5">5</a>] +</p> + +<p> +In the following month, Napoleon, who was making one of +his tours of personal inspection in the Netherlands, discussed +the Labouchère negotiations with his brother Louis at +Antwerp. By a curious chance he had caught sight on his +journey of Ouvrard, who was on his way from Amsterdam +to Paris. The Emperor's promptness of mind had at once +suggested to him that Ouvrard, who enjoyed the favour of +Fouché and had business relations with Labouchère, was +probably mixing himself up in what did not concern him, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P11"></a>11}</span> +perhaps giving advice which was not wanted, or trying to +float some speculation on the probabilities of peace. With +the presentiment of his genius he at once forbade Labouchère +to have any relations with Ouvrard and ordered him to send +immediately all the correspondence that had been exchanged +between Amsterdam and London to the King. Labouchère +at once communicated all his own letters and those he had +received from London. +</p> + +<p> +The blow fell on June 2 at St. Cloud, where the Emperor, +the day after his return from Holland, convoked a Council +of Ministers to meet him. Fouché, in charge of the most +important portfolio of the imperial Cabinet, was naturally +present. Napoleon turned and rent him. What was +Ouvrard doing in Holland? Had Fouché sent him there? +Was he or was he not an accomplice of this preposterous +intrigue? Fouché, surprised and upset by this sudden and +unexpected attack, could find nothing better to say than +that Ouvrard was a busybody who was always mixing himself +up in other people's business and that it was wiser to +pay no attention to anything he might say. The astute +personage must indeed have been upset to attempt to "pay" +Napoleon with such words. Ouvrard and his papers were +at once seized, the mission being entrusted not to Fouché, +who as Minister of the Police would naturally have received +such an order, but to Sazary, an aide-de-camp whom the +Emperor had made Duc de Rovigo and in whom he had +complete confidence. Ouvrard's papers revealed at once +the extent to which the intrigue had been pushed and of +Fouché's complicity. The next day Fouché was dismissed +from the Ministry of Police, where he was succeeded by +Rovigo, and appointed Governor of Rome. When Napoleon +had anything to do he did it quickly. +</p> + +<p> +He did not rest there, however. He was determined to +get to the <i>fin fond</i> of these singular negotiations. Ouvrard, +kept in prison, was constantly examined, and Labouchère +was summoned to Paris and ordered to bring all the papers +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P12"></a>12}</span> +still in his hands. It appeared, from a comparison of these +with those already seized, that Labouchère had acted in +perfectly good faith, and the whole responsibility rested +with Fouché and Ouvrard. Fouché's disgrace was complete. +As soon as the Emperor discovered the episode of the Fagan +mission he turned once more on the luckless minister and +demanded all the papers relative to that affair. Fouché +replied that they were of no importance and that he had +burned them. Napoleon, on hearing this, gave way to one +of his appalling exhibitions of rage, took away from Fouché +the governorship of Rome, and exiled him to Aix in Provence. +So ended this curious affair in which Pierre-César Labouchère +had served his country faithfully and intelligently to the +extent which circumstances permitted. Some years later +he was to serve his country perhaps more signally, and +certainly more effectively. +</p> + +<p> +When in 1817 France was beginning the task of reconstruction, +the principal difficulty in the way of the ministers +of Louis XVIII. was the very serious financial situation. +By the treaty of November 20 of the preceding year, the +country was pledged to pay to foreigners no less than seven +hundred million francs in money in the course of five years, +with an additional sum of a hundred and thirty million for +the pay of the 150,000 foreign troops which occupied the +country. There were also numerous debts, both at home +and abroad, the payment of which had been guaranteed by +the treaties of 1814 and 1815. The ordinary revenue was +useless to meet such heavy charges, and extraordinary +taxation, in the state of the country, would have spelt ruin. +It was necessary to have recourse to credit. But how to +obtain a loan? France was not in a state which could +inspire financiers with much confidence. In these +circumstances Messrs. Labouchère and Baring once more +placed themselves at the service of the French Government. +They purchased nearly twenty-seven million francs' worth +of government five per cent. <i>rente</i>, and thus restored French +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P13"></a>13}</span> +credit. Their action was, no doubt, not purely disinterested, +as they bought the <i>rente</i> at an average price of 56.50 and +obtained an interest of nine per cent. on their money. Still, +the difficulty of the moment was to find anybody to do it +at any price.[<a id="chap01fn6text"></a><a href="#chap01fn6">6</a>] A private journal of the period, kept by the +husband of a niece of Sir Francis Baring, consequently a +first cousin by marriage of Mme. Pierre-César Labouchère, +gives the following account of the transaction:[<a id="chap01fn7text"></a><a href="#chap01fn7">7</a>] "The +'Alliance Loan' of the Barings at Paris in 1816 probably +doubled his (Pierre-César's) fortune, and he soon after +quitted business, and settled altogether in England, living +at Hylands, a property he bought in Essex, and in Hamilton +Place, where his home was frequented by many distinguished +people and diplomatists." +</p> + +<p> +Two sons were born to Pierre-César and Dorothy Labouchère. +The elder, Henry, was born in 1798, and made for +himself a social and political career of decided distinction, +as a Whig of the old school, a certain primness and +conventionality of character enabling him to perform the part +successfully in private as in public life. He took a first-class +in classics at Oxford, and in 1832 found himself a Lord +of the Admiralty. He became subsequently Vice-President +of the Board of Trade, Under-Secretary to the Colonies, +President of the Board of Trade, Chief Secretary of Ireland, +Secretary of State for the Colonies, and was raised to the +peerage in 1859, when he assumed the title of Baron Taunton, +choosing the name of the borough he had represented in +Parliament for thirty years. It was at Taunton in 1835 +that he opposed and defeated Dizzy by a majority of a +hundred and seventy, when, on his appointment as Master +of the Mint under Lord Melbourne, he offered himself to +his constituents for re-election. His primness and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P14"></a>14}</span> +conventionality found on this occasion an admirable foil in the +manner and appearance of his opponent, who was "very +showily attired in a bottle-green frock coat, a waistcoat of +the most extravagant pattern, the front of which was almost +covered with glittering chains, and in fancy pattern +pantaloons." The judicious electors of Taunton preferred +Mr. Labouchere's more solid qualities. +</p> + +<p> +Lord Taunton died very suddenly on July 13, 1869. He +was twice married, first to Frances, daughter of Sir Thomas +Baring,[<a id="chap01fn8text"></a><a href="#chap01fn8">8</a>] and secondly to Lady Mary Howard, a daughter of +Lord Carlisle. He left no sons. Consequently the bulk +of his fortune descended to his brother John Labouchere's +eldest son Henry, the future member for Northampton and +editor of <i>Truth</i>. +</p> + +<p> +The younger Henry Labouchere's earliest recollections +carried him back to his childish visits to his grandfather in +Hamilton Place, where Prince Talleyrand, then Ambassador +to the Court of St. James (1830-34), was a frequent visitor. +"I have always taken a special interest in Talleyrand," he +wrote when he was sixty, "because he gave me when a child +a very gorgeous box of dominoes."[<a id="chap01fn9text"></a><a href="#chap01fn9">9</a>] +</p> + +<p> +The elder Henry Labouchere does not seem at first sight +to have shared any traits with his nephew and namesake. +The only point on which they may be said to have agreed +was their love for America. Lord Taunton as a young man +travelled much in the United States with Lord Derby, and +he had important business interests there as well as in South +America, arising out of the commercial enterprises of the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P15"></a>15}</span> +house of Hope. He acquired in the course of his travels a +strong liking for American institutions and a genuine affection +for the American people, a feeling which, as we shall see, +was shared by his nephew. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. John Labouchere predeceased Lord Taunton by six +years, and it was often presumed by persons who knew the +family but slightly that the younger Henry Labouchere was +the son of Lord Taunton, which mistake gave the young wit +the opportunity of making one of his best-known repartees. +On one occasion a gentleman, to whom Henry was introduced +for the first time, opened the conversation by remarking: +"I have just heard your father make an admirable speech +in the House of Lords." "The House of Lords!" replied +Mr. Labouchere, assuming an air of intense interest, "well, +I always <i>have</i> wondered where my father went to when he +died." +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap01fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap01fn1text">1</a>] Presumably Uncle Pierre had conformed and stuck to it. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap01fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap01fn2text">2</a>] The portraits of Pierre-César Labouchère +and Dorothy his wife, now in +my possession, were then at Farnham Castle, +and Mr. Baring was visiting +my father, the then Bishop of Winchester, +when he related to me this anecdote +of my great-grandparents. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap01fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap01fn3text">3</a>] The story is confirmed by the +Hon. Francis Henry Baring. Mr. F. H. Baring +was told it by the late Thomas Charles Baring, +M.P., the son of the +Bishop of Durham. Mr. T. C. Baring +was for many years a partner in Baring +Bros., where he probably heard the story. +Sir Henry Lucy, in his <i>More Passages +by the Way</i>, mentions that Mr. Labouchere himself believed the story +to be true. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap01fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap01fn4text">4</a>] Vincent Nolte, <i>Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres</i>. +American translation, 1854. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap01fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap01fn5text">5</a>] Thiers, <i>Histoire du Consulat et de l'Empire</i>; +Louis Madelin, <i>Fouché</i>. See +also <i>Times</i>, March 16, 1811, for the English account. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap01fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap01fn6text">6</a>] <i>Histoire de Mon Temps: Mémoires du Chancelier Pasquier</i>, +publiées par le Duc d'Audriffet-Pasquier, 1789-1830. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap01fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap01fn7text">7</a>] The journal was written by Mr. T. L. Mallet, +who married Lucy, daughter +of Charles Baring. I am indebted for the +extract to Lord Northbrook. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap01fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap01fn8text">8</a>] Yet another link between the Laboucheres +and the Barings was forged +by the marriage, in 1837, of Lady Taunton's sister, +Emily Baring, to Mrs. John +Labouchere's brother, the Rev. William Maxwell Du Pre. +His sister, Caroline +Du Pre, became the wife of the Rev. Spenser Thornton, +who was a grandson +of Godfrey Thornton by Jane his wife, +a daughter of an influential director +of the French hospital, Stephen Peter Godin, +whose family note-book was +published in the January number of the <i>Genealogist</i> +(<i>The Labouchère Pedigree</i>, +by Henry Wagner, F.S.A., 1913). +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap01fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap01fn9text">9</a>] <i>Truth</i>, March 19, 1891. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap02"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P16"></a>16}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER II +<br><br> +CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH +</h3> + +<p class="t3"> +(1831-1853) +</p> + +<p> +John Peter Labouchere,[<a id="chap02fn1text"></a><a href="#chap02fn1">1</a>] the younger son of +Pierre-César Labouchère, was a partner in the firm +of Hope at Amsterdam, and, later, a partner in the bank of +Williams, Deacon, Thornton, and Labouchere. He married +Mary Louisa Du Pre,[<a id="chap02fn2text"></a><a href="#chap02fn2">2</a>] second daughter of Mr. James Du +Pre of Wilton Park in Buckinghamshire, and granddaughter +of Sir William Maxwell of Monteith, by whom he had a +family of three sons and six daughters, of whom one son and +four daughters are still living. He was the owner of Broome +Hall in Surrey, and his town house was at 16 Portland Place. +He was an extremely religious man and well known for his +charitable and philanthropic labours. At one period his +elder brother, Lord Taunton, then Mr. Henry Labouchere, +also had a house in Portland Place, and he used to relate that +he was constantly pestered by persons confusing him with +his brother the banker, who called to ask for his help and +patronage with regard to various evangelical enterprises. +It was his habit to reply to them: "You have made a mistake, +sir; the good Mr. Labouchere lives at No. 16." +</p> + +<p> +Henry Du Pre, the eldest son of John Labouchere, was +born at 16 Portland Place on November 9, 1831. His +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P17"></a>17}</span> +education, had he been a docile pupil, would, according to +his father's wishes, have been that of a conventional English +boy with some reasonable expectations of a fine career in +the financial or the diplomatic world, into either of which he +had an easy <i>entrée</i> through the influence of the Labouchere +family. But he displayed, at the very beginning of his +career, a curious and original character, which did not seem +to follow easily any of the known paths of learning marked +out for the youth of his period. The earliest repartee +recorded of him was made to the headmaster of the private +school to which he was sent at the age of six. Before breakfast, +the morning after his arrival, the new boys were placed +in a row, and asked whether they had all washed their teeth. +One by one they answered in the affirmative, until came the +turn of Henry. "No," he answered firmly. "And pray +why not?" wound up the master indignantly, after a long +lecture on the enormity of the crime of neglecting the +cleanliness of the teeth. "Because I haven't got any," smiled +Henry suddenly. He was just at the stage of changing his +baby teeth, and his toothless gums were displayed for the +full benefit of the discomfited moralist.[<a id="chap02fn3text"></a><a href="#chap02fn3">3</a>] Nearly fifty years +later Labouchere published the following account of his +school-days: +</p> + +<p> +"When I was a boy I was sent to a school which was kept +by one of the most ill-conditioned ruffians that ever wielded +a cane. He used to suffer from lumbago (this was my only +consolation), and would crawl on his hands and knees into +the schoolroom; then he would rear up and commence caning +a few boys, merely, I truly believe, from a notion that the +exercise would be beneficial to his muscles. The man was +ignorant, brutal, mean, and cruel, and yet his school somehow +had a reputation as an excellent one—mainly, I suspect, +because he had the effrontery to charge a high price for the +privilege of being at it."[<a id="chap02fn4text"></a><a href="#chap02fn4">4</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P18"></a>18}</span> +</p> + +<p> +He went to Eton in the September of 1844, and was +entered at the house of Edward Balston, who afterwards +became headmaster. Dr. Hawtrey, whose classical teaching +has been described as "more picturesque than useful," was +headmaster during the three years and a half that Henry +Labouchere was at the school. The boy seems to have been +a fairly idle scholar, and nothing remarkable in the way of a +sportsman. He was exceedingly small for his age and, in +consequence, a light weight, so that he was much in request +on summer afternoons as a "cox." Among his contemporaries +at Eton were the late Lord Avebury, the late Sir +George Tryon, Lord Roberts, the late Sir Arthur Blackwood, +Sir Algernon West, and Lord Welby. Lord Welby recollects +that he had, even in his Eton days, the dry, cynical manner +and original mode of verbal expression which, later on, +marked him out from his fellows. +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere fell under a suspicion of bullying whilst at +Balston's, and the consequences he was forced to undergo are +interesting as illustrative of the Eton justice of the forties. +He was in the fifth form, and the elder boys of his house +summoned the captain of the lower boys, one Barton, who +was a good deal bigger than Labouchere, to fight him in the +house. Barton had no quarrel on his own account with +Labouchere—it was a case of representative justice. The +fight was arranged to take place in one of the rooms after +tea, it being the uncomfortable practice in those days always +to fight after a meal. Labouchere and Barton punched +away at each other for an hour or so, until the big boys went +down to supper, when they were allowed to rest. After the +elders had supped, the fight was renewed until Labouchere +succumbed. However, it was generally allowed that he had +made a good show before a bigger man than himself. The +next day the eyes of the combatants were bunged up, their +noses swollen to bottle size, and their complexions coloured +bright blue and green with bruises. They could not go into +school. Balston was obliged to take notice of what had +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P19"></a>19}</span> +happened, which he did with well-simulated indignation, and, +when they were able to return to school, reported them to +Hawtrey, who "swished" them both.[<a id="chap02fn5text"></a><a href="#chap02fn5">5</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Another contemporary of Mr. Labouchere's at Eton, the +late Frederick Morton Eden, related a story about him at a +dinner given to him some years ago, as the senior "Old +Etonian," in the School Hall of the College. Whilst the old +chapel was being restored, a temporary chapel of wood and +iron was run up. The corrugated iron roof made the heat +intolerable during the summer months, so Labouchere hit +upon a plan to put a stop to the nuisance of "chapel in the +shanty." One boy was to pretend to faint and four others +were to carry him out. A fifth was to follow bearing the +hats of the performers. The plan worked admirably. The +service was brought to a temporary stop and the boys, as +soon as they were outside, scampered merrily off and +procured some agreeable refreshment. The repetition of this +comedy, of course, aroused the suspicion of the masters, but +nevertheless, like many of Labouchere's intrigues in later +life, it produced eventually the desired effect. There was +no more chapel during the hot weather until the restoration +of the old chapel was complete. +</p> + +<p> +A reminiscence of his Eton days that Mr. Labouchere +was fond of relating has already found its way into print, +but will bear repetition, as all may not have read it. One +day, his store of pocket-money being at high-water mark, he +conceived the notion of doing the man about town for an +hour or two; so, having dressed himself with scrupulous care, +he sallied forth, and, entering the best hotel in the place, +engaged a private room, and in a lordly manner ordered a +bowl of punch. The waiter stared but brought the liquor, +and went away. The boy, having tasted it, found it +horrible. He promptly poured it into the lower compartment +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P20"></a>20}</span> +of an antique oak sideboard. He waited a little to see +whether it would run out on to the carpet. Luckily the +drawer was watertight, and Labouchere rang the bell again +and proudly ordered from the amazed waiter a second bowl +of punch. He poured this also into the oak sideboard, and +in a few minutes rang for the bill, tipped the waiter majestically, +and swaggered out of the hotel, quite satisfied that he +had won the admiration and respect of the whole staff. +</p> + +<p> +After the Christmas half of 1847, Labouchere left Eton. +He was then in his seventeenth year, and, before going to +the university, it was thought advisable to place him for a +year or two with a private tutor. +</p> + +<p> +It is interesting, before we leave Labouchere's Etonian +career, to record his views on fagging, that venerable +institution, which is generally considered by Englishmen to have +contributed so largely towards their superiority to the rest +of mankind. "When I was at Eton," he wrote, "fags thought +that all was fair in regard to their masters. I had a master +who used to send me every morning to a farmhouse to get +him cream for his breakfast. On my return I invariably +added a trifle of my milk to the cream and thickened my +milk with an infusion of my master's cream. Thus, by the +light of that revenge, which Lord Bacon calls a 'rude sense +of justice,' I anticipated the watering process which has +been practised by so many public companies. Sometimes +he would have jugged hare. These occasions were my grand +opportunity, and, unknown to him, I used to pour out into +my own slop basin a portion of the savoury mess, and conceal +the deficit by an addition of pure water. Fagging in fact, +is productive of more evil to the fag than the fagger. The +former learns all the tricks and dodges of the slave."[<a id="chap02fn6text"></a><a href="#chap02fn6">6</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere's matured judgment of Dr. Hawtrey was +expressed as follows: +</p> + +<p> +</p> + +<p> +Dr. Hawtrey was the headmaster when I was at Eton. He was +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P21"></a>21}</span> +an amiable and kindly man and a fine gentleman. He probably +flogged about twenty boys every day, on an average. He did +it with exquisite politeness, and, except on rare occasions, the +whole thing was a farce. Four cuts were the ordinary application, +and ten cuts were never exceeded. The proceedings took +place in public, and any boy who had a taste for the thing might +be a spectator. If the victim flinched there was a howl of +execration. Far from objecting to this, the doctor approved of it. +I remember once that a boy fell on his knees, and implored him +to spare him. "I shall not condescend to flog you, but I leave +you to your young friends," said the doctor. I happened to be +one of the young friends, and I remember aiding in kicking the +boy round the quadrangle for about half an hour.[<a id="chap02fn7text"></a><a href="#chap02fn7">7</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The reflections of boys on the education to which they +have been subjected are remarkably interesting, because +they are so exceedingly rare. We have Rousseau's criticism +of his upbringing, but it was penned when youth was behind, +and it is tinged with an affectation of intellectual +detachment and middle-aged self-consciousness which robs it of +the spontaneity which would be its only recommendation. +St. Augustine, when he wrote his confessions, knew far too +much to be able to write with simple sincerity of his foolish +youth. Labouchere's early note-books, unlike these masterpieces, +possess the uncommon value of being youth's judgments +upon youth, written with all the hardy ingenuousness +of a clever boy, who was, besides being clever, extremely +young for his age.[<a id="chap02fn8text"></a><a href="#chap02fn8">8</a>] About the period of his life which has +been described Labouchere wrote, at the age of twenty-one: +"I will give ... an outline of my life, and the different +courses that led to my discovery of early wisdom. I went +through the usual numbers of schools, by which I learnt that +an English education, for the time and money that it +consumes, is the worst that the world has yet produced. One +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P22"></a>22}</span> +clergyman alone of all my masters knew how to teach. His +conduct was perfectly arbitrary, and he gave no reason for +it—while, in the several branches of learning, his pupils +either made rapid progress or left his house. My acquaintance +with him was of short duration. He insisted on my +teaching in an infant school on Sunday, or leaving his house—and +I foolishly preferred the latter. I was then too young to +go to college, so I was transferred to a clergyman in Norfolk, +the very antipodes of my former master. Here I amused +myself, and was flattered for a year or two, and then went to +the university." +</p> + +<p> +In February, 1850, he went up to Trinity College, +Cambridge. His tutor was Mr. Cooper. In his note-book +describing the university period of his career Labouchere +wrote: "My father sent me to college, where, instead of +improving my mind (for manners, I own, must be bad to be +improved by such a place), I diligently attended the +race-course at Newmarket. I had a general idea that here (at +the university) I should astonish the world by my talents—I +attended no lectures, as I considered myself too clever to +undergo the drudgery. I considered myself—on what +grounds God knows—an orator and a poet. I went to the +Debating Society and commenced a speech in favour of the +regicides, but, to my astonishment, entirely broke down. +To my equal astonishment, upon writing the first line of a +prize poem, I found it impossible to find a second. To +become known in the university was my ambition—my short +cuts to fame had failed—it never entered my head to apply +myself really to study, so, in default of a better method, I +resolved to distinguish myself by my bets on horse-races. I +diligently attended every meeting at Newmarket and spent the +evenings in a tavern, where the sporting students and sporting +tradesmen assembled to gamble. At the end of two years I +had lost about £6000, and I owed to most of my sporting +friends.... Upon a dispute with the College authorities my +degree was deferred for two years, and I left the University." +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P23"></a>23}</span> +</p> + +<p> +So many incorrect versions of Labouchere's dispute with +the university have been given in various newspaper +biographical notices at different times that a short account of +what actually did happen will not be out of place here. +</p> + +<p> +A court was held on April 2, 1852, at King's Lodge, to +hear a complaint brought by the proproctor, Mr. Barnard +Smith, against Henry Labouchere for having sent to various +university officers a printed paper, signed by himself, +imputing unfair conduct to Mr. Barnard Smith towards himself +whilst in the Senate House during an examination. +</p> + +<p> +What happened at the Senate House is best told in +Labouchere's own words. I quote the printed letter which +he sent to the university officers, and which was the cause +of his leaving Cambridge before he took his degree. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The undersigned went into the Senate House for the previous +Examination on Monday last, and had not been there long before +he was painfully surprised by the suspicions of one of the +proproctors, the Rev. Mr. Barnard Smith of St. Peter's College. +This gentleman, from the beginning of the Examination, +continued to watch the undersigned in so marked a manner as not +only to be noticed by himself but by other members of the +University, under examination, who sat near him. The undersigned +felt much distressed at this special surveillance. He had +done nothing to deserve suspicion of being likely to resort to any +unworthy practices in the Senate House, and the knowledge that +he was thus subject to what he felt to be little short of a direct +personal insult hindered his giving undivided attention to the +examination questions which he had to answer. +</p> + +<p> +Notwithstanding this discouragement, the undersigned sent +in his answers, which he has since been assured by one of the +Examiners were satisfactory.... +</p> + +<p> +On the day following (Tuesday), having nearly answered all +the questions, the undersigned was stopped by the +Rev. Mr. B. S. and charged with mal-practices +in the Examination, of which +he was not guilty. +</p> + +<p class="noindent"> +HENRY LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +After a short inquiry, during which it was ascertained +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P24"></a>24}</span> +that Labouchere had been guilty of writing the above letter, +the court delivered the following sentence: "The court being +of opinion that the charge has been fully proved, and that +the conduct of Mr. Labouchere has been highly reprehensible +and injurious to the character and discipline of the +University, sentences Henry Labouchere to be admonished and +suspended from his degree for two years." In the course +of the inquiry, Labouchere defended himself with great +ability, though unsuccessfully. +</p> + +<p> +I give his defence verbatim, as the detail with which he +gave it is the best possible account of the circumstances +which led up to his insubordinate act: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +The whole business seems so indefinite that it is almost impossible +to offer a defence. I am convened before the Vice-Chancellor +for sending a printed notice to the Examiners and for bringing +a charge against Mr. Barnard Smith. But what my copying or +not copying in the Senate House has to do with it, it is difficult +to say. But, as my copying has been brought forward and is +supposed to bear on the subject, I am happy to have an opportunity +of disproving it. Mr. Fenwick, on being asked, brought +forward 3 charges why I was sent out of the Senate House: +first, for having a paper concealed which I refused to give to the +Examiners; secondly, for asserting that the paper had nothing +to do with the Examination; and thirdly, for owning that it had. +Mr. Fenwick (who it appears had the direction of the case) made +no further charge. Mr. Barnard Smith now brings an entirely +different charge, which is that I slipped a piece of paper into my +pocket, and that he imagines he saw me do so. Why he didn't +stop me at the time he does not say. Now all the Examiners +who had been examined here to-day, except Mr. Latham, say +that from my general conduct I was suspected of copying on +Monday. Mr. Fenwick, however, is more particular, and says +that my position excited suspicion. Mr. Woollaston says that +I did not appear to be occupied with the Examination. So that +what my general conduct was is explained. Having partly +finished 10 questions in the Scripture history, I, more as a rest +than anything else, wrote a note to a friend asking him how he +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P25"></a>25}</span> +had got on, and mentioned that I had just given a long answer +to the 10th question: I added, "I suppose the Shunamite woman +was the person whose son was struck with the sun." While +reading this note to myself, I saw Mr. Barnard Smith coming +towards me; upon which I threw it away as far as possible; and +upon his asserting that he had seen a paper in my hands I said +that he had, but that I had no crib, nor had I in any way copied, +that it was a note having nothing to do with the Examination. +Not being in the habit of having my word questioned I saw no +reason for producing it. Mr. Barnard Smith, however, thought +differently; and, as the Examiners agreed with him, upon demanding +its production I said that I had thrown it away, and it was +probably somewhere on the ground. Having looked close by +and not perceived it, I told Mr. Fenwick that I didn't see it. +Mr. Fenwick, on this, ordered me to look for it, in a manner so +offensive, that I took no further trouble about the matter. I then +told the Examiners that, if they wished to know what was in the +note, there was a question about the Shunamite woman, and +told them I had just finished the answer to that question. I +then gave up my papers and left the Senate House. The inference +I believe drawn from the last two charges is that I told a lie. +Upon this point any person may form his own opinion. I +am asked whether I had a paper. The paper is by that time +thrown away. I answered that I had. Had I denied it there +would have been no evidence, and the matter would probably +have dropped. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +According to the Examiner I had first said the paper had +nothing to do with the Examination, and then, finding that the +paper is not produced, tell them that the paper had to do with +the Examination. I simply stated what it contained and should +not have told a lie against myself. The fact was, not seeing the +paper, and considering that Mr. Fenwick had ordered me to look +for it in rather an offensive way, I told them what it contained. +I had finished the Examination question at the time, and the +question in the note was not put in with any desire to know +whether it was right or wrong. I simply put in that I supposed +it was right more for something to say than for anything else. +But I certainly did not consider it had anything to do with the +Examination in the way which Mr. Barnard Smith meant. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P26"></a>26}</span> +With respect to Mr. Barnard Smith's impression that I slipped +a piece of paper into my pocket, I wish that he had said so at +the time, that I might have disproved it. I can only say now +that there is a sufficient internal evidence in my answers to show +that I didn't obtain assistance from any notes, as I had a general +knowledge of the subject, and confined myself to general facts. +After having been dismissed from the Senate House, and having, +in vain, challenged an investigation before the Vice-Chancellor, +as I understood the Examiners openly asserted that I had told a +lie, I sent a circular to them denying the charge. I did this, +lest at any time hereafter, such an action should be brought to +my charge, and also that it had been unrefuted. I have now +denied the charge, and for their individual opinion I care little. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The court asked, at this point, if Mr. Labouchere +deliberately wished these words to be recorded: he said "Yes" +and then went on with his defence: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +But, as in their office of Examiners they had unjustly asserted +that I told a lie, I did my duty in openly denying it. I mean to +say that I sent this circular to the Examiners in their public +capacity and not as private individuals. I sent it to justify +myself from a charge which I consider unjust, and upon which +I could not obtain an investigation. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The immediate reflection that presents itself to the mind +of any one who knew Labouchere well and who studies his +defence is that it is curious that it should have been over a +Scripture History paper that he was suspected of cribbing, +for, thanks to his early evangelical training and his innate +love of his Bible, Labouchere was almost phenomenally +proficient in Scripture knowledge. He quoted the Bible, +and rarely incorrectly, on every occasion—in his parliamentary +speeches, in his journalistic articles, and in private +conversation—and he could, invariably, if questioned, give +chapter and verse for the verification of his quotation. +</p> + +<p> +Two anecdotes have frequently been given in the press +about Labouchere's alleged cribbing at Cambridge. I never +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P27"></a>27}</span> +heard him relate them himself, and they are probably legends +of the kind that are born in the journalist's brain whilst he +is racking it for copy in the shape of anecdotic detail. The +first is that his academic career terminated abruptly because +he had made a bet with another undergraduate that he +would crib in his Little Go examination without being caught, +and that when caught he accused the examiner of being in +collusion with the other party to the bet. The other is that +during the examination he was observed to be frequently +looking at something concealed beneath a sheet of blotting-paper. +On being asked to produce it, Labouchere refused. +But, when obliged to do so, it was found that the concealed +object was the photograph of a popular variety artiste, whose +bright eyes, he asserted, stimulated him to persevere in his +academic efforts. +</p> + +<p> +There are, of course, any number of popular anecdotes of +Labouchere's university days. A good one is the following. +On one occasion, having taken French leave to London, he +was unexpectedly confronted one morning in the Strand by +his father, who looked extremely annoyed to see the youth +there, when he imagined him to be occupied with his studies. +Henry's wits as usual were on the alert. He returned his +father's cold greeting with a surprised stare. "I beg your +pardon, sir," he said, "I think you have made a mistake. +I have not the honour of your acquaintance." He pushed +by and was lost in the crowd. Rapidly consulting his watch, +he found he could, by running, just catch a train for +Cambridge. He did so, and what he had foreseen happened. +Mr. Labouchere, senior, after having accomplished the +business he was about, took the next train for Cambridge. On +reaching the university he was ushered into his son's study, +where he found him absorbed in work. He made no reference +to his rencontre in the Strand, being persuaded that it +must have been a hallucination. +</p> + +<p> +Another story relates how he used to go about in a very +ragged gown. One day the Master of Trinity, Whewell, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P28"></a>28}</span> +came across him and said, "Is that a proper academic +costume, Mr. Labouchere?" "Really, sir, I must refer you +to my tailor," was the reply. +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere continues in his note-book to describe, with +naïve minuteness of detail, his search for wisdom after he +left the university. "With great liberality," he wrote, "my +father paid my debts, and advised my return home. My +family ... was religious, and, finding my father's house +dull, I had accustomed myself to live at a tavern in Covent +Garden.... After remaining there for two or three weeks, +I used to return home, and leave it indefinite from where I +had come. Until my leaving College and the payment of +my debts by my father, I had kept up an appearance of +respectability at home. Now, however, I threw off all +restraint, and openly lived at my tavern for about two +months, during which I lost several hundred pounds at hells +and casinos." +</p> + +<p> +The tavern which Labouchere frequented at this period +was far from being the haunt of vice which, with the gloomy +sternness of moralising youth, he wished to depict it. It +was a species of night club, known as Evans', and was the +resort of all literary and artistic London. It constantly +figures in Thackeray's novels and other books of the period +as a place of Bohemian rendezvous and the scene of a good +deal of rough-and-tumble jollity. The house, of which it +formed the cellar, had once been the home of Sir Kenelm +Digby. Above the tavern, or "Cave of Harmony" as +Thackeray called it, was the hotel in which Labouchere had +his rooms. In later years, that is to say in the later fifties +and early sixties, the popularity of this place of conviviality +increased so much that it was found necessary to pull down +the little room where Labouchere used to listen every night +to the singing of more or less rowdy songs, and build on its +site a vast concert-room, with an annexe, consisting of a +comfortable hall, hung with theatrical portraits, where +conversation could be carried on. There was a private +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P29"></a>29}</span> +supper-room in the grill, and this annexe became a popular +resort for men about town. Some of the smartest talk in +London was to be heard at Evans', for it numbered among +its patrons such wits as Douglas Jerrold, Thackeray, Lionel +Lawson, Edmund Yates, Augustus Sala, Serjeant Ballantine, +John Leech, Serjeant Murphy—and Henry Labouchere. +The presiding spirit of the establishment was a great friend +of Labouchere's. He acted as head waiter and was known +as Paddy Green. He had commenced his career as a chorus-singer +at the Adelphi Theatre, and had won for himself in +all classes of society an immense popularity on account of +his courtesy and unfailing good-humour. The prosperity of +Evans' only waned when the modern music-halls, where +women formed the larger part of the audience, became the +fashion.[<a id="chap02fn9text"></a><a href="#chap02fn9">9</a>] +</p> + +<p> +From the superior point of view of the maturity of +twenty-one, Labouchere was inclined to survey, with an eye +of undue severity, the follies he committed at the age of +nineteen. He wrote: "Whenever I entered into conversation +with any person, I introduced the subject of gambling, +and boasted of sums I had lost, which I appeared to consider, +instead of a disgrace, a subject on which I might justly +pride myself. During this period I believe I had a general +wish to elevate myself to some higher position, as, while +passing my days and nights in profligacy, my chief study was +Dr. Johnson's <i>Life</i> and Lord Chesterfield's <i>Letters to his +Son</i>." And again: "Inflated with conceit I imagined myself equal +to cope with all mankind. In society I was awkward, and +therefore sought the society of my inferiors, while I +endeavoured to delude myself with the notion that I was a +species of socialist and that all men were equal. Conversation, +properly so-called, I had none. I could argue any +subject, but not converse—my manners were boorish—I had +never learnt to dance, so I seldom entered a ball-room, or if +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P30"></a>30}</span> +there, I pretended to despise the amusement, as I never +owned myself incapable of anything. If I entered a +drawing-room, I either held myself aloof from the company, or I +argued some subject by the hour with my neighbour. In +fact, in manners I was an <i>outré</i> specimen of an uncultivated +English young man—the most detestable yahoo in creation." +</p> + +<p> +He continues: "From my tavern I was again rescued by +my father, who sent me abroad under the guidance of a +species of Mentor, who was, unfortunately, totally unfitted +for his task. Three days after leaving England we arrived at +Wiesbaden, where there are public gaming tables. Here I +felt myself at home, and the first day gained about £150. My +Mentor, who was going to the hotel, offered to carry the +money I had won, and give it back to me the next day. +The next morning, however, on my asking for it, he refused +to return it unless I promised not to play while at Wiesbaden. +After my father had so often paid large sums for me, in +gratitude I ought to have yielded. This, however, I refused +to do, but remained two months at Wiesbaden, while my +Mentor continued his travels. At last it was agreed that I +should meet him at Paris, and there receive my money, +where, I need not add, in a few days it was spent." +</p> + +<p> +Some of Mr. Labouchere's most interesting articles in +<i>Truth</i> in after years were the ones he was in the habit of +writing, when he was on his summer holiday, describing the +various resorts he visited, and he was always eager to recall +reminiscences of his boyhood when he found himself at a +place he had passed through in his youth. He wrote from +Wiesbaden in 1890: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +German watering-places are dull places now that the gambling +at them has been abolished, and even those who did not play +at their tables have discovered this. I am at Wiesbaden. When +a jade repents of her ways and takes to propriety, she is little +given to overdo respectability. So it is with this and other +examples of roulette and <i>trente et quarante</i>. The respectability +of the Wiesbaden of to-day is positively oppressive. Its devotion +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P31"></a>31}</span> +weighs upon the spirit. I remember being here nearly +forty years ago. I was then a lad travelling on the continent +with a bear-leader to enlarge my experience. The bear-leader +and I never could quite agree what spot would prove the most +improving. He wished to study still nature, I wished to study +human nature. So, like Abram and Lot, we generally separated. +He betook himself to the Carpathian Mountains, I sojourned +here. Wiesbaden was then cosmopolitan. The tag-rag and +bobtail of all nations resorted to it, and, if all of them were not +quite <i>sans reproche</i>, they were all pleasant enough in their way. +There was a vague notion that, somewhere or other, there were +waters, but, where precisely they were, and what they cured, +very few knew. The Kursaal was the centre of attraction, with +its roulette and its <i>trente et quarante</i>.[<a id="chap02fn10text"></a><a href="#chap02fn10">10</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +From Paris, Labouchere and his tutor returned to +England, and, after a month passed at Broome Hall with +occasional visits to his beloved Evans', it was arranged that +he should make a trip to South America, where his family +had had for many years very important commercial interests +and could give him some respectable introductions. He +noted his impressions of his journey and arrival in America +in the most approved early Victorian guide-book manner, +but, in spite of an apparent effort to be, at the same time, +both stilted and elegant in style, his natural originality +peeps out here and there: +</p> + +<p> +"On the 2nd of November, 1852, in the steam packet +<i>Orinoco</i>, I set sail, or rather set steam, from England. For +the first ten days I remained in bed in all the agonies of +seasickness. Some persons, particularly poets, find some +pleasure in a voyage, but I confess the <i>nil nisi pontus et aer</i> +is to me the most distasteful sight in creation, especially +when the <i>pontus</i> is rough. The passengers were chiefly +Spaniards to Havana and Germans who were going to +'improve their prospects'—how I have no idea, but, from the +appearance of the gentlemen, they might have done so +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P32"></a>32}</span> +without becoming millionaires. At nine we breakfasted, at +twelve lunched, at four dined, and at seven tea'd. The rest +of the day was passed on deck. Through storm and sunshine +the majority of the foreigners played at bull, a species +of marine quoits. The ladies always knitted, and the +English read Dickens' <i>Household Words</i>. In the evening +there was dancing. There was an unfortunate devil of a +mulatto on board who offended the prejudices of the planters +by dancing with the white ladies. 'Why,' they said, 'that +fellow ought to be put up to auction unless anybody owns +him.' In eating and these interesting diversions the day +passed. The only incident that enlivened the voyage was, +that one night the Germans had an immense bowl of punch +brewed (I wish I had the recipe of that said punch, for a +better brew I never tasted) and sang sentimental songs. One +German went round and informed the English they were +going to drink to <i>die</i> King of England, and, amid immense +applause, they bawled out 'Gott save <i>die</i> Queen.' As the +punch got to their heads the songs became more sentimental. +A Bonn student seized the bowl, and wished to drink it to +the Fatherland, when another, who saw no reason why the +Bonn gentleman should consecrate the whole to his patriotism, +knocked him down. This was the signal for a general row. +Some were sick, some sang, while a little Jew, who, before, +I had considered a steward, enlivened the scene by dancing +about in his night-shirt. On coming up the next morning I +found the Bonn student offering generally to fight a duel with +any person who asserted he had misbehaved himself. As no +one was valorous enough to do so, the student retired into +'bull.' At St. Thomas we changed steamers and almost died +of heat. The mulatto turned out very smart, which excited +the ire of one of the planters, who said, 'Look at that fellow +with a new coat, he ought to be diving about naked for +half-pence in the water.' Decency, however, forbade the +mulatto taking the kindly meant advice. Ten days after +leaving St. Thomas we arrived at Vera Cruz. I ought to +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P33"></a>33}</span> +have felt some sort of enthusiasm on first seeing America, +but a mosquito had stung me in the eye, so that I saw it +under difficulties; indeed, a person must possess a large +amount of enthusiasm to be aroused into any outward +display by the sandbanks and plaguish-looking shore of Vera +Cruz. I had a letter to a merchant, who most hospitably +entertained me at his house, where I spent two days bathing +my eye in hot water. On the third day, in company with +some friends, we left for Mexico in the diligence. In a +European town we should have created some excitement +marching to the coach office, each armed with guns, swords, +and revolvers <i>ad libitum</i>. Here, however, no one even +stopped to look at our martial appearance. At the diligence +office we had a preliminary taste of the pleasure of travelling +in Mexico—travellers are only allowed 25 lbs. of luggage, and +as every person's portmanteau weighed twice as much, the +clerk refused to allow any to go. While my companions were +haranguing inside I slipped my portmanteau, which was far +the largest, under the coachman's seat, and a dollar into his +hand. During the journey I was looked upon as a villain +by my fellow-passengers, because each thought that, if I had +not existed, their traps would have taken the place of mine. +Their position was certainly uncomfortable—their sole +luggage was in their hands, consisting chiefly, as it appeared +to me, of tooth-brushes which they had taken out of their +trunks. It was four in the evening when we started. For +several leagues the carriage was pulled along a railway by +mules. This comfortable method of travelling soon came to +an end, and, with it, all signs of a road; we were jolted along +a miserable path full of ruts, in part paved, or rather +unpaved, by the Americans during their invasion, to make the +road impassable. Little did they know the Mexicans, as this +highroad from the chief seaport to the capital has never been +repaired to the present time. Alison has given a glowing +description of the beauties of the scenery between Vera Cruz +and Mexico; it might have been Paradise, but, in that infernal +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P34"></a>34}</span> +diligence, knocking my head every minute against the top, +and holding on by both hands to the window, I was in no +mood to enjoy the scenery. Fresh from Europe, I certainly +was astonished at the luxuriant tropical jungle, filled with +parrots and humming-birds instead of sparrows. While my +eyes drank in this new scene, my nose drank in a succession +of pole-cats. It is a journey of three days between Vera +Cruz and Mexico. The first day and night is passed in a +tropical heat, after which commences the ascent to the +Grand Plateau of Mexico. A rose smells as sweet under +another name, and, as it would be difficult to a European to +pronounce the names, I do not much regret forgetting where +we stopped the first night; the second was passed at Puebla di +los Angelos, a town remarkable for its superstition during the +rule of the Aztecs, and equally remarkable at present for its +intolerance. When the cathedral was building, two angels +came down every night and doubled the work done during +the daytime by the mortal masons. The cathedral is the +most beautiful in the country; every other house is a monastery +and a church. At four we started again and jolted until +three. Next morning, even under these difficulties, I could +not help admiring the scenery. The only three snowy peaks +in Mexico were all distinctly visible, while the road wound +through mountains rising perpendicularly from the plain. +One we passed is called after Cortes' wife, and exactly +resembles in its outlines a giant asleep. At the close of the +third day we reached Mexico. +</p> + +<p> +"When the city was in the midst of a lake and approached +by causeways it might have excited the admiration of Cortes +and his army. In the midst of a dry swamp it failed to excite +mine. The advance of Cortes from the shore to the capital +was wonderful, but I really think it was to be preferred to the +diligence and unpaved road. All sufferings have an end, and +mine ended in the diligence hotel. I had imagined, from +travellers' accounts, that I should be lucky if I got a corner in +a barn with half a dozen mules, but I found myself sleeping +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P35"></a>35}</span> +in a comfortable room and dining at a table d'hôte in a most +distressingly civilised manner." +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere does not think it necessary to his dignified +narrative to mention the fact that his tutor accompanied him +on this journey, but, upon a reference to his note-book, we +find that the long-suffering Mentor formed one of the party. +Labouchere is no less severe upon himself and his iniquities in +America than he was in England. He wrote: +</p> + +<p> +"We landed at Vera Cruz and proceeded to Mexico. In +two months I lost all my money and £250 besides at cards. +To induce my Mentor to pay this sum I retired to a +neighbouring town and stated my intention to remain there until +he provided the money. Here, in the <i>bena caliente</i>, in a small +inn, with no companion but the innkeeper, I remained for a +month. Here I reconsidered my life and determined to +commence afresh. I asked myself upon what ground I +rested my title to differ from the common race of fools. +Was I clever? A scholar? I had read a little. On most +subjects I was ignorant—in society I could argue, but not +converse. With a lady, with a duenna, with every person +in whose society I found myself, I introduced my sole +subject—gambling. I told everybody that I had recently lost +£6000, which I imagined raised me in their opinion. I could +not dance, and I shunned society. I was conceited, and I +was unwilling to confess my ignorance of anything. I was +an abominable and useless liar, as I was fond of relating +adventures of myself that had really never taken place. I +was ready to make acquaintance with every person who +spoke to me. Of music, drawing, and all the lighter arts I +knew absolutely nothing. I was one thing and one alone—a +gambler—on that subject I could be eloquent; but I felt that +I could not consider myself superior to the generality of +mankind on this ground alone. In playing even I failed, because, +though I theoretically discovered systems by which I was +likely to win, yet, in practice, I could command myself so +little that upon a slight loss I left all to chance." +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P36"></a>36}</span> +</p> + +<p> +The last entry in his note-book was made by Labouchere +in the seclusion of this little inn at Quotla di Amalpas, and it +ends abruptly. Perhaps it was interrupted by the arrival of +the Mentor, after his receipt of the letter, the draft of which +is given further on. +</p> + +<p> +"In my inn at Quotla di Amalpas I determined on reaching +the States to entirely give up gambling. A gambler +requires to possess the greatest command over himself, in +which I entirely failed. To be very reserved—a reserved +person is always supposed to be wiser than his neighbours. +To be engaged in as many intrigues as is possible with +ladies—nothing forms character so much as intrigues of this +description—<i>probatum est</i>. To learn with a good +countenance to pay delicate compliments and to...." +</p> + +<p> +In the flap of his note-book is the draft of the letter to his +tutor, referred to above, which must be quoted, as it is so +extremely characteristic of the man whose letters were ever, +to the very end of his life, the most frankly illuminative +documents as to the state of mind through which he might be +passing. Incidentally, also, it cannot fail to suggest to the +reader a gleam of compassion for the problems and trials +which must have been the lot of its recipient. Here it is: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="noindent"> +QUOTLA DI AMALPAS. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR SIR,—I have just come back from Cuernava, where I +rode over the worst road even in Mexico. Pray do not trouble +yourself to exercise your forbearance, or make excuses, as I can +assure you they are not wanted. If you find the slightest +pleasure or amusement in writing to innkeepers not to give me money, +write to every one in the country, but do not give yourself the +trouble to tell me you have done so, as it is a matter of +unimportance to me. My stopping in Mexico cannot now be helped, as +I certainly shall not leave before getting some money, and I +must then go to England to pay it. I had intended not to gamble +in America, because of having to pay a double interest—but +man proposes and God disposes. As R—— says, I made up a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P37"></a>37}</span> +story to avoid paying him. I could not at present leave my +gambling debts unpaid, or he would be believed. I shall borrow +some money here, and send to England (not to my father) for +some to pay it, and then go to England to pay it when it becomes +due. It is a pity having to go back as I should have liked to see +a little more of America, but what is done is done, and cannot +be helped.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="noindent"> +HENRY Du PRE LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—I have been offered a place as croupier at a Monté +bank, so I shall not starve. +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap02fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap02fn1text">1</a>] Born Aug. 14, 1799; died Jan. 29, 1863. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap02fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap02fn2text">2</a>] Died April 29, 1874. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap02fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap02fn3text">3</a>] I am indebted to Mrs. Hillyer, +Mr. Labouchere's eldest sister, for the above anecdote. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap02fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap02fn4text">4</a>] <i>Truth</i>, May 28, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap02fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap02fn5text">5</a>] I am indebted to Lord Welby for the above anecdote. +He heard it from +the late Lord Bristol, who was Labouchere's fag at Eton, +and also from the late Mr. Anthony Hammond. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap02fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap02fn6text">6</a>] <i>Truth</i>, Aug. 8, 1877. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap02fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap02fn7text">7</a>] <i>Truth</i>, Jan. 31, 1889. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap02fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap02fn8text">8</a>] The note-books from which the quotations +in this chapter have been +taken are in the possession of the +Rev. John Labouchere of Sculthorpe Rectory, Fakenham. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap02fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap02fn9text">9</a>] Edmund Yates, <i>Recollections and Experiences</i>; +Serjeant Ballantine, +<i>Experiences of a Barrister's Life</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap02fn10"></a> +[<a href="#chap02fn10text">10</a>] <i>Truth</i>, Sept. 4, 1890. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap03"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P38"></a>38}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER III +<br><br> +TRAVELS AND DIPLOMACY +</h3> + +<p class="t3"> +(1853-1864) +</p> + +<p> +Whether the Mentor resigned his job in despair +about the time his pupil was making prudent resolutions +in the seclusion of the little inn at Quotla di Amalpas, +or whether it was decided by the parental authority that +Labouchere might as well continue his search for wisdom in +Mexico by himself, is not certain; but it would seem that, +just about three months after his landing at Vera Cruz, he +parted company with all his English friends, and, with a +surprisingly small sum for such an adventure in his pocket, +rode off, and wandered for eighteen months all over the +country. Then he returned to the capital, and fell in love +with a lady of the circus. The published legends belonging +to this period of his career are legion. The authority for +them appears to be almost always Mr. Joseph Hatton, who +was the first writer to produce a biographical sketch of the +editor of <i>Truth</i>. He wrote it for <i>Harper's Magazine</i>, where +it formed part of a series which, in 1882, was published in +England under the title of <i>Journalistic London</i>. According +to Hatton, Labouchere gave him certain details of his past +in an interview which took place at his house in Queen Anne's +Gate, so that Hatton's evidence, in so far as <i>viva voce</i> +reminiscences are reliable, is unimpeachable.[<a id="chap03fn1text"></a><a href="#chap03fn1">1</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P39"></a>39}</span> +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere told him that he travelled with the troupe to +which the lady he admired belonged, and got the job of +doorkeeper. The circus was a popular one, but the crowds who +flocked to it were not all in a position to pay their entrance +with hard cash, so that he was authorised by the proprietors +to accept payment in kind—usually consisting of oranges or +small measures of maize. A very similar story is related +about him as occurring a year or two later when he was +attaché at Washington, and is corroborated for me by Sir +Audley Gosling, to whom Labouchere related it one day in +his house in Old Palace Yard. Sir Audley noticed hanging +on the wall a large playbill, and asked what it was. +</p> + +<p> +"It's a funny story," replied Labouchere; "I will tell you +about it. When attaché at Washington I was in the habit of +attending almost nightly a circus, standing often at the +artistes' entrance to the ring. The proprietor had often +scowled at me, and one night asked me what I meant by +trespassing on sacred ground. I told him I had formed an +honourable attachment for one of his ladies, and simply +stood in the passage to kiss the hem of her robe as she passed +by. 'Get out of this, you d—d loafer,' he said. And I got +out. A few months later I pointed out to my chief notices +in the New York press of a certain American sparkling wine +called, after the district where it was grown, 'Kitawber.' I +told him I thought a report should be made on this new +vintage, and volunteered to draw up a report for the Foreign +Office. He seemed surprised by my assiduity and very +unusual zeal (for I never did a stroke of work), and said: +'By all means go—that is a capital idea of yours.' The +truth was my circus had removed to Kitawber and with it +my fair lady of the <i>haute école</i>, so thither I proceeded. I +presented myself to the proprietor, my rude friend, and told +him I wished for an engagement with his troupe without +salary. He asked me what my line was, and I told him +standing jumps. Some obstacles were placed in the ring, +over which I jumped with great success, and my name +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P40"></a>40}</span> +figures on the playbill you see hanging there as the 'Bounding +Buck of Babylon.' I wore pink tights, with a fillet round my +head. My adorable one said I looked a dear." +</p> + +<p> +It is more probable that these two stories are different +versions of one and the same adventure than that he twice +followed a travelling circus. No doubt, in recounting the +tale, he confused the chronology. +</p> + +<p> +It would appear that the well-known story of his six +months' residence among the Chippeway Indians, usually +related as an incident occurring in the off moments of his +diplomatic career, really took place towards the end of 1853. +Joseph Hatton, without mentioning any dates, relates it as +follows: "By and by he tired of this occupation (<i>i.e.</i> +travelling with the circus), and went to the United States. +He found himself at St. Paul, which was then only a cluster +of houses. Here he met a party of Chippeway Indians going +back to their homes. He went with them and lived with +them for six months, hunting buffalo, joining in their work +and sports, playing cards for wampum necklaces, and living +what to Joaquin Miller would have been a poem in so many +stanzas, but which, to the more prosaic Englishman, was just +seeing life and passing away the time." More than half a +century later, when Mr. Labouchere was living at Pope's +villa, he invited all the Indian chiefs and their families, who +were at that time taking part in Buffalo Bill's Show called +"The Wild West," to spend a Sunday with him at Twickenham. +They accepted the invitation, and arrived betimes in +the morning. Mrs. T. P. O'Connor, who was a visitor at the +villa on the occasion, gives a graphic account of +Mr. Labouchere's recognition, in the person of one of the +Chippeways, of the son of one of the nomadic friends of his early +youth. She goes on to tell the story of Mr. Labouchere's +adventures with the Indians, as she had often heard him tell it. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +Nearly sixty years ago, [she says], Henry Labouchere, then +an adventurous lad, made a journey in the west of America. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P41"></a>41}</span> +Minneapolis was at that time called St. Anthony's Palls, and +while he was there a far-seeing young chemist begged him to +buy the land on which Minneapolis stands—it was to be sold for +a very small sum, now it is worth many millions. He travelled +still farther west with the Chippeways, who were going to their +hunting fields. The great chief, Hole in Heaven, was very friendly +with him, and he camped in one of their wigwams for six weeks, +the sister of the chief being assigned to wait upon him. She +cooked game to perfection, roasting wild birds in clay and larger +game before a fire. The game in those days was very plentiful +and tame, not having found out man to be their natural enemy. +Sometimes prairie chickens came near enough to be knocked on +the head, and great herds of buffalos still ranged the plains. +The Indians often killed a buffalo, but Mr. Labouchere was not +lucky enough to get one for himself. He saw an Indian war-dance, +but discreetly, from a slit in the door of his wigwam, as Hole +in Heaven said that, friendly as they were, at this sacred rite a +white face might infuriate them even to the use of the tomahawk. +Mr. Labouchere lingered among these American gentlemen until +the last steamer had departed from Fond du Lac, so he was +obliged to travel in a canoe until he reached the eastern end of +the lake.[<a id="chap03fn2text"></a><a href="#chap03fn2">2</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +After his experiences in the Wild West, Labouchere made +New York his quarters for some time, and occupied himself +with a careful study of the institutions, political and +otherwise, of the American nation, for which he acquired at this +period of his life a profound and lasting admiration. In 1883 +he was writing to Mr. Joseph Chamberlain on the subject of +Radical policy, and he said in the course of his letter: "I was +caught young and sent to America; there I imbibed the +political views of the country, so that my Radicalism is not +a joke, but perfectly earnest. My opinions of most of the +institutions of this country is that of Americans—that they +are utterly absurd and ridiculous."[<a id="chap03fn3text"></a><a href="#chap03fn3">3</a>] He constantly throughout +his career drew upon his youthful reminiscences of +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P42"></a>42}</span> +America to point a moral or draw a comparison, almost +invariably favourable to the transatlantic people. In a +famous article which he wrote in 1884, to demonstrate to the +public the wide divergency existing at that time between +Whig and Radical principles, while discussing the financial +relations of the Crown with the country, he said: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +The President of the United States regards himself as +generously treated with a salary of £10,000 per annum. We give +half this sum to a nobleman who condescends to walk before the +Chief of the State on ceremonial occasions with a coloured stick +in his hand; and we spend more than five times this sum in +keeping a yacht in commission and repair on which our sovereign +steps two or three times in twenty years! +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +In the same article he compared the English system of +education with the American: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +If M * * * * wishes to learn what our schools ought to be, let +him go to the State of Illinois. A child there enters school at the +age of six. Each school is divided into ten grades; at the end of +each year there is an examination, and a child goes up one or more +grades according to his proficiency. A lad going through all the +grades acquires an excellent liberal education; if he passes through +the "high school" he is, by a very long degree, the educational +superior of the majority of our youths who have spent years at +Eton or at Harrow. All this does not cost his parents one cent. +Rich and poor alike send their children to the public schools, +and thus all class prejudice is early stamped out of the American +breast. Another advantage of these schools is that boys and girls +are taught together. The girls thus learn early how to take care +of themselves, and the boys' manners are softened. When grown +up, boys and girls are not kept apart as though they were each +other's natural enemies, nor are there any ill effects from their +associating together. If some marry, the relations of those who +do not are those of brothers and sisters. The Duke of Wellington +is reported to have said that Waterloo was won in the Eton +playing fields. Not only was the Union maintained in many +battlefields, but America has become the most forward nation +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P43"></a>43}</span> +in the world owing to her schools. How pitiably small and +narrow does our school system appear in comparison with theirs! +Why cannot we do what has been done in America? Why? +Because the land is too full of men ... ignorant, servile, and +aware that their only chance of succeeding in life is to perpetuate +class distinctions, and to deprive the vast majority of their +fellow-citizens of the possibility of competing with them by depriving +them of the blessings of any real education. Which would be +to the greater advantage of the country, a Church Establishment +such as ours, or a school establishment such as that of Illinois? +What Radical entertains a doubt? If so, why do not we at once +substitute the one for the other?[<a id="chap03fn4text"></a><a href="#chap03fn4">4</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +In his letters to the <i>Daily News</i> during the autumn and +winter of 1870 and 1871, he wrote from Paris commenting on +the behaviour of the English and American officials of the +Diplomatic Corps who remained in Paris during the siege. +"Diplomats," he wrote on September 28th, "are little better +than old women when they have to act in an emergency. +Were it not for Mr. Washburne, who was brought up in the +rough-and-ready life of the Far West, instead of serving an +apprenticeship in Courts and Government offices, those who +are still here would be perfectly helpless. They come to him +at all moments, and although he cannot speak French, for all +practical purposes, he is worth more than all his colleagues +put together." In another letter he gives an amusing picture +of the worried English chargé d'affaires, immersed in official +trivialities: "A singular remonstrance has been received at +the British Embassy. In the Rue de Chaillot resides a +celebrated English courtesan, called Cora Pearl, and above her +house floats the English flag. The inhabitants of the street +request the Ambassador of England, 'a country, the purity +and decency of whose manners is well known,' to cause this +bit of bunting, which is a scandal in their eyes, to be hauled +down. I left Mr. Wodehouse consulting the text-writers +upon international law, in order to discover a precedent for +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P44"></a>44}</span> +the case." It contrasts sharply enough with the glimpse he +gives his readers of the American Embassy. "I passed the +afternoon," he wrote on November 15th, "greedily devouring +the news at the American Legation. It was a curious +sight—the Chancellerie was crowded with people engaged in the +same occupation. There were several French journalists, +opening their eyes very wide, under the impression that this +would enable them to understand English. A Secretary of +Legation was sitting at a table giving audiences to unnumbered +ladies who wished to know how they could leave Paris; +or, if this was impossible, how they could draw on their +bankers in New York. Mr. Washburne walked about +cheerily shaking every one by the hand, and telling them to +make themselves at home. How different American diplomatists +are to the prim old women who represent us abroad, +with a staff of half a dozen dandies helping each other to do +nothing, who have been taught to regard all who are not of +the craft as their natural enemies." Yet another quotation +from Labouchere's journalistic correspondence, illustrating +his predilection for things American: "The ambulance which +is considered the best is the American. The wounded are +under canvas, the tents are not cold, and yet the ventilation +is admirable. The American surgeons are far more skilful +in the treatment of gunshot wounds than their French +colleagues. Instead of amputation they practise resection +of the bone. It is the dream of every French soldier, if he is +wounded, to be taken to this ambulance. They seem to be +under the impression that, even if their legs are shot off, the +skill of the Esculapii of the United States will make them +grow again. Be this as it may, a person might be worse off +than stretched on a bed with a slight wound under the tents +of the Far West. The French have a notion that, go where +you may, to the top of a pyramid or to the top of Mont Blanc, +you are sure to meet an Englishman reading a newspaper; in +my experience of the world, the American girl is far more +inevitable than the Britisher; and, of course, under the stars +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P45"></a>45}</span> +and stripes which wave over the American tents, she is to be +found, tending the sick, and, when there is nothing more to +be got for them, patiently reading to them or playing at +cards with them. I have a great weakness for the American +girl; she always puts her heart in what she is about. When +she flirts she does it conscientiously, and when she nurses a +most uninviting-looking Zouave, or Franc-tireur, she does it +equally conscientiously; besides, as a rule, she is pretty, a +gift of nature which I am very far from undervaluing." +</p> + +<p> +To resume our narrative. At home the parental and +avuncular authorities had been at work, puzzling as to what +career would best suit the young searcher for wisdom, the +irrepressible Eton blood—the baby of the preparatory school, +who, without his milk teeth, was able to confound the +ruffians of the cane and their assistants—the undaunted enemy +of university dons and pedagogues. Finally, it was decided +that the diplomatic service would be, at any rate for a time, +the best safety-valve for the inquisitive youth. Henry +Labouchere was on one of his unconventional tours in his +beloved Wild West when he heard of his first diplomatic +appointment. He was appointed attaché at Washington on +July 16, 1854. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Crampton had been Minister at Washington since +1852, and, at the time of Labouchere taking up his duties at +the Legation, Lord Elgin, then Governor of Canada, was +on a special mission to Washington. Mr. Crampton had +not succeeded in making himself at all agreeable to the +American statesmen, and during the Crimean War he had +nearly caused a rupture between Great Britain and the +United States over the question of recruiting. The exigencies +of war had brought about the reprehensible practice of +raising various foreign corps and pressing them—or crimping +them—into the British service. Crampton very actively +forwarded the schemes of his Government by encouraging +the recruiting of soldiers within the territories of the United +States. It was not, however, until 1856 that the President +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P46"></a>46}</span> +of the United States came to a determination to discontinue +official intercourse with him on account of the recruiting +question. This necessitated his removal from Washington, +and the feeling against him in the United States was so strong +that diplomatic relations were not renewed with Great +Britain for more than six months.[<a id="chap03fn5text"></a><a href="#chap03fn5">5</a>] There is no evidence of +any kind to support the statements that have appeared from +time to time in the press, to the effect that Henry Labouchere +was involved in the crimping business. During the time he +spent at Washington he seems to have been an assiduous +worker—to which the number of despatches in his handwriting +preserved in the archives of the Record Office bear +witness. +</p> + +<p> +He related in <i>Truth</i>, some years later, how his energy +received a check at the very outset of his career. "When +I joined the diplomatic service," he said, "I was sent as +attaché to a legation where a cynic was the minister. New +brooms sweep clean. Every morning I appeared, eager to be +employed, a sort of besom tied up in red tape. Said the +cynic to me: 'If you fancy that you are likely to get on in the +service by hard work, you will soon discover your error; far +better will it be for you if you can prove that some relation of +yours is the sixteenth cousin of the porter at the Foreign +Office.' It was not long before I discovered that the cynic +was right." +</p> + +<p> +It was the fate of Henry Labouchere, wherever he went, +to create an atmosphere of unconventionality, which formed +a fitting background for the numberless stories which seem +still to collect and grow round his name as time goes on. +During one of Mr. Crampton's absences from the Legation, +he had an opportunity of exercising the official reserve and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P47"></a>47}</span> +discretion for which the English diplomats have always been +so famous. An American citizen called one morning to see +Mr. Crampton. "I want to see the boss," he said. "You +can't—he is out," replied Labouchere. "But you can see +me." "You are no good," replied the American. "I must +see the boss. I'll wait." "Very well," calmly said the +attaché, and went on with his letter-writing. The visitor +sat down and waited for a considerable time. At last he +said: "I've been fooling round here two hours; has the chief +come in yet?"—"No; you will see him drive up to the front +door when he returns."—"How long do you reckon he will +be before he comes?" "Well," said Labouchere, "he went +to Canada yesterday; I should say he'll be here in about six +weeks." +</p> + +<p> +In spite of all his good resolutions Labouchere was still a +gambler, and once found himself in what might have been an +awkward scrape owing to this propensity. All who knew +him at all intimately must often have heard him tell the +following episode, which I will relate as nearly as possible in +his own words: "While I was attaché at Washington I was +sent by the minister to look after some Irish patriots at +Boston. I took up my residence at a small hotel, and wrote +down an imaginary name in the hotel book as mine. In the +evening I went to a gambling establishment, where I lost +all the money I had with me except half a dollar. Then I +went to bed, satisfied with my prowess. The next morning +the bailiffs seized on the hotel for debt, and all the guests +were requested to pay their bills and to take away their +luggage. I could not pay mine, and so I could not take away +my luggage. All that I could do was to write to Washington +for a remittance, and to wait two days for its arrival. The +first day I walked about, and spent my half dollar on food. +It was summer, so I slept on a bench on the common, and +in the morning went to the bay to wash myself. I felt +independent of all the cares and troubles of civilisation. +But I had nothing with which to buy myself a breakfast. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P48"></a>48}</span> +I grew hungry and, towards evening, more hungry still, so +much so that I entered a restaurant and ordered dinner, +without any clear idea how I was to pay for it, except by +leaving my coat in pledge. In those days Boston restaurants +were mostly in cellars, and there was a bar near the +door, where the proprietor sat to receive payment. As I +ate my dinner I observed that all the waiters, who were +Irishmen, were continually staring at me, and evidently +speaking of me to each other. A guilty conscience made me +think that this was because I had an impecunious look, and +that they were discussing whether my clothes would cover +my bill. At last one of them approached me, and said: "I +beg your pardon, sir; are you the patriot Meagher?" Now +this patriot was a gentleman who had aided Smith O'Brien +in his Irish rising, had been sent to Australia, and had +escaped thence to the United States. It was my business to +look after patriots, so I put my finger before my lips, and +said: "Hush!" while I cast up my eyes to the ceiling as +though I saw a vision of Erin beckoning to me. It was felt +at once that I was Meagher. The choicest viands were +placed before me, and most excellent wine. When I had +done justice to all the good things I approached the bar and +asked boldly for my bill. The proprietor, also an Irishman +said: "From a man like you, who has suffered in the good +cause, I can take no money; allow a brother patriot to shake +you by the hand." I allowed him. I further allowed all the +waiters to shake hands with me, and stalked forth with the +stern, resolved, but somewhat condescendingly dismal air +which I have seen assumed by patriots in exile. Again I +slept on the common, again I washed in the bay. Then I +went to the post office, found a letter for me from +Washington with some money in it, and breakfasted." +</p> + +<p> +Another anecdote Labouchere was fond of recalling about +his Washington days was the following: Having planned a +little holiday excursion, he found at the Chancellerie a letter +awaiting him, addressed in the well-known handwriting of his +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P49"></a>49}</span> +chief. Shrewdly suspecting that the instructions it contained +would render his holiday impossible, he put the letter +unopened in his coat-tail pocket, and carried out with great +satisfaction to himself his holiday intentions. Then he +opened his letter, and found that his suspicions of its contents +had been very well founded. He wrote a nice letter of +apology to his chief, beginning, "Your letter has followed me +here," which was, after all, nothing but the simple truth! +</p> + +<p> +"It is a funny thing," Labouchere would often say, +speaking of treaties and diplomatic negotiations in general, +"to notice on what small matters success or the reverse is +dependent"; and he would then relate how, when he was +attaché at Washington, he went down with the British +Minister to a small inn at Virginia to meet Mr. Marcy, the +Secretary of State for the United States, for the purpose of +discussing a reciprocity treaty between Canada and the +United States. Mr. Marcy, in general the most genial and +agreeable of men, was as cross as a bear, and would agree to +nothing. Labouchere asked the secretary to tell him, in +confidence, what was the matter with his chief. The secretary +replied: "He is not getting his rubber of whist." After +that the British Minister proposed a rubber of whist every +night, which he invariably lost. Mr. Marcy was immensely +pleased at beating the Britishers at, what he called +"their own game," and his good humour returned. "Every +morning," Labouchere related, "when the details of the +treaty were being discussed, we had our revenge, and scored +a few points for Canada." +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere was transferred to the Legation at Munich in +December, 1855. "Old King Louis was then alive," he +wrote thirty years later, "although he had been deposed for +making a fool of himself over Lola Montes. I used frequently +to meet him in the streets, when he always stopped me to +ask how Queen Victoria was. I had at last respectfully +to tell him that Her Majesty was not in the habit of writing +to me every day respecting her health." +</p> + +<p> +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P50"></a>50}</span> +</p> + +<p> +From Munich he went to Stockholm in 1857. I cannot +resist quoting in full his account of the duel he fought +while at Stockholm with the Austrian chargé d'affaires, it is +so extremely characteristic of him both in spirit and style. +</p> + +<p> +At Stockholm "I found favour with my superiors for +the curious reason that I challenged an Austrian chargé +d'affaires. Never was there a more absurd affair. There was +an Englishman who had been challenged by a Swede, whom +he declined to fight. A few days later the Englishman went +with my Minister to a box in the theatre. The next day at +a club the Austrian chargé d'affaires said before me and +others that Englishmen had odd ideas of honour, and more +particularly English Ministers. I replied that Englishmen +were not so silly as to fight duels, and that the English +Minister was not a dishonourable man for appearing in a theatre +with his countrymen. As it was generally felt that I ought +to challenge this Austrian, I 'put myself in the hands' of the +French and Prussian Ministers. A few hours later my +seconds came to me. I expected that they were going to tell +me that the Austrian had apologised. Not at all. With a +cheerful smile they observed: 'It is arranged for to-morrow +morning—pistols.' At seven o'clock A.M. they reappeared. +Their countenances were downcast. 'I have lost the mould +for the bullets of my duelling pistols,' observed the Prussian, +'and we have had to borrow a pair of pistols, for whose +accuracy of aim I cannot vouch.' This inwardly rejoiced +me, but, of course, I pretended to share in the regret of my +seconds. We sat down to an early breakfast. 'You are +young, I am old,' said the Frenchman; 'would that I could +take your place.' I wished it as sincerely as he did, but I +tried to assume an air of rather liking my position, and I +grinned a ghastly grin. Then we started for the park. The +opposition had not arrived; but there was a surgeon, who had +been kindly requested to attend by my sympathising friends. +'An accident may happen,' observed the Prussian; 'do +you wish to confide to me any dispositions that you may +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P51"></a>51}</span> +desire to be carried out after——?' and he sighed in a horribly +suggestive manner. 'No,' I said; I had nothing particular +to confide; and as I looked at the surgeon I thought what an +idiot I was to make myself the target for an Austrian to aim +at, in order to establish the principle that Englishmen have a +perfect right to decline to fight duels. There was a want of +logic about the entire proceeding that went to my heart. +To be killed is bad enough, but to be killed paradoxically is +still worse. Soon the Austrian and his seconds appeared. +I never felt more dismal in my life. The Austrian stood +apart; I stood apart. The surgeon already eyed me as a +'subject.' The seconds consulted; then the Frenchman +stepped out twelve paces. He had very short legs, and they +seemed to me shorter than ever. After this came the loading +of the pistols. Sometimes, I thought, seconds do not put in +the bullets; this comforted me, but only for a moment, for +the bullets were rammed down with cheerful energy. By +this time we had been placed facing each other. A pistol was +given to each of us. 'I am to give the signal,' said the +Prussian; 'I shall count one, two, three, and then at the +word fire, you will both fire. Gentlemen, are you ready?' We +both nodded. 'One, two, three, fire!' and both our +pistols went off. No harm had been done. I felt considerably +relieved when to my horror the Frenchman stepped up to +me, and said: 'I think that I ought to demand a second shot +for you, but mind, if nothing occurs again, I shall not allow a +third shot.' 'Ye—es,' I said; so we had a second shot, with +the same result. Knowing that my Frenchman was a man of +his word, I felt now that I might at no risk to myself display +my valour, so I demanded a third shot. The seconds consulted +together; for a moment I feared that they were going to grant +my request, and I was greatly relieved when they informed +me that they considered that two shots were amply sufficient. +I was delighted, but I pretended to be most unhappy, and +religiously kept up the farce of being an aggrieved person."[<a id="chap03fn6text"></a><a href="#chap03fn6">6</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P52"></a>52}</span> +</p> + +<p> +He was at Frankfort and St. Petersburg between November, +1858, and the summer of 1860. While he was at Frankfort +he made the acquaintance of Bismarck, who was the +Prussian representative at the restored Diet of Frankfort. +Labouchere had a constitutional dislike of the German +people, with the exception of the great Chancellor. He wrote +some years later: "The only Prussian I ever knew who was +an agreeable man was Bismarck. All others with whom I +have been thrown—and I have lived for years in Germany—were +proud as Scotchmen, cold as New Englanders, and +touchy as only Prussians can be. I once had a friend among +them. His name was Buckenbrock. I inadvertently called +him Butterbrod. We have never spoken since!" Bismarck +was an eminently social person, fond of drinking and smoking, +and many a time did Labouchere listen to his jovial loud-toned +talk in the cafés at Frankfort. "Bismarck," he wrote +in later life, "used to pass entire nights drinking beer in a +garden overlooking the Main. In the morning after a night +passed in beer-drinking he would write his despatches, then +issue forth on a white horse for a ride, and on his return, +attend the Diet, of which he was a member."[<a id="chap03fn7text"></a><a href="#chap03fn7">7</a>] It is interesting +to note how very similar were the judgments of these +two exceedingly different characters upon the subject of +diplomacy and its aspects of absurdity and pomposity. +Bismarck wrote from Frankfort: "Frankfort is hideously +tiresome. The people here worry themselves about the +merest rubbish, and these diplomatists with their pompous +peddling already appear to me a good deal more ridiculous +than a member of the second chamber in all the pride of his +lofty station. Unless external accidents should accrue, +... I know exactly how much we shall effect in one, two, or five +years from the present time, and will engage to do it all +myself within four-and-twenty hours, if the others will only be +truthful and sensible throughout one single day. I never +doubted that, one and all, these gentlemen prepared their +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P53"></a>53}</span> +dishes <i>à l'eau</i>, but such thin, mawkish water soup as this, +devoid of the least symptom of richness, positively astounds +me. Send me your village schoolmaster or road inspector, +clean washed and combed; they will make just as good +diplomatists as these."[<a id="chap03fn8text"></a><a href="#chap03fn8">8</a>] Of diplomatic literature Bismarck +observed: "For the most part it is nothing but paper and +ink. If you wanted to utilise it for historical purposes, you +could not get anything worth having out of it. I believe it is +the rule to allow historians to consult the F. O. Archives at +the expiration of thirty years (after date of despatches, etc.). +They might be permitted to examine them much sooner, for +the despatches and letters, when they contain any information +at all, are quite unintelligible to those unacquainted +with the persons and relations treated of in them."[<a id="chap03fn9text"></a><a href="#chap03fn9">9</a>] +Labouchere wrote in 1889: "If all Foreign Office telegrams were +published, they would be curious reading. Years ago I was +an attaché at Stockholm. The present Queen, then Duchess +of Ostrogotha, had a baby, and a telegram came from the +Foreign Office desiring that Her Majesty's congratulations +should be offered, and that she should be informed how the +mother and child were. The Minister was away, so off I +went to the Palace to convey the message and to inquire +about the health of the pair. A solemn gentleman received +me. I informed him of my orders, and requested him to say +what I was to reply. "Her Royal Highness," he replied, +"is as well as can be expected, but His Royal Highness is +suffering a little internally, and it is thought that this is due +to the milk of the wet nurse having been slightly sour +yesterday evening." I telegraphed this to the Foreign +Office."[<a id="chap03fn10text"></a><a href="#chap03fn10">10</a>] +</p> + +<p> +In a speech he made in the House of Commons,[<a id="chap03fn11text"></a><a href="#chap03fn11">11</a>] protesting +against a sum of nearly £50,000 being voted for the +salaries and expenses of the department for Her Majesty's +Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Labouchere said, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P54"></a>54}</span> +referring in particular to Foreign Office messengers, that +very often these gentlemen were sent abroad, at a very large +cost to the country, for no practical object whatever. They +went on a certain route, and the business was made up for +them as they went. He had had the honour to serve at one +time under Sir Henry Bulwer at Constantinople. Now Sir +Henry Bulwer was always ill; and on one occasion he +remembered making a calculation that a box of pills Sir Henry +was anxious to obtain, and which was sent out by a Foreign +Office messenger, cost the country from £200 to £300. +Probably the pills did Sir Henry good, and pills were much +more useful than a good deal of the stuff sent out by the +Foreign Office. He went on to tell the House that he had +himself been in the diplomatic service for ten years, and he +had spent a great deal of his time in ciphering and deciphering +telegrams, and that he could not remember half a dozen of +them that any man, woman, or child in the whole world +would have taken any trouble to decipher for any information +that could have been derived from them. +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere used always to say that, while he was +attaché at Frankfort, he spent most of his time at Wiesbaden, +Homburg, or Baden, because he found the Diet of the +German Confederation "rather a dull sort of affair." He +managed, however, to make a great many very staunch +friends at this period of his life. One of these was the old +Duchess of Cambridge. He was a frequent visitor at the +Schloss of Ruppenheim, which was the summer meeting-place +of the main stock and branches of the Hesses. The +old Duchess made a great fuss over him, for he could speak +the German of Hanover so well that she could understand his +banter and enjoy it. His popularity at Frankfort, according +to his own account, rested on a very simple basis. Great +Britain was represented at the Diet by Sir Alexander Malet, +one of the most popular chiefs to be found in the Service. +"But I was even more appreciated than my chief," he would +relate, "and this is why. Sometimes there was a ball at the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P55"></a>55}</span> +Court, which we were expected to attend. At my first ball +supper I found myself next to a grandee, gorgeous in stars +and ribbons. The servant came to pour out champagne. +I shook my head, for I detest champagne. The grandee +nudged me, and said, 'Let him pour it out.' This I did, +and he explained to me that our host never gave his guests +more than one glass, 'So you see, if I drink yours, I shall +have two.' After this there used to be quite a struggle to +sit near me at Court suppers." +</p> + +<p> +Yet another ridiculous reminiscence of the Court of +Darmstadt, dating from his attaché days at Frankfort. Sir +Alexander Malet was fond of whist, and it was felt, said +Labouchere, that an English diplomatist could not be +expected to play the game for less than florin points. Such +stakes, however, the fortune of no Darmstadt nobleman could +stand. A sort of joint purse was therefore formed, which +was entrusted to the three best players of the grand-ducal +Court, and these champions encountered the Englishman. +"It was amusing," Labouchere would relate, "to watch the +anxiety depicted on all countenances: when the Minister won +all was gloom; when he lost, counts and countesses, barons +and baronesses, skipped about in high glee, like the hills of +the Psalmist." +</p> + +<p> +Bismarck was Ambassador at St. Petersburg during the +year that Labouchere was there as attaché in 1860, so it is +very probable that he continued to imbibe wisdom from +listening to the conversation of the great German, for whose +powers of statecraft he always expressed the warmest +admiration. The following amusing episode occurred during +his year at St. Petersburg. He was in love with the wife of +one of the gentlemen about the Court. So was a tall, smart +young Frenchman. Labouchere was desperately jealous of +his rival, but could think of no means of outwitting him. +At a Court function they were both standing near the object +of their admiration, the Frenchman making, it seemed to +Labouchere, marked advances in the lady's favour. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P56"></a>56}</span> +However he was soon called away for some reason or another. +Labouchere, in his eagerness to seize the opportunity and +advance his own suit, inadvertently tipped his cup of black +coffee over the lady's magnificent yellow satin train. He +was in despair, but, seeing that she had not yet perceived the +tragedy, he slipped the cup and saucer into his tail-coat +pocket, and then, with an air of commiseration, drew her +attention to the ruined gown. "Who did it?" she exclaimed +furiously. Labouchere put his finger to his lips, at the same +time looking significantly at the form of his rival, at that +moment disappearing through the doorway. "I know who +did it," he said, "but wild horses would not induce me to +tell you." Of course, the lady had followed the direction of +his glance. She exclaimed: "That ruffian, I will never speak +to him again as long as I live!" History does not relate how +the adventure proceeded for the handsome Frenchman's rival. +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere did not think much of the Russians. He +used to say that they were like monkeys, eager to copy the +manners of civilised Europe, but that the copy they succeeded +in producing was a daub and not a picture, because they +always exaggerated their originals. When they were polite, +they were too polite; when they were copying Frenchmen, +they were too much like dancing masters; and when they +were copying Englishmen they were too much like grooms. +He had an amusing account to give of a visit he once paid +to a Russian country house. "Card-playing, eating and +drinking—and more especially the latter," he related—"went +on all day and nearly all night. I never could understand +where my bedroom was, for the excellent reason, as I +at length discovered, that I hadn't one. At a late hour I +saw several of the guests heaping up in corners cushions +which they had taken from sofas, to serve as beds, so I +followed their example. When I woke up in the morning +I could not see any apparatus to wash in, so I filled a china +bowl with water, and, having dried myself with a tablecloth +which I found in an adjoining room, I dressed." He +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P57"></a>57}</span> +gave a charming thumb-nail sketch of a Russian drawing-room, +à propos of a visit of Mr. Augustus Lumley to the +Russian capital. Mr. Lumley was a famous cotillon leader. +"I was at St. Petersburg when Mr. Lumley arrived on a +visit. He was solemnly introduced to the Russian leader of +cotillons, who is invariably an officer of distinction, as a +colleague. It was like the meeting between two famous +generals, and reminded me of the pictures of Wellington and +Blücher on the field of Waterloo. It took place at a ball, +and the Russian, with chivalrous courtesy, offered to surrender +to his English colleague the direction of the cotillon." +</p> + +<p> +The Emperor of Russia[<a id="chap03fn12text"></a><a href="#chap03fn12">12</a>] once stood beside Henry +Labouchere whilst he was playing at écarté to watch his +game. The occasion was a ball given by the Empress to the +Emperor on his birthday. Labouchere and his adversary +were both at four, and it was Labouchere's deal. "Now," +said the Emperor, "let us see whether you can turn up the +king." Labouchere dealt, and then held out the turn-up +card, observing: "Your orders have been obeyed, sir." The +Emperor asked him, as often as a dozen times subsequently, +how he had managed it, and never could be persuaded that +it was a mere coincidence, and that the young attaché had +taken the chance of the card being a king. It was a trifling +example of the luck, or its reverse, that seemed to be for +ever crossing and recrossing Labouchere's path, in spite of his +own belief in nothing but the logical sequence of events. +</p> + +<p> +A popular anecdote of his Petersburg days is the +following: A fussy German nobleman pushed his way into the +Chancellerie, where Labouchere was working, asking to see +the Ambassador. "Please take a chair," said the secretary; +"he will be here soon." "But, young man," blustered the +German, "do you know who I am?" And he poured out a +string of imposing titles. Labouchere looked up in +well-simulated awe. "Pray take two chairs," he remarked +quietly, and went on writing. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P58"></a>58}</span> +</p> + +<p> +When Khalil Pasha was recalled from being Ambassador +in Paris, Labouchere published the following reminiscence of +his year in the Russian capital: "Khalil Pasha once saved +me from a heavy loss, and that is why I take an interest in +him. He, a Russian, and I sat down one evening to have a +quiet rubber. The Russians have a hideous device of playing +with what they call a zero; that is to say, a zero is added to +all winnings and losses, so that 10 stands for 100, etc. When +Khalil and the Russians had won their dummies, I found to +my horror that, with the zero, I had lost about £4000. +Then it came to my turn to take dummy. I had won a game, +and we were playing for the odd trick in the last game. If I +failed to win it I should lose about £8000. Only two cards +remained in hand. I had marked up six tricks and my +opponents five. Khalil had the lead; he had the best trump +and a thirteenth card. The only other trump was in the +hands of the dummy. He had, therefore, only to play his +trump and then the thirteenth card to win the rubber, when +he let drop the latter card, for his fingers were of a very +'thumby' description. Before he could take it up I +pushed the dummy's trump on it and claimed the trick. +The Russian howled, Khalil howled; they said this was very +sharp practice. I replied that whist is essentially a game +of sharp practice, and that I was acting in accordance with +the rules. The lookers-on were appealed to, and, of course, +gave it in my favour. Thus did I make, or rather save, +£8000 against Russia and Turkey in alliance, through the +fault of the Turk; and it seems to me that the poor Ottoman, +now that he is at war (1877) with his ally of the card-table, +is losing the game, much as Khalil lost his game of whist to +me. To have good cards is one thing, to know how to make +use of them quite another."[<a id="chap03fn13text"></a><a href="#chap03fn13">13</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere used to tell a good story of how he got at the +secrets of the Russian Government. His laundress was a +handsome woman, and having made friends with her on +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P59"></a>59}</span> +other than professional grounds, she happened to mention +that her husband was a compositor in the government +printing office. The minutes of the Cabinet councils were +printed in French, of which the printers, of course, understood +nothing. Labouchere persuaded her, for a consideration, +to obtain from her husband the loose sheets from which +the minutes had been printed. They were brought to him +by the faithful woman every week, concealed among his +starched shirts and collars. As soon as Lord John Russell +discovered the source of the interesting information that +reached him from Petersburg, he put a stop to the simple +intrigue. Labouchere would always wind up his narrative +of this episode with the words: "For what reason, I wonder, +did Russell imagine, diplomacy was invented?" +</p> + +<p> +After Petersburg, Dresden was Labouchere's next +appointment. He had previously assiduously studied the +German language, in which, being a born linguist, he was +remarkably proficient. He had been for a time to Marburg +to reside in a German family for the purpose of acquiring +conversational fluency. All through his life one of his fads +consisted in working out on how small an income an economical +family might live in comfort, and he used frequently +to commend the management of means practised in the +bourgeois family at Marburg where he boarded. It consisted +of a mother, two daughters, a father, and an elementary +maid-of-all-work. The daughters did the housework +alternately. The daughter, whose turn it was to be the +young lady, used to dress herself gorgeously every afternoon +and evening, receiving visitors or paying calls. She would +play Chopin and Beethoven on the pianoforte, and make +herself an exceedingly agreeable social personage. The +following week she would retire to the domestic regions and +be an excellent servant, while her sister took her turn as +<i>femme du monde</i>. Occasionally the whole family, including +Labouchere, would be invited to a party. It was the custom +on such occasions for both the daughters to be "young +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P60"></a>60}</span> +ladies." The maid-of-all-work would accompany them to +the neighbour's house whither they had been bidden, carrying +their suppers in paper bags—for the hospitality proffered +at Marburg was intellectual, not material. All the guests +brought similar paper bags, and at the conclusion of the +repast the remains of the various meals were carefully +collected by their respective owners, and carried home to figure +at the next day's <i>mittagessen</i>. Labouchere used often to +assert that the evening parties at Marburg were the most +delightful and amusing ones he ever attended. While there +he frequented the hospital, and attended the lectures given +for the instruction of the medical students. He was always +fond of developing extraordinary theories on the subject of +medical science, more remarkable for their originality than +for their probable ultimate utility. The authority upon +which these theories would be based was invariably that of +the lecturer at the Marburg Hospital. Even as late as 1905, +Mr. Labouchere still remembered his medical student days. +He wrote to one of his sisters in that year on the occasion of +her son becoming a doctor: "A doctor is a good profession. +I learnt doctoring at Marburg in order to learn German. +I rather liked it, and have vainly offered to doctor people +gratis since then, but no one seems inclined." +</p> + +<p> +Between his diplomatic appointments at Frankfort and +Petersburg, Labouchere spent several months at Florence, +and he described in <i>Truth</i> how it was that he came to have a +year's free time on his hands: "Once did I get the better of +the Foreign Office. I was on leave in Italy when I received +a notification that Her Majesty had kindly thought fit to +appoint me Secretary of Legation to the Republic of Parana. +I had never heard of this republic. After diligent inquiry, +I learnt that Parana was a sort of Federal town on the River +Plate, but that a few months previously the republic of that +name had shared the fate of the Kilkenny cats. So I +remained in Italy, and comfortably drew my salary like a +bishop of a see <i>in partibus infidelium</i>. A year later came a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P61"></a>61}</span> +despatch couched in language more remarkable for its +strength than its civility, asking me what I meant by not +proceeding to my post. I replied that I had passed the +twelve months in making diligent inquiries respecting the +whereabouts of the Republic of Parana, hitherto without +success, but if his lordship would kindly inform me where it +was, I need hardly say that I would hasten there!"[<a id="chap03fn14text"></a><a href="#chap03fn14">14</a>] +</p> + +<p> +While in Florence Labouchere witnessed the revolution +which deposed the Grand Duke and provided Tuscany with +a provisional government of her own choice, preparatory to +the union of all the Italian States under the King of Sardinia. +He was a personal friend of Mr. (afterwards Sir) James +Hudson, the English Minister at Turin, whose Nationalist +sympathies, like Labouchere's, were well known, and he was +an invaluable reporter to the Liberals in Turin of the news +of the struggle for liberty in Tuscany. On the morning of +the revolution, after the Grand Duke and his family had +left the Pitti Palace, he, with many of his revolutionary +friends, entered the forsaken home of Austrian royalty, and +had the astuteness to procure on the spot what was left of +the famous Metternich Johannisberger for the newly founded +<i>Unione</i> Club, of which he was a member. He had an amusing +story to tell about the flight of the grand-ducal family +from the City of Flowers, which is best repeated in his own +words, as he used to relate it to his Florentine friends after +he had returned to end his days in the place which he had +loved so well in his youth. "The news was brought back +here by some of the people who had seen them off the +premises, that, on the road to Bologna, they all got out and +stopped an hour or two at an inn, where they all sat in a row +crying. After this had gone on for some time, it was +discovered that the whole party had forgotten their +pocket-handkerchiefs. Fortunately the Grand Duchess had on a +white petticoat with very ample frills, so she went round to +each of the grand-ducal family in turn, and wiped their +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P62"></a>62}</span> +eyes and noses for them in the frills of her petticoat. And +then she did the same for the ladies and gentlemen in +waiting." +</p> + +<p> +"Do I think that incident really is true?" he would reply +to his incredulous audience, "probably not. But from what +I know of royalties in general, and from what I remember +about the grand-ducal family of Tuscany in particular, I +think that it is exceedingly probable that they would start +out on an expedition of that kind without a pocket-handkerchief +between them."[<a id="chap03fn15text"></a><a href="#chap03fn15">15</a>] His personal reminiscences of +Victor Emmanuel II. and of Cavour were of the raciest +description and would enthral his hearers by the hour, told +as only he could tell them, with all the decorative touches of +local colour and local dialect. +</p> + +<p> +He was also very fond of telling a story about an outrageous +compliment he paid to a lady belonging to the Court +of the Grand Duchess, which, if true, showed that at least +one of the resolutions he had made in the inn at Quotla di +Amalpas had been carried into successful practice: "The +Grand Duchess of Tuscany had a venerable maid of honour +above seventy years of age. She had piercing black eyes, +and looked like an old postchaise, painted up and with new +lamps. 'How old do you think I am?' she once asked me, +with a simpering smile that caused my blood to run cold. +I hesitated, and then said 'Twenty.' 'Flatterer,' she +replied, tapping me with her fan, 'I am twenty-five.' +</p> + +<p> +Having become third secretary in November, 1862, Labouchere +was appointed to Constantinople. He wrote in <i>Truth</i> +nearly thirty years later: "I was once Secretary of Embassy +at Constantinople and I passed my time reading up Lord +Stratford's despatches before and during the Crimean War. +No one could have recognised them as the originals from +which Mr. Kinglake drew his material for a narrative of the +Ambassador's diplomatic action. The fact was that Lord +Stratford was one of the most detestable of the human race. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P63"></a>63}</span> +He was arrogant, resentful, and spiteful. He hated the +Emperor Nicholas because he had declined to receive him +as Ambassador to Russia, and the Crimean War was his +revenge. In every way he endeavoured to envenom the +quarrel and to make war certain. His power at Constantinople +was enormous. This was because, whilst the Ambassadors +of other Powers changed, his stay there seemed eternal. +A Grand Vizier, or a Minister of Foreign Affairs, knew that, +if he offended the English Ambassador, he would never +cease plotting to drive him out, and to keep him out of power. +He therefore thought it better to keep on good terms with +him and to submit to his arrogance. But Lord Stratford +never used his power for good. It was enough for him to get +the Sultan to publish a decree. This he would send home as +evidence of good government. He never, however, explained +that the decree, when published, remained a dead letter. +When Sir Henry Bulwer (Lord Dalling) was sent as Commissioner +to the Principalities, he passed a considerable time +(as indeed was necessary) at Constantinople. Lord Stratford +knew that Sir Henry wanted to replace him, and he feared +that he would succeed in doing so. His rage and indignation +were therefore unbounded. One day the Ambassador and the +Commissioner were together at the Embassy. 'I know,' +said the Ambassador, 'that you are trying to get my place,' +and he shook his fist in the face of Sir Henry, who mildly +surveyed him and shrugged his shoulders." +</p> + +<p> +Sir Horace Rumbold writes charmingly of Henry Labouchere +at Constantinople in 1863. "In August," he says, +"the torrid heat drove me to seek for a while the cool breezes +of the Bosphorus, and I then, for the first time, became +acquainted with the wonders of Constantinople. Here I +found at the Embassy Edward Herbert and got to know that +remarkable, <i>original</i>, and most talented and kind-hearted +of would-be cynics, Henry Labouchere."[<a id="chap03fn16text"></a><a href="#chap03fn16">16</a>] Later on, in the +same volume of reminiscences, he gives another picture of +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P64"></a>64}</span> +the young secretary, whose diplomatic career was, however, +soon to come to a close. "The Pisani dynasty were still +masters of the situation when I arrived. Under the, in +many ways, unfortunate tenure of the Embassy by Sir +Henry Bulwer, Alexander Pisani, best known as the 'Count,' +who was simply the Keeper of the Archives, had been made +head of the Diplomatic Chancellerie of the Embassy, to the +intense disgust of successive secretaries properly belonging to +the Service. Pisani, it was said, had extorted this abnormal +appointment from his chief by threatening to resign and +write his memoirs. Henry Labouchere, among others, +greatly resented the arrangement. Some years before, he +had a passage of arms with the 'Count,' who had reproved +him, so to speak, officially for absenting himself for the day +from the Chancery on some occasion, without applying to +him for leave to do so. The ridiculous affair was referred +to Sir Henry Bulwer, and gave my friend Labby a charming +opportunity of describing the 'Count' in a formal letter to +the Ambassador. 'It seems to me,' he wrote, 'a singular +dispensation that places a Greek nobleman of Venetian +extraction, who profited by the advantages of a Pera +education, in authority over a body of English Gentlemen.'" +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere was always very amusing on the subject +of his chief at Constantinople. He said that Lord Balling +could not understand the value of money. He was so +generous that he was always in financial difficulties. At one +time the Embassy was reduced to such straits that there was +no money to buy any decent wine. The difficulty was met +in the following manner: At official dinners the grand-looking +<i>maître d'hôtel</i> would solemnly say before pouring out the +wine, "Château Lafitte '48," or "La Rose '52," and so on, +all through dinner. As a matter of fact, the wine had really +come from the neighbouring Greek isles, and had been +doctored with an infusion of prunes to tone down the flavour +of tar, which is inseparable from these insular vintages. +Lord Dalling himself was so anxious to please that he would +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P65"></a>65}</span> +quaff glass after glass of the horrible beverage, swallowing +numberless pills the while as an antidote. +</p> + +<p> +There are many versions of the incident with which +Labouchere chose to conclude his relations with the Diplomatic +Service. The Foreign Office records of the date are +not yet available, but I am indebted to Sir Audley Gosling +for his recollections of the affair as it happened. In the +summer of 1864, Labouchere found himself at Baden-Baden, +enjoying the relaxation of a little gambling after his strenuous +work in the service of his country. While there he received +from Lord Russell, the Foreign Secretary, the usual +stereotyped announcement of his promotion in the Diplomatic +Service. It ran: "I have to inform you that Her Majesty +has, on my recommendation, been pleased to promote you +to be a Second Secretary in the Diplomatic Service to reside +at Buenos Ayres." +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere is said to have replied as follows: "I have +the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship's +despatch, informing me of my promotion as Second Secretary +to Her Majesty's Legation at Buenos Ayres. I beg to state +that, if residing at Baden-Baden I can fulfil those duties, I +shall be pleased to accept the appointment." As this was +the second joke he had played on Lord Russell, he was +politely told that there was no further use for his services.[<a id="chap03fn17text"></a><a href="#chap03fn17">17</a>] +</p> + +<p> +A successful "system" is not an essential part of the +educational equipment of a diplomat, but it may on occasion +be a very useful extra to his other accomplishments. +Mr. Labouchere found it so. "I used at one time," he said, "to +take the waters every year at Homburg, and I invariably +paid the expenses of my trip out of my winnings at the +gambling-tables. It may have been luck, or it may have +been system; but I give my system for what it is worth. I +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P66"></a>66}</span> +used to write the following figures on a piece of paper: 3, 4, +5, 6, 7. My stake was always the top and bottom figure +added together. If I won, I scratched out these figures; if I +lost, I wrote down the stake at the bottom of the figures, and +I went on playing until all the figures on my piece of paper +were erased. Thus my first stake (and I played indifferently +on red or black) would be ten. If I won it, I scratched out +three and seven. My next stake would be ten again, as four +and six make ten. If I lost it, I wrote down ten at the bottom +of my list of figures, and played fourteen, being the addition +of the first and last figure on the list, viz. fourteen. The +basis of the 'system' was this. Before reaching the +maximum, I could play a series of even chances for about two +hours, and if during these two hours I won one quarter as +many times as the bank, plus five, all my figures were +erased. During these two hours an even chance would be +produced two hundred times. If, therefore, I won fifty-five +times, and the bank won one hundred and forty-five times, +I was the winner of twenty-five napoleons, florins, or +whatever was my unit. Now let any one produce an even chance +by tossing up a coin and always crying 'heads,' he will find +that he may go on until Doomsday before the 'tails' exceed +the 'heads,' or the 'heads' exceed the 'tails,' by ninety-five. +I found this system in a letter from Condorcet to a +friend, which I read in a book that I purchased at a stall on +the 'Quai' at Paris. It may have been, as I have said, +only luck; but all I can say is, that whenever I played it I +invariably won." +</p> + +<p> +One of Mr. Labouchere's oldest friends, Mrs. Crawford, +recently wrote to me a letter in which she made the following +lucid remarks about his career in the Diplomatic Service: +"I was acquainted," she says, "with many of his diplomatic +comrades, and they often spoke of him in chat with me. +Some were friendly, some were not. He had a very +unguarded tongue, and discharged his shafts of satire, irony, +humour in all directions, and every arrow that hit made an +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P67"></a>67}</span> +enemy. I, mentally, used to take this into account in +judging of their judgments, and the habit, which does not +exist in England, of searching for mitigating circumstances +helped me to make a fair and true estimate of his complex +nature. I think he rather enjoyed, but <i>passagèrement</i>, being +thought a Richard III., an Iago—an inveterate gambler. I +soon came to the conclusion that this was partly due to a +reaction against the idolatrous attitude of the English middle +class and religious people towards Victoria and Albert, for +it was shockingly fulsome—and the Queen early showed +hostility towards him. His uncle, Lord Taunton, reflected +her known sentiments, and so did Lord Clarendon. He was +wrong, very wrong, to have treated the vile crime of +Grenville Murray, and committed too in an Office capacity, as +a thing of no consequence and the stumble made by an +exceedingly clever man—a too great rarity in the British +Consular Service. I have some recollection that she was +furious with the Prince of Wales, who had not the virtue, +in his early years at any rate, of reticence in speaking, +for, on the authority of Mr. Labouchere, taking Grenville +Murray's part against the Foreign Office in her presence. +This, however, was only one of the reasons of her fixed +hostility...." +</p> + +<p> +The crime to which Mrs. Crawford refers as having been +committed by Grenville Murray in an official capacity was +that of forwarding private news to the <i>Morning Post</i> (to which +paper he was secretly acting as correspondent) in the Foreign +Office bag from Vienna, where he was an attaché in 1852, +under Lord Westmorland. Mr. Labouchere declared in +<i>Truth</i> that Lord Palmerston, having a private grudge against +Prince Schwarzenberg, the Prime Minister of Austria, and +wishing for special information about him to reach the +British public, had come to a private understanding with +Grenville Murray that his journalistic correspondence would +be winked at. Unfortunately the "copy" fell into the +hands of Lord Westmorland, who demanded from Lord +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P68"></a>68}</span> +Palmerston the instant dismissal of Murray. Murray was +not dismissed, but in a year's time was transferred to +Constantinople, where Lord Stratford de Redcliffe reigned +supreme. He had, of course, heard from Lord Westmorland +about Murray's journalistic indiscretions, and hated him +accordingly. Murray retorted by holding up his chief to +every sort of ridicule to the English magazine-reading public; +for he was a clever writer, and contributed largely to +<i>Household Words</i>, then under the editorship of Charles Dickens. +The Foreign Office soon thought it necessary to remove him, +and he was appointed to the consul-generalship of Odessa. +At Odessa the consul was just as unpopular as the attaché +had been at Vienna and Constantinople. The defence of +Grenville Murray, to which Mrs. Crawford refers, was +probably founded upon facts contained in the following +passage of an "Anecdotal Photograph" of Lord Derby, +published by Mr. Labouchere in an early number of <i>Truth</i>: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +When Lord Derby was at the head of the Foreign Office, he +left all the appointments in the Diplomatic Service to the +permanent officials, and, owing to this pococurantism, he did an +act of injustice to one of the most brilliant <i>littérateurs</i> of the day. +The gentleman in question had a consulship in the East. An able +and brilliant man, he was naturally a <i>persona ingrata</i> to the high +priests of red tape, and between them and him there was +perpetual war, which at length culminated in a determination to +remove him <i>per fas</i> or <i>per nefas</i> from the service. Certain +charges were accordingly brought against this gentleman, who +was put on his defence. The accused, who was then in London, +applied for copies of certain papers from the archives of the +Foreign Office which he considered essential to his complete +exculpation. The officials at first declined to grant them, but, +after a long correspondence, admitted the justice of the claim. +The papers were sent accordingly, together with two separate +letters, both bearing the same date. One announced that the +documents had been forwarded, the other that Lord Derby had +made up his mind on the whole case, and his decision was in these +words: "I have accordingly advised the Queen to cancel your +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P69"></a>69}</span> +commission as ——, and it is hereby cancelled accordingly." The +recipient of this interesting epistle was at first inclined to +treat it as a bad joke, but soon found that it was an authentic +fact.[<a id="chap03fn18text"></a><a href="#chap03fn18">18</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +I have the great good fortune also to have received from +Mr. Wilfrid Blunt a brief memoir of Mr. Labouchere, which +commences in his early diplomatic days, and though it carries +us on almost to the end of his life, I think that its publication +here will enable those readers who did not know Mr. Labouchere +personally to get a sincere impression of the whole of his +career, which cannot fail to be of assistance to them in +elucidating his curious original personality from the maze of +dates and details which are the inevitable appendages of a +comprehensive biography. Mr. Blunt writes as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +Feb. 13, 1913. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +My acquaintance with Henry Labouchere dates, if I +remember rightly, from the early spring of 1861. We were +both then in the Diplomatic Service, and though not actually +employed together, I had just succeeded him as unpaid +attaché at the Frankfort Legation, and found him still lingering +there when I came to take up my not very onerous duties +that year under our chief, Sir Alexander Malet, Edward Malet's +father. Labouchere's attraction to Frankfort was not Frankfort +itself, but its close neighbourhood to Hombourg, where the +gambling-tables still flourished, and where he spent nearly all +his time. By rights he ought to have been at St. Petersburg, +but pretended that he could not afford to travel to his new post +except on foot, and so was staying on waiting to have his expenses +paid by Government. His life at that time was an avowedly +disreputable one, the society of Hombourg being what it was; +and he was looked upon by the more strait-laced ladies of the +Corps Diplomatique as something of a pariah. There was a +good deal of talk about him, opinions being divided as to whether +he was more knave or fool, greenhorn or knowing fellow, all +which amused him greatly. He was in reality the good-hearted +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P70"></a>70}</span> +cynic the world has since acknowledged him to be, with a keen +appreciation of the <i>comédie humaine</i>, a contempt for aristocratic +shams, and a philosopher's taste for low society. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have a coloured caricature I made of him of that date, 1861, +in which he is represented as undergoing a conversion to +respectability at the hands of Countess d'Usedom, the Olympia of +the Bismarck memoirs, and wife of the Prussian Ambassador, +with her two Scotch nieces in the preposterous crinoline dresses +of the time. He figures in it as a round-faced young man with +highly coloured cheeks, and an air of mock modesty which is very +characteristic. It is labelled "The Deformed Transformed." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Later, I used to see him pretty frequently in London at the +St. James' Club, of which we were both members. He was +already beginning to be a recognised wit, and a central figure +among talkers in the smoking-room. But I remember old +Paddy Green of Evans' still maintaining that he was for all that +a simple-minded fellow, made to be the prey of rogues. It was +as such that he had known him some years before when Labouchere +first appeared in London life and took up his quarters +at Evans' Hotel in Covent Garden. The good Irishman had +dolorous stories of the way in which his protégé had then been +fleeced. "Poor Labouchere, poor Labouchere," he used to say, +in his paternally emotional voice; "a good young man, but +always his own worst enemy." His own worst enemy he +certainly often was. I remember his coming into the Club one +evening, it must have been in 1865, when he had just been elected +M.P. for Windsor, and boasting to all of us who would listen to +him, with every detail, how he had bribed the free and intelligent +electors of the Royal Borough, an imprudence which caused him +the misfortune of his being unseated immediately afterwards on +petition. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Of the years that followed, when he was making his name as +a journalist, and his fortune on the Stock Exchange, I have +nothing particular to record. I came once more into close +connection with him in 1882, at the time of the trial of Arabi at +Cairo after Tel-el-Kebir. Labouchere, during the early months +of the year, had been among those Radicals who in the House of +Commons had followed Chamberlain and Dilke in pressing +intervention in Egypt on the Foreign Office, and he made no +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P71"></a>71}</span> +secret of the reason—he was a holder of Egyptian Bonds. The +bombardment of Alexandria and the massacre of Tel-el-Kebir, +with the revelations which followed of the intrigues which had +caused the war, proved, however, too much for his political +conscience, which was really sound, and having unloaded his +Egyptian stock, which had gone up to higher prices (for he was not a +man to neglect a Stock Exchange opportunity), he frankly +repented of his sin, and from that time onwards did his best to repair +the wrong to Egypt he had joined in doing. He subscribed +handsomely to the "Arabi Defence Fund," was always ready to ask +questions in the House, and did not scruple to reproach the Grand +Old Man with his lapses at Cairo and in the Soudan from his +Midlothian principles. In this connection I saw much of him +from 1883 to 1885, years during which Egypt occupied so large +a share of public attention, and always found him interested in +the Egyptian cause and helpful. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He was living then in Queen Anne's Gate, and I was pretty +sure to find him in the morning, and often stayed to lunch with +him and his wife. He was uniformly gay and pleasant and ready +to give news. No one ever was more generous in sharing his +political knowledge with his friends, and I could count on him to +tell me the true and exact truth of what was going on in the +directions that interested me, without regard to the rules of +secrecy so many public men affect. Of his wit too he was copiously +lavish, as only those are who have it in supreme abundance, +giving of his very best to a single listener as freely as to a larger +audience. This, I always think, is the test of genius in the +department of brilliant talking, and no one ever shone there more +conspicuously than he did. His worldly wisdom was wonderful. +Nor was it confined to things at home, the House of Commons, +and the intrigue of Downing Street. He was really the only +English Radical, with Dilke, who had an accurate acquaintance +with affairs abroad, and he had his Europe at his finger-ends. +He would have made an admirable ambassador, where any difficult +matters had to be carried through, and he ought certainly +to have been given the Embassy he so much desired at Washington. +It was always his ambition, even stronger I think than +that of holding Cabinet Office, to go back to his old diplomatic +profession and give serious proof of his capacity in a service +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P72"></a>72}</span> +where, as a young man, he had played the fool. The Foreign +Office would have found itself the stronger for his help. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Our sympathy, which had begun about Egypt, was carried on, +I am glad to remember, during the years of stress which followed, +also to Ireland; and from first to last my experience of his political +action has been that of a man courageously consistent in his love +of liberty, his hatred of tyranny, and his contempt of the +insincerities of public life. He was never taken in by the false +arguments with which politicians conceal their treacheries, and he +was never himself a betrayer. If my testimony can be of any +service to his memory as an honest man, I freely give it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The last time I saw him was in the summer of 1902, when he +came down with his wife and daughter to spend a week-end, +July 12th to 14th, with me and my wife in Sussex. He had +resolved to pass the rest of his days at Florence, and it was a +farewell visit that he paid us. He had just bought Michael +Angelo's Villa, and talked much about it and his design, philistine +that he was, of turning it inside out, fitting it with electric +light, and otherwise bedevilling it with modern improvements, +uprooting the old trees in the <i>podere</i> and planting new ones. +On matters of this sort he was a terrible barbarian, and took +delight in playing the vandal with places and things which the +rest of the world held in reverence. "Old Michael," he explained, +"knew nothing about the comforts of a modern establishment, +and it was time that he should learn them." Apart from this +little <i>méchanceté</i>, he proved himself a most delectable companion, +giving us a true feast of wit and wisdom the whole Sunday +through. Sibyl, Lady Queensberry, was of our party, and Colonel +Bill Gordon, General Gordon's nephew, with whom he had much +talk about Khartoum and Egypt. Gordon was a good talker +on his own subjects, and they got on well together, sitting up till +half-past one the first night, telling story after story. Among +them, I remember, Labouchere gave us accounts of his adventures +in Mexico, and also of a ride he had taken from Damascus to +Palmyra with Lady Ellenborough and her Bedouin husband, +Sheykh Mijwel el Mizrab, with reminiscences of the early days +we had spent together in the Diplomatic Service, his gambling +acquaintances at Hombourg, and his duel in Sweden. He was +especially interested in this visit to the Weald of Sussex, and in +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P73"></a>73}</span> +his having passed in the train almost within sight of Broome +Hall, under Leith Hill, where he had lived as a boy. He had not +been that way since, he said. The second evening he was less +brilliant, as Hilaire Belloc had joined our party, a rival talker +to whom he left the monopoly of our entertainment. But it +was an altogether pleasant two days that we passed together. +I am glad to have the recollection of them. Alas, they were the +last we were to see of him, for he left England soon afterwards, +and we never met again. +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn1text">1</a>] Joseph Hatton, <i>Journalistic London</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn2text">2</a>] Mrs. T. P. O'Connor, <i>I, Myself</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn3text">3</a>] For the rest of this interesting letter see Chapter X. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn4text">4</a>] "Radical and Whigs," <i>Fortnightly Review</i>, Feb. 1, 1884. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn5text">5</a>] It is interesting to note that Mr. Crampton's +proceedings in America did +not stand in his way, so far as promotion +in the service was concerned. He +was appointed Envoy-Extraordinary at Hanover +almost immediately; Lord +Palmerston insisted upon his being made a +K.C.B., and he became Ambassador +at St. Petersburg in 1858. (<i>Dictionary of National Biography</i>.) +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn6text">6</a>] <i>Truth</i>, May 23, 1878. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn7text">7</a>] <i>Truth</i>, Feb. 8, 1877. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn8text">8</a>] Busch, <i>Our Chancellor</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn9text">9</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn10"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn10text">10</a>] <i>Truth</i>, May 23, 1889. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn11"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn11text">11</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, July 14, 1884. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn12"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn12text">12</a>] Alexander II. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn13"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn13text">13</a>] <i>Truth</i>, July 16, 1877. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn14"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn14text">14</a>] <i>Truth</i>, May 23, 1878. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn15"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn15text">15</a>] <i>Florence Herald</i>, Dec. 28, 1909. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn16"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn16text">16</a>] Rumbold, <i>Recollections of a Diplomatist</i>, vol. ii. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn17"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn17text">17</a>] The letter, signed by Lord Russell, +appointing Henry Labouchere Second +Secretary is dated February 3, 1863, +so that the one, referred to by Sir Audley +Gosling, appointing him to Buenos Ayres, +must have been of later date. The +latter is not in my possession. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap03fn18"></a> +[<a href="#chap03fn18text">18</a>] <i>Truth</i>, Nov. 20, 1879. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap04"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P74"></a>74}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER IV +<br><br> +PARLIAMENTARY AMBITIONS +</h3> + +<p class="t3"> +(1866-1869) +</p> + +<p> +Being asked on some occasion, "Why do men enter +Parliament?" Mr. Labouchere replied: "Some of +them enter Parliament because they have been local Bulls of +Bashan, and consider that in the localities where they have +roared, and pawed the ground, they will be even more +important than heretofore; some because they want to be peers, +baronets, and knights; some because they have a fad to air; +some because they want to have a try at climbing the greasy +pole of office; some because they have heard that the House +of Commons is the best club in London; some because they +delude themselves that they are orators; some for want of +anything better to do; some because they want to make a bit +out of company promoting; and some because they have a +vague notion that they are going to benefit their country +by their devotion to legislative business." He frankly +confessed, however, that none of the above considerations had +influenced him in his own decision to enter upon a +parliamentary life. Curiosity had been his inducement in the +first place, and secondly, a conviction that the House would +benefit considerably from contact with so sound a Radical as +himself. +</p> + +<p> +In the autumn of the year that he left the Diplomatic +Service, it was suggested to Mr. Labouchere by several +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P75"></a>75}</span> +friends that he should come forward as a candidate in the +next General Election for the borough of New Windsor. +There was already another Liberal in the field—Mr. Flower +of Stratford-on-Avon. Labouchere decided to confer with +him on the subject. They met, accordingly, at the Reform +Club, Labouchere having been previously warned by the +Town Clerk of Windsor, Mr. Darvill, to act quite independently +of Flower, as he was in the hands of agents, in whom +the leading men of the place had little confidence. +Mr. Labouchere describes in his own words the upshot of the +interview: "We met at the Reform Club, in the presence of +Mr. Grant (one of Flower's agents) and Mr. Darvill, junior. +As, however, both of us evidently thought that only one +Liberal could be returned at Windsor, and as each of us +intended to be that Liberal, we separated without coming to +any arrangement to act together."[<a id="chap04fn1text"></a><a href="#chap04fn1">1</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere then went abroad, returning to England in +January for a fortnight, during which time he gave a dinner +at Windsor, held a public meeting, and identified himself as +much as it was possible to do, in so short a time, with the +local interests of the borough. In May, 1865, Mr. Flower +retired from the candidature, because he felt that his agents, +Grant and Dunn, had compromised him by corrupt practices. +As these gentlemen had hired as many as twenty +public houses for committee rooms, a number ludicrously out +of proportion to the size of the constituency, he acted wisely +in doing so. He informed Labouchere of his decision. +Mr. Darvill also wrote, recommending Labouchere to return to +England, and if he really intended to stand for Windsor, to +take some steps for insuring his return by appointing agents, +and taking the usual preliminary precautions. +</p> + +<p> +To continue the narrative in Mr. Labouchere's own +words: "Sir Henry Hoare, a day or two after my return to +England, called upon me to tell me that he had been in +communication with Mr. Darvill, and that as Mr. Darvill +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P76"></a>76}</span> +had told me he thought that, if two Liberal candidates acted +firmly together, both might be returned, he came to propose +to me to make common cause with him. The next day we +called together on Mr. Durrant, a London solicitor, who had +acted for Sir Henry Hoare, and we begged him to go down to +Windsor, and after seeing the principal Liberals, to report to +us the state of affairs. This he did. He told us Mr. Flower +had engaged twenty committee rooms—a number which was +clearly too great, and he recommended us to take on nine of +them. We sent him down to Windsor again to arrange +about the committee rooms and about taking on agents, and +he, in conjunction with Mr. Last, retained the usual Liberal +agents, who were the same as had been engaged by Mr. Flower. +It was distinctly understood at the same time, that +we only took on nine committee rooms. Mr. Flower, after, +I believe, a long correspondence with Mr. Cleave, agreed +to pay for the eleven committee rooms which he had engaged. +Sir Henry Hoare and I were both returned as members for +Windsor." +</p> + +<p> +It was an unfortunate action, however, on the part of the +two Liberal candidates to make use of the same agents who +had compromised Mr. Flower, and it cost them their seats. +The election took place in November, 1865, and the result of +the poll was as follows: +</p> + +<pre style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif"> + Sir Henry Hoare 324 votes + Mr. Labouchere 323 " + Mr. Vansittart (Cons.) 291 " + Col. Vyse (Cons.) 261 " +</pre> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +On April 26, 1866, the chairman of a select committee,[<a id="chap04fn2text"></a><a href="#chap04fn2">2</a>] +appointed to try the merits of the petition against the return +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P77"></a>77}</span> +of Sir Henry Hoare and Mr. Labouchere for the borough of +New Windsor, on the grounds that it was obtained by means +of bribery, treating, and undue influence, announced that the +committee had arrived at the following determination: +</p> + +<p> +"That Sir Henry Ainslie Hoare is not duly elected a +burgess to serve in the present parliament for the borough of +New Windsor. That Henry Labouchere, Esq., is not duly +elected to serve in the present parliament for the borough of +New Windsor. That Sir Henry Ainslie Hoare is, by his +agents, guilty of bribery. That it has been proved that +various acts of bribery have been committed by the agents of +the sitting members by the engagement of an excessive +number of public houses in which it was proved that none of +the legitimate business of the election was transacted, and +for which sums varying from £10 to £20 were paid. That +it has not been proved that such acts were committed with +the knowledge or consent of the said Sir Henry Hoare and +the said Henry Labouchere, Esq. That the committee have +no reason to believe that bribery and corruption extensively +prevailed at the last election for the borough of New +Windsor." +</p> + +<p> +The committee had sat for six days before the above +decision was arrived at, and many were the entertaining +encounters between the defendants' counsel, the great +Mr. Serjeant Ballantine, and the witnesses for the petitioners. +One of the latter explained that he had voted for the +Conservatives because Mr. Vansittart was a "very nice old +man." Under cross-examination it was elicited with difficulty that +Mr. Vansittart had not given his wife and daughter each +a new dress. Being further pressed, he announced that +he could prove it. "How?" questioned the counsel. "I +haven't got no wife nor no daughter," complained the +witness. A charge of presenting a silk gown to the wife of +one of the electors was preferred against Henry Labouchere. +He did not deny having done so. "The lady in question," +he explained, "was extremely good-looking, and I have +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P78"></a>78}</span> +frequently noticed that a present of finery is a simple way to +win the female heart. I regret that, in the particular case, +I was unsuccessful, but, good God, you do not insinuate for a +moment, do you, that I intended her husband to know +anything about the affair?" +</p> + +<p> +The line of defence taken up by Labouchere will easily be +seen by reading the letter he sent to the <i>Times</i> the day after +the committee had reached their decision. I give it in full, +with the exception of some sentences that have already been +quoted: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +ALBANY, April 26. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +SIR,—In an article to-day on the recent decision of the +Election Committees, you allude to the case of Windsor. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As your observations tend to lead those who read them to +form the conclusion that my late constituents are somewhat +corrupt, in justice to them, I should feel obliged to you to allow +me to say a few words in their defence. It may be useful to +future candidates to know on what grounds Sir Henry Hoare +and I have been unseated.... +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We were petitioned against on the usual charges of bribery +and intimidation. To the charges of direct bribery and indirectly +bribing by the promise of work we replied, I believe, to the +satisfaction of the Committee. The case of the petitioners rested +upon the charge that we had engaged too many committee rooms. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The Committee unseated us because: "It had been proved +that acts of bribery had been committed by the engagement, by +the agents of the sitting members, of an excessive number of +public houses, in which it was proved that none of the legitimate +business of the election was transacted, and for which sums +varying from £10 to £20 were paid. That it has not been proved +that such acts were committed with the knowledge or consent +of the said Sir Henry Hoare and the said Henry Labouchere." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Now this decision must have been come to on the supposition +that Sir Henry Hoare and I were responsible for the eleven +committee rooms, paid for by Mr. Flower, because we both swore +that the nine committee rooms were taken with "knowledge and +consent." The Committee consequently must have concluded +either that Mr. Flower, Mr. Durrant, Sir H. Hoare, and myself +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P79"></a>79}</span> +were guilty of perjury in swearing that the payment by +Mr. Flower was <i>bona fide</i>, or that Sir H. Hoare and I, in taking on +agents in May, became responsible for what these agents had +done in the interests of a third party during the winter. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Our case rested on the fact that "none of the legitimate +business of the election" was transacted in Mr. Flower's public +houses, and that if a bill with the words "Committee Rooms" was +hung over any room in Mr. Flower's public houses it was because +the publicans considered they would advertise their own political +principles by showing that they had been engaged by a Liberal +candidate who had retired. Every one knows that, if an +electioneering bill over a public house is an advertisement for a +candidate, it is also an advertisement for the public house, and +that publicans like it to be supposed that they belong to one or +other of the parties during a contested election. As a matter +of fact some of Mr. Flower's publicans did not vote for me. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I may then fairly state that my late colleague and I were +unseated because one of our agents had been concerned, months +before he became our agent, in taking public houses in undue +numbers for Mr. Flower. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Now, sir, I would venture to call the attention of the Legislature +to the new and strange principle of jurisprudence on which +the decision of the Windsor Election Committee has been based. +I do so in the interests of all candidates, for, as far as I am +concerned, I have unfortunately no appeal against the decision. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is sufficiently difficult to prevent over zealous committee +men and agents from compromising their candidate during the +election; but, if he is to be retrospectively responsible for all +their previous acts, I venture to say that no candidate can expect +to hold his seat against a petition. Were the retrospective +responsibility introduced into the procedure of courts of law no +man would be safe. I might, sir, to-morrow have the advantage +of making your acquaintance. Some days later I might take a +servant whom you had formerly employed. Ought I to be hung +if it were subsequently shown that you and the servant had +murdered some one last January in London, while I was in +Italy? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Were I still a member of the Legislature, I should myself +point out the necessity of a reform in the composition of election +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P80"></a>80}</span> +committees. As an elector of Westminster, I shall, through my +representative, Capt. Grosvenor, present a petition to the House +of Commons praying that some alteration be made in the present +system, and that a properly qualified judge be added to every +committee to explain the elementary principles of jurisprudence +to well-intentioned gentlemen who know nothing about +them.[<a id="chap04fn3text"></a><a href="#chap04fn3">3</a>]—I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +A number of extremely interesting letters appeared in the +<i>Times</i>, on the subject of the New Windsor Election Petition, +one other, only, of which I shall quote, as it puts the case for +Mr. Labouchere and his colleagues in a perfectly clear light. +It runs as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +SIR,—My name having prominently appeared in the proceeding +before the Election Committee in this case, and in +communications made to you by Sir Henry Hoare and Mr. Labouchere, +complaining of the decision of the committee, I trust you +will not refuse me an opportunity of corroborating their +statements. I may say, as a prelude, that the agents had the most +distinct directions to do nothing in contradiction of the statutes +relating to the election of members to serve in Parliament, and +I proved, in evidence, my written instructions to that effect. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Sir Henry Hoare and Mr. Labouchere, being aware that +Mr. Flower had retired by reason of his belief that he had been +compromised by his agents, were most anxious to avoid becoming +in any way identified with their proceedings; and, as regards the +public houses, which had been taken on his behalf, the late +members entirely repudiated, both personally, and through me, +having anything whatever to do with them. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +No one had authority to hire committee rooms but Mr. Last, +the head agent at Windsor, and no complaint is made in +the Committee's Report in respect of the nine houses engaged +by him. Not a shilling has, to my knowledge or belief, been +paid, or promised on account, of what I may, for brevity, call +"Mr. Flower's public houses"; so that, in fact, these houses were +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P81"></a>81}</span> +neither hired by, paid for, nor used by the late members or their +agents. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The unseating, therefore, of the late members for New +Windsor upon the grounds stated in the Report of the Committee +is, I venture to suggest, unprecedented in the annals of election +petitions, and affords just ground for complaint, and for giving, +in future cases some appeal, where there may be a similar +miscarriage of justice.[<a id="chap04fn4text"></a><a href="#chap04fn4">4</a>]—I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +G. J. DURRANT. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Henry Labouchere made his maiden speech during the six +months that he was member for New Windsor. It was upon +an uninteresting and complicated subject—namely, the +inadequacy of our Neutrality Law to enable us to fulfil our +international obligations towards foreign countries. The +debate, begun in February, continued well into the March of +1866. Labouchere made his speech on the 22nd of February. +During the course of it he said that, having passed ten years +in the Diplomatic Service, he had given some consideration to +the subject of International Law, which had led him to +believe that, from defects and inefficiency, our Neutrality +Law was fraught not only with future danger to ourselves, +but was calculated to prevent us from acting justly towards +our Allies. He quoted, in support of his argument, the +relations of England with the United States of America, the +sympathy of America with Fenianism, and our loss of +commerce with America.[<a id="chap04fn5text"></a><a href="#chap04fn5">5</a>] On March 7 he voted in favour +of the Church Rates Abolition Bill, which was read for the +second time on that day and committed. +</p> + +<p> +Of course he was very funny on the subject of the election +at New Windsor. He was fond of relating how it was that he +first became an M.P. "I had to kiss the babies," he said, +"pay compliments to their mothers, and explain the beauties +of Liberalism to their fathers, who never could be got to say +how they would vote. On the day of the election everything +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P82"></a>82}</span> +turned upon half a dozen votes. I remember one Tory went +out to fish in a punt, and the boatman who accompanied +him was induced to keep him well out in the middle of the +river, until the polling hour had passed. Another aged and +decrepid Tory was kept in the house by having cabs run at +him whenever he tried to issue from his door. Finally the +Liberals won the day. On this the Tories petitioned. The +committee decided that there had been no bribery, but +unseated my colleague and myself because they thought that +we had hired an excessive number of committee rooms." +</p> + +<p> +And again: "One man at this election amused me. He +hung about outside my committee room, and whenever he +saw me he wrung my hand. On my first interview with this +patriot, he informed me that, at an early hour of the morning, +he had personated Dr. Cumming, and had voted for me as +that divine. Each time I saw him during the day, he said +that he had been personating some one, and always a +clergyman. I remonstrated with him but uselessly." +</p> + +<p> +The playwright, Herman Merivale, tells an anecdote +about Henry Labouchere, in connection with the Windsor +election, which it is very probable he heard from the whilom +member himself. "Lord Taunton," writes Merivale, "uncle +and precursor of our more famous Labby, is fabled to have +lived in a general state of alarm at the strange proclivities of +that unchastened heir, who has furnished the world with +more amusing stories of a curious humour than any public +man of his time. It is said that when Lord Taunton heard +that his nephew contemplated public life, and proposed to +stand for one of the county divisions in the district, he was +much pleased at such a sign of grace, and asked if he could +do anything for him. 'Really I think not,' replied the +younger Henry, 'but I don't know. If you would put on +your peer's robes, and walk arm-in-arm with me down the +High Street of Windsor, it might have a good effect."[<a id="chap04fn6text"></a><a href="#chap04fn6">6</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Another opportunity soon occurred for Labouchere to +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P83"></a>83}</span> +re-enter the House of Commons. On the death of Mr. Robert +Hanbury, one of the members for Middlesex, he presented +himself to the electors, and was returned without opposition, +on April 16, 1867. An extract from his address to the electors, +dated March 29, is not without interest, as in it he unblushingly +gives expression to the democratic principles to which +he remained so faithful throughout his career. "Should +you do me the honour," he said, "to return me to Parliament, +it would be my first duty to co-operate with those who desire +to effect the passage of an honest and straightforward +measure of reform—such a measure as would prove to the +large body of artisans and working men, whom I hold to be +entitled to the franchise, that the House of Commons is not +afraid of the people, nor averse to the free extension of +political privileges, nor disposed to deny to the intelligent +operatives a share in the government of the country to whose +burdens they are called upon to contribute. If the Reform +Bill proposed by the Tory Ministry is not capable of +adaptation to such an end, I should not hesitate to give my +adherence to any cause which may seem the most calculated +to attain the desired object."[<a id="chap04fn7text"></a><a href="#chap04fn7">7</a>] +</p> + +<p> +While he was member for Middlesex, Labouchere was +assiduous in his parliamentary duties. He spoke frequently +and to the point, on such subjects as the "Expenses of +Voters,"[<a id="chap04fn8text"></a><a href="#chap04fn8">8</a>] on "the Sale of Liquor on Sundays Bill"[<a id="chap04fn9text"></a><a href="#chap04fn9">9</a>] (a +characteristically amusing speech), on "Licences" (Brewers'),[<a id="chap04fn10text"></a><a href="#chap04fn10">10</a>] +on the "Military Knights of Windsor attending Church,"[<a id="chap04fn11text"></a><a href="#chap04fn11">11</a>] +on "Appeals in the House of Lords."[<a id="chap04fn12text"></a><a href="#chap04fn12">12</a>] He objected to a +vote to complete the sum of £2135 for building new Embassy +houses in Madrid and Paris,[<a id="chap04fn13text"></a><a href="#chap04fn13">13</a>] and offered some practical +suggestions as to the building (or buying) of new Embassy +buildings at Therapia.[<a id="chap04fn14text"></a><a href="#chap04fn14">14</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P84"></a>84}</span> +</p> + +<p> +In short, he was an active and useful member. The +speeches which have been most frequently quoted are the +ones which he made on May 14, protesting against a vote +of £137,524, for the upkeep of the Royal Parks and Pleasure +Grounds,[<a id="chap04fn15text"></a><a href="#chap04fn15">15</a>] +and his two speeches on the Public Schools Bill.[<a id="chap04fn16text"></a><a href="#chap04fn16">16</a>] In +the former he asserted that it was unjust and quite illogical +to prohibit the entrance of cabs into Hyde Park. Most of +his friends, he announced, were not in a position to keep +their own carriages, yet they passionately longed to drive +about in the haunts of fashion. He himself suffered cruelly +under the same longing and disability, and such an exclusion, +he explained, was quite incompatible with the spirit of +Liberalism. He referred to the regulations concerning the +public parks of Vienna and Paris to show that the prejudice +against hired vehicles was entirely British and snobbish. +</p> + +<p> +On another occasion, Mr. Lowe had moved a clause to the +effect that boys educated at public schools should be +examined once a year, by an Inspector of Education, in simple +reading, writing, and arithmetic, and that a report as to their +attainments should be laid before Parliament. +</p> + +<p> +On this Labouchere made an excellent speech. In the +course of it, he said that he hoped Mr. Lowe's clause would +be pressed to a division, because it was evident that most +pupils at public schools did not know as much as an average +charity boy. Complaint had been made that the whole time +of public school boys was taken up by the study of Latin and +Greek, but, as a matter of fact, they learned very little of these +languages. An ordinarily educated German could converse +with a foreigner in Latin, if the two had no other language in +common, but how many Englishmen carried from a public +school sufficient Latin to do this? He confessed that he +himself, although he might be able to translate some half a +dozen words of Latin, was wholly unable to translate a +sentence of Greek, although he had studied those languages +for years at a public school. He complained that this +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P85"></a>85}</span> +ignorance was the fault of a system, and the misfortune of +those who were obliged to undergo it. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere used to relate the following reminiscence +of the days when he was member for Middlesex: "It +is a curious fact—such is the irony of fate—that these dues +(the Middlesex Coal Dues) were once prolonged owing to me. +About twenty years ago, I was member for Middlesex. A +Bill was brought forward to prolong the dues in order to +borrow the money for certain Metropolitan improvements. +Now the dues are collected from the inhabitants, not only of +the metropolis, but of all Middlesex. My constituents +wanted the bridges over the Thames and the Lea, beyond the +Metropolitan area, to be freed. So I persistently opposed the +Bill by much talking, by amendments, and other such +devices (for although blocking had not been invented, +obstruction was even then not without its resources). This +led to negotiation, and it was finally agreed that the +prolongation should be for a still longer period than was +proposed by the Bill, in order that money should also be +borrowed to free the bridges."[<a id="chap04fn17text"></a><a href="#chap04fn17">17</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Lord Derby's administration, under which Labouchere +had become one of the Liberal members for Middlesex, was +succeeded by the first administration of Mr. Disraeli. In +December, 1868, the General Election took place, by which +Mr. Gladstone, in his turn, was put, for the first time, at the +head of Queen Victoria's Government. Mr. Labouchere +presented himself for re-election at Middlesex in November. +It was at first thought that both the sitting members, himself +and Lord Enfield, would have a quiet "walk-over." The +Conservatives, however, were determined to put forward at +least one candidate, and they selected Lord George Hamilton, +the third son of the Duke of Abercorn. +</p> + +<p> +On November 2, both Henry Labouchere and Lord +Enfield issued their addresses, Lord Enfield appealing to his +electors on grounds no more vital than that he had +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P86"></a>86}</span> +represented Middlesex in Parliament for the last eleven years, and +Mr. Labouchere because he frankly avowed himself in +favour of the disestablishment of the Anglican Church in +Ireland as being likely to strengthen the establishment of the +Church of England in the sister isle, and, to quote verbatim +from his speech: "I shall," he said, "oppose the proposal +which was made last year by the Government of Mr. Disraeli +to endow a Roman Catholic university. While I +respect the sincere convictions of my Roman Catholic +countrymen and desire that their religious convictions should +not subject them either to civil or political disqualification, +I do not think that their Church or their educational +establishments should have any portion of the revenues now +enjoyed by the established Church." He went on to say: +"Since a Conservative Government has been in power the +public departments have vied with each other in +extravagance. The efforts of private members in which I have +joined have proved ineffectual to check the waste. The +sooner Mr. Gladstone is in office the better for the taxpayer."[<a id="chap04fn18text"></a><a href="#chap04fn18">18</a>] +</p> + +<p> +The two Liberal candidates made public speeches to their +electors on the same day that they issued their addresses. +Labouchere made his in the British Schools at Brentford, and +the points on which he argued were the disestablishment of +the Irish Church and the waste of public money. The +selection of Lord George Hamilton as the Conservative +candidate gave him an opportunity of making some extremely +annoying remarks. He referred to him as "a young gentleman +who had lately joined the army—an unfledged ensign +who was getting on with the goose step and preparing himself +for the onerous duties connected with the Horse Guards," +and other taunting remarks of a similar nature. +</p> + +<p> +The embryo M.P., on November 9, stung to madness +by Labouchere's witticisms, boldly announced himself as his +opponent in particular. He hotly denied that his father had +received annually for many years a large sum of money from +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P87"></a>87}</span> +the State and then had been made a duke for his kindness in +having accepted it. The Conservative meeting at which the +young guardsman spoke would have been a decided political +success had it not been for the zeal of the gentleman who +seconded the vote of confidence. He remarked that, ever +since the day when King John had signed the Magna Charta, +the people of this country had been indebted to the +aristocracy for all the liberties enjoyed in the Empire. Storms of +groans and hisses met his well-meant remark, and though +the vote of confidence was passed, the show of hands was +manifestly against it.[<a id="chap04fn19text"></a><a href="#chap04fn19">19</a>] +</p> + +<p> +But the real interest of the election was centred in the +personal quarrel between the Liberal candidates, which +resulted in a Tory being returned for Middlesex. They +appeared each to be possessed with an ungovernable hatred +for the other, which was extremely prejudicial to their cause. +The occasion of their public rupture was a dispute over the +selection of electioneering agents, and by November 12 the +attitude of the belligerents had become so extremely abusive +that an important conference of Liberals from all parts of +Middlesex had to be convened to consider the disunited state +of their interest, more especially as it related to the relative +bearing of the candidates towards each other. +</p> + +<p> +Whereupon Labouchere and Enfield each addressed a +public meeting and gave their separate versions of the +quarrel. The delight of the Tories was excessive, and they +did all they could to foment the affair. The <i>Times</i> rose to +unaccustomed heights of irony in a leading article occasioned +by the following not exactly conciliatory letter addressed by +Labouchere to its editor: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +SIR,—In the interests of the party Lord Enfield and I would +do well to adjourn the discussion of all personal differences until +after the Election. Lord Enfield had distinctly refused to unite +before those differences arose; our discussion therefore has +nothing to do with our political disunion. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P88"></a>88}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The constituency wish our union, I wish it too—but +personal relations need not be renewed. Lord Enfield considers +himself and Lord George Hamilton to be what he is pleased to +call "scions of a noble stock." I am a man of the middle class. +He considers himself my superior. Let us agree to differ on this +point.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HENRY LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +"It is fortunate," remarked the <i>Times</i>, "that the Liberal +majority bids fair to be a large one, for otherwise the future +historians of Great Britain might have a somewhat +undignified episode to narrate in the electioneering contest of +1868, between the two great parties of the State. If the +Liberals and the Conservatives happened to be running +each other so closely that one seat more or less might +determine the policy of the new Parliament, the Middlesex +election would probably have an odd part to play in British +annals. Every reader of Liberal imagination can easily +conjure up for himself a picture of the calamities that might, +under evil stars, overtake this country if the Liberals found +themselves not strong enough to carry out their present +programme, and the Irish Church were left still standing, +with Ireland, as the natural result of so much anxious and +fruitless agitation, more discontented than ever. Let him +then suppose that all these imagined misfortunes had to be +borne in consequence of his party having lost a seat for +Middlesex, because Lord Enfield objects 'on personal +grounds' to Mr. Labouchere! Lord Chesterfield has told us +that great events are really due to much smaller causes than +historians, with a duly jealous regard for the dignity of their +profession, dare admit. The Liberal majority in the next +Parliament might, if it so happened, be lost and the +programme of national policy at a critical moment reversed +because Mr. Labouchere has called Lord Enfield 'a sneak,' +and Lord Enfield objects to Mr. Labouchere's want of blue +blood! We doubt whether Gibbon himself could give the +proper professional air of historical dignity to such an episode +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P89"></a>89}</span> +in the decline and fall of Great Britain as this. According +to the first report of this squabble we read, Lord Enfield +distinctly refused to meet Mr. Labouchere, while +Mr. Labouchere, after showing that he had hitherto all along +conducted himself as a very model of meekness, bearing +endless snubs and rebuffs from his haughty adversary for the +public good, suddenly turned round and insisted that he +would 'fight single-handed' without any reference to his +brother Liberal. It appears that, if the Liberals work +properly, the Conservative candidate, despite all the +advantages of high birth and impetuous youth, ought to be +beaten, but that otherwise he has a chance of success. It +would be too bad if a Liberal seat were thus endangered, +and we trust Lord Enfield will accept Mr. Labouchere's +compromise, and console himself by reflecting that he can +still object as strenuously as ever to his plebeian adversary +in private."[<a id="chap04fn20text"></a><a href="#chap04fn20">20</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Lord Enfield protested angrily in the next day's <i>Times</i> +against the accusation of having referred to himself as a +"scion of a noble house," and, oddly enough, his letter +appeared just below one sent to the paper by the Committee +of the Reform Club: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +THE REFORM CLUB, <i>Monday Evening</i>. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The Committee of the Reform Club having, in consequence +of the suggestions which have been made to them, taken into +consideration the differences between Lord Enfield and myself, +and having expressed an opinion that it is due to Lord Enfield +that I should withdraw certain offensive expressions which I used +concerning him, and that I should now express my regret for +having used them, and, as I am now informed by the Committee +that they have ascertained from Lord Enfield that he had no +intention of doubting my word, as I imagined he did, on the +occasion I referred to, I have no hesitation in at once acting on +the advice of the Committee. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P90"></a>90}</span> +</p> + +<p> +A patch was thus temporarily placed over the breach, for +the benefit of the public, but the electors of Middlesex had no +delusions on the subject. +</p> + +<p> +The meeting for the nomination of candidates at Brentford +was a rowdy affair, the proceedings being of a most +disorderly nature. The re-election of Lord Enfield was +proposed and the proposition was received with groans and +hisses. Then Labouchere's re-election was proposed. At +that point the disorder became uncontrollable. The +interruption had commenced with the appearance of a band of +roughs, wearing the Conservative card in their hats, who +began to hoot and groan at the Liberal speakers. After this +had gone on for a few minutes, another band, not quite so +numerous, but of the same low class, poured into the square, +bearing the Liberal cards on their hats. The two rival +factions severally hooted the speaker on the opposite side. +The roughs who were first in the field (the Conservatives had +engaged a band of a hundred roughs, seven of whom were +known to be prize-fighters) then began to hustle the others, +and had nearly borne them out of the square, when the police +made a charge upon them, but without using their staves, and +for a moment restored order. The same disorderly conduct +was, however, renewed and several fights took place under +the eyes of the sheriffs. The crowd swayed to and fro, and +the din and uproar was so continuous and incessant that the +rest of the proceedings had to be carried on in dumb show. +When the sheriff called for a show of hands for Lord Enfield +every hand on the right of a line drawn from the centre of the +hustings was held up. For Mr. Labouchere about the same +number seemed to go up. For Lord George Hamilton all the +hands on the left of the line went up. The numbers seemed +pretty nearly divided. It at first appeared that Mr. Labouchere +had the show of hands, and the sheriffs had, it was believed, +decided, or were about to decide, in his favour, when it +was pointed out to them that many Conservatives had held up +their hands for Lord Enfield, while, on the other hand, all the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P91"></a>91}</span> +Liberals had held up both their hands for Mr. Labouchere. +The sheriffs, after consultation, accordingly declared that +the show of hands was in favour of Lord Enfield and Lord +George Hamilton. +</p> + +<p> +The election took place on November 24, and the result +of the poll was as follows: +</p> + +<pre style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif"> + Lord George Hamilton 7638 votes + Lord Enfield 6387 " + Mr. Labouchere 6297 " +</pre> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Before the declaration of the poll, two cabs with placards +of "Plump for Enfield" were seen in the streets, which were +followed by others bearing "Plump for Labouchere." This +was believed to have been a ruse of the enemy, but there were +some who thought it was a joke of Labouchere's. He +however vehemently denied any knowledge of it. There was +huge excitement at the official declaration of the poll. +Henry Labouchere, "the real Liberal candidate," as he was +called, had been met by his friends at Kew Bridge, who had +accompanied him to the meeting. He was evidently the +favourite,[<a id="chap04fn21text"></a><a href="#chap04fn21">21</a>] and the populace took out his horses and insisted +upon dragging his carriage through the town. Enfield was +hissed and hooted. Labouchere made a dignified speech, +in which he referred to the practical disenfranchisement of +Middlesex, by its election of a Conservative and a Liberal, +and he insisted strongly and ably upon the necessity of +organisation in all electioneering work. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere published the following absurd reminiscence +of this election in an early number of <i>Truth</i>: "A +candidate knows very little of the details of his election, but, +so far as I could make out, dead men played a very important +part, on both sides, in this contest between Lord George and +me. No sooner were the booths open than men long +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P92"></a>92}</span> +removed from party strife rose from their graves, and hurriedly +voted either for him or for me."[<a id="chap04fn22text"></a><a href="#chap04fn22">22</a>] +</p> + +<p> +An amusing episode of the Middlesex election of 1868 was +the mistake which the supporters of Mr. Labouchere made +in mistaking Mr. Henry Irving for their defeated candidate. +Mr. Labouchere himself related the story some sixteen +years later, when there was a report current that the famous +actor was about to offer himself as a parliamentary candidate. +"Irving did once appear upon the hustings," he said, +"and it was in this wise. I was the defeated candidate at a +Middlesex election. Those were the days of hustings and +displays, and it was the fashion for each candidate to go +down to Brentford in a carriage and four to thank his +supporters. On the morning of the day when I had to +perform this function, Irving called upon me, and I invited +him to accompany me. Down we drove. I made an inaudible +speech to a mob, and we re-entered our carriage to +return to London. In a large constituency like Middlesex, +few know the candidates by sight. Irving felt it his duty to +assume a <i>mine de circonstance</i>. He folded his arms, pressed +his hat over his brows, and was every inch the baffled +politician—defeated, sad, but yet sternly resigned to his fate. In +this character he was so impressive that the crowd came to +the conclusion that he was the defeated candidate. So +woebegone, and so solemnly dignified, did he look that they were +overcome with emotion, and, to show their sympathy, they +took the horses out of the carriage and dragged it back to +London. When they left us, I got up to thank them, but +this did not dispel the illusion. 'Poor fellow,' I heard +them say, as they watched Irving, 'his feelings are too much +for him,' and they patted him, shook hands with him, and +thanked him."[<a id="chap04fn23text"></a><a href="#chap04fn23">23</a>] +</p> + +<p> +A <i>Times</i> leader of November 30 made the following +comments on the Middlesex election: "In Middlesex, the +minority has been allowed not only a representative, but a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P93"></a>93}</span> +place at the head of the poll, by the selection of two Liberal +candidates, almost avowedly in competition, and with some +unexplained circumstance of personal antagonism. Though +it is likely enough many of the votes have been split between +the two successful candidates, it is evident on the face of the +return that a better selected pair of Liberal candidates might +have carried both seats. Few persons will quarrel with a +result which gives one of the most important minorities in +the kingdom a voice in Parliament, but the result is a fluke +rather than the consequence of a sound intention or of a wise +provision of law." +</p> + +<p> +At the General Election of 1874, Mr. Labouchere made +another attempt to enter the House of Commons. He first +offered himself at Southwark, but, as he was one of six Liberal +candidates, he withdrew, and presented himself for election +at Nottingham. At Nottingham also there was a superfluity +of Liberal candidates, but two of these, Mr. Labouchere +and Mr. Laycock, would probably have got in, had it not +been for the determined antagonism of Mr. Heath, the +Labour candidate, to Mr. Labouchere. It was also asserted +by the leading Liberals of the place that the seats were lost, +because Mr. Labouchere's advanced Radicalism scandalised +the Liberal supporters. Be that as it may, the result of +the election was that two Conservatives were returned for +Nottingham. Mr. Labouchere was as usual philosophical +upon the subject of his unsuccessful election: "When one is +in," he said, "one wants to be out, and when one is out, one +wants to be in. La Bruyère says that no married people +ever pass a week without wishing, at least once, that they +were unmarried, and so I suspect it is with most M.P.'s." +</p> + +<p> +There were many amusing stories about Mr. Labouchere +current at this time. One of the best that appeared in the +Nottingham papers during the election was the following: +"He went to a fancy dress ball in London, wearing diplomatic +uniform, and on presenting himself at the door, he +was refused admission by a policeman. 'Why?' said +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P94"></a>94}</span> +Mr. Labouchere. 'Because no one is allowed here in a +diplomatic uniform,' said the 'bobby.' 'Confound your +impudence,' growled the ex-member for Middlesex, 'I will +go in.' 'Not in diplomatic dress, no one's to pass here in +diplomatic togs,' repeated Mr. Bluebottle; 'my order is to +watch this door for that special purpose.' 'What's your +name, scoundrel?' yelled the financial editor of the <i>World</i>; +'my name is Labouchere, and I will enter.' 'And mine,' +rejoined the amateur policeman, 'is Lionel Brough.' They +walked upstairs arm-in-arm together." +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn1text">1</a>] <i>Times</i>, April 27, 1866. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn2text">2</a>] The committee was composed as follows: +Mr. John Tomlinson Hibbert +(Chairman), Mr. Robert Dalglish, +Mr. Arthur Wellesley Peel, +Hon. Fredk. Stanley, and Major Waterhouse. +It sat for six days. The counsel for the +petitioners were: Mr. W. H. Cooke, Q.C., +Mr. Matthews, and Mr. Campbell +Bruce. For the defendants: Mr. Serjeant +Ballantine and Mr. Biron. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn3text">3</a>] <i>Times</i>, April 27, 1866. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn4text">4</a>] <i>Times</i>, April 27, 1866. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn5text">5</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, vol. 181, s. 3. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn6text">6</a>] Herman Merivale, <i>Bar, Stage, and Platform</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn7text">7</a>] <i>Times</i>, April 2, 1867. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn8text">8</a>] <i>Times</i>, July 5, 1867. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn9text">9</a>] <i>Times</i>, March 19, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn10"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn10text">10</a>] <i>Times</i>, March 25, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn11"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn11text">11</a>] <i>Times</i>, June 24, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn12"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn12text">12</a>] <i>Times</i>, May 29, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn13"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn13text">13</a>] <i>Times</i>, May 1, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn14"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn14text">14</a>] <i>Times</i>, April 21, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn15"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn15text">15</a>] <i>Times</i>, May 15, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn16"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn16text">16</a>] <i>Times</i>, June 17 and 24, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn17"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn17text">17</a>] <i>Truth</i>, November 25, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn18"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn18text">18</a>] <i>Times</i>, November 3, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn19"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn19text">19</a>] <i>Times</i>, November 10, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn20"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn20text">20</a>] <i>Times</i>, November 14, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn21"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn21text">21</a>] <i>Times</i>, November 27, 1868. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn22"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn22text">22</a>] <i>Truth</i>, April, 1878. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap04fn23"></a> +[<a href="#chap04fn23text">23</a>] <i>Truth</i>, April 24, 1884. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap05"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P95"></a>95}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER V +<br><br> +JOURNALISM AND THE STAGE +</h3> + +<p class="t3"> +(1864-1880) +</p> + +<p> +After he had been unseated for Windsor, Mr. Labouchere +went abroad for some months, most of which +time he spent at Nice. He also went to Florence, and was at +Homburg, in 1868, just before the General Election. His +connection with journalism began at this period, as he sent +frequent letters to the <i>Daily News</i>, both from Nice and +Florence. These were always remarkable for their pithiness +and wit, although he had by no means developed the style +which he brought to perfection two years later as "The +Besieged Resident," and which made his fame as a journalist. +In 1868, he became part proprietor of the <i>Daily News</i>, which +it was decided to issue for the future as a penny paper.[<a id="chap05fn1text"></a><a href="#chap05fn1">1</a>] Sir +John Robinson thus describes the syndicate of which +Mr. Labouchere became a member: "The proprietors of the +<i>Daily News</i>, a small syndicate which never exceeded ten +men, were a mixed body, hardly any two of whom had +anything in common. The supreme control in the ultimate +resort rested with three of them, Mr. Henry Oppenheim, the +well-known financier, with politics of no very decided kind; +Mr. Arnold Morley, a Right Honourable, an ex-party Whip, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P96"></a>96}</span> +and a typical ministerial Liberal; and Mr. Labouchere, the +Radical, financier, freelance. Others had but a small holding, +and practically did not count, save as regards any moral +influence they might bring to bear on their colleagues at +Board meetings."[<a id="chap05fn2text"></a><a href="#chap05fn2">2</a>] +</p> + +<p> +The new editor selected for the penny <i>Daily News</i> was +Mr. Frank Hill, but the paper was run at a loss until the +winter of 1870, when the special war news published in its +columns caused the circulation to increase in one week from +50,000 to 150,000. Mr. Robinson, its far-seeing manager, +attributed the success of the paper, at this period, first, to the +excellence of his correspondents, and secondly, to his having +insisted upon having the whole of his news telegraphed to +London, instead of being transmitted by the post. The +number of the correspondents on the staff of the <i>Daily News</i> +during the war was seventeen, of which the chief was +Mr. Archibald Forbes, who may be rightly described as a prince +among journalists. Henry Labouchere too had the main +<i>heureuse</i> where newspapers were concerned. His Paris +letters were eagerly read all over the civilised world, the +excitement and interest created by them being even more +vehement in America than in London. The fortune of the +<i>Daily News</i> was made,[<a id="chap05fn3text"></a><a href="#chap05fn3">3</a>] and from then onwards for many +years the great organ of Liberalism grew and flourished. +When Mr. Labouchere sold his share[<a id="chap05fn4text"></a><a href="#chap05fn4">4</a>] in 1895 he did so at a +large profit. As I shall not have occasion to return again to +Mr. Labouchere's financial connection with the <i>Daily News</i>, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P97"></a>97}</span> +I shall give in this place an account Mr. Lionel Robinson +recently wrote to me of the transaction: "So many contradictory +statements have been put forward in the press with +reference to the late Mr. Labouchere's pecuniary interest in +the <i>Daily News</i>, that you may not be unwilling to find space +for the recollections of one who heard at the time, and +subsequently, various versions of the story. My own impression, +derived from personal intercourse, is that some time about +1868 or a little later, Mr. Labouchere purchased a quarter +share in the newspaper for about £14,000, and further, that +the vendor was Mr. Henry Rawson of Manchester. I do +not pretend to know what were the annual profits of the +paper, beyond the fact that they increased enormously +during the twenty years dating from the Austro-Prussian +War and its subsequent developments. It was, therefore, +not surprising that when Mr. Labouchere decided to sell his +share in the paper it should have commanded a high price. +I have heard it, from a certain distance of time from the +event, placed as high as £92,000, but my personal recollection +is that the sum mentioned by Mr. Labouchere was +£62,000 or thereabouts." +</p> + +<p> +In one of Mr. Labouchere's letters from Nice to the +<i>Daily News</i> he gave a characteristic account of some of his +compatriots abroad. The following quotation from it will +show the reader that, if he had not yet acquired the style of +his later work, the spirit of it was very active—the spirit +which made him hate mediocrity and pretentiousness: +"Here, as in almost every foreign watering-place, there is a +colony of English Bohemians, who live among themselves, +give each other tea parties and such mild festivities, frequent +charity and other public balls, abuse each other and every +one else, pet the English clergyman or denounce his doctrines, +worry their Consul with every kind of complaint and +requirement, and keep up a gallant and hopeless struggle to +penetrate into foreign society. As most of them only speak +their own language, as the men, who, no doubt, have many +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P98"></a>98}</span> +solid virtues, are devoid of the art of pleasing in a mixed +society, and the women, pillars as they are of virtue, have +little of the Siren about them, foreign society does not +respond to their advances."[<a id="chap05fn5text"></a><a href="#chap05fn5">5</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere was not so successful over his speculation in +theatre property. In the October of 1867, Messrs. Telbin +and Moore did up the New Queen's Theatre, formerly +St. Martin's Hall, in Long Acre, and it was opened under the +management of Mr. Alfred Wigan, one of the most +accomplished comedians of the day. Mr. Alfred Wigan had a +mysterious partner in management, and Herman Merivale, +who had written a most successful farce, as the curtain +raiser for the new theatre, gives a charming little account of +his discovery of the identity of the mysterious personage. +Alfred Wigan soon wanted some melodrama for the theatre, +and Merivale wrote a play. Wigan told him that he must +submit it to his partner. "Two or three days afterwards," +writes Merivale, "I was sent in fear and trembling to the +manager's room at the Queen's, to meet the mysterious +partner. I was introduced, and, sitting at the table with a +cigarette in his mouth, I saw Labouchere. 'Good Lord!' he +said, 'are <i>you</i> the eminent author?' 'Heavens!' quoth I, +'are <i>you</i> the mysterious partner?' +</p> + +<p> +"Both of us had carefully concealed our hidden sin at the +dinner party.[<a id="chap05fn6text"></a><a href="#chap05fn6">6</a>] What struck me most was a small array of +bills of the new play hung all round, each printed with a +different title, that the mysterious partner might see which +looked best. It was, at all events, bold expenditure. <i>Time +and the Hour</i> was the title that the authors[<a id="chap05fn7text"></a><a href="#chap05fn7">7</a>] had hit upon; +and Labouchere decided that it should be chosen. 'It's +a splendid title, I think,' he said. 'Delighted that you +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P99"></a>99}</span> +say so,' was my flattered answer. 'It really is, you know. +Do for any play whatever that ever was written.'"[<a id="chap05fn8text"></a><a href="#chap05fn8">8</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<i>Time and the Hour</i>, as it turned out, was, in its way, a kind +of curiosity. For the cast comprised, besides Wigan himself, +a whole bouquet of coming managers, some of whom were at +the beginning of their professional careers. There were +J. L. Toole, Lionel Brough, John Clayton, and Charles Wyndham. +Other plays acted at the Queen's Theatre under +Mr. Labouchere's management were Tom Taylor's <i>Twixt Axe and +Crown</i>, and H. J. Byron's <i>Dearer than Life</i>. In the former +the lovely Mrs. Wybert Rousby flashed for the first time in +her full beauty on the London stage, and in the latter the +cast included Henry Irving, J. L. Toole, John Clayton, +Lionel Brough, and Charles Wyndham, and last, but most +important of all, as Lucy, that clever artist and fascinating +personality, Henrietta Hodson, who afterwards became Mrs. +Labouchere. Another star at the Queen's Theatre, during +the first year of Mr. Labouchere's management, was Ellen +Terry. She thus describes herself playing there in the +<i>Double Marriage</i>. "As Rose de Beaurepaire," she writes, +"I wore a white muslin Directoire dress and looked absurdly +young. There was one curtain which used to convulse +Wyndham. He had a line, 'Whose child is this?' and there +was I looking a mere child myself, and with a bad cold in my +head too, answering: 'It's <i>bine</i>!' The very thought of it +used to send us off into fits of laughter."[<a id="chap05fn9text"></a><a href="#chap05fn9">9</a>] +</p> + +<p> +A contemporary picture of Mr. Labouchere at this time is +given by Mr. George Augustus Sala, in his <i>Life and +Adventures</i>. Mr. Labouchere had begged Sala to write him a play, +full of exciting situations. "An appointment was made with +him," said Sala, "to meet Halliday (another dramatic +author) and myself at ten o'clock one evening at the Queen's +Theatre. He was then one of the members for the County of +Middlesex. He struck me as being in all respects a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P100"></a>100}</span> +remarkable man, full of varied knowledge, full withal of humorous +anecdotes, and with a mother wit very pleasant to listen to. +His conversation was to me additionally interesting, because, +when I was in Mexico, I had gone over most of the ground +which he had travelled." +</p> + +<p> +The first numbers of <i>Truth</i> abound with news of the +Queen's Theatre, and the unvarnished accounts Mr. Labouchere +gave of the contretemps that occurred during his +management, and the strange, unexpected things that +happened, possibly contributed to the lack of consideration +he experienced as a theatrical manager. Here is part of an +article devoted to the art of the stage, published during the +first year of <i>Truth</i>: "The play on which I lost most was an +adaptation of <i>The Last Days of Pompeii</i>. Everything went +wrong in this piece. I wanted to have—after the manner of +the ancients—acrobats dancing on the tight rope over the +heads of the guests at a feast. The guests, however, +absolutely declined to be danced over. Only one acrobat made +his appearance. A rope was stretched for him, behind the +revellers, and I trusted to stage illusion for the rest. The +acrobat was a stout negro. Instead of lightly tripping it +upon his rope, he moved about like an elephant, and finally +fell off his rope, like a stricken buffalo. In the second act +the head of a statue was to fall off, and to crush Mr. Ryder, +who was a magician. There was a man inside the statue, +whose mission was to push over its head. With folded arms +and stern air, Mr. Ryder gazed at the statue, awaiting the +portentous event that was to crush him to the earth, +notwithstanding the mystic power that he wielded. The head +remained firm on its neck. The man inside had solaced +himself with so much beer, that he was drunk and incapable, +and Mr. Ryder had, much to the amazement of the audience, +to knock down the head that was to crush him. In the third +act the stage represented a Roman amphitheatre. In the +midst of a gorgeously dressed crowd sat Mr. Ryder. 'Bring +forth the lion!' he said. The audience thrilled at the idea +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P101"></a>101}</span> +of a real lion being marched on to the stage. Now I had no +lion, and I had discarded the idea of putting a lion skin on a +donkey. An attendant therefore walked in and said, 'Sir, +the lion will not come.' Those of the audience who were +not hissing, roared with laughter. The last act was to +represent the eruption of Vesuvius and the destruction of +Pompeii. The mountain had only been painted just in time +for the 'first night.' I had never seen it. What was my +horror when the curtain rose upon a temple with a sort of +large sugar loaf behind it. At first I could not imagine what +was the meaning of this sugar loaf. But when it proceeded to +emit crackers I found that it was <i>Vesuvius</i>!"[<a id="chap05fn10text"></a><a href="#chap05fn10">10</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Sometimes he let the theatre, and on that subject he was +almost pathetic: "Whenever this theatre is to let," he +wrote, "I am complimented by numerous persons with +proposals which prove that I am regarded by them as the +most credulous and confiding of human beings—hardly +indeed a human being, but a simple, convenient lamb +... nothing that I can do convinces them that I am not a lamb +covered with nice long wool and eager to be shorn. On these +occasions I remember that the tempering of the wind to the +shorn lamb is, after all, but a poetical figure, and therefore +I take care to meet the tempest with a fleece on my back."[<a id="chap05fn11text"></a><a href="#chap05fn11">11</a>] He +had not a high opinion of dramatic artists, as men of +business. "I confess," he said, "that for my own part I +have never understood the meaning of high art in its dignified +aspect. I never, in the course of my existence, came across +one of its votaries—painter, sculptor, author, or architect—who +was ready to sacrifice one farthing of his own at its +shrine. I once was the owner of a theatre, and I was +perpetually at war with authors and actors who wanted me to +ruin myself on the altar of high art, but I soon found that +this was a term which they used for their own fads. Once I +produced a play by Charles Reade. It was a failure, and +on the first night I was sitting with him in a box. 'They +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P102"></a>102}</span> +seem to be hissing, Mr. Reade,' I said. 'What of that?' he +replied; 'if you want to please such a public as this, you +should not come to me for a play.'"[<a id="chap05fn12text"></a><a href="#chap05fn12">12</a>] He had an amusing +story too to relate of how he rode roughshod over Tom +Taylor's artistic prejudices by insisting upon a chemical fire +being lit upon the stage at his production of the latter's <i>Joan +of Arc</i>, in the flames of which the heroine (Mrs. Rousby) was +to perish realistically, instead of being wafted to Heaven in +the arms of angels, as the author had planned she should be. +But the story of his theatre-management days that he was +fondest of telling was in connection with the late Sir Henry +Irving. The latter, at a big banquet he gave to a party of his +friends, was relating some of the events of his professional +career. "And to think, Labby," he said, turning to his old +friend, "that I was once receiving five pounds a week from +you!" "Three pounds, Henry, my boy," retorted +Labouchere quickly, "only three." +</p> + +<p> +He professed the greatest contempt, and considering the +financial failure of his management of the Queen's Theatre, +perhaps naturally so, for those stingy votaries of pleasure +who were always cadging him for orders for his theatre. +"Theirs," he said, "is the meanest, most sneaky and +contemptible form of beggary." But he got the better of one +of these beggars. One day his tailor asked him for an order. +He sent it to him, but the next morning he sent the tailor an +"order" entitling the bearer to a new suit of clothes. The +tailor, realising the tit for tat, sensibly complied with the +request, but ever afterwards bought his tickets for the +"Queen's" in the conventional manner. Another set of +persons who encountered his righteous wrath in his theatre +days were the would-be dramatic authors. He described +how hundreds of worthless plays were sent him, resembling, +in their incoherence and lack of perspective, the crude pencil +drawings of infants. He gave in <i>Truth</i> the opening of one of +them, further than which, he explained, he did not read: +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P103"></a>103}</span> +"The broad Mississippi is seen rolling its turbid flood towards +the ocean, and carrying with it the debris of a village. +Steamers come and go on its surface. On a frail raft a man +and a woman are crossing the river. Enter the negroes +from a plantation monotonously singing."[<a id="chap05fn13text"></a><a href="#chap05fn13">13</a>] +</p> + +<p> +He attributed the failure of his own adaptation of +Sardou's <i>La Patrie</i> to the narrow powers of appreciation +possessed by Londoners. "They fancy," he wrote, "that no +drama or melodrama can be good, which does not conform +to certain rules. The heroine must be the purest and the +best of her sex; she must engage in a struggle with adverse +circumstances, and with bad men; and she must emerge, in +the last act, triumphant. The audience, in fact, must leave +the theatre, not only pleased with her acting, but with her. +Now, the heroine of <i>Fatherland</i> is Dolores, and the plot turns +upon her betrayal of her husband. This was fatal to the +success of the play, but it is an open question whether it +ought to have been fatal to it. Conventionalism is the bane +of advance in art." +</p> + +<p> +All things considered, it was not surprising that +Mr. Labouchere's proprietorship of the Queen's Theatre was a +financial failure. Joseph Hatton gives a curious description +of the way in which Mr. Labouchere managed the business, +the facts of which he got from the same personal interview +already quoted: "Sometimes he brought out plays himself. +He generally lost by them, but now and then had a success. +Occasionally in the preparations for a new production he +would go abroad. When particularly wanted by the management, +he could not be found. The work went on, however, +all the same, and so did the loss. Once he was advised to +cram the house for a week with orders, so that nobody could +get in. The traditional 'Full' was posted at all the +entrances. He did this on condition that, after a week, every +one should be compelled to pay. When the second week +came the house was empty. Then the actors complained. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P104"></a>104}</span> +They could not act to empty benches. 'Why don't you +draw?' was Labouchere's reply to their grievance. +'Draw! confound it! Why don't you draw?' He announced +Shakespearean revivals, proposing to produce one new play +of the bard's in splendid style every year. Notices were put +up at all the entrances, inviting the audiences to vote on the +piece. For a long time he worked up quite an excitement by +posting up the result of the voting. 'This was a capital +idea; it increased the number who paid at the door +immensely.' Nevertheless the Queen's did not prove a +success, and it has lately been converted into a co-operative +store."[<a id="chap05fn14text"></a><a href="#chap05fn14">14</a>] +</p> + +<p> +At every period of his life, Mr. Labouchere displayed all +the happiest characteristics of the Bohemian, or, what comes +to the same thing, the instincts of the real aristocrat. He was +comfortably at home in whatever social milieu he happened +to find himself—a camp of nomadic Indians, a Court ball, a +rowdy hustings, the manager's room of a London theatre, +the <i>vie intime</i> of a royal country house, or the bourgeois +domesticity of a thrifty German home—and he was welcomed +and appreciated in every one of them—except by the prigs +and the bores. +</p> + +<p> +He knew his London well. "I have lived in London +many years. I have known the seamy side of London life for +far more than a quarter of a century, and am familiar with +every detail of the 'old days' as they are called. I can +compare the present with the past, decency with disgust, +order with license, and remember the time when we supped +in a cellar under the Portico, where the Pall Mall restaurant +now stands, when the Haymarket cafés were open as long as +customers patronised them. I can recall the nights when +Panton Street and Jermyn Street were lined with watchmen +and confederates, and admittance was only gained to certain +favoured meeting-places by giving a sign, or peeping through +a slit in the door or guichet.... I have seen a Chancellor +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P105"></a>105}</span> +and a Cabinet Minister watching with amused gaze a scene, +which was at least decorous on the surface, at the Argyll +Rooms in Windmill Street, and, listening to excellent music, +I have sat unnoticed up in the corner of the old Holborn +Casino, where the Holborn restaurant now stands. I have +seen some wild scenes at the Foley Street rooms (Mott's) +in the early hours of the morning, and hideous scenes at 222 +Piccadilly—the 'Pic' as it was then called—since pulled +down and destroyed for the now palatial Criterion. In the +warm summer nights I have driven down to Cremorne, and +wandered there till the daylight, in lilac and purple, came out +above the tall trees and put out the yellow glare of the gas. +I have even condescended to the decorous dissipation of +Caldwell's dancing rooms, beloved by milliners, and now +turned into a National School. I have been an eye-witness +of the ups and downs of London life, and the so-called +humours of the West End. I have observed the contest +between common-sense and prudery, between the men of +liberal mind and those determined to make the vicious +virtuous by Act of Parliament. I have lived through the +changes of licensing rules and closing hours, and seen one +place of amusement after another shut up and confiscated—the +decorous tarred with the same brush as the dirty. +Cremorne and the Holborn Casino bombarded equally with +Mott's and the Piccadilly Saloon,..." he wrote in the +course of an article, which ended with one of the most +powerful indictments of British virtue ever published,[<a id="chap05fn15text"></a><a href="#chap05fn15">15</a>] and +it was during the sixteen years that elapsed between his +departure from the Diplomatic Service and his entrance to +the House as the "Christian" member for Northampton +that he acquired most of his vast experimental knowledge +of the artistic and vagabond side of human nature about +town. +</p> + +<p> +He was close upon fifty when he entered upon his serious +Parliamentary life, which was, as all who knew him well are +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P106"></a>106}</span> +aware, but a phase, though an important one, in his +extraordinarily varied career. Three episodes stand out with +clearness, apart from his abortive electioneering experiences +already described, in the years between 1864 and his first +Northampton election—his residence in Paris throughout the +siege, his connection with the <i>World</i>, as its financial editor, +and his founding of his own weekly publication, <i>Truth</i>. The +first of these is described in a separate chapter, and so, with +equal necessity, is the third. For an account of how he came +to be on the staff of the World we must go to the <i>Recollections</i> +of the late Mr. Edmund Yates himself, who relates that, +previous to launching the first number of his journal upon +the public, he had issued a very original prospectus. "I had +also sent a prospectus to Mr. Henry Labouchere," he +continued, "with whom I had a slight acquaintance, and whose +services as a literary freelance might, I thought, be utilised. +Some days after, I saw Mr. Labouchere on the Cup Day at +Ascot, seated on the box of a coach. I asked him if he had +heard from me, and he said, 'Oh, yes,' adding that he +'thought the prospectus very funny.' 'But,' I said, 'will +you help us in carrying it out—will you be one of us?' 'You +don't mean to say,' he replied, 'that you actually +mean to start a paper of the kind set forth?' I told him +most assuredly we did, and that we wanted his assistance. +He laughed more than ever, and said he would let me know +about it. A few days after, I heard from him, proposing to +write a series of city articles, which he actually commenced +in the second number." +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere's preliminary article in the <i>World</i>[<a id="chap05fn16text"></a><a href="#chap05fn16">16</a>] was +extremely droll. It began as follows: "Some years ago, +Mr. John F. Walker, having derived a considerable fortune from +cheating at cards in Mississippi steamboats, determined to +enjoy his well-earned gains in his native city of New York, +and purchased an excellent house in that metropolis. In +order to add to his income he advertised that he was a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P107"></a>107}</span> +'reformed gambler,' and, for a consideration, would instruct +novices in all the tricks of his trade. Mr. Walker was +universally esteemed by his fellow-citizens, and died last +year, greatly regretted by a numerous body of friends and +admirers. In casting about for the city editor for our +journal, we have fallen upon a gentleman, who, by promoting +rotten companies, puffing worthless stock, and other +disreputable, but strictly legal, devices, has earned a modest +competence. He resides in a villa at Clapham, he attends +church every Sunday with exemplary regularity, and is the +centre of a most respectable circle of friends; many of his old +associates still keep up their acquaintance with him, and therefore +he is in a position to know all that passes in the city. This +reformed speculator we have engaged to write our city article." +</p> + +<p> +The staff of writers selected by Mr. Yates for the first +year of the <i>World</i> was a singularly efficient one. It +comprised, besides Mr. Labouchere, Mr. T. H. S. Escott, +Dr. Birkbeck Hill, Lord Winchelsea (who contributed articles on +racing and turf matters), M. Camilla Barrère, Mrs. Lynn +Linton, Mr. F. I. Scudamore, Mr. Archibald Forbes, and +Mr. Henry Lucy (who commenced, in the eighth number, his +series of Parliamentary Sketches, "Under the Clock"). But, +in spite of the excellent writers engaged on its production, +the <i>World</i> did not sell well. Again it was the <i>main heureuse</i> +of Henry Labouchere that gave the necessary push to make +the new weekly go. Mr. Yates writes as follows: +"Mr. Labouchere was dealing with City matters in a way which +they had never been dealt with before, and ruthlessly +attacking and denouncing Mr. Sampson, the city editor of the +<i>Times</i>, whose position and virtue had hitherto been considered +impregnable. All these features ... received due +appreciation from our provincial <i>confrères</i>, and the 'trade,' +but, as yet, they seemed to have made no impression on the +public. We were in the desperate condition of having a good +article to sell without the power of making that fact known. +At last, and just in the nick of time, we obtained the requisite +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P108"></a>108}</span> +public notice, and without paying anything for it. A +stockbroker, a member of the Stock Exchange, who conceived +himself likely to be attacked for certain practices by +Mr. Labouchere in the city article, threatened to horsewhip that +gentleman, should such observations appear, and Mr. Labouchere +had the would-be assailant brought before the Lord +Mayor for threatening to commit a breach of the peace. +The case was really a trivial one, and it was settled by the +defendant being bound over in sureties for good behaviour. +But it had been argued at full length, each side being +represented by eminent lawyers; Mr. Thesiger, Q.C., appeared +for the defendant and Mr. (afterwards Sir) George Lewis for +Mr. Labouchere. A great deal was said about the <i>World</i>, +and its determination to purge Capel Court of all engaged in +iniquitous dealings. All that was said was reported at +length in the daily papers. The effect was instantaneous; +the circulation rose at once, and the next week showed a very +large increase of advertisements." +</p> + +<p> +The case, as Mr. Yates says, was a trivial one, but +remarkable for Mr. Labouchere's irresistibly funny way of +giving evidence. It was tried on October 14, 1874, at the +Guild Hall, and in answer to the Lord Mayor, he gave the +most absurd account of the assault as it occurred: +</p> + +<p> +"'I said to him (Mr. Abbott): "I presume that if you were +attacked in a newspaper unfairly, you would bring an action +for libel, and if you won it you would get heavy damages." He +replied: "I should not go into Court; I know what +newspapers want; they always want to go into Court, it is a fine +advertisement for them. I should horsewhip the man." "Well," +I said, "under the circumstances, the observation +is a personal one, and I reply to you, in the words of +Dr. Johnson, 'I shall not be deterred from unmasking a scoundrel +by the menaces of a ruffian.'" He then said he presumed +I meant this for him, or something of that sort. I said, +"Well, it looks like it. You were just now talking about +horsewhipping; why don't you begin?"' +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P109"></a>109}</span> +</p> + +<p> +"<i>Mr. Thesiger</i>: 'In that tone of voice?' +</p> + +<p> +"'Very much like that,' drawled on Mr. Labouchere. +'He then stared at me, and I repeated: "Well, why don't +you begin?" I don't know what his object was, but he +rolled himself about and threw up his hands. I presume +he intended to frighten me by an exhibition of what he +imagined to be a pugilistic attitude more than anything +else. I again said: "Why do you not begin?" He then hit +me a blow." +</p> + +<p> +"Have you any fear of Mr. Abbott?" asked Mr. Lewis, +later on in the proceedings. "Well, no," replied +Mr. Labouchere. "When I was at Spezia, I used to bathe a good +deal in the Gulf and there were a quantity of porpoises—" But +what Mr. Abbott's behaviour had to with porpoises, +was never revealed to the Court, for, in spite of the hisses of +the audience, who wanted to hear the end of Mr. Labouchere's +story, Mr. Thesiger interrupted, saying sharply: +"This is really making a farce of a Court of Justice." +</p> + +<p> +"I am a calculator, not a speculator," was one of Labouchere's +retorts to Mr. Thesiger. "A distinction," said Mr. Thesiger, +when summing up for his client, "that Mr. Labouchere +will be able to explain to his own satisfaction, but +perhaps not to that of other people." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Grenville Murray was another able writer on the staff +of the <i>World</i>, and was for some time Mr. Yates's partner in +the proprietorship of the paper, but the partnership was +dissolved because Mr. Yates disapproved of Murray's repeated +attacks upon Lord Derby. It would have been well if +Mr. Labouchere had been as prudent as Mr. Yates. When +Mr. Labouchere started <i>Truth</i>, he persuaded Mr. Grenville +Murray to write some of his "Queer Stories," and it was one +of these that brought upon the editor of <i>Truth</i> the wrath, +never to be assuaged, of a very important personage. +Mr. Labouchere told me once that, by some accident, he never +saw the "Queer Story" in question, until it had actually +appeared in print. Had he done so, he should never have +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P110"></a>110}</span> +permitted its publication. Reference had already been +made to Mr. Labouchere's somewhat imprudent championship +of the ex-Consul of Odessa, but, when it was asserted +in a much-read weekly that Mr. Labouchere was the proprietor +of the Queen's <i>Messenger</i>,[<a id="chap05fn17text"></a><a href="#chap05fn17">17</a>] he was obliged to send the +following letter to the <i>Times</i>: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +2 BOLTON STREET, July 5, 1869. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +SIR,—Having been informed that the proprietorship of the +<i>Queen's Messenger</i> has been attributed to me by a weekly +newspaper, I shall be much obliged to you to allow me a space in your +columns to deny the statement. I have not, and never had, +directly or indirectly, anything to do with the <i>Queen's Messenger</i>. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HENRY LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +An old member of the staff of the <i>World</i>, in a recently +published article commenting upon certain unintentional +misstatements of a definite nature that had appeared from time +to time in the press in connection with the two gifted editors +respectively of the <i>World</i> and <i>Truth</i>, said, after dealing with +one relating to Mr. Labouchere's supposed partnership with +Mr. Yates: "Equally contrary to fact is the statement, even +more generally made and accepted, that Mr. Labouchere +severed his connection with the <i>World</i>, and founded <i>Truth</i>, +as the sequel of personal differences between himself and his +sometime editor. No such personal differences occurred at +any period; and, though Yates would have been more than +human if he had rejoiced at the decision of a particularly +able member of his staff to leave him, in order to start another +journal, planned on parallel lines and appealing to the same +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P111"></a>111}</span> +public, he was far too shrewd a man of the world to show any +sense of grievance or resentment. It happened that the +news of Mr. Labouchere's project first reached his editor's +ears through the medium of a third person; and on being +challenged by Yates, as to the truth of the rumour, the +imperturbable 'Labby' characteristically replied that he +had decided for the future to have a pair of boots of his own +with which to do his own kicking. Rivals, in a journalistic +sense, as they thenceforth necessarily became, the friendly +personal relations between the two were maintained to the +last, and the weekly mutual corrections of 'Henry' by +'Edmund' and vice versa, which caused so much diversion +to the readers of both papers, were conducted at all times in +an entirely amicable spirit."[<a id="chap05fn18text"></a><a href="#chap05fn18">18</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Montesquieu Bellew, another journalist of that time, +was an <i>intime</i> of Mr. Labouchere's. On the occasion of +Mr. Bellew's son choosing the stage as his profession, Mr. Labouchere +took the opportunity of writing in <i>Truth</i> a racy article, +in which he related the whole story of his friendship and +travels in company with this most unconventional parson. +They must indeed have been a queer pair, and it is interesting +to imagine the effect they must have produced together +at the various <i>tables d'hôte</i> and social functions they attended +on their journey. They became acquainted in this wise. +Mr. Labouchere was idling one day on the steps of his hotel +at Venice, when he noticed a gentleman paying his bill and +tipping the porters preparatory to taking his departure. His +carriage was waiting for him at the door. "Where are you +going?" said Mr. Labouchere, on the impulse of the moment. +"To the Holy Land," replied the stranger. "Wait five +minutes," replied Labouchere, "and I will come with you." He +flew to his room and flung his clothes into his portmanteau +and joined Mr. Bellew, who was waiting for him. He did not, +however, discover the identity of his travelling companion +until they reached Jerusalem, although he knew that he was +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P112"></a>112}</span> +a clergyman, because every night before retiring to rest +Mr. Bellew pressed a manuscript sermon into his hand, for +"night-reading." At Jerusalem, Mr. Bellew broke to him that, his +bishop being in the place, he should probably be asked to +preach in the English Church. Labouchere took this as a +hint that Mr. Bellew would like him to be present, so he made +his plans accordingly. Finding out at what precise moment +of the service the sermon would begin, he marched into the +church with great impressiveness, at the head of a large band +of Arabs and others, whom he had bribed to accompany him. +This, he explained afterwards to Bellew, was to create in the +bishop's mind the impression that Bellew was such a prodigy +of piety that even the inhabitants of the country places of +Syria had heard of his fame and were come in flocks to gaze +upon him. The bishop's annoyance on the occasion he +assured Bellew was entirely due to his jealousy of his more +popular <i>confrère</i>. They quarrelled on the journey. Bellew +pointed out to Labouchere a small stream. "That," he said, +"is the source of the Jordan." Labouchere pointed out +another stream, declaring that that and that alone was the +source of the Jordan. They argued the matter hotly, but +Labouchere was not aware how deeply Bellew had taken the +affair to heart, until he found himself in bed that night with +no manuscript sermon under his pillow. But Bellew was a +Christian and a man of tact. The next day in the course of +their wanderings, they came upon another minute trickle of +water. "That," said Bellew, with a note of conciliation in his +voice, "is the source of the Jordan; we were both in the wrong +yesterday." "Of course it is," assented Labouchere; "how +in the world we came to make such a mistake I can't +imagine." From Jerusalem they went on to the Dead Sea. +Bellew had picturesque-looking long white hair, which he +would comb and arrange before a looking-glass that accompanied +him on all his travels. This looking-glass got upon +Labouchere's nerves, so one day "I got hold of it," he related, +"and sent it to join Sodom and Gomorrah beneath the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P113"></a>113}</span> +gloomy waters that stretched out beneath us. The next +night, we pitched our tent in the desert. Dire was the +confusion on rising. The looking-glass could not be found. +I held my tongue respecting its fate. Probably some day or +another some eminent explorer, poking about the bottom of +the Dead Sea, will fish up this looking-glass, and we shall have +archæologists divided in opinion, one half proving that it +belonged to a lady of Sodom and the other half that it was +the property of a gentleman of Gomorrah. Bellew was equal +to the occasion. He managed to arrange his hair by looking +into the back of a dessert spoon."[<a id="chap05fn19text"></a><a href="#chap05fn19">19</a>] Mr. Bellew contributed +a most interesting account of his journey to the East in the +first number of <i>Temple Bar</i> called "Over Babylon to +Baalbeck."[<a id="chap05fn20text"></a><a href="#chap05fn20">20</a>] He does not, however, mention in it his +travelling companion, nor any of the incidents referred to by +Mr. Labouchere in his account of the same journey. Mr. Bellew +subsequently joined the Church of Rome, and died in 1874. +On one of Mr. Labouchere's frequent visits to Italy, he +met Dumas <i>père</i>, with whom he had an amusing adventure. +Strolling into a restaurant at Genoa for breakfast, he perceived +Dumas at another table, and, seated by his side, a very +pretty girl, dressed like a Circassian boy, young enough to be +Dumas's granddaughter. To continue the story in his own +words: "Dumas told me that they had just landed from a +yacht and were spending the day in Genoa. He introduced +the girl to me as Emile. After luncheon he proposed that we +should all take a carriage, and go and see a show villa in the +neighbourhood. When we reached the villa, we were told +that it was not open to the public on that day. 'Inform your +master,' said Dumas to the servant, 'that Alexandre Dumas +is at his door.' The servant returned, and told us that we +could enter. We were ushered into a dining-room, presenting +a typically Italian domestic scene. The father and +mother of the family were present, and several well-grown +boys and girls. Dumas was somewhat taken aback for a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P114"></a>114}</span> +moment, but introduced Emile and me vaguely as '<i>mes +enfants</i>.' As we were asked to sit down to coffee we made +ourselves at home. Afterwards the owner showed us his +garden. He and Dumas walked first. Emile and I wandered +about hand-in-hand to denote our brotherly and sisterly +affection. The Circassian was in a playful mood, and told +me that Dumas was of a jealous disposition, which grandfathers +sometimes are. He had one eye on the beauties of +the garden and the other on his children. 'What are you +doing?' said Dumas. I replied that I was embracing my +sister. As he could not well object to this, for once, I think, +I got the better of the lady's eminent grandfather." He had +a story too of the younger Dumas. Labouchere was at the +wedding of Mlle. Maria Dumas, and her brother, on coming +to the sacristy with all the family friends for the signature of +the register, looked at the document for a minute, as if +perusing it carefully, and then said with mock gravity, "The +accused have nothing further to add for their defence? Be it +so!" And then he signed. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere's curiosity at this period of his life was +insatiable. He wanted to know what it felt like to be a +criminal about to be hanged. So, having procured an +invitation to see all over Newgate, he carried out his +experiment, and described his sensations in the columns of the +<i>Daily News</i>. After giving a vivid account of the prison and +some of its inmates, he wrote the following realistic lines: +"And now we were led through a long stone passage open to +the sky. This was the Newgate graveyard. Beneath each +flag is the corpse of a murderer, and on the walls opposite are +their initials, which have been cut by the warders to guide +them through this murderous labyrinth. At the other end of +the passage is the execution yard. The scaffold is put up the +night before an execution, in a corner close by the door through +which the condemned prisoner issues. The court is surrounded +by high gloomy walls, and looks like the ante-chamber +of Hades. I asked the warder whether in his opinion murderers +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P115"></a>115}</span> +preferred being executed in public or private. He opined +the former. 'The crowd keeps them up,' he said. 'They +are not so firm, now it takes place in private.' I understand +this feeling. If I were going to be hanged myself I should +like the ceremony to take place <i>coram populo</i>. I should feel +myself already dead in that dreary yard; and I should +prefer, I imagine, after weeks or months of prison life, to +have one more look at the world, even though that world +were a howling mob, before quitting it for ever. +</p> + +<p> +"We passed through the chapel and were shown the +chair on which the prisoners condemned to death are +perched—in obedience to what seems to me a barbarous custom—to +hear their last sermon, and then we entered the 'Press +Room.' It is a room of moderate size with plain deal +tables, benches, and cupboards. One of these latter the +warder opened, and showed us Jack Sheppard's chains, and +other interesting relics, which are as religiously preserved as +though they had belonged to saints. A leather sort of +harness was also brought out. It consisted of two belts +with straps attached to the lower one for the wrists. This +is the murderer's last dress, and with it round him he walks +to the scaffold. I tried it on, and when my hands were +buckled to my side, I pictured to myself my sensations if +I had been waiting to fall into the procession to the +neighbouring yard. I heard my funeral bell toll; I saw the +ordinary by my side; the warders telling me that my time was +up; Calcraft bustling about eager to begin. So strong was +the impression that I hastened to get out of the prison, and +was not fully convinced that I was not going to be hanged +until I found myself in the midst of a crowd in Fleet Street, +who, for reasons best known to themselves, were cheering +the 'Claimant,' who was issuing from a shop, while a chimney +sweep who was passing by was welcomed as Bogle, being +mistaken for that dusky retainer."[<a id="chap05fn21text"></a><a href="#chap05fn21">21</a>] +</p> + +<p> +With reference to the "Claimant," Mr. George Augustus +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P116"></a>116}</span> +Sala has a curious story to relate about him and Mr. Labouchere, +who, of course, took the greatest interest in the famous +trial. "I saw a great deal of the Claimant during 1872," +says Mr. Sala, "and I remember once dining with him and +the late Mr. Serjeant Ballantine at the house of Mr. Labouchere, +who then resided in Bolton Street, Piccadilly. The +senior member for Northampton had, upon occasion, a +curious way of putting things; and over the walnuts and +the wine—of which our host was not a partaker—he startled +us all by coolly asking his obese guest, 'Are you Arthur +Orton?' 'Good Heavens, Mr. Labouchere,' exclaimed the +stout litigant, 'what do you mean?' 'Oh, nothing in particular,' +quoth Mr. Labouchere; 'help yourself to some more +claret.'"[<a id="chap05fn22text"></a><a href="#chap05fn22">22</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere however afterwards was quite convinced +that the Claimant was not Orton. When the latter was +released from penal servitude in 1884, he published the +following reminiscence: +</p> + +<p> +"It is a curious fact that during his trial the London +papers sold more copies than during the Franco-Prussian +War, or any other recent eventful epoch. I confess that +it never was proved absolutely to my mind that he was +Arthur Orton; on the other hand, whilst there was the +strongest presumption that he was, he entirely failed to make +out that he was Sir Roger Tichborne. I remember once +during the trial, in company with Mr. G. A. Sala, passing +an evening with the 'stout nobleman' at his hotel in Jermyn +Street. We found him very pleasant, and he told us many +tales of his existence in Australia. He certainly had a +wonderful command over his features. On that last day +of the civil trial, the room at the hotel was filled with +adherents, many of whom were Tichborne bondholders. Suddenly +the Claimant walked in. He leant against the mantelpiece, +took his cigar out of his mouth, and announced the fatal +news. Great was the excitement, great was the despair and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P117"></a>117}</span> +the indignation. But the Claimant calmly smoked on, +apparently the only person in the room who had no sort of +interest in the matter."[<a id="chap05fn23text"></a><a href="#chap05fn23">23</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Soon after Mr. Labouchere's founding of <i>Truth</i>, he +became involved in several lawsuits, the most famous of +which, at this period, was the one which indirectly led to +his expulsion from the Beefsteak Club. He invariably +commented with great wit and asperity upon his enemies, +frustrated and otherwise, in the columns of his paper, and +there is no doubt that its enormous popularity depended +in large degree upon the fearlessness and unconventionality +with which he attacked all persons of high degree and +low, guilty of injustice, bullying, <i>snobisme</i>, or wilfully +ignorant prejudice, who, for long, had been silently endured by +their weaker brethren, for no other reason than because +there had never before been a—Labby. +</p> + +<p> +Sometimes he was accused by an envious press of being +a liar. The title he had chosen for his paper possibly +provoked the criticism. He was rather sensitive on the subject, +and expressed a certain amount of annoyance whenever the +well-known ditty of Sir Henry Bridges, "Labby in our +Abbey," which was published in M. A. P., was mentioned.[<a id="chap05fn24text"></a><a href="#chap05fn24">24</a>] In +<i>Truth</i> he once produced what may be called an apposite +alibi when confronted by the accusation. Some correspondent +had referred rather pointedly to the existence of Lying +Clubs in the last century. "There is no occasion to go back +to the last century to prove the existence of Lying Clubs," +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P118"></a>118}</span> +he wrote. "When I was at Bishop-Auckland in County +Durham, a few years ago, I found a Lying Club existing and +flourishing. There were different grades of proficiency. If +a man could not lie at all, he was expelled. If he lied rather +badly, he was given another trial. I never knew any one +expelled. I was blackballed." +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn1text">1</a>] <i>The Daily News</i> was the first Liberal daily paper +to be published in London +and at first cost fivepence. +It was afterwards reduced to threepence. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn2text">2</a>] Sir John Robinson, <i>Fifty Years of Fleet Street</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn3text">3</a>] It was humorously said at the period +that Mr. Robinson (the Manager +of the <i>Daily News</i>) and Count Bismarck +were the only persons who had gained +by the war, and that only the former deserved to do so. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn4text">4</a>] Mr. Labouchere gave the following reasons +for severing his connection +with the <i>Daily News</i>. "On Mr. Gladstone's +withdrawal from public life," he +wrote in <i>Truth</i>, "the party, +or rather a majority of the officialdom of the +party became tainted with Birmingham imperialism. +My convictions did not +allow me to be connected with a newspaper +which supported a clique of +intriguers that had captured the Liberal ship, +and that accepted blindly these +intriguers as the representatives of Liberalism +in regard to our foreign policy." +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn5text">5</a>] <i>Daily News</i>, Feb. 8, 1869. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn6text">6</a>] Merivale and Labouchere had recently met +at a dinner party at the house +of the former's father. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn7text">7</a>] Merivale had collaborated with Palgrave Simpson +in the construction +of the play. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn8text">8</a>] Herman Merivale, <i>Bar, Stage, and Platform</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn9text">9</a>] Ellen Terry, <i>The Story of my Life</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn10"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn10text">10</a>] <i>Truth</i>, August 16, 1877. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn11"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn11text">11</a>] <i>Ibid.</i>, June 12, 1877. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn12"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn12text">12</a>] <i>Truth</i>, Nov. 12, 1887. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn13"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn13text">13</a>] <i>Truth</i>, November 8, 1877. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn14"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn14text">14</a>] Joseph Hatton, <i>Journalistic London</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn15"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn15text">15</a>] "The Ghastly Gaymarket," <i>Truth</i>, Dec. 8, 1881. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn16"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn16text">16</a>] <i>The World</i>, July 15, 1874. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn17"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn17text">17</a>] Mr. Grenville Murray, who was the editor +of the <i>Queen's Messenger</i>, was +assaulted by Lord Carrington on account +of an article he wrote about the +latter's father, and out of the case which +Mr. Grenville Murray brought against +Lord Carrington arose Mr. Murray's +prosecution for perjury, which resulted +in his departure from England. +He died in Paris in 1881. It was at the time +of the scandal aroused by the article +for which Lord Carrington assaulted +Grenville Murray, that Mr. Labouchere +was accused of being the proprietor +of the paper. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn18"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn18text">18</a>] <i>The World</i>, Jan. 23, 1912. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn19"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn19text">19</a>] <i>Truth</i>, October 11, 1877. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn20"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn20text">20</a>] <i>Temple Bar</i>, December 1, 1860. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn21"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn21text">21</a>] <i>Daily News</i>, February 19, 1872. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn22"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn22text">22</a>] G. A. Sala, <i>Life and Adventures</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn23"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn23text">23</a>] <i>Truth</i>, October 23, 1884. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap05fn24"></a> +[<a href="#chap05fn24text">24</a>] The first and last verses are as follows: +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> + Of all the boys that are so smart<br> + There's none like crafty Labby;<br> + He learns the secret of each heart,<br> + And lives near our Abbey;<br> + There is no lawyer in the land<br> + That's half as sharp as Labby;<br> + He is a demon in the art<br> + And guileless as a babby!<br> +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> + The ministers and members all<br> + Make game of truthful Labby,<br> + Though but for him it's said they'd be<br> + A sleepy set and flabby;<br> + And when their seven long years are out,<br> + They hope to bury Labby;<br> + Ah then how peacefully he'll lie,<br> + But not in our Abbey!<br> +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap06"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P119"></a>119}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER VI +<br><br> +THE BESIEGED RESIDENT +</h3> + +<p class="t3"> +(Sept., 1870-Feb., 1871) +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere was a famous raconteur and of the +reminiscences he loved to recount there was no more +riveting a series than the one relating his experiences as a +journalist during the siege of Paris. According to the +<i>Times</i>[<a id="chap06fn1text"></a><a href="#chap06fn1">1</a>] nothing that he ever achieved in journalism or +literature excelled or perhaps equalled the letters of a +"Besieged Resident," which he sent from Paris to the <i>Daily +News</i>, in the autumn and winter of 1870 and 1871. The +correspondent of the <i>Daily News</i> in Paris at that period was +the late Mr. George Morland Crawford, who had occupied +the position since 1851. Mr. Crawford had already made +Mr. Labouchere's acquaintance in the early sixties, when +the latter was an attaché at Frankfort, and they had met +again later on at Homburg. It had been the intention of +Mr. Crawford to remain at his post in Paris, when an +unexpected offer from Henry Labouchere to replace him +temporarily caused him to alter his plans. +</p> + +<p> +Mrs. Crawford has given a graphic account[<a id="chap06fn2text"></a><a href="#chap06fn2">2</a>] of how +Labouchere took her husband's place as correspondent. +He had been in Paris with the exception of some excursions +into the country for several weeks, and had invited +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P120"></a>120}</span> +Mr. Crawford to dine with him at Durand's on the night of +September 17. The party was to have included Aurélien +Scholl, celebrated then as a wit, Got of the Comédie Française, +Dr. Alan Herbert, and Mr. Frank Lawley. However, the +uncertainty of immediate events and the general rush of +departure from the capital obliged Labouchere to put off +his party. He went at about six o'clock to the Café du +Vaudeville to find Mr. Crawford—first to tell him that the +dinner was countermanded, and then to propose to take his +place as correspondent in Paris, whilst he, Mr. Crawford, +should go to Tours. Mrs. Crawford happened to be with +her husband at the café, and she thus describes the impression +Labouchere made upon her: +</p> + +<p> +"Labby looked a young man on this, to me, memorable +evening, but, at the close of the siege, frightened Odo Russell +by looking almost an old one. Before my husband, who was +writing, introduced us he began to talk to me and I could +not make him out, but at once enjoyed his company. He +had a very pleasing and intelligent face, I thought spoke a +little like an American (he had been escorting a party of +American young ladies to Rouen), had high caste manners, +but with naturalness, and much that was the reverse of that +affectation of owlish wisdom or cordial dodgery then rife +in the diplomatic world. I saw that he was somebody, +both on his own account, and from education, and thought +that he might be some Don brought up in England, who had +made himself the president of a South American Republic." +</p> + +<p> +As soon as Mr. Crawford had finished his writing, +Labouchere broached the subject of the <i>Daily News</i>. He said: +"A fancy seized me, as Sheffield (of the British Embassy) +told me you had sent your little children to England, and +your wife had resolved to stay through the siege and give +you what help she can. It is to take your place as +correspondent of the <i>Daily News</i>, and to send you into the +provinces. As I am a proprietor of the paper, Robinson won't +object to this arrangement. It would be an excellent thing +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P121"></a>121}</span> +for my heirs were I to stop a bullet or die of starvation, but +were anything of the sort to befall you it would be calamitous +for you and yours. You need not leave me the six weeks' +provisions which Sheffield told me you laid in, but can give +them to poor neighbours. I can always get as much fresh +mutton as I want from the porter of the British Embassy, +who has orders to this effect. There is a flock of ewes and +wethers on the grounds there, to browse on the grass and eat +the hay laid in for the horses of Lord Lyons, before he had +directions from Granville to go to Tours to watch events +there. The only person at the Embassy is the porter. We +two will have more mutton than we can eat even if the siege +lasts long. The porter knows how to grow potatoes and +mushrooms in an empty cellar, so that we two shall have not +only meat but dainties to vary the dishes. I have arranged to +have rooms at the Grand Hotel, so you see I shall be in +clover." +</p> + +<p> +Mrs. Crawford, who did not the least believe he was in +earnest, protested that she was not at all afraid of remaining +in Paris, but Labouchere persisted in his persuasions. +</p> + +<p> +"If you were at all affected," he replied, "I should say, +'Don't be theatrical.' Instead of that I shall say, 'Don't +be like Lot's wife.'" Then he took out his watch and +explained that the last train to leave Paris between then and +the end of the siege would start from the Gare St. Lazare +that night at 9.40. "I advise you to go home at once," he +went on, "and pack up what clothes you can for your +temporary residence at the seat of the delegate government at +Tours. Lyons will be glad to have you near him, for, as +you can understand, he knows nothing personally of those +friends of yours whom the Revolution has brought to the +top." +</p> + +<p> +Mrs. Crawford lost no more time in discussion, and hurried +off to make her preparations in order to catch the last +train by which she and her husband could get out of Paris. +The 9.40 train did not leave St. Lazare that day before +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P122"></a>122}</span> +midnight, and such was its weight of passengers and baggage +that no fewer than three engines had to be coupled on. +</p> + +<p> +The next day Mr. Labouchere sent his first letter to +London, in his capacity of Paris correspondent to the <i>Daily +News</i>. The mails continued to leave Paris regularly for +another three days, but the chaos that prevailed in the +post-office did not inspire the citizens who entrusted their +correspondence to its tender care with overmuch confidence. +</p> + +<p> +"Everybody was in military uniform," writes Labouchere, +"everybody was shrugging his shoulders, and everybody was +in the condition of a London policeman, were he to see +himself marched off to prison by a street sweeper. That the +Prussians should have taken the Emperor prisoner and +have vanquished the French armies, had of course astonished +these French bureaucrats, but that they should have +ventured to interfere with postmen had perfectly dumbfounded +them." Having disposed of his letter as best he might, +Labouchere passed through the courtyard to try his luck +with a telegram. There he saw postmen seated on the boxes +of carts, with no horses before them. It was their hour to +carry out the letters, and thus mechanically they fulfilled +their duty. It is in touches such as these that the writer +makes the scenes of the winter months of '70 and '71 live +before the eyes of his readers. Were the ridiculous episodes +he relates visible to others besides himself, or were his +journalistic abilities so acutely developed that nothing +significant, however minute, could escape his eager scrutiny? +It is not easy to say, but the fact remains that he gave the +world at that time, in astonishingly amusing letters, vivid +pictures of bureaucracy startled into ludicrous attitudes +of unaccustomed enterprise, of gilt and tinsel patriotism +ineffectually trying to replace the paper courage[<a id="chap06fn3text"></a><a href="#chap06fn3">3</a>] of Imperial +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P123"></a>123}</span> +France—of an irresponsible populace brought face to face +with a catastrophe which they imagined to be impossible +up till within the last ten days of the siege. +</p> + +<p> +The Parisians had undoubtedly a good excuse for the +poor figure they were obliged to cut before Europe in the +January of 1871. Events, which every one, except their +ex-Emperor and his government, had predicted as inevitable, +had followed one another with a disastrous rapidity, leaving +them, after each one, <i>bouches béantes</i>, incapable of deciding +whether the most appropriate gesture to express their +attitude would be one of applause, of hisses, or of weeping. +</p> + +<p> +Only six months had elapsed since the afternoon of the +Emperor's reception, at St. Cloud, of the members of the +Senate, when M. Rouher had said, during the course of his +address, in words that, to-day, sound as if they must have +been meant to be ironical: "Your Majesty has occupied the +last four years in perfecting the armament and organisation +of the army," and since the King of Prussia and the +Sovereigns of South Germany had ordered the mobilisation +of their armies. Six months! But what a six months of +bloodshed and fury, of humiliation and defeat. +</p> + +<p> +The Emperor left St. Cloud for the seat of war on July +28th, and went straight to Metz, where a Council of War +was held on August 4, with Marshals Macmahon and +Bazaine in attendance. That very day the Crown Prince +of Prussia fell upon a portion of Macmahon's army corps at +Weissenburg, and all but destroyed it, killing its general, +Abel Douay, and taking 800 prisoners. The next day a +similar fate overtook another corps, commanded by +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P124"></a>124}</span> +Macmahon himself on the hills above Wörth, when 6000 men +were killed or taken prisoner, and no less than thirty pieces +of artillery with six mitrailleuses were captured. Whilst +the latter engagement was actually in progress General +Froissard's army corps, which was holding the heights above +Saarbrück, was driven back in confusion and with great +loss upon Metz. +</p> + +<p> +The news of these events fell upon the ears of startled +Europe on August 8. A fiasco, so hurried and hopeless, +had not been contemplated. At first a false report had +reached Paris of a grand victory won by Macmahon, who +was supposed to have captured the Crown Prince of Prussia +with all his army. The enthusiastic excitement had been +unbounded. Gradually the truth was borne in upon the +unhappy people, and a hopeless reaction was the natural +result. Napoleon's apologetic telegrams from Metz did not +cheer his subjects; even the fourth of a series of five containing +these words, <i>Tout pent se rétablir</i>, brought little hope to +their hearts, for it was impossible not to be aware of the fact +that, although the war was but three weeks old, the Prussian +invasion of France was going successfully and steadily +forward. +</p> + +<p> +But France was still an Empire, and, on the morning of +August 7, the Empress-Regent presided over a ministerial +council at 5 o'clock in the morning, and convoked the chambers, +who met on the 9th, when the Ollivier Ministry resigned. +The department of the Seine was declared in a state of siege, +and a permanent council of the Ministry was established at +the Tuileries. The Ollivier Ministry was replaced, by one +under Count Palikao. +</p> + +<p> +It was still possible for news of the French defeats at the +seat of war to reach the capital. Bazaine's unsuccessful +movement of retreat from Metz to Verdun on August 15, +followed by the bloody battle of Gravelotte, resulting in his +enforced retirement into the entrenched camp of Metz, +spread further consternation among the Imperial Ministers +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P125"></a>125}</span> +at home, and preparations for a siege began in earnest. +General Trochu was appointed Commander-in-Chief of all +the forces in Paris on August 17. +</p> + +<p> +Sedan was fought on the first of September, and on the +second, the Emperor of the French sent his sword to the +King of Prussia, who thereupon appointed him a residence +as a prisoner of war. Two days later the advance guard of +the Prussian army at Sedan set out for Paris. +</p> + +<p> +It is to the columns of the <i>Daily News</i>,[<a id="chap06fn4text"></a><a href="#chap06fn4">4</a>] that we must +turn for the most authentic account of the way in which +Paris took the news of Sedan. Although Labouchere was +not yet the official correspondent from Paris, he nevertheless +sent letters to Fleet Street dealing with matters connected +with the crisis, which were published above the signature of +a "Parisian Resident." +</p> + +<p> +"The news of the Emperor's capture," he writes on +September 4, "reached the foreign embassies here at ten +yesterday morning. At about 8 o'clock it began to be +rumoured that the Emperor and Macmahon's army had +surrendered. I saw a crowd of about 2000 men going down +the Boulevard, and shouting '<i>La déchéance</i>.' I took the +arm of a patriot, and we all went together to the Louvre to +interview General Trochu. He came out after we had +shouted for him about half-an-hour, and a deputation had +gone in to him. There was a dead silence as soon as he +appeared, so what he said could be distinctly heard. He told +us that the news of the capture of the Emperor was true, +and that as for arms he could not give more than he had, +and he regretted to say that the millions on paper were not +forthcoming." +</p> + +<p> +In the course of the next twenty-four hours a bloodless +revolution was accomplished in Paris. On Sunday afternoon +Labouchere got into a carriage and drove about the +city, noting everything he saw. "The weather was +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P126"></a>126}</span> +beautiful," he wrote; "it was one of the most glorious early +September days ever seen. I drove slowly along the quay +parallel with the Orangerie of the Tuileries before the Palace. +The Tuileries gardens were full of people. I learned that, +in the morning, orders had been given to close the gates, +but that, half-an-hour before I passed, the people had forced +them open, and that neither the troops nor the people made +any resistance. My coachman, who, I dare say, was an +Imperialist yesterday, but was a very strong Republican +to-day, pointed out to me several groups of people bearing +red flags. I told him that the tricolour, betokening the +presence of the Empress, still floated from the central tower +of the Tuileries. While I was speaking, and at exactly +twenty minutes past three, I saw that flag taken down. +That is an event in a man's life not to be forgotten. +Crossing over the Pont de Solferino to the Quai d'Orsay, I +witnessed an extraordinary sight indeed. From the windows +of those great barracks, formerly peopled with troops, every +man of whom was supposed to be ready to die for his Emperor, +I saw soldiers smiling, waving handkerchiefs, and responding +to the cries of '<i>Vive la République</i>.' Nay, strangers fell on +each other's necks and kissed each other with 'effusion.' In +the neighbourhood of the Pont Neuf, I saw people on the +tops of ladders busily pulling down the Emperor's bust, +which the late loyalty of the people had induced them to +stick about in all possible and impossible places. I saw the +busts carried in mock procession to the parapets of the Pont +Neuf and thrown into the Seine, clapping of hands and hearty +laughter greeting the splash which the graven image of the +mighty monarch made in the water. I went as far as the +Hôtel de Ville, and found it in possession of his Majesty the +Sovereign People. Blouses were in every one of M. Haussmann's +balconies. How they got there I do not know. I +presume that M. Chevreau did not invite them. But they +got in somehow without violence. The great square in +front of the Hôtel de Ville was full of the National Guards, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P127"></a>127}</span> +most of them without uniform. They carried the butts of +their muskets in the air, in token that they were fraternising +with the people. The most perfect good humour prevailed. +Portraits of the Emperor and Empress, which many of your +readers must have seen in the Hôtel de Ville ballrooms, +were thrown out of the window and the people trod and +danced on the canvas. On leaving the Hôtel de Ville I +saw, in the Avenue Victoria, M. Henri Rochefort,[<a id="chap06fn5text"></a><a href="#chap06fn5">5</a>] let out of +prison as a logical sequence of events but half-an-hour +before. He was on a triumphal car, and wore a scarlet +scarf. He was escorted by an immense mob, crying, '<i>Vive +Rochefort</i>!' He looked in far better health than I expected +to see him after his long imprisonment, and his countenance +beamed with delight. He had seen his desire on his enemy." +</p> + +<p class="capcenter"> +<a id="img-126"></a> +<br> +<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-126.jpg" alt="Facsimile of a "Pigeon-post" letter sent by Henry Labouchere to his mother during the siege of Paris."> +<br> +Facsimile of a "Pigeon-post" letter sent by Henry Labouchere to his mother during the siege of Paris. +</p> + +<p> +At four o'clock on the same day the Republic was +proclaimed at the Hôtel de Ville, with a provisional Government +composed of the following members: MM. Gambetta, Jules +Favre, Pelletan, Rochefort, Jules Ferry, Jules Simon, and +Ernest Picard. Kératry was appointed Prefect of the Police +and Arago the Mayor of Paris. +</p> + +<p> +Meanwhile the Prussians came nearer and nearer. On +the 10th, they entered Laon, and General Hame, who was +in command, surrendered the citadel in order to save the +city. On that day the Republican Government issued an +order to all owners of provisions and forage in the +neighbourhood to move their goods into the capital. On the 18th +the Crown Prince and the third army were at Chaumes, and +two days later the long march of the Prussians was ended. +The Crown Prince took up his headquarters at Versailles. +The <i>Daily News</i> correspondent, Archibald Forbes, who had +accompanied the third army from Wörth to Sedan, and from +Sedan to Paris, informed Fleet Street that: "The fortune +of war has brought the Prussians to the Hampton Court +of the French capital—has placed them at the very gates of +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P128"></a>128}</span> +Paris. I need say no further word to make the situation +more striking. Here are the dark blue uniforms and the +spiked helmets in the stately avenues of Versailles. The +barracks of the Imperial Guard give ample quarters to King +William's soldiery, and there have been found immense +stores of hay and oats which will make the Prussian horses +fat, if only rest enough be given them for feeding." +</p> + +<p> +From that day until the end of the siege no regular mail +went out of Paris. Balloons and pigeons carried the news +of the imprisoned inhabitants into the provinces and beyond +the seas. Sometimes a letter would be successfully fixed +between the double soles of a crafty man's boots,[<a id="chap06fn6text"></a><a href="#chap06fn6">6</a>] who would, +on some pretext or another, succeed in making his way +through the Prussian lines, or a note would be rolled up +into a ball and be concealed in a pot of pomade and so +proceed in unctuous quiet on its way out of the prison into +the open. Henry Labouchere, some twenty-five years later, +described how he managed to get his letters to the <i>Daily +News</i>.[<a id="chap06fn7text"></a><a href="#chap06fn7">7</a>] +</p> + +<p> +"More of my letters reached their destination, I believe, +than those of other correspondents. The reason was this. +The correspondents waited on Jules Favre, and asked him +to afford them facilities for sending their letters. He kindly +said that he would, and told us that whenever a balloon +started we might give them, made up in a parcel, to the man +in charge, who would make it his business to transmit them +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P129"></a>129}</span> +to their destination so soon as the balloon touched land +outside. There was a complacent smile on his countenance +when we gratefully accepted this offer that led me to suspect +that, whatever might happen to the letters, they were not +likely to reach the newspaper offices to which they were +addressed, unless they lauded everything. So, instead of +falling a victim to this confidence trick, I placed my letters +under cover to a friend in London, and put them into a +post-box, calculating that, as each balloon took out about twenty +thousand letters, those posted in the ordinary way would +not be opened." +</p> + +<p> +The letters, posted as Labouchere described above, were +written on tissue paper and addressed to Miss Henrietta +Hodson. She, immediately on receipt of the manuscript, +carried it to Fleet Street, where it was rightly considered +copy of the very first order. +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere, as soon as the siege had really begun, tried +in vain to induce General Trochu to allow him to accompany +him on his rides to the ramparts of the city, pointing out +that the newspaper correspondents were always allowed to +accompany the Prussian staffs. Trochu would not hear of +the scheme, and explained that he himself had been within +an inch of being shot because he had had the impudence to +say that he was the Governor of Paris. +</p> + +<p> +"From Trochu," writes Labouchere, on September 25, +"I went to pay a few calls. I found every one engaged in +measuring the distance from the Prussian batteries to his +particular house. One friend I found seated in a cellar with +a quantity of mattresses over it, to make it bomb-proof. +He emerged from his subterraneous Patmos to talk to me, +ordered his servant to pile on a few more mattresses, and then +retreated. Anything so dull as existence here it is difficult +to imagine. Before the day is out one gets sick and tired +of the one single topic of conversation. We are like the +people at Cremorne waiting for the fireworks to begin; and +I really do believe that if this continues much longer, the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P130"></a>130}</span> +most cowardly will welcome the bombs as a relief from the +oppressive <i>ennui</i>." +</p> + +<p> +A letter to his mother,[<a id="chap06fn8text"></a><a href="#chap06fn8">8</a>] dated September 26, gives the +following account of his life in Paris: "I wrote a day or two +ago by balloon, but probably my letter is in the moon. A +man is going to try and get through the lines with this, and +a letter to the <i>Daily News</i>. We are all right here. The +Prussians fire at the forts, but as yet they have not +bombarded the town. Provisions are already very dear. It is +rather dull—in fact a little bombarding would be a relief to +our <i>ennui</i>. Everybody is swaggering about in uniform. +I went round the inner barricades a day or two ago with the +citizen Rochefort." +</p> + +<p> +A few days later he wrote to the <i>Daily News</i>: "The +presence of the Prussians at the gates, and the sound of the +cannon, have at last sobered this frivolous people. Frenchmen +indeed cannot live without exaggeration, and for the +last twenty-four hours they have taken to walking about as +if they were guests at their own funerals. It is hardly in +their line to play the <i>justum et tenacem</i> of Horace. Always +acting, they are now acting the part of Spartans. It is +somewhat amusing to see the stern gloom on the face of +patriots one meets, who were singing and shouting a few +days ago—more particularly as it is by no means difficult +to distinguish beneath this outward gloom a certain keen +relish, founded upon the feeling that the part is being well +played." +</p> + +<p> +On the evening of the same day Labouchere took his +strolls abroad, and came to the Avenue de L'Impératrice, +where he found a large crowd gazing upon the Fort of Mont +Valérien. This fort, from being the strongest for defence, +was particularly beloved by the Parisians. "They love it +as a sailor loves his ship," writes Labouchere. He witnessed +the following incident: "If I were near enough," said a young +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P131"></a>131}</span> +girl, "I would kiss it." "Let me carry your kiss to it," +responded a Mobile, and the pair embraced, amid the cheers +of the people around them. +</p> + +<p> +The question of domestic economy had not yet become +a pressing one, as far as the "besieged resident" was +concerned. He was lodged <i>au quatrième</i> at the Grand Hotel, +and wrote during the first week of the siege: "I presume if the +siege lasts long enough, dogs, rats, and cats will be tariffed. +I have got a thousand francs with me. It is impossible to +draw upon England; consequently, I see a moment coming +when, unless rats are reasonable, I shall not be able to afford +myself the luxury of one oftener than once a week." And a +fortnight later he writes: "My landlord presents me every +week with my bill. The ceremony seems to please him, +and does me no harm. I have pasted upon my mantelpiece +the decree of the Government adjourning payment of rent, +and the right to read and re-read this document is all that +he will get from me until the end of the siege. Yesterday +I ordered myself a warm suit of clothes; I chose a tailor with +a German name, so I feel convinced he will not venture to +ask for payment under the present circumstances, and if he +does he will not get it. If my funds run out before the siege +is over, I shall have at least the pleasure to think that this +has not been caused by improvidence." +</p> + +<p> +He wrote to his mother on October 10, as follows: "I +send this by balloon. The smaller the letter, the more +chance it has to go. We are all thriving in here, though we +have heard absolutely nothing from the outside world for a +fortnight. I don't know if my letters to the <i>Daily News</i> +arrive. Yesterday, I could only get sheeps' trotters and +pickled cauliflower for dinner. We boast awfully of what +we are going to do, but, as yet, all our sorties have been +driven back, and our forts stun our ears by firing upon stray +rabbits and Uhlans. If ever my letters to the <i>Daily News</i> +do not arrive and come back here, I shall be shot, but I +don't think that they will. I am convinced that the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P132"></a>132}</span> +provisions will soon give out. We go about saying that we +cannot be beaten, because we have made a 'pact with +death.'" +</p> + +<p> +And again on the 21st: "We are getting on very well here. +Nothing has come in since the commencement of the siege, +and no one can get out. They say there are provisions to +last until February, so we shall have a dose of our own society. +About one sixth of the town is now commanded by the +Prussian batteries, but we don't know whether they will +fire or not. I am living very well on horse and cat—the +latter excellent—like rabbit, only better. Our people brag +very much, but do little more. The Ultras are going +ahead—they have taken now to denouncing crucifixes, which they +call ridiculous nudities—a mayor has had them all removed—he +then announced that no marriages were to take place in +his <i>arrondissement</i>—marriage being an insult upon honourable +citizens who did not approve of this relic of superstition. +This was a little too much, so he was removed, and we are +now free to marry or not according to our tastes. I am +the intimate friend of Louis Blanc, so no one touches me." +</p> + +<p> +One of the most curious things about these letters by +balloon was the irregularity in their delivery. It was not +merely that one balloon reached friendly or neutral territory +in safety, while another did not. Of half a dozen letters +coming by the same balloon, two would be delivered, say, +on the 6th of the month, one on the 10th, two on the 15th, +and the last on the 20th. This greatly puzzled the recipients +at the time. The explanation turned out to be that the +bag containing the first letter had been sent off immediately +the aeronaut descended, whereas the others underwent a +variety of adventures. Frequently a balloon fell at or +near a place of German occupation. The aeronaut would +come down at a run, hurry off with one bag, and give the +others to friendly peasants, who secreted them until an +opportunity occurred for getting them safely to the nearest +post-town. Usually the letters came in beautiful order, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P133"></a>133}</span> +without a speck upon them to show an unusual mode of +transit. One batch, however, had to be fished out of the +sea, off the Cornish coast. In one case a letter was delivered +in wonderfully quick time. Dispatched from Paris on a +Monday night, it was delivered in London on the following +evening.[<a id="chap06fn9text"></a><a href="#chap06fn9">9</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Apparently his "made in Germany" suit did not wear +as well as might have been expected, for it was only December +when he described his wardrobe as follows: +</p> + +<p> +"My pea-jacket is torn and threadbare, my trousers are +frayed at the bottom, and of many colours—like Joseph's +coat. As for my linen, I will only say that the washer-women +have struck work, as they have no fuel. I believe +my shirt was once white, but I am not sure. I invested a +few weeks ago in a pair of cheap boots. They are my +torment. They have split in various places, and I wear a pair +of gaiters—purple, like those of a respectable ecclesiastic—to +cover the rents. I bought them on the Boulevard, and +at the same stall I bought a bright blue handkerchief which +was going cheap; this I wear round my neck. My upper +man resembles that of a dog-stealer, my lower man that of a +bishop. My buttons are turning my hair grey. When I +had more than one change of raiment these appendages +remained in their places, now they drop off as though I were +a moulting fowl. I have to pin myself together elaborately, +and whenever I want to get anything out of my pocket, I +have cautiously to unpin myself, with the dread of falling +to pieces before my eyes." +</p> + +<p> +In another place Labouchere describes his head-dress, +which was quite eccentric enough to fit in with the rest of his +travesty: "I have bought myself a sugar-loaf hat of the +first Republic, and am consequently regarded with deference. +'The style is the man,' said Buffon; had he lived here now +he would rather have said, 'The hat is the man.' An English +doctor who goes about in a regulation chimney-pot has +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P134"></a>134}</span> +already been arrested twenty-seven times. I, thanks to my +revolutionary hat, have not been arrested once. I have +only to glance from under its brim at any one for him to +quail." +</p> + +<p> +The extracts which Labouchere copied from the newspapers +for the benefit of his London readers are extremely +amusing, and give, as no other method of narration could +have done, a good idea of the spirit which the leaders of the +people thought fit to try and promulgate amongst the +Parisians. One morning, for instance, he learned that "Moltke +is dead, that the Crown Prince is dying of a fever, that +Bismarck is anxious to negotiate but is prevented by the +obstinacy of the King, that three hundred Prussians from +the Polish provinces have come over to our side, that the +Bavarian and Würtemberg troops are in a state of incipient +rebellion. From the fact that the Prussian outposts have +withdrawn to a greater distance from the forts, it is probable +that they despair of success, and in a few days will raise the +siege. Most of the newspapers make merry over the faults +in grammar in a letter which has been discovered from the +Empress to the Emperor, although I doubt whether there +is one Frenchman in the world who could write Spanish as +well as the Empress does French." +</p> + +<p> +The New Year's address to the Prussians, published in +the <i>Gaulois</i>, is a masterpiece of journalistic invective, and +the relish with which the besieged resident copied it for the +benefit of his London readers may well be imagined: +</p> + +<p> +"You Prussian beggars, you Prussian scoundrels, you +bandits and you Vandals, you have taken everything from +us; you have ruined us; you are starving us; you are +bombarding us; and we have a right to hate you with a royal +hatred. Well, perhaps one day we might have forgiven you +your rapine and your murders; our towns that you have +sacked; your heavy yokes; your infamous treasons. The +French race is so light of heart, so kindly, that we might +perhaps in time have forgotten our resentments. What we +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P135"></a>135}</span> +never shall forget will be this New Year's Day, which we +have been forced to pass without news from our families. +You, at least, have had letters from your Gretchers, astounding +letters, very likely, in which the melancholy blondes +with blue eyes make a wonderful literary salad, composed +of sour kraut, berlin wool, forget-me-nots, pillage, +bombardment, pure love, and transcendental philosophy. But you +like all this just as you like jam with your mutton. You +have what pleases you. Your ugly faces receive kisses by +the post. But you kill our pigeons, you intercept our letters, +you shoot at our balloons with your absurd <i>fusils de rempart</i>, +and you burst out into a heavy German grin when you get +hold of one of our bags, which are carrying to those we love +our vows, our hopes, our remembrances, our regrets, our +hearts." And so on. +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere had not a high opinion of French journalism +during the investment. "A French journalist," he says, +"even when he is not obliged to do so, generally invents his +facts, and then reasons upon them with wonderful ingenuity. +One would think that just at present a Parisian would do +well to keep his breath to cool his own porridge. Such, +however, is not his opinion. He thinks that he has a mission +to guide and instruct the world, and this mission he +manfully fulfils in defiance of Prussians and Prussian cannons. +It is true, that he knows rather less of foreign countries than +an intelligent Japanese Daimio may be supposed to know of +Tipperary, but, by some curious law of nature, the less he +knows of a subject, the more strongly does he feel impelled +to write about it. I read a very clever article this morning +pointing out that if we are not on our guard, our Empire in +India will come to an end by a Russian fleet attacking it +from the Caspian Sea. When one thinks how very easy it +would have been for the author not to have written about +the Caspian Sea, one is at once surprised and grateful to +him for having called our attention to the danger which +menaces us in that quarter of the globe." +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P136"></a>136}</span> +</p> + +<p> +His estimate of General Trochu was, on the whole, the +fairest that was made at the period. During the earliest +days of the siege it was supposed that Trochu had a plan, +and, on being questioned about it, he admitted that he had. +He went on to say that he guaranteed its success, but that +he should reveal it to no one, until the right moment—in +fact, he had deposited it for safety with his notary, Maître +Duclos, who, in the event of his being killed, would produce +it. As time wore on and no plan was forthcoming from the +General, it became very evident that it could have been +nothing more elaborate than a determination to capitulate +as soon as Paris was starved out. When the siege was nearly +five weeks old Labouchere wrote: +</p> + +<p> +"Every day this siege lasts, convinces me that Gen. Trochu +is not the right man in the right place. He writes +long-winded letters, utters Spartan aphorisms, and complains +of his colleagues, his generals, and his troops. The confidence +which is felt in him is rapidly diminishing. He is a good, +respectable man, without a grain of genius, or of that fierce, +indomitable energy which sometimes replaces it. He would +make a good minister of war in quiet times, but he is about +as fit to command in the present emergency as Mr. Cardwell[<a id="chap06fn10text"></a><a href="#chap06fn10">10</a>] +would be. His two principal military subordinates, Vinoy +and Ducrot, are excellent Generals of division, but nothing +more. As for his civilian colleagues they are one and all +hardly more practical than Professor Fawcett. Each has +some crotchet of his own, each likes to dogmatise and to +speechify, and each considers the others to be idiots, and has +a small following of his own, which regards him as a species +of divinity. They are philosophers, orators, and legists, +but they are neither practical men nor statesmen." And +when the siege was over he summed up the case for Trochu +thus: "What will be the verdict of history on the defence? +Who knows! On the one hand, the Parisians have kept a +powerful army at bay for longer than was expected; on the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P137"></a>137}</span> +other hand, every sortie that they have made has been +unsuccessful—every attempt to arrest the approach of the +besiegers has failed. Passively and inertly they have +allowed their store of provisions to grow less and less, until +they have been forced to capitulate, without their defences +having been stormed, or the cannon silenced. The General +complains of his soldiers, the soldiers complain of their +General; and on both sides there is cause of complaint. +Trochu is not a Todleben. His best friends describe him +as a weak sort of military Hamlet, wise of speech, but weak +and hesitating in action—making plans and then criticising +them, instead of accomplishing them. As a commander +his task was a difficult one; when the siege commenced he +had no army; when the army was formed it was encompassed +by earthworks and redoubts so strong that even +better soldiers would have failed to carry them. As a +statesman, he never was master of the situation. He followed +rather than led public opinion. Success is the criterion +of ability in this country, and poor Trochu is as politically +dead as though he never had lived." +</p> + +<p> +As time wore on the question of meals in the besieged +city naturally became one of absorbing moment. "I went," +says Labouchere, on December 21, "to see what was going +on in the house of a friend of mine, in the Avenue de +L'Impératrice, who has left Paris. The servant who was in +charge told me that up there they had not been able to +obtain bread for three days, and that the last time he had +presented his ticket, he had been given about half an inch +of cheese. 'How do you live then?' I asked. After looking +mysteriously round to see that no one was watching us, +he took me down into the cellar, and pointed to some meat +in a barrel. 'It is half a horse,' he said, in the tone of a man +who is showing some one the corpse of his murdered victim. +'A neighbouring coachman killed him, and we salted him +down, and divided him.' Then he opened a closet in which +sat a huge cat. 'I am fattening her up for Christmas day; +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P138"></a>138}</span> +we mean to serve her up, surrounded with mice like sausages,' +he observed." On January 6 Labouchere notes: "Yesterday +I had a slice of Pollux for dinner. Pollux and his +brother Castor are two elephants, which have been killed. +It was tough, coarse, and oily, and I do not recommend +English families to eat elephant as long as they can get beef +or mutton. Many of the restaurants are closed, owing to +want of fuel. They are recommended to use lamps; but +although French cooks can do wonders with very poor +materials, when they are called upon to cook an elephant +with a spirit lamp the thing is almost beyond their ingenuity. +Castor and Pollux's trunks sold for forty-five francs a pound; +the other parts of the interesting twins fetched about ten +francs a pound." +</p> + +<p> +He wrote to his mother on January 8[<a id="chap06fn11text"></a><a href="#chap06fn11">11</a>]: "Here we still +are. For the last few days the Prussians have taken to +throwing shells into the town, which makes things more +lively. I do not think it can last much longer. It is awfully +cold, for all the wood is freshly cut and will not burn. The +washerwomen have struck as they have no fuel, so we all +wear very dirty shirts. I am in a great fright of my money +giving out, as none is to be got here. My dress is seedy—in +fact falling to pieces. I think I have eaten now of every +animal which Noah had in his ark.[<a id="chap06fn12text"></a><a href="#chap06fn12">12</a>] Since the bombardment +the cannon makes a great noise. All night it is as if +doors were slamming. Outside the walls it is rather pretty +to see the batteries exchanging shots. We have heard +nothing from England since September, except from scraps +of paper picked out of dead Prussians' pockets." Labouchere +was always ready to recall to his memory for conversational +purposes the strange food he ate during the siege +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P139"></a>139}</span> +of Paris. Donkey apparently was his favourite dish. This +is what he said on the subject: +</p> + +<p> +"A donkey is infinitely better eating than beef or mutton, +indeed I do not know any meat which is better. This was +so soon discovered by the French, during the siege of Paris, +that donkey meat was about five times the price of horse +meat. At Voisin's there was almost every day a joint of +cold donkey for breakfast, and it was greatly preferred to +anything else. Let any one who doubts the excellence of +cold donkey slay one of these weak-minded animals, cook +him, and eat him." Rats he did not appreciate so much: +"The objection to them is that when cooked their flesh is +gritty. This objection is, however, somewhat Epicurean, +for, except for this grittiness, they are a wholesome and +excellent article of food. I am surprised that there is not +a society for the promotion of eating rats. Why should not +prisoners be fed with these nourishing and prolific little +animals?" +</p> + +<p> +His account of how he got a leg of mutton into Paris +after the capitulation, when, in spite of the siege being raised, +the difficulties of procuring food were almost as insurmountable +as before, was one of his most amusing <i>contes</i>. He +rode out to Versailles,[<a id="chap06fn13text"></a><a href="#chap06fn13">13</a>] where he procured the longed-for +joint, but, when he started on his return journey, a +sentinel of Versailles refused to allow the meat to leave the +town, and actually took it away from him. Desperately +he decided to appeal to the better side of the Prussian's +nature, and explained to him that he was in love, indeed, +that to love was the fate of all mortals. The warrior sighed +and pensively assented: Labouchere judged that he was +most likely thinking of his distant Gretchen, and shamelessly +followed up his advantage: "My lady love is in Paris," +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P140"></a>140}</span> +he proceeded pathetically, "long have I sighed in vain. I +am taking her now a leg of mutton—on this leg hangs all +my hope of bliss—if I present myself to her with this token +of my devotion she may yield to my suit. Oh, full of feeling, +beloved of beauteous women, German warrior, can you +refuse me?" Of course the sentinel yielded, and the +correspondent, who, needless to say, had no lady love in the +capital, bore it off in triumph. He enjoyed it for dinner +that evening in company with Mr. Frank Lawley and Mr. Denis +Bingham, in whose journal for that day occurs the +following entry: +</p> + +<p> +"On their return from Versailles together, Labouchere +and Lawley brought me a leg of mutton. And what a +treat it was for our small household and dear neighbours! +And an Italian lady brought us a large loaf of white bread, +and we feasted and were merry, and measured our girths, +and promised ourselves that we would soon get into +condition again, for we were lamentably pulled down."[<a id="chap06fn14text"></a><a href="#chap06fn14">14</a>] +</p> + +<p> +On February 10, Labouchere took his departure from +Paris, feeling, as he said, much as Daniel must have done +on emerging from the den of lions. Baron Rothschild +procured for him a pass which enabled him to take the Amiens +train at the goods station within the walls of the city, instead +of driving, as those who were less fortunate were obliged to +do, to Gonesse. The train was drawn up before a shed in +the midst of oceans of mud. It consisted of one passenger +carriage, and of a long series of empty bullock vans. He +entered one of the latter as the passenger van was already +crowded. At Breteuil the train waited for above an hour, +and Labouchere, impatient of the delay, perceiving a Prussian +train puffing up, managed to induce an official to allow +him to get into the luggage van, by which means he was able +to proceed on his way to the destination. "Having started +from Paris as a bullock, I reached Amiens at twelve o'clock +as a carpet-bag," was the way he described his journey. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P141"></a>141}</span> +</p> + +<p> +At Abbeville the train passed out of the Prussian lines +into the French, and Calais was reached at 7 P.M. "Right +glad" was the Paris correspondent, to use his own words, +to "eat a Calais supper and to sleep on a Calais bed."[<a id="chap06fn15text"></a><a href="#chap06fn15">15</a>] +</p> + +<p> +In his last letter to the <i>Daily News</i> during the war, +Mr. Labouchere lodged one other Parthian shot in the city +whose hospitality he had been enjoying: "I took my +departure from Paris," he wrote, "leaving without any very +poignant regret, its inhabitants wending their way to the +electoral 'urns,' the many revolving in their minds how +France and Paris are to manage to pay the little bill which +their creditor outside is making up against them; the few—the +very few—determined to die rather than yield, sitting +in the cafés on the boulevard, which is to be, I presume, +their last ditch." +</p> + +<p> +In one of his earliest numbers of <i>Truth</i>, Mr. Labouchere +gave a characteristic account of how he behaved under fire. +It is worth quoting as illustrative of the naïve frankness with +which he always described those instinctive little actions of +human nature which more sophisticated persons usually +pretend never occur. "I was at some of the engagements +during the Franco-Prussian War. The first time that I +was under fire, I felt that every shell whizzing through the +air would infallibly blow me up. Being a non-combatant, +in an unconcerned sort of way, as if I had business to attend +to elsewhere, I effected a strategical movement to the rear. +But, as no shell had blown me up, I came to the conclusion +that no shell would blow me up, and accepted afterwards +as a natural state of things which did not concern me, the +fact that these missiles occasionally blew up other people." +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn1text">1</a>] <i>Times</i>, January 17, 1912. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn2text">2</a>] <i>Truth</i>, January 24, 1912. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn3text">3</a>] The Emperor's plan of campaign was to mass 150,000 men at Metz; +100,000 at Strassburg, and 50,000 at the Camp at Châlons. +It was then his +intention to unite the armies at Metz and Strassburg, +and to cross the Rhine +at Maxau, to force the States of South Germany +to observe neutrality. He +would then have pushed on to encounter the Prussians. +But the army at +Metz, instead of 150,000 men, only mustered 100,000; +that of Strassburg only +40,000 instead of 100,000; +whilst the corps of Marshal Canrobert had still +one division at Paris, and another at Soissons; +his artillery as well as his +cavalry were not ready. +Further no army corps was even yet completely +furnished with the equipments necessary +for taking the field.—<i>Campagne de +1870; des Causes qui ont amené la Capitulation +de Sedan</i>. Par un Officier +attaché à l'État Major-Général. Bruxelles. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn4text">4</a>] Quotations in this chapter not otherwise +specified have been taken from +the columns of the <i>Daily News</i>, August, 1870-January, 1871. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn5text">5</a>] He had been undergoing a term of imprisonment +for certain articles +written in the <i>Marseillaise</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn6text">6</a>] I quote a few lines—the only legible +ones—from a letter, addressed to +his mother, which Labouchere sent out of Paris, +fastened between the double +sole of a man's boot. +It looks as if the bearer must have waded through +water, and the marks of the cobbler's nails +are visible all over it. "November +6, 1870. This goes out in a citizen's boot. +If he is caught, he will be shot, +which is his affair—only you will not get it. +The position is utterly hopeless. +We shall be bombarded in a week. +This hotel has two hundred wounded in +it. I got into the Hôtel de Ville +on Monday with the mob. Such a scene. +I have got a pass from General Vinoy, +so I get a good view of all the military +operations.... I do not know if my +letters to the D. N. arrive...." +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn7text">7</a>] J. M'Carthy and Sir J. Robinson, +The Daily News Jubilee. <i>A Retrospect +of Fifty Years of the Queen's Reign</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn8text">8</a>] Mrs. Labouchere had been a widow since 1863, +and was now living at +Oakdene, near Dorking. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn9text">9</a>] Robinson. <i>Fifty Years of Fleet Street</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn10"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn10text">10</a>] Secretary of War in Mr. Gladstone's first Ministry. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn11"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn11text">11</a>] This letter did not reach London, E. C., +from whence it was posted to +Dorking, until Jan. 19. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn12"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn12text">12</a>] Captain Bingham notes in his diary +for Dec. 4 that Henry Labouchere, +Frank Lawley, Lewis Wingfield, and +Quested Lynch dined with him, and that +they partook of moufflon, a kind of wild sheep +which inhabits Corsica.—<i>Recollections +of Paris</i>, Capt. Hon. D. Bingham. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn13"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn13text">13</a>] "As soon as the armistice was signed, +several of the English correspondents +managed to get to Versailles. +The first thing that Labouchere did on arriving +there was to plunge his head into a pail of milk, +and he was with difficulty +weaned."—<i>Recollections of Paris</i>, Capt. Hon. D. Bingham. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn14"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn14text">14</a>] Capt. Hon. D. Bingham. <i>Recollections of Paris</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap06fn15"></a> +[<a href="#chap06fn15text">15</a>] The following gentlemen of the press +were in Paris during the siege: +Charles Austen of the <i>Times</i>, Frank Lawley +of the <i>Daily Telegraph</i>, Henry +Labouchere of the <i>Daily News</i>, +Thomas Gibson Bowles of the <i>Morning Post</i>, +J. Augustus O'Shea of the <i>Standard</i>, +Capt. Bingham, who sent letters to the +<i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>, and Mr. Dallas, +who wrote both for the <i>Times</i> and the +<i>Daily News</i>. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap07"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P142"></a>142}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER VII +<br><br> +LABOUCHERE AND BRADLAUGH +</h3> + +<p class="t3"> +(1880-1881) +</p> + +<p> +At the general election of 1880, Mr. Labouchere found in +the electors of Northampton a constituency which was +to remain faithful to him throughout his political career. +He was described in the local press as the "nominee of the +moderate Liberals," though, as he explained in the columns +of <i>Truth</i>, a moderate Liberal at Northampton was a Radical +any where else. The "Radical" candidate was that upright +and greatly persecuted man, Mr. Charles Bradlaugh, who +merited far more than Mr. Labouchere the title of the +"religious member for Northampton."[<a id="chap07fn1text"></a><a href="#chap07fn1">1</a>] It has often been pointed +out that the difference between religious and irreligious +people does not lie so much in opinion as in temperament. +Labouchere had an essentially irreligious nature, he was a +born <i>impie</i>, as the French say: Mr. Bradlaugh had the soul +of a Covenanter. As far as speculative religious opinions +were concerned, they practically coincided, while, in the +general lines of political opinion, they were quite at one. +Both were strong Radicals and strong anti-socialists. +</p> + +<p> +Northampton was in 1880 one of the most promising +Radical constituencies.[<a id="chap07fn2text"></a><a href="#chap07fn2">2</a>] The Radical element had for +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P143"></a>143}</span> +many years been very numerous among the population, +but unfortunately the majority of the workers had no vote. +The Household Suffrage Act of 1868 remedied this state of +things to some extent. The work of the Freehold Land +Society developed the scope of the remedy. This most +practical expression of democratic ideals, by making +freeholders of workmen, raised the numbers of the electorate +from 6829 in 1874 to 8189 in 1880; of these 2500 had never +voted before, and to a man were Radicals. When Mr. Labouchere +was introduced as Liberal candidate he at once decided +to make common cause with Mr. Bradlaugh, and his manifesto +to the electors, published on March 27, was craftily +worded so as to appeal with simple directness to those +modern sons of St. Crispin, "the communistic cobblers of +Northampton." It ran as follows: "Having already sat +in Parliament as a Liberal member for Middlesex, it is +needless for me to say that I am an opponent of the Imperialism +which, under the leadership of the Earl of Beaconsfield, +has become the policy of the Conservative Government. +This new-fangled political creed consists in swagger abroad +and inaction at home. Its results are that we have made +ourselves the patrons of one of the vilest governments that +ever burdened the earth; that we have joined with the +oppressors against the oppressed; that we have acquired a +pestiferous and less than worthless land in the Mediterranean; +that we have annexed the territory of some harmless +Dutch republicans against their will; that we have expended +above six millions in catching a savage, who had as much +right to his freedom as we have, and that we have butchered +Afghans for the crime of defending their country against +an unjust invasion.... For my part, I am anxious to see +Parliament again controlling the executive, and a majority +of members returned who will radically revise the laws +regarding land, so as to encourage its tenure by the many +instead of its absorption by the few, who will render farmers +independent of the caprices of the landlords, who will emancipate +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P144"></a>144}</span> +the agricultural labourers by securing to them their +natural right to vote." He went on to express in strong +terms his desire for the disestablishment and disendowment +of the Church of England.[<a id="chap07fn3text"></a><a href="#chap07fn3">3</a>] In a speech which he made on +the same day as the publication of his manifesto, in the +Wesleyan Chapel, in the Wellingborough Road, he said that +he had been asked a little while ago whether he was a member +of the Church of England, and he had replied that he had +been brought up in the Church of England, and, if he had +to register his religion, he should register it as a member of +the Church of England. But, if he had been asked what his +religion was, he should have said the question was one +between his God and his conscience, and it was no business of +any one's in Northampton, because he stood upon the distinct +issue that, whatever the religious opinions of a candidate +might be, they were sending him to Parliament to perform +certain political duties, and if his political views were in +accordance with theirs, religion had nothing to do with it.[<a id="chap07fn4text"></a><a href="#chap07fn4">4</a>] +</p> + +<p> +The borough had previously returned two Tory members, +Mr. Phipps, a local brewer, and Mr. Merewether, a lawyer. +They were not themselves very formidable opponents to the +Radical joint candidature. The clergy and the press urged +the theological motive, as well as his greatly misunderstood +views on Malthusianism against Bradlaugh. On the Sunday +before the election the Vicar of St. Giles intimated that "to +those noble men who loved Christ more than party, Jesus +would say, 'Well done.'" But, in spite of nearly 2000 years +of Christianity, heaven has not yet learned to bless the +weaker cause, and on the election day, the figures +stood—Labouchere (L.), 4518, Bradlaugh (R.), 3827, Phipps (C.), +3125, Merewether (C.), 2826. When the news of the poll was +brought to Mr. Labouchere, who was smoking his cigarette +in the coffee room of the hotel where he was staying, his only +comment was a quiet chuckle, and the remark, "Oh, they've +swallowed Bradlaugh, after all, have they?" +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P145"></a>145}</span> +</p> + +<p> +Great was the fury in the Conservative camp. "The +bellowing blasphemer of Northampton," as Mr. Bradlaugh +was amiably called by the <i>Sheffield Telegraph</i>, had to meet +the full blast of popular prejudice, which was exploited to +the utmost by his political opponents. +</p> + +<p> +The Tories were soon to have more than popular prejudice +to exploit. On May 3, Mr. Bradlaugh, before taking +his seat in the House of Commons, handed to Sir Thomas +Erskine May, the Clerk of the House, the following +statement: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>To</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +THE RIGHT HONBLE. THE SPEAKER. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I, the undersigned, Charles Bradlaugh, beg respectfully to +claim to be allowed to affirm as a person for the time being by law +permitted to make a solemn affirmation or declaration, instead +of taking an oath. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +On being invited by the Speaker (Sir Henry Brand) to +make a statement to the House with regard to his claim, he +replied: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mr. Speaker, I have only now to submit that the Parliamentary +Oaths Act, 1866, gives the right to affirm to every person for +the time being permitted to make affirmation. I am such a +person; and under the Evidence Amendment Act, 1869, and the +Evidence Amendment Act, 1870, I have repeatedly for nine +years past affirmed in the highest courts of jurisdiction in this +realm. I am ready to make the declaration or affirmation of +allegiance. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +It might have been thought that the principle of Mr. Bradlaugh's +position needed only to be stated to be accepted +by men of honourable feeling and average intelligence. +After all, as Mr. Labouchere, in course of conversation on +this very point, once remarked to me: "a statement is either +true or false, and expletives cannot affect it." The legal +precedents, invoked, although they did not actually mention +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P146"></a>146}</span> +the parliamentary oath, had been considered sufficient by +the last Liberal law officers. Sir Henry Brand, however, +had "grave doubts," and desired to refer the claim to the +House's judgment. Lord Frederick Cavendish, on behalf +of the Treasury Bench, seconded by Sir Stafford Northcote, +the leader of the Opposition, moved that the point be +referred to a Select Committee. Lord Percy and Mr. David +Onslow attempted in vain to adjourn the debate. +</p> + +<p> +On May 10, Lord Richard Grosvenor, the Government +Whip, announced the names of the proposed Committee: +Mr. Whitbread, Sir J. Holker, Mr. John Bright, Lord Henry +Lennox, Mr. W. H. Massey, Mr. Staveley Hill, Sir Henry +Jackson, Sir Henry James (the Attorney-General), +Mr. Farrer Herschell (the Solicitor-General), Sir G. Goldney, +Mr. Grantham, Mr. Pemberton, Mr. Watkin Williams, +Mr. Spencer Walpole, Mr. Hopwood, Mr. Beresford Hope, Major +Nolan, Mr. Chaplin, and Mr. Serjeant Simon. In spite of +the fact that the actual motion was not to come on till the +next day, Sir Henry Drummond Wolff endeavoured at once +to raise a debate on the legitimacy of the Committee, and +the next day succeeded in doing so. The debate was +characterised by "great violence and recklessness," but the +Government succeeded in getting their Committee appointed +by a majority of seventy-four. The report of the +Committee was presented on May 20. Eight members were +in favour of Mr. Bradlaugh's right to affirm, and eight +members against: Mr. Spencer Walpole, the Chairman, +took the responsibility of giving his casting vote for the +Noes. All the Noes with the exception of Mr. Hopwood +were Conservatives, the rest of the Liberals voting on the +affirmative side. Bradlaugh now claimed the right to take +the oath, as the right to affirm was denied him. +</p> + +<p> +There has been so much misunderstanding of Bradlaugh's +position on this point that it may be well to explain exactly +what it was that he did claim. In a statement of his case +subsequently published in his paper, <i>The National Reformer</i>, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P147"></a>147}</span> +on May 30, 1889, Mr. Bradlaugh used the following words: +"My duty to my constituents is to fulfil the mandate they +have given me, and if, to do this, I have to submit to a form +less solemn to me than the affirmation I would have +reverently made, so much the worse for those who force me to +repeat words which I have scores of times declared are to +me sounds conveying no clear and definite meaning. I am +sorry for the earnest believers who see words sacred to them +used as a meaningless addendum to a promise, but I cannot +permit their less sincere co-religionists to use an idle form, +in order to prevent me from doing my duty to those who +have chosen me to speak for them in Parliament. <i>I shall, +taking the oath, regard myself, as bound, not by the letter of its +words, but by the spirit which the affirmation would have +conveyed had I been permitted to use it</i>. So soon as I am able, +I shall take such steps as may be consistent with parliamentary +business to put an end to the present doubtful and +unfortunate state of the law and practice on oaths and +affirmations." +</p> + +<p> +The words italicised indicate very clearly the spirit in +which Mr. Bradlaugh proposed to take the oath. To do so, +was, as he conceived, the only way, since the adverse decision +of the Committee on his claim to affirm, by which he could +qualify himself for the performance of his duty to his +constituents. It was in no sense intended as an insult to those +to whom the oath had a distinct and positive religious value, +or as a defiance of the dignity or orders of the House. This +document was dated May 30, the day on which the report +of the Committee was issued, and on the following day, +Mr. Bradlaugh presented himself to take the oath and his +seat. +</p> + +<p> +Sir Henry Drummond Wolff at once rose and objected +to the administration of the oath, and, on the Speaker's +allowing his objection, proceeded to make a remarkable +speech. For flippancy of tone and sheer ineptitude of +argument, not to speak of the crass and brutal quality of +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P148"></a>148}</span> +the prejudice which inspired it, this deliverance possesses +an unenviable pre-eminence among the many absurdities +uttered by honourable members during the Bradlaugh +parliamentary struggle. Wolff's argument rested on two +grounds, both palpably false, while the second was entirely +irrelevant to the point at issue. He maintained that +Atheists who had made affirmations in courts of law (as +Mr. Bradlaugh had done) thereby admitted that an oath "would +not be binding on their conscience," and, furthermore, that +Bradlaugh had stated, in his "Impeachment of the House +of Brunswick," that "Parliament has the undoubted right +to withhold the crown from Albert Edward, Prince of Wales." Sir +Henry "could not see how a gentleman professing the +views set forth in that work could take the oath of +allegiance." He went on to say: "What we have now before us +is the distinct negation of anything like perpetual morality +or conscience, or the existence of God. And, as I believe that +a person holding these views cannot be allowed to take the +oath in this House, I beg to move my resolution." Mr. R. N. Forster +seconded. Mr. Gladstone at once rose and, while +refraining from expressing any personal opinion, suggested +reference to a Select Committee. Sir Henry James supported +the Prime Minister's amendment. Mr. Labouchere, speaking +as the colleague of the honourable member in the +representation of Northampton, said that he thought it right +to state that his honourable friend was selected by the +majority of the constituents solely on account of his political +views. They did not occupy themselves with his religious +convictions, because they were under the impression that +they were giving him political, rather than theological, +functions to fulfil in that House. A proposal had been made +by the Prime Minister that this matter should be referred +to a Select Committee. It certainly did appear to him +(Mr. Labouchere) somewhat strange that a member who +had been duly elected should be told that he could not take +his seat because he was forbidden to make an affirmation on +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P149"></a>149}</span> +account of his not being a Quaker or a Moravian, and +because he was forbidden from taking the oath on account of +certain speculative religious opinions, which he had +professed. But that appeared to be the view of many gentlemen +on the other side of the House, and he should be perfectly +ready to discuss that view; but, as the Prime Minister had +very rightly said, the matter was a judicial one, and it would be +far better, in his humble opinion, that it should be referred +to a Committee of the House to look at it in its judicial aspect +rather than that there should be an acrimonious theological +discussion in that House. When, however, it was referred +to a Committee, he thought that he had a right to ask, +in the name of his constituents, that that Committee should +decide it as soon as possible. Should the Committee decide +that the honourable gentleman was not to be allowed to take +the oath, it would then become, if not his duty, the duty of +some other honourable gentleman to bring in a bill to enable +his colleague to make an affirmation in order that his +constituents might enjoy the right which the constitution gave +them of being represented by two members in that House. +</p> + +<p> +Lord Percy drily observed that he was sorry for the +electors of Northampton if they were deprived of the services +of one of their representatives, because the honourable +gentleman was recommended to them by his honourable +colleague, whose religious opinions were well known, and, +after an eloquent speech from Mr. Bright, who recommended +"the statesmanlike and judicious course which has been +suggested to us by the First Minister of the Crown," the +debate was adjourned. +</p> + +<p> +On the resumption of the debate the next day, the wildest +remarks were made by Mr. Bradlaugh's opponents. Dr. Lyons +proposed the solution that "Northampton should +send us a God-fearing if not a God-loving man." Mr. Warton +argued that "the man who does not fear God cannot +honour the King," and Mr. Callan scoffed at Mr. Bright's +tribute of respect to Mr. Bradlaugh's sense of honour and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P150"></a>150}</span> +conscience, "language," he said, "that should not be used +with reference to an infidel blasphemer." After the din +caused by this <i>ex parte</i> criticism had subsided, the still small +voice of Mr. Labouchere was heard mildly asking whether +the honourable member was in order in referring to his +colleague as an infidel blasphemer, and the Speaker having +ruled the phrase out of order, Mr. Callan withdrew it. He +was, however, an ardent polemist, and added that he was +sure that Mr. Labouchere, in spite of his support of +Mr. Bradlaugh, "would prefer in this House his old acquaintance +Lambri Pasha to the gentleman who was the subject of the +debate." And so the foolish wrangle went on, recalling +the historian's account of the Œcumenical Council. It is +true that the amateur theologians of Westminster stopped +short of pulling each other's beards. Their zeal had not +quite the professional note of that of the Fathers at Ephesus. +</p> + +<p> +After two days of this sort of thing, Sir Henry Drummond +Wolff's motion was rejected by 289 votes to 219, and a second +Select Committee of twenty-three was appointed. The +members were: the Attorney-General, the Solicitor-General, +Messrs. Bright, Chaplin, Childers, Sir Richard Cross, +Mr. Gibson, Sir Gabriel Goldney, Mr. Grantham, Mr. Staveley +Hill, Sir John Holker, Mr. Beresford Hope, Mr. Hopwood, +Sir Henry Jackson, Lord Henry Lennox, Mr. Massey, Major +Nolan, Messrs. Pemberton, Simon, Trevelyan, Walpole, +Whitbread, and Watkin Williams. +</p> + +<p> +The Committee reported that Bradlaugh by simply +stating (though in answer to official question) that he had +repeatedly affirmed under certain Acts in courts of law, had +brought it to the notice of the House that he was a person +as to whom judges had satisfied themselves that an oath was +not binding on his conscience; that, under the circumstances, +an oath taken by him would not be an oath within the true +meaning of the statutes; and that the House therefore could, +and ought, to prevent him from going through the form. +The Committee further suggested that he should be allowed +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P151"></a>151}</span> +to affirm with a view to his right to do so being tested by +legal action, pointing to the nearly equal balance of votes +in the former Committee as a reason for desiring a decisive +legal solution. +</p> + +<p> +On June 21, Mr. Labouchere moved "that Mr. Bradlaugh, +member for the borough of Northampton, be admitted +to make an affirmation or declaration instead of the +oath required by law." This speech was one of the best he +ever made in the House. It was an admirable piece of +argument and an excellent piece of literature, solidly reasoned +and witty; "it is contrary to, it is repugnant to, the feelings +of all men of tolerant minds that any gentleman should be +hindered from performing civil functions in this world on +account of speculative opinions about another"—was a +terse summing up of the situation worthy of Gibbon. His +main argument was that the Parliamentary Oaths Act of +1866 gave to all persons, legally entitled to affirm in the law +courts, the right to affirm in Parliament. He further pointed +out that the refusal to allow Bradlaugh to affirm would be +to turn him into a martyr. Mr. Bright again made a fine +speech in which he said, amid ironical cheers from the +Opposition, that he pretended to no conscience and honour +superior to the conscience of Mr. Bradlaugh. Mr. Gladstone +also spoke cogently in favour of Mr. Labouchere's motion. +It was, however, lost by a majority of 45, of whom 5 were +English Liberals and 31 Irish Home Rulers. +</p> + +<p> +On June 23, Mr. Bradlaugh again presented himself +at the table of the House. The Speaker called on him to +withdraw, in accordance with the vote of the night before. +Mr. Labouchere then moved that "Mr. Bradlaugh be now +heard at the Bar of the House," following which motion +Mr. Bradlaugh made an eloquent and dignified defence of his +position. A confused debate followed, and Mr. Labouchere +moved that "Yesterday's decision be rescinded," withdrawing +his motion, however, on an appeal from Mr. Gladstone. +The Speaker then recalled Bradlaugh to the table, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P152"></a>152}</span> +and informed him that the House had nothing to say to him +beyond once more calling upon him to withdraw. Bradlaugh +replied: "I beg respectfully to insist on my right as a duly +elected member for Northampton. I ask you to have the +oath administered to me in order that I may take my seat, +and I respectfully refuse to withdraw." After a second +admonition from the Speaker, to which Bradlaugh replied, +"With respect I do refuse to obey the orders of the House, +which are against the law," the House was appealed to "to +give authority to the Chair to compel execution of its +orders." Mr. Gladstone, although called upon, did not rise. He +appeared to be absorbed in deep thought, and, with his +gaze fixed on a vague distance, just above the heads of the +belligerent theologians, he meditatively twirled his thumbs. +Northcote hesitatingly moved, "though I am not quite sure +what the terms of the motion should be, that Mr. Speaker +do take the necessary steps for requiring and enforcing the +withdrawal of the honourable member for Northampton." The +Speaker explained that the motion should simply be +"that the honourable member do now withdraw." On a +division being taken, 326 voted in favour of the motion +and only 38 against. On the Speaker renewing his order, +Mr. Bradlaugh answered: "With submission to you, Sir, +the order of the House is against the law, and I respectfully +refuse to obey it." The Sergeant-at-Arms was now called, +and touching him on the shoulder, requested him to withdraw. +Mr. Bradlaugh said: "I will submit to the Sergeant-at-Arms +removing me below the Bar, but I shall immediately +return to the table," and did so, saying as he returned toward +the table, "I claim my right as a member of this House." This +little ceremony was repeated twice, the House being in +an uproar. High above the din, Mr. Bradlaugh's voice +could be heard shouting: "I claim my right as a member of +this House. I admit the right of the House to imprison +me, but I admit no right on the part of the House to exclude +me, and I refuse to be excluded." He was again led to +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P153"></a>153}</span> +the Bar by the Sergeant-at-Arms to await the House's +action. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Bradlaugh had, no doubt not unintentionally, indicated +to his enemies the only line they could take. It was +his tactic, and a wise one, to force the House into the extreme +measure of physical force. To do so was a fair retort from +a Rationalist to his opponents. Northcote, complaining +again of Mr. Gladstone's inaction, proceeded to move that +"Mr. Bradlaugh, having defied the authority of the House, +be taken into the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms." Mr. Labouchere +at once rose and said that he would not oppose +the resolution, although he thought it a somewhat strange +thing that a citizen of this country should be sent to prison +for doing what eminent legal gentlemen on his side and an +eminent legal gentleman on the other side of the House said +he had a perfect right to do. He was interrupted by cries +of "No, No!" He continued that he did not know whether +honourable members opposite meant to say that the honourable +and learned gentleman, the late Attorney-General, was +not an eminent legal authority on such a point. That was +the view taken by that honourable and learned gentleman. +It seemed a somewhat hard thing that any one should be put +into prison for doing what a general consensus of legal +opinion in that House held to be his duty and his right. But, +as the Prime Minister had stated, it was useless to oppose +the motion, because Mr. Bradlaugh had come into conflict +with a resolution of the House, whether that resolution were +right or wrong. He, regretting as he did the necessity that +had been forced upon the House, did not think he should +be serving any good purpose in opposing the resolution, or +in asking the House to go into a vote on this question. He +believed himself that the sending of Mr. Bradlaugh into +custody would be the first step towards his becoming a +recognised member of the House. It is interesting to note +that Mr. Parnell also spoke in favour of Mr. Bradlaugh, and +said that, if Irish members voted for his imprisonment, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P154"></a>154}</span> +they would be going contrary to the feeling of their country. +On a division being taken there were 274 Ayes to 7 Noes, +and Mr. Bradlaugh was removed in the custody of the +Sergeant-at-Arms to the Clock Tower. +</p> + +<p> +The imprisonment was rather an insult than an injury. +The prisoner received his friends freely and openly, and +proceeded to the business of fighting his battle in the country +from his "cell." A cry of indignation, which must have +greatly surprised the Tories, went up all over England, and, +on the next day, Northcote, at the urgent advice, it is said, +of Lord Beaconsfield, moved for Bradlaugh's immediate +and unconditional release. On Sir Stafford making his +motion, Mr. Labouchere pointed out to the House, "in order +that there may be no misconception in the matter," that +Mr. Bradlaugh would immediately on his release "return +to the House and do what the Prime Minister, the colleagues +of the Prime Minister, the present Attorney-General and +the late Attorney-General, say he has an absolute legal right +to do." The motion was nevertheless agreed to, and +Mr. Bradlaugh was released. +</p> + +<p> +The next day, June 25, Mr. Labouchere gave notice +that he should move on the following Tuesday that the +resolution of the House, which had resulted in Mr. Bradlaugh's +imprisonment, should be read and rescinded. He +also asked for special facilities from the Government on +that day for bringing the matter before the House. +Mr. Gladstone, whilst reserving his answer as to the particular +form of proceeding, agreed that "it was certainly requisite +and necessary that the subject of Mr. Bradlaugh's right +should be considered," and promised facilities for the day +mentioned by Mr. Labouchere. On the Monday, however, +Mr. Gladstone himself informed the House that the Government +had framed the following resolution, which they +intended to submit: "That every person returned as a member +of this House, who may claim to be a person for the time +being by law permitted to make a solemn affirmation or +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P155"></a>155}</span> +declaration instead of taking an oath, shall, henceforth +(notwithstanding so much of the resolution adopted by this +House on the 22d of June last, as relates to affirmation), +be permitted without question to make and subscribe a +solemn affirmation in the form prescribed by the Parliamentary +Oaths Act, 1866, as altered by the Promissory Oaths +Act, 1868, subject to any liability by Statute; and, secondly, +that this resolution be a standing Order of this House." The +Prime Minister then expressed the hope that, as the +question would be raised in what the Government considered +the most convenient manner, Mr. Labouchere would not +consider it necessary to proceed with any motion on the +following day. Mr. Labouchere withdrew his resolution +"after the very satisfactory Notice, which has just been +given by the Prime Minister." +</p> + +<p> +The next day, when Mr. Gladstone made his motion, +Sir John Gorst opposed it, on the technical ground that it +was a breach of the Rule of the House, which laid down that, +if a question had been considered by the House and a definite +judgment pronounced, the same, or what was substantially +the same, question could not be put again to the House +during the same session. This contention was, however, +overruled by the Speaker, and, on a division being taken, the +Prime Minister's resolution was accepted by a majority +of 54, the Ayes numbering 303 and the Noes 249. Bradlaugh +was now free to affirm at his own legal risk, and he +did so the next day, thus bringing to a conclusion the first +movement of this ironic symphony. +</p> + +<p> +There can be no doubt that Mr. Labouchere's great +speech of June 21 contributed powerfully to this result. +Apart from the speeches of Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright, +and indeed Mr. Bradlaugh's own fine speech at the Bar of +the House on June 23, it was the only attempt made to +present the constitutional and legal aspects of Bradlaugh's +case in their true light. The subject was one that appealed +very strongly to Mr. Labouchere. In personal agreement +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P156"></a>156}</span> +with the views which it was sought to penalise in the person +of Mr. Bradlaugh (although it would have been alien to his +temperament to have enrolled himself as a partisan of those +views), his attack on Mr. Bradlaugh's enemies acquired +weight and energy from the love of individual liberty that +was at the bottom of his character, and his detestation, on +that, as on every other occasion of his public life, of +oppression and prejudice. +</p> + +<p> +The prejudice aroused by Bradlaugh's entrance into the +House of Commons was slow to disperse. Numerous petitions +for his exclusion from Parliament were signed, in some +cases, <i>en bloc</i>, by Sunday-school children. The varieties +of English Protestantism were all zealous in the good cause, +and Cardinal Manning, who wrote a violent article in the +<i>Nineteenth Century</i> on the subject, succeeded in presenting +a monster petition from English and exiled Irish Roman +Catholics. There were, however, some notable exceptions +among those who represented the religious principle. Several +clergymen of the Church of England and not a few +Non-conformist ministers wrote to the papers on his behalf. +Newman refused to sign the petition, on constitutional +grounds, and the "Home Government Association of +Glasgow" sent to Bradlaugh a resolution stating "that this +meeting of Irish Roman Catholics ... most emphatically +condemns the spirit of domination and intolerance arrayed +against you, and views with astonishment and indignation +the cowardly acquiescence and, in a few instances, active +support, on the part of a large majority of the Irish Home +Rule members to the policy of oppression exercised against +you." Such voices were, however, few and far between; +in the House itself the Opposition could not resist the +temptation of such a weapon against the Government. It was good +policy, as Lord Henry Lennox said, in a moment of expansion, +"to put that damned Bradlaugh on them." Mr. Labouchere +held an unswerving course in support of his +colleague. Temperamentally, as has been said, he did not +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P157"></a>157}</span> +sympathise with Mr. Bradlaugh's attitude. He did not +share Mr. Bradlaugh's view of the importance of transcendental +opinions of any shade, and his wider experience of +life and human nature led him to gauge more truly perhaps, +certainly very differently, the value in the social scheme of +other people's religious belief. He would never himself +have raised the question raised by Mr. Bradlaugh, but he +was wise enough to realise that, once it was raised, there +was only one way of settling it. In the course of his long +life, he championed many a victim of oppression and prejudice, +but it may be doubted whether his championship ever +showed to greater advantage, was ever more firmly based +on those wide views of justice which underlie genuine +political sagacity, and distinguish the true statesman from the +mere politician, than in the case of Mr. Bradlaugh's +parliamentary struggle. +</p> + +<p> +The venue of that struggle was shortly transferred to +the law courts. Bradlaugh had affirmed and taken his +seat at his own legal risk. During the five months in which +Parliament sat between July, 1880, and March, 1881, he was +one of the most assiduous and energetic members of the +House. On March 7, the action of one Clarke <i>v.</i> Bradlaugh +came on the Court of Queen's Bench before Mr. Justice +Matthew. On the 11th the judge delivered his +judgment, which was against the defendant. He said that +the Parliamentary Oaths Act, cited in his favour by +Bradlaugh, only permitted affirmation to persons holding +religious beliefs. On judgment being delivered against him, +Bradlaugh applied for a stay of execution of costs, with +view to an appeal, which was granted, the judge consenting +to stay his verdict for the opinion of the Court of Appeal to +be taken. The appeal was heard on March 30 by Lord +Justices Bramwell, Lush, and Baggallay, but their decision +was again adverse to the defendant. The point taken was +not, as Mr. Labouchere had argued before the House, the +actual grammatical meaning of the wording of the Act, but +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P158"></a>158}</span> +the intention of the framers of the Act. Their Lordships +held that it had only been intended to emancipate persons +possessed of positive religious beliefs rendering the taking +of an oath repugnant to their consciences. This rendered +the second seat for Northampton vacant. On April 1 +Mr. Labouchere, in the course of moving for a new writ for the +borough of Northampton, said that a decision had now +been given against Bradlaugh by three judges, and, in all +probability, the House of Lords would decide against him. +He was authorised by Mr. Bradlaugh to say that he fully +accepted the law as laid down by the Court of Appeal, and +that it was not fair that Northampton should have one +member only—the election might be got over by the Easter +holidays, and honourable and right honourable gentlemen +would have an opportunity of considering what course they +would take should Mr. Bradlaugh be re-elected. The writ +was issued, and Mr. Bradlaugh was, as Mr. Labouchere +had predicted, re-elected on April 9. Mr. Labouchere +made a speech at Northampton, before the election, in +defence of his colleague, the interest of which was wider +than that of the Bradlaugh controversy on account of one +statement in it. He described his leave-taking of +Mr. Gladstone, on his departure from London, in these words: +"And, men of Northampton, that grand old man said to me, +as he patted me on the shoulder, 'Henry my boy, bring him +back, bring him back!'" I think Mr. Labouchere's autobiographical +Muse used a poetic license here. It is certainly +difficult to imagine Mr. Gladstone patting the member for +Northampton on the back, and calling him "Henry, my +boy." The success of this allusion to the Prime Minister, +however, was enormous, and the name stuck. Mr. Gladstone +was the "Grand Old Man" for the rest of his life. +</p> + +<p> +As every one knows, Bradlaugh again was not allowed to +take his seat. That his attitude caused embarrassment to +the Liberal party cannot be denied. At the end of June, he +wrote to Mr. Labouchere on the subject of forcing another +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P159"></a>159}</span> +contest in the House, and Mr. Labouchere forwarded his +letter to Mr. Chamberlain with the following comments: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, July 2, 1881. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Please look at enclosed letter. If +you think it of any use, show it to Mr. Gladstone. I send it to +you in order that you may see what are, I take it, the genuine +intentions of Bradlaugh. I had written to him to suggest that +he should go up to the table and take the oath at the end of the +Session, and I offered if he liked to do so on the last day of the +Session to talk on until the Black Rod appeared, or, if he preferred +to do so before, I said that Government always had a majority +during the last week or two, and that, probably, if a division +were taken upon expulsion, he would win it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Yesterday I received a letter from the Executive Committee +of the Liberal and Radical Caucus at Northampton, telling me +that Bradlaugh had sent to call a public meeting next Wednesday, +and asking me to come down to meet the Committee on that day +to advise with them what to do, as Bradlaugh has asked for a +resolution to be passed, in the nature of a mandate ordering him +to take his seat. I have written urging delay, but, of course, in +this matter I have to carry out the wishes of the constituency, +as the question regards them. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Whilst Bradlaugh exaggerates his strength, his opponents +underestimate it. He can bring together a mob, with a vast +number of fanatics in it, ready for anything, and he contends that +he is illegally hindered from taking his seat, and therefore may +oppose physical force to physical force. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +From what I gather, from many Members of Parliament, +they are very anxious that the matter should be settled this +Session, because they think that its being kept open will do the +Party great harm. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Why cannot the Bill[<a id="chap07fn5text"></a><a href="#chap07fn5">5</a>] be brought in after the Land Bill? It +has but one clause, and if our side speak very briefly, the +Conservatives cannot go on talking for ever on so simple a matter. +Moreover, there are a good many Conservatives who have told +me that they are not against the Bill.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P160"></a>160}</span> +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Gladstone discouraged Bradlaugh from resorting +to any more militant methods just then, and intimated that +it would be useless to bring in the Oaths Bill, as they +proposed to close the session early in August, and they could +not hope to carry any strongly controversial measure after +the Land Bill. +</p> + +<p> +This book is not a life of Bradlaugh, and it is enough to +have noted here the first phase of the ignoble struggle. As +is well known, Bradlaugh returned to the House, and +following Mr. Labouchere's suggestion, administered the oath +to himself. A sordid fight ensued on the attempt to remove +him forcibly, in which no merely formal violence was offered. +His clothes were torn off his back and, although a man of +unusual physical strength, he fainted in the <i>mêlée</i>. +Bradlaugh, in that Parliament, was never allowed to discharge +his duty as a member. Once more re-elected by the +constituency in the General Election of 1885, the Speaker +would suffer no intervention, and he took the oath and his +seat, and in 1888, in spite of a Conservative majority, secured +the passing of an Affirmation Bill. Finally, in 1891, when +Mr. Bradlaugh was lying on his death-bed, after a brief +parliamentary career that had won for him the respect of +all parties, the resolution of January 22, 1881, that had been +passed amid "such ecstatic transports," was expunged from +the records of the House. I cannot refrain from quoting +the fine tribute paid to his memory and excellent summing +up of the case as bearing on the real crux of the situation, +made by Mr. Gladstone, a few days later, in the course +of introducing his Religious Disabilities Removal Bill on +February 4: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +A distinguished man and an admirable member of this House +was laid yesterday in his mother earth. He was the subject of +a long controversy in this House, the beginning of which we +recollect and the ending of which we recollect. We remember +with what zeal it was prosecuted; we remember how summarily +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P161"></a>161}</span> +it was dropped; we remember also what reparation has been +done within the last few days to the distinguished man who was +the immediate object of that controversy. But does anybody +who hears me believe that the controversy so prosecuted and so +abandoned was beneficial to the Christian Religion? +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Throughout that controversy, his fellow-member for +Northampton was his loyal colleague both in the country +and the House. In season and out of season Mr. Labouchere +spoke, moved, and agitated until the victory, to which +his advocacy was so important a contribution, was won, +and, after Bradlaugh's death in 1891, he published the +following paragraphs in the pages of <i>Truth</i>, bearing witness +to the nobility of Bradlaugh's character: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mr. Bradlaugh was a man of herculean physical strength, but +of great nervous susceptibility. I believe that he never entirely +recovered from the rough usage which he met with when he +sought to force his way into the House of Commons. Last year +he had a serious illness. He recovered, but he came out of it a +broken man. He would not, however, admit this, and he struggled +on in the House of Commons, at public meetings, and at his +desk, with the sad result that we all know. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Never was a man less understood. I never knew any one with +a stronger sense of public decorum or with a deeper respect for +law. When he asked leave to affirm in the House of Commons +it was said by some that he was seeking notoriety; by others, +that he wished to defy the law. What led to it was this: I was +sitting by his side when the Parliament of 1881 met, and he +said to me, "I shall ask to be allowed to affirm, as with my views +this would be more decorous than for me to take the oath." I +replied, "Are you sure that you legally can affirm?" "Yes," he +answered; "I have looked closely into the matter and I am +satisfied of my legal right." His attempt to affirm was, therefore, +solely due to a desire to respect the feelings of others, and +to the conviction that the law allowed him to do so. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mr. Bradlaugh was my colleague for ten years. During +all these years our relations, political and personal, were always +of the most cordial character. He was in private life a thoroughly +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P162"></a>162}</span> +true and amiable man, whilst in public life he was ever ready to +sacrifice popularity to his convictions of what was right. He was, +as is known, an atheist, but his standard of duty was a very high +one, and he lived up to it. His life was an example to Christians, +for he abounded in every Christian virtue. This the House of +Commons came at last to recognise. I do not think that there +is a single member more popular or more respected than he was +on both sides. Often and often Conservatives have, in a friendly +way, said to me: "What a much better man your colleague is +than you are!" And I heartily agreed with them. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Regarding money, he was more than disinterested. So that +he had enough to pay for his food, his clothes, and for his modest +lodging in St. John's Wood, he never seemed to trouble himself +as to ways and means. In one part of his life he had been led +into some sort of commercial enterprise which did not succeed, +and the failure resulted in his owing a considerable sum. He +called his creditors together, told them that he had nothing, but +if they would agree to wait he would pay them twenty shillings +in the pound. They trusted him. He went to America, made +the money by lecturing; returned, called them together, and +fulfilled his promise. His lodgings in St. John's Wood were over +a music shop. They consisted of one or two bedrooms and of a +large room, with deal shelves round it for his books, an old bureau +where he wrote, and a few chairs and tables. He had a great +affection for his books, and the only time I ever saw him +disquieted about money matters was when he feared that he might +have to give them up, owing to some bankruptcy proceedings +that were threatened, in consequence of one of his numerous +actions on the oath question. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +In an article, published in the <i>Northampton Echo</i> just +after the death of Mr. Labouchere, that able writer, +Mr. C. A. McCurdy, comments thus on the first Radical members +for Northampton: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +What a strangely assorted pair Northampton's two members +were in those days! Bradlaugh, a giant in stature as in intellect, +Boanergian in his oratory, tremendous in the strength of it, +sweeping away opposition by the force of its torrent—Labouchere, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P163"></a>163}</span> +with his slight figure, his quiet, sardonic manner, wielding +a rapier which was sometimes even more deadly than the battle-axe +and broadsword of his colleague. His aristocratic connections +and his wealth accentuated the clear and strong outline of +his Radicalism. His disregard of convention, his simplicity, his +courage, his irrepressible gaiety and wit, the audacity of his +envenomed personal assaults, the passionless quality of it all, +the cynic's pose—all this, combined with his encyclopædic +knowledge and the sureness of his aim in controversy, made him +the idol of Northampton Radicals. How they laughed at his +solemn assumption of moderation and orthodoxy! But how +sure they were of his earnestness and conviction! And how +proud of his easy triumphs in the battles of the wits, of his courage +and resource in the conflicts of Parliament and the political fame +which he, working loyally with Bradlaugh, helped to win for +Northampton![<a id="chap07fn6text"></a><a href="#chap07fn6">6</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +It is impossible before leaving the subject of Mr. Bradlaugh's +struggle for liberty of conscience, not to recall the +very similar episode of Wilkes' fight with the House of +Commons a little more than a hundred years earlier. +Mr. Labouchere, speaking in the House on the occasion of +Bradlaugh's presenting himself to take the oath, after his +re-election in 1884, pointed out that behind his colleague +stood the people of England. He continued: "I do not say +this from any feeling of regard or affection for Mr. Bradlaugh. +as an individual; assume if you like that Mr. Bradlaugh is, +the vilest of men [Mr. Warton, Hear, hear!], as was stated +by Mr. Wilkes, 'in attacking the rights of the vilest of men +you have attacked the rights of the most noble of mankind.'"[<a id="chap07fn7text"></a><a href="#chap07fn7">7</a>] +Bradlaugh established the principle that legislative rights +are wholly independent of religious belief, and that what +Drummond Wolff called "the distinct negation of anything +like perpetual morality or conscience and the existence of +God," does not affect a man's capacity for the exercise of +his political rights. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P164"></a>164}</span> +</p> + +<p> +This means that the modern state is non-theistic, and +that our civilisation, of which the state is the political +expression, is based on those positive social needs of man to which +theological problems, however interesting in themselves, +are irrelevant. Thus, in Bradlaugh's victory, to the +winning of which Mr. Labouchere so powerfully contributed, +one of the most important principles of 1789 was definitely +ratified by the representatives of the people, the Lords, +spiritual and temporal, and the sovereign of this country. +</p> + +<p> +A truly momentous event, the importance of which it +would be hard to overestimate. For it means that God has +ceased to exist in England as a political entity. In like +manner, the action of Wilkes, in severely criticising the +Speech from the Throne in the <i>North Briton</i> for April 23, +1762, and condemning the Ministers who were responsible +for its production, raised, and settled for ever in England the +question of the political position of the sovereign. In both +cases the man who dared to raise such points was pursued +rancorously and unfairly by the partisans of officialdom, in +both cases the utmost force of law and order arrayed against +him failed. The enemies of Wilkes and Bradlaugh failed, +because the stars in their courses fought against them—because +the time had gone by when kings could rule as well +as reign, or when the qualification of religious belief was +necessary for the full rights of citizenship. +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap07fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap07fn1text">1</a>] The late Lord Randolph Churchill once +referred in the House of Commons +to Mr. Labouchere (greatly to his delight) by this title. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap07fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap07fn2text">2</a>] I have followed in this chapter +the admirable account of Bradlaugh's +parliamentary struggle given by +Mr. J. M. Robertson, M.P., in the second +part of Mrs. Bradlaugh Bonner's <i>Charles Bradlaugh: Life and Work</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap07fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap07fn3text">3</a>] <i>Northampton Mercury</i>, March 27, 1880. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap07fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap07fn4text">4</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap07fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap07fn5text">5</a>] The Oaths Bill. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap07fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap07fn6text">6</a>] <i>Northampton Echo</i>, January 17, 1912. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap07fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap07fn7text">7</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, February 11, 1884, vol. 284. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap08"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P165"></a>165}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER VIII +<br><br> +LABOUCHERE AND IRELAND +</h3> + +<p class="t3"> +1881-1883 +</p> + +<p> +When Lord Cowper, the Irish Viceroy, under the influence +of the Chief Secretary, Mr. Forster, represented +to Mr. Gladstone in the early autumn of 1880 the necessity +of coercive measures for the government of Ireland, he found +the Prime Minister profoundly opposed to departure from +the ordinary law. The Viceroy was pressed to suspend the +Habeas Corpus Act by every agent, every landlord, every +magistrate in the country. The number of outrages against +life and property had increased <i>pari passu</i> with the number +of evictions. The Land League, which had been formed, +under the presidency of Parnell, the preceding year, had +taken up the cause of the evicted tenants and, by establishing +the elaborate system of persecution, named after its +first victim, Lord Mayo's English agent, Captain Boycott, +rendered it almost impossible to let farms from which a +tenant had been evicted. When, on September 25, Lord +Mountmorres, a poor man with a small estate, who could +really not afford to reduce his rents, was murdered, such +was the popular detestation of the murdered man that the +owner of the nearest house refused shelter to the corpse, no +hearse could be obtained to convey it to the grave, and the +family had to fly to England. The maiming of cattle, a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P166"></a>166}</span> +method of reprisal constantly adopted by evicted tenants, +further contributed to inflame English opinion, both in and +out of Ireland, against the Nationalist party, who were held +responsible by the man in the street for everything that was +going on. Mr. Bright was still more opposed than +Mr. Gladstone to the repeal of the Habeas Corpus, and so was +Mr. Chamberlain, who had joined the Government as +President of the Board of Trade. Before giving way to +Mr. Forster, the Cabinet determined to use the ordinary methods +of law, and prosecuted the heads of the Land League for +"conspiring to prevent the payment of rent, resist the +process of eviction, and obstruct the letting of surrendered +farms." The public announcement of the prosecution in +no way intimidated the Land League. The prosecution, +although announced on November 3, did not, on account +of legal delays, begin until after Christmas. Disorder at +once became more rampant and outrages more frequent. +On November 23, Cowper wrote again to Mr. Gladstone, +threatening his resignation in the following January, if he +were not given fuller powers. On December 12, he made +his last appeal, urging that Parliament should be immediately +summoned. Mr. Gladstone yielded the very day before +the trial of the Land League began in Dublin, and summoned +Parliament for January 6, 1881. +</p> + +<p> +On the first night of the session Mr. Forster gave notice +of the introduction of Bills for the protection of life and +property in Ireland. But the Irish members had taken the +phrase in the Queen's Speech that "additional powers are +required by the Irish Government for the protection of life +and property," as a declaration of war, and commenced +the policy of obstruction of which they were afterwards to +make so powerful a weapon. They succeeded in protracting +the debate on the Address for eleven days. +</p> + +<p> +Forster's case was a very simple one. The Land League +was supreme, and its power must be crippled. This could +only be done by extending the range of the executive. With +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P167"></a>167}</span> +the suspension of Habeas Corpus the authors of the outrages, +who were known to the police, could be arrested and the +course of justice would not be interfered with by corrupt +evidence. It was the point of view of the official responsible +for public order, that and nothing more. Mr. Parnell's +view pierced the surface facts of the case. The League did +nothing but organise and express the public opinion of +Ireland. The Government's policy was simply one of +coercion, that is, of violence. Although it was admitted +that wrongs were endured, the Government's policy did +not include any method of redressing those wrongs. Eviction +of tenants who could not possibly pay their rent through +no fault of their own was palpable injustice. Let that +injustice be put an end to, and outrages would soon cease. +It was clearly the duty of the representatives of Ireland to +put every difficulty in the way of the passing of such a +measure as the Chief Secretary's. +</p> + +<p> +At this stage of his career Mr. Labouchere was not a +Home Ruler. In his first speech to his electors at +Northampton,[<a id="chap08fn1text"></a><a href="#chap08fn1">1</a>] he had said: "I really have not understood myself +what Home Rule means. I should be exceedingly sorry to +see the Union between Great Britain and Ireland done away +with. I think it is absolutely necessary for the well-being +of both countries, but I am myself in favour of as much +local government, not only in Ireland, but in all parts of +England as possible." He was voicing the views of +Mr. Chamberlain, whose trumpet from the beginning had set +forth no uncertain sound, for the member for Birmingham +was then, and remained, unalterably opposed to the +separation of the two kingdoms, and to the institution of an +Independent Parliament in Dublin. +</p> + +<p> +On January 27, Forster's Bill for the Protection of Life +and Property in Ireland having been introduced three days +previously, Mr. Labouchere, speaking in favour of an amendment +introduced in his name to the effect "that no Bill for +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P168"></a>168}</span> +the Protection of Life and Property in Ireland will be +satisfactory which does not include protection to the tenant in +cases where it can be shown, to the satisfaction of a Court +of Justice, that the tenant's rent is excessive or that he is +unable, owing to temporary circumstances, to pay it," said +that, while he was a genuine supporter of the Prime Minister, +he did not intend to rain down blessings on that gentleman's +head that evening. He found himself occupying a singular +position. He was returned there as a Radical by a very +advanced constituency, and, to his surprise, he found himself +almost alone with his colleague as an advocate of Conservatism +in the real, though not in the party, sense of the word. +He was there to defend the Habeas Corpus. He was ready +to admit that Englishmen had many virtues, but they were +somewhat intolerant, and they were curiously intolerant +when any country under their rule ventured to have the +same virtues as themselves. There was nothing they valued +so highly as self-government, and yet, when Ireland asked for +self-government in local matters, they regarded the demand +as something monstrous and intolerable. The Chief Secretary +had urged that the Bill must be passed as quickly as possible +on account of outrages! He must remember that there were +such things as standing orders, and that honourable gentlemen +opposite would be able to delay the Bill for a considerable +time.... It was taking a really too Arcadian view +of human nature to suppose that honourable gentlemen +opposite would not use—or even misuse—every standing +order of the House to prevent the passing of such a Bill. +The right honourable gentleman seemed to have thought, +in pleading urgency, that the Irish members would act like +the "dilly, dilly ducks" which came to be killed when they +were called. The reports of the outrages had come from +magistrates most of whom were landowners, and from police +constables; and they knew in England how to judge of +constables' evidence. (Oh! oh!) He quoted a return. +"Injured persons were Margaret Lydon, Patrick Whalem, and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P169"></a>169}</span> +Bridget Whalem. It appeared that: A dispute arose about +the possession of a small plot of ground, and John Lydon +assaulted the injured persons. Yet, in the very next case, +John Lydon appeared as the injured person, because he was +assaulted as the time of the above dispute by his own wife. +This was obviously a little domestic difference between a +husband and his spouse, yet it was converted into two +separate outrages. As regarded cattle maiming, it was no +new thing. Dean Swift jeered at his countrymen on the +subject. 'Did they, like Don Quixote, look on a flock of +sheep as an army?'" Labouchere wound up his speech, +after pointing out the danger of the Chief Secretary's +"hideous doctrine of constructive treason" and animadverting +on the idea of making use of secret informers, whom he +regarded as "the lowest, vilest, and most contemptible of +the human race," by stating that the purpose of the Bill +was not to suppress outrages or exclusive dealing, but solely +to enable landlords to collect their rents.[<a id="chap08fn2text"></a><a href="#chap08fn2">2</a>] Mr. Serjeant +Simon retorted in his defence of the Bill, not quite unjustly +perhaps, that Mr. Labouchere's speech had been more +facetious than fair, more humorous than consistent. +Certainly the John Lydon mixed outrage was a hardly +representative specimen of the statistics before the House. The +O'Donoghue, on the other hand, had listened to the speech +with great pleasure, and felt sure it would be received with +satisfaction by a larger circle outside the constituency of +Northampton when public opinion in England and Scotland +came to be enlightened on this subject. Labouchere +continued to argue against the Bill in Committee in every +imaginable way. Much of his argument was mere heckling +of Mr. Forster. He was always a little inclined to confuse +the floor of the House with the hustings, a state of mind +which sometimes deprived his speeches of the persuasive +value that their argumentative ability deserved. Every +now and then he made a crushing point against the Government. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P170"></a>170}</span> +"The Home Secretary (Sir William Harcourt)," he +said, "had incited a prejudice against the Land League by +quoting what the Fenians had done in America. He had +read a speech from a Mr. Devoy, an American Fenian, to +the effect that he had contemplated blowing up the entire +Government of this country, most of the towns in this country +and the capital, and, is this monster, the Home Secretary +had asked, to be allowed to say these things without protest? +He had pointed out the terrible consequences of this speech: +how a certain Patrick Stewart immediately subscribed the +sum of one dollar that these intentions might be carried out.... +Such men as Redpath (another American Fenian) and +Devoy, the Right Honourable gentleman told them, would +'come over to Ireland, and the Bill is intended for those +gentlemen.' Surely," pursued Mr. Labouchere blandly, +"the Right Honourable gentleman was an eminent authority +on international law and must be aware that, if these +Americans were to come over to Ireland, and if they were to +be taken up on mere suspicion and put in prison for eighteen +months without being told, or without their Minister in +England being told, for what they were put in prison, we +should get, and rightly too, into considerable difficulty with +the American Government. (Sir William Harcourt: No!) The +Right Honourable gentleman said no. Perhaps he +meant that he would get us out of the difficulty. But +would it not have been better to have brought in an Aliens +Bill than to suspend the Habeas Corpus in Ireland? It was +a strange thing to suspend the Habeas Corpus in Ireland, +because an American had made a speech in America."[<a id="chap08fn3text"></a><a href="#chap08fn3">3</a>] This +characteristic speech is a very good specimen of +Labouchere's method in attack. His manner was one of +irresponsible persiflage, stinging and exasperating those of his +opponents whom it failed to amuse,[<a id="chap08fn4text"></a><a href="#chap08fn4">4</a>] his matter both sound +and serious. It would have been difficult to have summed up +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P171"></a>171}</span> +Forster's Bill better than Labouchere did in the following +list of "Alleged advantages and real disadvantages of the +Bill." (1) Alleged advantages: (<i>a</i>) it would drive a certain +number of crazy Fenians out of Ireland. (<i>b</i>) It would lead +to the imprisonment of certain village ruffians who probably +deserve it. (<i>c</i>) It would enable landlords to collect their +rents. (2) Disadvantages: (<i>a</i>) It would do away with the +useful action of the Land League. (<i>b</i>) It would enable the +landlords not only to collect their rents from men who could +pay them, but also to evict from their small holdings men +who could not—the very thing the Land League had been +preventing. (<i>c</i>) It would alienate all classes in Ireland from +the English connection. (<i>d</i>) It would substitute secret +societies for the open society called the Land League. +(<i>e</i>) The Government would be playing into the hands of the +Fenians, who would acquire an influence they did not then +possess. Certainly it would have been difficult to prophesy +more accurately what were the actual consequences of the +passing of the Coercion Bill. He concluded his speech on +this occasion by warning the Irish members not to persevere +in a policy of obstruction, both on account of the prejudice +it created against them and on account of the excellence of +their cause. Let that cause be stated fairly and honestly +to the English people—let it be allowed to stand on its own +merits. He believed many people in England were already +very much inclined to take the same view as many Irishmen +on Irish matters. There were many points on which the +democracy of England and Ireland ought to unite. He +therefore hoped that honourable gentlemen opposite would +not be carried away by the irritation of the moment. He +hated the Coercion Bill as much as they did, but he could not +shut his eyes to the fact that the Liberals, not the Conservatives, +had done the best for Ireland, and he wound up with a +eulogy in this connection of the "two patron saints of my +political calendar"—Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright.[<a id="chap08fn5text"></a><a href="#chap08fn5">5</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P172"></a>172}</span> +</p> + +<p> +The Arms Bill—or the Peace Preservation Bill, as it was +called—by which the Coercion Bill was promptly followed, +was another target for Mr. Labouchere's darts. He pointed +out the suspicious nature of the support given by the +Opposition to the Government, which delayed the introduction of +Liberal legislation for England and widened the breach +between the Liberal party and the Irish. +</p> + +<p> +Perhaps the most serious and immediate consequence +of the Coercion Act was the arrest of Parnell, which took +place on October 13. This event, which caused frenzied +joy in England, was one of Forster's worst mistakes in +Ireland. The Land League at once issued a "No rent" +manifesto. It was signed by Parnell, Dillon, Sexton, and +Brennan, who were all in Kilmainham Gaol, and Egan, the +treasurer of the League at Paris. Forster, not sorry to be +able to do so, retorted by proclaiming the League an illegal +association, the legality of which proceeding was doubtful, +according to Lord Eversley. It had been impossible to +convict the League of a violation of the law and the Coercion +Act contained no clause authorising its suppression. On +the other hand, the "No rent" manifesto was also an obvious +blunder. The clergy denounced it from every altar in +Ireland, as indeed they could hardly help doing, and only +in the west, where large bodies of the poorer tenants were +already refusing to pay their rents without deduction, did +it take effect. The agrarian war was consequently intensified, +and English opinion greatly incensed. The local heads +of the League were arrested all over the disturbed areas, +and the Coercion Act pressed into the service of landlords +to enable them to collect their rents, no matter how excessive +they might be. Evictions were naturally multiplied. Most +serious consequence of all—and directly traceable to the +ill-advised arrest of Parnell and the leaders of the Land +League—secret societies, with their inevitable accompaniment +of crime and outrage, began to take the place of open +and, at least relatively, constitutional agitation. Parnell +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P173"></a>173}</span> +had been asked by an admirer, who would take his place in +case of his arrest. "Captain Moonlight will take my place," +was his grim reply. Captain Moonlight did so. During +the months preceding the passing of the Coercion Act there +were seven homicides, twenty-one cases of firing at the +person, and sixty-two of firing into dwellings. +</p> + +<p> +The work of the suppressed Land League was carried on +by the Ladies' Land League under the presidency of Parnell's +sister. The ladies, if they did not actually stimulate crime, +did little to suppress it. When Parnell eventually emerged +from Kilmainham, he was furious with them, both on +account of their policy and their extravagance. Outrages +had increased, and they had spent £70,000 during the seven +months of his incarceration! +</p> + +<p> +The Coercion Act had evidently failed to produce the +results expected. Nevertheless, Forster and Lord Cowper +could think of nothing but more coercion. Gladstone +refused to accede to their proposals. He had never liked +coercion himself, and his hands were strengthened by the +support of Chamberlain in the Cabinet, who was energetically +backed in the press by John Morley, then editing the +<i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>. Meanwhile Parnell, realising that his +prolonged detention at Kilmainham was damaging his cause, +entered into negotiations with the Government by means of +Captain O'Shea; and although Mr. Gladstone was, no doubt, +literally truthful in denying the existence of any formal +"treaty," an understanding was reached between the Government +and the Irish leader. The main source of unrest and +disorder in the country was, according to Parnell, the smaller +tenants, some 100,000 in number, who were utterly unable +to pay the arrears of rent due from them, and were, in +consequence, liable at any moment to eviction. The Government +must deal in a generous and statesmanlike way with +the lot of these unhappy people. Parnell, if free to resume +an effective leadership, would be able to do much to curb +the criminal forces set in motion by the secret societies. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P174"></a>174}</span> +On May 2, Parnell and his companions were released from +Kilmainham, and Forster and Lord Cowper at once resigned. +</p> + +<p> +Forster made his statement in the House on May 4. +It was to the effect that the state of the country did not +justify the release of Parnell without a new Coercion Act. +Just as he had uttered the following words, "There are two +warrants which I signed in regard to the member for the +City of Cork—" Parnell entered the House. It was a +dramatic scene. Deafening cheers broke from the Irish +benches, drowning Forster's voice and preventing the +conclusion of the sentence from being heard. Parnell quickly +surveyed the situation, and, bowing to the Speaker, passed +"with head erect and measured tread to his place, the victor +of the House." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Gladstone answered Forster, saying that the +circumstances which had warranted Parnell's arrest no longer +existed, and that "he had an assurance that if the Government +dealt with the arrears question, the three members +released would range themselves on the side of law and +order." Parnell then intervened, saying that he had in no +way suggested any bargain with the Prime Minister, but +that there could be no doubt that a settlement of the arrears +question would have an enormous effect in the restoration of +law and order, and would take away the last excuse for outrage. +</p> + +<p> +Irish prospects had not looked brighter in the House for +many a year, but, unfortunately, only two days after the +memorable afternoon on which Mr. Gladstone dissociated +himself from his sometime Irish Minister and threw himself +into Parnell's arms, England was horrified by a terrible +tragedy. Lord Spencer and Lord Frederick Cavendish had +been appointed to the vacant offices of Lord Cowper and +Mr. Forster. The new Chief Secretary and Mr. Burke, +permanent Under-Secretary, were murdered close to the +Vice-regal Lodge in Phœnix Park, on the evening following +Lord Spencer's state entry into Dublin. Mr. O'Brien, in +his <i>Life of Parnell</i>, says that "Cavendish was killed simply +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P175"></a>175}</span> +through the accident of his being with Mr. Burke, whose +death was the real object of the assassins."[<a id="chap08fn6text"></a><a href="#chap08fn6">6</a>] No one was +more overwhelmed by the tragedy than Parnell himself. +"How can I," he said, "carry on a public agitation if I am +stabbed in the back in this way?" +</p> + +<p> +The House met on the 8th, and Parnell made a short, +straightforward speech, condemning the outrages in +unqualified terms. He also expressed the fear that the +Government would feel themselves obliged, under the circumstances, +to revert to coercion. His fear was justified, and on May 11, +the Home Secretary, Sir William Harcourt, introduced a +Crimes Bill, based on previous suggestions of Lord Cowper. +</p> + +<p> +It is easy to see now that this proceeding was a mistake. +It should have been evident to any unbiassed observer that, +far from Parnell and the League being responsible for +outrages, whether agrarian or political, it was during the +imprisonment of Parnell and after the dissolution of the League +that they increased and finally led up to the tragedy of +Phœnix Park. But the Government had to count with +English opinion, which was exasperated by the murder of +Burke and Cavendish almost to the point of hysteria. To +most English people Ireland was little more than a +geographical expression; in so far as it connoted anything else, +it bored and disgusted them. Parnell indicated the true +inwardness of Mr. Gladstone's altered attitude in a speech +on May 20, in which he said: "I regret that the event in +Phœnix Park has prevented him (Mr. Gladstone) continuing +the course of conciliation that we had expected from him. +I regret that, owing to the exigencies of his party, of his +position in the country, he has felt himself compelled to turn +from that course of conciliation and concession into the +horrible paths of coercion." +</p> + +<p> +Labouchere took Mr. Parnell's view of the situation, +and argued with much zest against the worst features of the +Crimes Bill. Speaking on May 18, on the second reading, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P176"></a>176}</span> +he said that it was clear from the fact that the House was +now asked to pass a remedial measure (the Arrears Bill) and +a Coercion Bill that the former policy of the Government +had been a failure. +</p> + +<p> +But the present Coercion Bill erred precisely in the same +direction that the other had done, because it was not aimed +solely at outrage, but was directed at honourable members +sitting opposite. In fact he (Mr. Labouchere) could see the +trail of the honourable member for Bradford (Mr. W. E. Forster) +and of his policy in this measure. The Government +ought to try to get the majority of the Irish people on their +side to fight with them against outrage. Was this Bill +likely to enlist the sympathies of the Irish members? +Mr. Labouchere expressed the principle of his objection to the +Bill by saying that as long as political and criminal elements +were mixed up in the Bill he could not vote for it. He +objected particularly to the following features. The "intimidation +clause" went too far, being directed against boycotting, +which, although it had its bad features, was, as a system +of exclusive trading, legitimate. He considered it "monstrous" +that the authorities should have power to detain any +person out after sunset. He objected to the clause dealing +with the press, and he thought that three years was too long +a period for the Bill to remain in force. Who could say who +might be Lord-Lieutenant in three years? He could not +imagine anything more horrible than that, say, the right +honourable gentleman the member for North Lincolnshire +(Mr. J. Lowther) should be invested with the powers of the +Bill. The consequence would perhaps be, that if the Prime +Minister went over to Ireland, he would be arrested and put +into prison. His admiration for the Prime Minister was +increasing, but all his colleagues were not as well minded as +himself. There seemed to be two currents in the cabinet— +some members who desired to do all they could for Ireland +being baulked by those of their colleagues called Whigs.[<a id="chap08fn7text"></a><a href="#chap08fn7">7</a>] +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P177"></a>177}</span> +Mr. Labouchere worked out of Parliament, as well as in, +for the improvement of the Bill. He was incessantly +negotiating both with the Government and the Irish leaders to +defeat what he felt to be its impossible features and to modify +the remaining ones in the direction of conciliation. He had +written two days before the speech just mentioned to +Mr. Chamberlain as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, May 16, 1882. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I enclose Bill with Healy's amendments. +He says that what he means in the suggested changes +in the Intimidation Clause is, that only a person who actually +threatens a person with injury should come under the provisions +of the Bill. What he objects to is constructive intimidation. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I went through the Bill thus amended with Parnell. He +agrees with them in the main, but would like to have the opinion +of a lawyer with regard to them. Like Healy, his chief objection +is to constructive intimidation. He says that if the Government +will meet him and his party in the conciliatory spirit of the +amendments, he will promise that the opposition to the Bill shall +be conducted on honest Parliamentary lines, and that there shall +be no abstention. He specially urges that the Bill shall only be +in operation until the close of next session; he puts this on two +grounds: (1) That the Tories may possibly come in at the end +of that time. (2) That he may be able to advise the Irish to be +quiet in the hopes of no renewal of the Bill. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He says that he is in a very difficult position between the +Government and the secret societies. The latter, he says, are +more numerous than are supposed; that most of those connected +with them only wish to be let alone, but that he greatly fears that +if they are disgusted they will commit outrages. The late +murders, he seems to think, were, when agrarian, the acts of men +who had a grudge against a particular individual, and, when +political, the acts of skirmishers from America. I really think +that he is most anxious to be able to support the Government; +he fully admits that a Bill is necessary on account of English +opinion, but he does not wish to have it applied to himself, and +he doubts whether it will be really effectual against the outrage +mongers. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P178"></a>178}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Healy goes so far as to say that if the Prime Minister or you +were to administer the Bill it would do no harm, and that he is +not greatly afraid of it in the hands of Lord Spencer, but that it +would be a monstrous weapon of oppression in the hands of Jim +Lowther. I am sure that with conciliation you can now, for +the first time, get the Parnellites on your side. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +This letter Mr. Chamberlain sent to Mr. Gladstone, +promising to bring the draft of the Bill to the House that +afternoon. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere continued to Mr. Chamberlain on the +following day: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +He (Healy) points out that even the Conservative newspapers +are against the Newspaper Clause, and he wants it made +applicable only to newspapers printed out of Ireland. With +regard to the Search Clause, he will make a fight for nominative +warrants, and he also wants an amendment securing an indemnity +in case of injury done to property by the searchers. He points +out that there ought to be a right of appeal from the County +Court Judge to the Queen's Bench. With respect to the Intimidation +Clause, he seems to approve of cutting out the definition +clause, but is very anxious for some restriction in the terms of +the clause, so that there may be no crime of constructive +intimidation. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +There is to be a private meeting at one to-morrow of himself, +Parnell, T. P. O'Connor, and Sexton. He will say to them that +he thinks that Government will agree to the County Court +Judges and to the period of the Bill being shortened. He will, +however, before the meeting, go further into details as regards +the position with Parnell. He is most desirous that there should +be no plea for saying that there is a bargain of any kind. I have +told him that, in the Prime Minister, they have a friend, but that +they must take into consideration his position as the leader of a +Government where possibly all are not as well disposed, and as +the head of a country where there is a popular outcry for stringent +measures. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +On May 22, he wrote again, after a further interview +with Parnell: +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P179"></a>179}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +This is about the sum total of what Parnell took an hour to +tell me. He does not in the least complain of you, and really is +most anxious to get on with the Government if possible. He +wants me to let him know as soon as possible to-morrow whether +he is to consider that there is to be no concession. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Parnell says: That the Arrears Bill has been very well received +in Ireland, and that, if it be followed by one making certain +modifications of no very important character in the Land Bill, +he is convinced that the situation will greatly improve, provided +that concessions be made in the Coercion Bill. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He suggests that the Coercion and the Arrears Bill move +forward <i>pari passu</i>, and that only small progress be made with +the Coercion Bill before Whitsuntide, in order to give time +for the passions to cool, and for persons to see by experience that +the condition of Ireland is not so bad as is supposed. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If urgency is to be voted on the Coercion Bill, he asks that +it should be voted by a simple majority, and that it should be +stated that it will be used whenever any Legislative measures in +regard to Ireland are brought forward during the Session and +obstructed by the Conservatives. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He greatly regrets the speech of Davitt, but says that he +(Davitt) has no intention to go to Ireland, and that his land +scheme is a little fad of his own. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He says that he is most anxious for a <i>modus vivendi</i>, and believes +that if the present opportunity for establishing one be let +pass, it is not likely to recur. He and his friends, he says, are +incurring the serious risk of assassination in their efforts to bring +it about, and he thinks that his suggestions ought to be judged on +their merits, but that, with the Coercion Act as it is, there will +be so much anger and ill-feeling in Ireland, that all alliance with +the Liberal party will be impossible. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He points out, not as a matter of bargain, but as a fact, that +the Liberals may—if only there be concessions on the Coercion +Bill, and a few modifications in the Land Bill—count on the +Irish vote, as against the Conservatives, and suggests that this +will make the Government absolutely safe, even though there +be Whig defections. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere continued, as will be seen by the following +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P180"></a>180}</span> +letters to Mr. Chamberlain, to press the views of the +Irish leaders upon the Government. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 3, 1882. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—We have done our best during your +absence to hold our own against Harcourt. The only important +issue yet raised has been the exclusion of treason and treason +felony from the Bill. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +On Thursday I went to Grosvenor from Parnell to ask that +the debate should be adjourned. Gladstone said that Parnell +ought to consider that after Harcourt's "no surrender" speech +the Government would not be able to give in the next day, and +that the division if taken would be larger on Thursday than on +Friday, and that the matter might be reconsidered in Report. +I said that if Government would give any private assurance, or +if Gladstone would say in the House, that the exclusion would be +favourably considered on Report, he could have the division at +once. This latter he was afraid to do, for Harcourt, as sulky as +a bear, was glaring at him. He therefore agreed to consent +"with regret" to the adjournment. When, however, Parnell +moved it, our idiots and the Conservatives shouted so loudly +"no," that a division had to be taken. Then Healy moved it, +on which Gladstone did hint at the Report, but said nothing +definite, except that it would be impossible to consult at once +with the Irish Executive. The next day, Grosvenor wrote to me +to say that he spoke without prejudice and held out no hope, but +would I call "Parnell's attention to one sentence in one of +Gladstone's concluding speeches, which was to the effect that it was +impossible to call the attention of the Irish Government to the +question of omitting treason and treason felony, between last +night and this day, and therefore it would be better to bring up +the question again on Report. Please ask Parnell to consider +this fact." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +On Friday morning the Irish held a meeting, and they agreed +to keep what they did secret, decided that if treason were retained, +at least treason felony should be eliminated. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +On the House meeting Trevelyan tackled me, and said: "I +am opposed to the insertion of treason and treason felony, and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P181"></a>181}</span> +I am disposed to make large concessions. You know that I am +a person of strong will. I now understand the Bill, and you will +see how I shall act." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Grosvenor also said that I need not believe him, as he +quite agreed with me, but that Harcourt was the difficulty. +I asked him whether he would agree that if Lord Spencer said +that treason and treason felony were not needed, they should +be struck out on Report. He replied that the onus could not +be thrown on Spencer, but that it must be the act of the +Cabinet. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +So after seeing Parnell it was agreed that the division should +be taken at 7.30. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Why Parnell is making such a fight over this, and will make +a fight over the Intimidation Clause, is that unless concession be +made, he will find it difficult to hold his own. Egan, he says, +wants to carry on the agitation from Paris, in which case it will +be illegal; he wants to carry it on in Dublin, in which case it will +be legal. If concessions are made he will have his way; if not, +Egan will remain the master in Paris. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Grosvenor quite admits that it is most desirable to aid Parnell +to remain leader. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Parnell says: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +"I ask, in order to put an end definitely to the land agitation: +that a clause should be introduced into the Arrears Bill, allowing +small tenants in the Land Court to pay on Griffiths' valuation +until their cases are decided: that there should be an expansion +of the Bright Clauses next year if not this; and that a Royal +Commission be appointed to keep the agricultural labourers +quiet by taking evidence. Then I propose to ask for a fair and +reasonable measure of local self-government, such as an English +Government can grant," and he assures me that in all questions +between me and the Conservatives and the Liberals, the latter +shall have the Irish vote. I believe that he is perfectly sincere, +and that he is thoroughly frightened by threats of assassination; +indeed he told me that he never went about without a revolver +in his pocket, and even then did not feel safe. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I write you all this for your private information, as you may +wish to know the exact situation at present.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P182"></a>182}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +REFORM CLUB, June 8, 1882. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN—Parnell says that it is absolutely +necessary that something should be understood, and that if no +concession be made on the Intimidation Clause, he considers +that things revert to where they were under the Forster regime, +and that they will fight until urgency is voted and then fight on +urgency until a <i>coup d'état</i> is carried out. Allowing for some +exaggeration, a simple consideration of his position towards his +party shows that this programme is necessarily forced upon him. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Surely we have a right to see the clause as Government will +agree to it, before passing a portion of it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I believe that this would be agreed to: that intimidation shall +mean any threats, etc., to violence, any boycotting which involves +danger such, for instance, as a doctor refusing to attend a sick +man, or a refusal to supply the necessaries of life, and any specific +act that is set out in the Bill, but <i>nothing more</i>. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +C. Russell, Bryce, and Davy are trying their hands at this +and hope to be able to frame a clause on these lines. You will +no doubt see that, if something cannot be done to-morrow, the +fat will be in the fire. Would it not therefore be well to leave +the clause until the other clauses are passed, and then bring it +on?—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 9, 1882. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I wrote you a line in a great hurry +last night, but after the House had adjourned I again saw Parnell. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He is most anxious that Mr. Gladstone should not think +that obstruction arises from any ill-feeling towards him, and +that he does not, in his own interests, wish it to be thought that +anything in the nature of a bargain is to be made. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +But he wants Mr. Gladstone to know facts. He says that +there are two sections in the Land League. The funds of the +League are at Paris, where a large sum is invested in securities. +Egan wishes to trench on these securities, but Parnell and Davitt +have been able to stop this, and at present nothing is expended +but the weekly contributions. Egan and his section of the +League are furious at the idea of the League being converted +into a moderate tenant right Association, with its headquarters +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P183"></a>183}</span> +in Dublin. This he desires. Every day the ultras of his party +are telling him that nothing is gained by conciliation. If the +Bill is to be passed in its present shape, he declares that neither +he nor his friends can have anything to do with a moderate policy, +and, as they absolutely decline to associate themselves with +Egan and his desperate courses, they must withdraw. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The result, he says, will be that the Fenians will be masters +of the situation, that they will have funds, and that there will be +assassinations and outrages all over Ireland. So soon as he +withdraws, he considers that his own life will not be worth a day's +purchase. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If he is able to head the tenant right Association, he considers +that he can crush out the Fenians—more especially if something +is done in the Arrears Bill to meet the difficulty of the small +tenants, who are waiting for their cases to be decided on in the +Land Courts, being evicted, before their cases come on, for +non-payment of excessive rents. If nothing be done in this matter, +and if he be allowed to have his tenant right Association, this he +says will be his great difficulty next winter. He wishes +Mr. Gladstone to observe that Davitt has not made any speeches in +Ireland, and he says that he obtained this pledge from him in +order to show the result of conciliation. He disagrees entirely +with Davitt's "nationalisation" of land scheme, and says that +the Irish tenants do not themselves desire it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He again suggests whether it would not be possible to insert +limitations in the Intimidation Clause? And he would suggest +that, if possible, it would be desirable to leave the clause as it +stands, without any definition section, and to say that, as there +is no desire to prevent an orderly and legal tenant right Association, +additions will be made to the clause on Report, defining +all this. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As regards the tribunal, he hopes that Mr. Gladstone will +agree to a proviso, making the Court consist of a magistrate +and a barrister. This he thinks will render it more easy to accept +the intimidation clause with the limitations that he suggests, for +many of the resident magistrates are half-pay captains, who have +been appointed by interest, and who are hand in glove with the +landlords, and some of them are certain to act foolishly. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If this be accepted, if unlawful associations are made there +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P184"></a>184}</span> +which the Lord Lieutenant declares to be unlawful; if it be made +a crime to not attend an unlawful assembly, but to riot at, or to +refuse to retire if called upon to do so from an unlawful assembly, +I do not think that he attaches very great importance to the +duration of the Act, although he still says that he does, but he +would be satisfied if the duration of the Act were for three years +with the proviso that the Lord Lieutenant has to prolong it (if it +is prolonged) by a proclamation at the end of each year. He is +anxious for this, because he thinks that he could do much for the +cause of law and order, if he were able to point out that possibly +the Act would not run for the whole three years, if the Irish are +quiet and peaceable. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +His main anxiety at the present moment seems to be, that +Mr. Gladstone should understand the position of the Land League +and of its leaders. He wishes most sincerely to fight with the +Government against all outrages, and he complains that his good +intentions are met every moment by a <i>non possumus</i> of lawyers, +who seem to regard it as a matter of <i>amour propre</i> not to listen +to him, and he says (and I am sure he believes it) that the result +will be murders and outrages which will end in martial +law.—Yours truly, H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +P.S.—With regard to supply, he says that he thinks it a +little hard, that he should be asked not to obstruct one Bill, +because the Conservatives will obstruct another, and he suggests +that Supply might be taken before the Report on the Bill now +under discussion, with some sort of understanding that the Irish +would not put down notices on going into Committee of Supply. +But on this matter, he says that he is certain that if Mr. Gladstone +will fairly look into his suggestions, he will see their force, +and he still hopes that all obstruction, etc., etc., may be avoided. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 10, 1882. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—As it seems to be understood that +Harcourt had stated in the House his readiness to accept the +amendment which I gave you yesterday, Healy has put it down. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As regards "unlawful," which was negatived last night, I +explained to Healy that it was impossible to make the limitation +on account of legal and technical difficulties, and he fully accepted +this explanation. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P185"></a>185}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +With regard to the two limitations which stand in Parnell's +name, and which they ask for, I told Healy that the wording +of the limitations could not be used, as it would have a bad effect +to say in an Act that the non-payment of rent is not an offence. +To this he assented, and is quite ready to accept any words, +taken from the Act of '75 or from anywhere else, which will +cover the limitations. Would it not be as well to have the +words ready, and to let Parnell have them, or at least to be +ready with the substituted words when Parnell's amendment +comes on? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +There is a clause about exclusive dealing. When the suggestions +which I submitted to you were being discussed by Parnell +and Healy, they were very anxious to include Davy's amendment +in regard to exclusive dealing, substituting for "dealing +with"—"buying," by which they would have excluded a refusal +to buy from Boycotting. I got them to say that this was not to +be pressed if Government declined to accept the amendment, so +I did not trouble you with it. Late last evening Parnell wanted +to insist on it, so I appealed to Healy. He said that they were +bound not to insist on more than had been submitted to you, as +this would not be honourable, and therefore all trouble on this +head is avoided. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Of course they will in the House divide on some amendment +in regard to exclusive dealing, as a protest, and they may make +one or two speeches, but there will be no obstruction, and I see +no reason why the Bill should not be through Committee +(notwithstanding Goschen's gloomy prognostications) in a few days. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It would, I think, very much tend to aid matters if Harcourt +could in the course of discussion state, that in all cases a barrister +will sit with a residential magistrate. He has already said that +there will be an appeal to Quarter Sessions, which in Ireland +means an appeal to the County Court Judge. But some of the +residential magistrates are very foolish persons, and all are +regarded as men in the landlords' camp. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Also, is it not possible to arrive at some clear definition as to +what is an unlawful association? Parnell says that it is left now +to any residential magistrate to decide the matter. He suggests +that only such associations shall be unlawful, for the purpose of +the Act, which are proclaimed as such by the Lord Lieutenant. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P186"></a>186}</span> +But provided that there be a clear definition, he does not care +for any particular wording. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Parnell and Healy request me to say that they are very grateful +to Mr. Gladstone for meeting them half-way, and they seem +only now anxious about "treason felony." As Herschell told me +that he thinks everything necessary will be covered by the +word "treason," I hope that this matter will also be settled +satisfactorily.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +P.S.—Parnell would not like any one but you and Mr. Gladstone +to know about his dispute with Egan, and the embargo +on the League funds, except in a very general way. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 24, 1882. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I saw Parnell, and spoke to him as you +wished. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +His answer is practically this: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +"I acknowledge that Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Chamberlain +have acted fairly, and so far as I can I should always be ready to +meet their wishes. But I deny that we have obtained the +concessions that we expected. I am not prepared to go back to +Ireland and engage in bringing the agitation within constitutional +limits, on the mere chance of Lord Spencer not arresting me. +The Fenians want one thing: the Ladies' League another: the +people in Paris (Egan) another: and I another. Therefore I +shall limit my action to Parliament and leave the Government +and the Fenians to fight it out in Ireland. The Cabinet do not +seem to realise that the Crimes Bill is a very complex one, and +very loosely drawn up. There has been no obstruction in the +proper sense of the word, although I admit that the Irish have +repeated again and again the same arguments on amendments. +But this I cannot help, unless I tell them that they will get +something by holding their tongues. When the Conservatives +threatened obstruction on Procedure, this was met by telling them that +the majority resolution would not be pressed if they would +facilitate business. Why should not the same arrangement be +made with us? Let us know what amendments will be accepted +in future. I am most anxious to carry out what I understood +was the contemplated policy when I was released from +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P187"></a>187}</span> +Kilmainham, and to work with the Government in bringing the active +phase of Irish agitation to a close. But this I cannot do if I am +suspected of ulterior objects, and if I cannot show that something +is gained for my party." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He then suggested that if the Government would take their +November Session for alterations in the Land Act, he would do +his best to facilitate business now in regard to the Crimes, and +the Arrears Bill, and the Procedure Resolutions, provided that +the majority Resolution were maintained. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I asked him what he really wanted under the term of alterations +in the Land Act? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He said: "To go back to the system of reductions in rent +which was acted on before the Stuart Donleathcase, and to extend +the Bright clauses in the sense of W. H. Smith's resolution." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Finally, I again urged him to remember what Mr. Gladstone +and you had done for him already, and to see whether he could +not manage to bring the Committee Stage of the Bill to an end +within a reasonable time. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +On Monday, Sexton proposes to cut Chaplin out by bringing +forward a resolution about the suspects. Parnell says that this +is absolutely necessary, because he and his friends are blamed for +only caring for their own release. But Sexton will say that he +only does this, because it is a choice between his resolution and +Chaplin's, and there will be no talking to hinder the Government +from getting their money, or with the object of obstructing. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have got to go to Northampton on Monday, so I shall not +be in the House until late.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +When the Crimes Act was finally passed, Mr. Labouchere +expressed himself in <i>Truth</i> as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +When Mr. Parnell was released from Kilmainham, it was +understood that the Land Act would be amended, that evictions +would be stopped by an Arrears Bill, and that the leaders of the +land movement would be permitted to agitate within fair legal +limits in favour of the political and social changes desired by their +countrymen. Had this understanding been carried out, the breach +between the Parnellites and the Liberals would have been healed. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P188"></a>188}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mr. Forster was the first to perceive that as a result of a <i>modus +vivendi</i> he would have to disappear with his policy of coercion. He +therefore resigned, in the hope that this would render it impossible +to carry out the Kilmainham compact. Then followed the +murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish. The horror which this +created was skilfully used by the Whigs in the Cabinet, and they +succeeded in promoting a Bill, not so much aimed at outrages as +at the Kilmainham compact. This Bill is a complete codification +of arbitrary rule. It places the lives, liberties, and property +of the Irish in the hands of the Executive, and seeks to suppress +every species of political agitation. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Unfortunately, Mr. Trevelyan was awaiting his re-election +when it was introduced, and it was left to Sir William Harcourt +to carry it through the House of Commons. Of course, as Sir +William is the head-centre of the Whigs, he delighted in his task. +Not only did he refuse every modification of the Bill, except +those which were rendered absolutely necessary by the absurd +way in which it was drawn, but almost every day he envenomed +discussion by transpontine outbursts against the Irish members. +I do not blame him. I blame no one who plays his cards to his +own best advantage. This is human nature. Sir William knew +that if the English Radicals and the Irish were allied, he and his +Whigs would lose all influence, whilst of Ireland he knew +absolutely nothing. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The result, therefore, has been that the Whigs triumph, and +that several weeks have been wasted in passing a Bill which will +do nothing to hinder outrages, but which will simply increase +the ill-feeling between England and Ireland. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If the leaders of the land movement are wise, they will not +endeavour to hold meetings. They should declare that public +meeting has been rendered impossible by the Crimes Act; and +they should, as an act of charity, collect funds to aid all who +have been evicted, no matter from what cause, and thus band +the Irish tenants together in a friendly society. At the same time, +they should devote all their energies to increase their numbers in +the next Parliament, and they should submit test questions to +every Liberal standing for an English constituency where there +are Irish voters, and make these votes dependent upon the +manner in which the questions are answered. If Mr. Parnell can +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P189"></a>189}</span> +hold the balance in Parliament between the rival aspirants for +the Treasury Bench, he may be certain that any just demand +that he may make will be granted. The democracy of England +and Ireland, with Mr. Gladstone at their head, would make short +work of Conservative and Whig obstructive trash. The landlords +in Ireland and the Whigs in England stand in the way of +peace and tranquillity in the former island, and of mutual good +feeling in both.[<a id="chap08fn8text"></a><a href="#chap08fn8">8</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +To quote Mr. Labouchere's views on Ireland during the +dark and gloomy period which followed the introduction of +the Prevention of Crimes Bill is to quote Mr. Chamberlain's, +for, as is seen by their constant correspondence, the two +were one in their views on Irish discontent. Mr. Chamberlain +made a speech at Swansea in February, 1883, in which +he asked his audience how long they supposed Englishmen +with their free institutions would tolerate the existence of +an Irish Poland so near to their own shores. Was separation +the only alternative? He thought not. Separation, +in his opinion, would "jeopardise the security of this country, +and would be fatal to the prosperity and happiness of +Ireland." He, like Labouchere, was prepared to relax the bond, +even by conceding what was then known as Home Rule, +which would not include an independent Parliament or a +separate executive.[<a id="chap08fn9text"></a><a href="#chap08fn9">9</a>] +</p> + +<p> +However, in 1883 and 1884, Englishmen had other things +to occupy their minds than the rights and wrongs of Ireland. +In order to follow the political career of Mr. Labouchere +we must for a time leave the Irish question and consider +"the policy of Gladstone's Government in Egypt." +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap08fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap08fn1text">1</a>] <i>Northampton Mercury</i>, March 27, 1880. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap08fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap08fn2text">2</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, Jan. 27, 1881, vol. 257. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap08fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap08fn3text">3</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, Feb. 25, 1881, vol. 258. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap08fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap08fn4text">4</a>] To their credit, be it said, they generally were amused. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap08fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap08fn5text">5</a>] <i>Hansard</i>. Feb. 25, 1881, vol. 258. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap08fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap08fn6text">6</a>] R. Barry O'Brien, <i>Life of Parnell</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap08fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap08fn7text">7</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, May 14, 1881. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap08fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap08fn8text">8</a>] <i>Truth</i>, July 6, 1882. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap08fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap08fn9text">9</a>] S. H. Jeyes, <i>Mr. Chamberlain</i>. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap09"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P190"></a>190}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER IX +<br><br> +LABOUCHERE AND MR. GLADSTONE'S EGYPTIAN POLICY +</h3> + +<p> +Lord Morley has commented on the irony of fate +which imposed on Mr. Gladstone the unwelcome task +of Egyptian occupation. "It was one of the ironies," he +says, "in which every active statesman's life abounds." Disparity +between intentions and achievements is indeed +inevitable in all departments of activity, but nowhere more +so than in cases of what may be called creative policy. +Destruction is easy. But a constructive policy which shall +bring about a new and more favourable state of things, and +may, therefore, in this sense be called creative, is strangely +apt either to overshoot its mark or to deviate into +unexpected channels, with results wholly unlooked for by the +statesman responsible for its conduct. +</p> + +<p> +Certainly this ironic force of circumstances was +peculiarly apparent in the case of Mr. Gladstone's Egyptian +policy. The problem of Egypt was not of his seeking, but +was a legacy from the Tories. In 1875 Disraeli, against +the advice of Lord Derby, his Foreign Minister, and without +consulting the other members of his Cabinet, arranged with +the London Rothschilds to purchase Khedive Ismail's +shares in the Suez Canal for four millions sterling. Ismail, +whose absolute reign of eighteen years had cost Egypt[<a id="chap09fn1text"></a><a href="#chap09fn1">1</a>] no +less a sum than four hundred millions sterling, had been +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P191"></a>191}</span> +driven by his preposterous extravagance, and the consequent +exhaustion of both his legitimate and illegitimate methods +of procuring revenue, to look abroad for financial assistance. +France, besides being crippled by the war of 1870, was +regarded with suspicion in the matter of the canal, and the +only alternative to France was England. A trifle like four +millions was very far from what Ismail really required to +give any sort of financial stability to his government, and, +after the loan with Rothschild had been negotiated, the +British Cabinet sent out a series of commissioners to study +the state of affairs on the spot, and to see what could be done +in the interests of Egyptian rule and, incidentally, of the +foreign bondholders. Eventually a settlement of Ismail's +affairs, known as the Goschen-Joubert arrangement, was +made, by which the enormous yearly payment of nearly +seven millions sterling was charged on the Egyptian revenue. +Greek usurers attended the tax-gatherers on their rounds, +and the ruined fellaheen were forced to mortgage their lands +to meet these amazing demands. Even such methods failed +of success owing to the famine of the two preceding years. +The obviously juster course was now to let Ismail become +bankrupt and abandon the Goschen-Joubert arrangement, +but the foreign bondholders were naturally opposed to this, +and pointed out reasonably enough that the English Government +had guaranteed the loan. The moment was favourable +to their views. Dizzy had succeeded in converting his +colleagues, with the exception of Derby, who retired and was +succeeded by Lord Salisbury as Foreign Secretary, to his +neo-Imperialism in which an Asiatic Empire under British +rule was an element. About this time, too, the secret +convention relating to the lease of Cyprus was signed with the +Porte. When, a month later, the Berlin Congress was +called together, such was the suspicion with which the +plenipotentiaries regarded each other that each ambassador was +obliged, before entering the Congress, to affirm that he +was not bound by any secret engagement with the Porte. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P192"></a>192}</span> +Disraeli and Salisbury both gave the required declaration. +"It must be remembered," says Mr. Blunt indulgently, +"that both were new to diplomacy." A few weeks later +the <i>Globe</i> published the text of the Cyprus Convention, +bought by that journal from one Marvin, an Oriental scholar, +who had been imprudently employed as translator of the +Turkish text. In London the authenticity of the document +was denied, but the truth had to come out at Berlin. The +discovery almost broke up the Congress. Prince +Gortschakoff, the Russian representative, and M. Waddington, +the Ambassador of France, both announced that they would +withdraw at once from the sittings, and Waddington literally +packed his trunks. It needed the cynical good offices of +Bismarck to reconcile the English and the French +plenipotentiaries.[<a id="chap09fn2text"></a><a href="#chap09fn2">2</a>] There were two very significant points on +which agreement was reached: +</p> + +<p> +1. "That as a compensation to France for England's +acquisition of Cyprus, France should be allowed on the +first convenient opportunity, and without opposition from +England, to occupy Tunis." +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P193"></a>193}</span> +</p> + +<p> +2. "That in the financial arrangements being made in +Egypt, France should march <i>pari passu</i> with England." +</p> + +<p> +This was the source of the Anglo-French condominium +in Egypt. +</p> + +<p> +Sir Rivers Wilson, who was then acting in Egypt as +English Commissioner, received instructions to see that +France should be equally represented with England in all +financial appointments made in connection with his inquiry. +Wilson's appointment as English Commissioner on the +nominally International Commission of Inquiry was almost +the first signed by Lord Salisbury on taking over the Foreign +Office from Lord Derby. He was a man from whom much +was expected. In 1878 he was appointed Finance Minister +in Egypt. His predecessor, Ismail Sadyk, had been treacherously +murdered by the Khedive Ismail, but this fact did not +dash his confidence. He had great faith in Nubar, Ismail's +Prime Minister. His French education would, he thought, +enable him to preserve the Anglo-French character of the +Ministry. He also had behind him the full interest and +power of the house of Rothschild, whom he had persuaded +to advance the loan of nine millions, known as the Kedival +Domains Loan. But his brief career as Finance Minister +(the Nubar Ministry was overthrown in the February of +1879) was a failure. It is the opinion of Mr. Blunt, and no +one would have been more likely to know the true state of +affairs, that the Khedive himself intrigued against him and +that the internal policy of the country was entirely in the +hands of Nubar, who, as a Christian, was at a disadvantage +in governing a Mohammedan country, and in whose political +value Wilson seems to have been greatly mistaken. The +loan which he had negotiated did not relieve the taxpayer, +but went in paying the more immediately urgent calls. His +suggestion of a scheme which would have involved the +confiscation by the Government of landed property to the +value of fifteen millions disturbed the minds of the +land-owners, and the mistakes of the Ministry reached their +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P194"></a>194}</span> +climax when the native army, including 2500 officers, was +disbanded without receiving their arrears of pay. +</p> + +<p> +The fall of Nubar was brought about by the <i>émeute</i> of +February, 1879, skilfully engineered by the Khedive, and +Sir Rivers's position as Finance Minister became very +difficult. The Consul-General Vivian (afterwards Lord +Vivian) was a personal enemy of his and refrained from +smoothing his path, and when, in March, the crafty Ismail +arranged a little incident at Alexandria similar to that of +February, the Foreign Office, instead of backing his demand +for redress, advised him to resign, which he accordingly did. +Soon, however, he was able to take a crushing revenge on the +perfidious Ismail. On his return from Egypt he went straight +to the Rothschilds and explained to them that their money +was in great danger, as the Khedive intended to repudiate +the debt, sheltering himself behind the excuse of constitutional +government. The Rothschilds brought financial pressure +to bear first on Downing Street and the Quai d'Orsay. +Their efforts in these quarters being in vain, they applied +to Bismarck, who was, perhaps, not sorry to have an +excuse to state the intention of the German Government to +intervene in the bondholders' interests in case the French +and English Governments were unable to do so. German +intervention would have been a quite unendurable solution, +and the Sultan was at once approached from London and +Paris and begged to depose his vassal. European pressure +was too much for him, and, in spite of the many millions +which he had paid in bribery to the Porte, Ismail received +a curt notice from Sir Frank Lascelles, then acting English +diplomatic agent in Egypt, that a telegram had reached +him from the Sultan announcing that his viceregal duties +had passed to his son Tewfik. Ismail cleared the treasury +of its current account and retired with a final spoil of some +three millions sterling. No one hindered his departure. +</p> + +<p> +For a few months after Mr. Gladstone formed his second +administration things seemed to have quieted down in +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P195"></a>195}</span> +Egypt. The new Khedive was a weak character and the +country was practically governed by French and English +Ministers in the Cabinet. Sir Evelyn Baring (afterwards +Lord Cromer) and M. de Blaquières worked together in +perfect harmony. Sir Evelyn Baring had originally come +to Egypt as Commissioner of the Debt, and had worked so +successfully towards a new settlement that when the +question of the appointment of an English controller to advise +the Khedive's Ministers arose, he was the person naturally +indicated for the post. "Thus," as he says, "the various +essential parts of the State machine were adjusted. A +new Khedive ruled. The relations between the Khedive +and his Ministers were placed on a satisfactory footing. A +Prime Minister (Riaz Pasha) had been nominated who had +taken an active part in opposing the abuses prevalent +during the reign of Ismail Pasha. The relations between the +Sultan and the Khedive had been regulated in such a way +as to ensure the latter against any excessive degree of Turkish +interference. The system which had been devised for +associating Europeans with the Government held out good +promise of success, inasmuch as it was in accordance with +the Khedive's own views. Lastly, an International Commission +had been created with full powers to arrange matters +between the Egyptian Government and their creditors."[<a id="chap09fn3text"></a><a href="#chap09fn3">3</a>] But, +suddenly, as it seemed to those who had not been +watching events on the spot, across this peaceful sky flashed +the red meteor of rebellion, massacre, and arson. +</p> + +<p> +It is no easy matter to estimate the character of Arabi +Pasha. He seems, from even so friendly an account as that +of Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, not to have been particularly intelligent +or particularly brave. It appears likely that he, at least, +connived at the burning and loot of Alexandria. All this, +however, would not have prevented his being a true patriot +according to his lights. As Mr. Herbert Paul observes: +"How far Arabi was a mutinous soldier guided by personal +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P196"></a>196}</span> +ambition and how far he was an enthusiastic patriot burning +to free his country from a foreign yoke, would admit of an +easier answer if one alternative excluded the other."[<a id="chap09fn4text"></a><a href="#chap09fn4">4</a>] One +thing, however, is certain. The movement he led was far +more than the merely military revolt which Mr. Gladstone +and everyone in England at first thought it; it was in fact +a genuine Nationalist movement directed rather against +the alien Turk than against the alien Englishman. That +the truth of this is now generally admitted is principally due +to Mr. Blunt and in a lesser degree to Mr. Labouchere and +the group of extreme Radicals of which he was already +beginning to be the unofficial leader in Parliament. During +the spring and summer of 1882, Mr. Labouchere's first +observations in the House of Commons on Egyptian affairs +were of a thoroughly orthodox nature. On May 12 we +find him asking the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Sir +Charles Dilke) "whether any steps are being taken by Her +Majesty's Government in view of the critical state of affairs +in Egypt to maintain our influence in that country."[<a id="chap09fn5text"></a><a href="#chap09fn5">5</a>] On +July 27 he replies in a vein at once serious and sarcastic to +Mr. McCarthy, who had made a speech in Arabi's favour. +He thought that Mr. McCarthy had drawn on his imagination +for the character of Arabi Pasha. They knew perfectly +well that the most eminent men in the world were frequently +great patriots; and they also knew that military adventurers +always called themselves patriots in order to advance their +own ends. They knew little of the career of Arabi Pasha, +but they did know that he had designedly massacred +Europeans in Alexandria, and had deliberately burnt down one +of the noblest cities of his native land. What would be the +effect of the vote[<a id="chap09fn6text"></a><a href="#chap09fn6">6</a>] they proposed to give if it were successful? +The English nation would have to withdraw entirely from +their present position in Egypt, and the result would be that +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P197"></a>197}</span> +we should have behaved in a contemptible manner in the +face of Europe. India would not be worth one year's +purchase. He was not a great believer in prestige; but if we +were to retire after our men had been massacred our Empire +in the East would not be worth a year's purchase. This +speech, occupying eight columns of <i>Hansard</i>, aims at cutting +away the relations between England and Turkey (which +shows that even at so early a date Mr. Labouchere realised +something of the true nature of the grievance of the Egyptian +Nationalists) and upholding British intervention.[<a id="chap09fn7text"></a><a href="#chap09fn7">7</a>] Labby +among the prophets indeed! +</p> + +<p> +After the retirement of Arabi from Alexandria, he issued +a proclamation stating that "irreconcilable war existed +between the Egyptians and the English, and all those who +proved traitors to their country would not only be subjected +to the severest penalty in accordance with martial law, but +would be for ever accursed in the next world." Three more +towns were plundered and the European inhabitants massacred. +British public opinion was now thoroughly aroused, +and probably no Government could have stayed in power +without taking some overt action. The action taken by +Mr. Gladstone's Government was very definite. On July +22 the Prime Minister obtained, by a majority of 275 to 19, +a vote of £2,300,000. A force of 6000 men was sent to Egypt +from India; 15,000 men were despatched to Cyprus and +Malta. Sir Garnet (afterwards Viscount) Wolseley was +placed in command in Egypt, "in support of the authority +of His Highness the Khedive, as established by the Firmans +of the Sultan and the existing international engagements, to +suppress a military revolt in that country." +</p> + +<p> +The French Government, while declining to co-operate +with the British troops, assured Lord Granville of their moral +support. In the month of September the battle of Tel-el-Kebir, +in which the Egyptian army was completely routed, +was fought. By this event British intervention was justified +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P198"></a>198}</span> +in the eyes of the world, and what became in the long run +hardly distinguishable from British rule was established on +the banks of the Nile. It was the battle of Tel-el-Kebir that +convinced Mr. Labouchere of what would be, and in fact what +came to be, the end of the course on which the Government +was embarked, for he very soon sold his Egyptian shares. +"They fell off his back like Christian's burden in <i>Pilgrim's +Progress</i>, and Labby became an honest politician," said +Mr. Wilfrid Blunt to me. The following letter to Sir Charles Dilke +very clearly expresses his new views on Egyptian policy: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +REFORM CLUB, October 10, 1882. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR DILKE,—The great ones of the earth who, like you, +live in Government Offices, never really understand the bent of +public opinion. This is probably a dispensation of Providence +by means of which Ministers are not eternal. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Personally, I should be glad to see the Liberal Party, after +passing a Franchise Bill, sent about their business, and the +country divided between Conservatives and Radicals. I speak, +therefore, from the Radical standpoint, and viewing the matter +from that point, I see that the dissatisfaction against your +Egyptian policy is growing. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Arabi (like most patriots) was "on the make." His force +consisted in siding with the Notables in their legitimate demands. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Now that the war is over, it is really impossible for Radicals +to accept a policy based upon administering Egypt, partly for +the good of its inhabitants, but mainly for the good of the +bond-holders. I am a bondholder, so it cannot be said that I am +personally prejudiced against such a policy. But I am sure that it +will not go down, and indeed that our whole course of action has +been so tainted with it, that there will be great disaffection in +the Radical ranks throughout the country unless the tree be now +made to bend the other way. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +You are now the man in possession in Egypt, so you can make +terms with Europe. I would therefore humbly suggest that you +should, after insisting upon an amnesty, call together the Notables +and hand the country over to them, stipulating alone that there +should be Ministerial responsibility, and the control of the purse. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P199"></a>199}</span> +The International Obligation of Egypt to pay its bondholders +was <i>bon à professer</i>, when the Expedition had to be defended, +but it is in reality a pure fiction. Moreover, if it were not, we +cannot decently join in a holy alliance to maintain Khedives, +and to deprive nations of what is the very basis of representative +government. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Having handed Egypt over to the Notables, you can then +go before Europe with a clean bill of health—propose that the +connection of the country with Turkey shall be a purely nominal +one and that, henceforward, no European power shall directly +or indirectly interfere with its internal affairs. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +At the same time, you ought to take advantage of your being +in Egypt to establish yourself in some vantage post on the Suez +Canal. This once done, Egypt separated from Turkey, and all +European powers warned off, we remain in reality absolute +masters of the position. Very probably the Egyptians will +make a muddle of these finances, but this will no more affect +us than the mistakes of Spanish finances affect our tenure of +Gibraltar. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Controllers, a swarm of foreign bureaucrats, European +administrators, Khedives ruling against the wishes of their subjects, +an English army of occupation or an army commanded by my +esteemed friend, Baker, composed of black ex-slaves, Ottoman +cut-throats, and Swiss cowboys, are abominations, only equal +to that of concerning ourselves with the payment of interest on +a public debt. To attempt these things will be to keep open a +perpetual Radical sore, and in the end will only land us in another +expedition. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Pray excuse the observations of a humble admirer. The +Jingoes, it is true, are not so hostile as they were, but you do not +suppose that they would vote for the present Government, whilst +on the other hand the Radicals will sulk and not vote so long as +Radical principles are ignored in Egypt. Government has not +yet announced its policy, so at present no great harm is done, +but the appointment of Baker, the handing over of Arabi to the +Khedive, the reign of Generals and diplomatists, the absence of +any appearance of consulting the Egyptians, and various other +similar things are producing distrust. You will say, "What +can a fellah know of politics?" To this I can only answer, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P200"></a>200}</span> +"What does a Wiltshire peasant know about them?"—Yours +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere soon began to put forward his reformed +views in Parliament. On October 30 we find him asking +Sir Charles Dilke whether "Her Majesty's Government is +a party to any treaty, alliance, or compact with any foreign +power which would oblige it to prevent the Egyptians from +exercising that control over their taxation, expenditure, and +administration which is enjoyed by the inhabitants of the +independent or semi-independent States which formerly +were integral parts of the Ottoman Empire,"[<a id="chap09fn8text"></a><a href="#chap09fn8">8</a>] and demanding +information as to the cruelty and insults to which it was +alleged the Egyptian prisoners had been subjected. +Mr. Labouchere wrote a long article in <i>Truth</i> under the heading: +"Egypt was glad when they departed" (Psalm cv., 38), the +following extracts from which put the situation very clearly +as he conceived it. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +"That a small body of English troops should remain for a brief +time in Egypt at the expense of that country is, perhaps, a +necessity of the position. But what I contend is, that during their +stay the Notables ought to be called together, that every place +of emolument ought to be filled up by an Egyptian, that the bag +and baggage policy ought to be adopted towards the Turkish +officials, who are as objectionable to the natives as were the +Turkish officials to the Bulgarians, and that a free constitutional +government ought to be established, based on the two corner +stones of all constitutional liberty—Ministerial responsibility +and the right of taxpayers over the purse. In order to carry out +this programme—distasteful alike to professional diplomatists +and to professional soldiers—we ought at once to send to Egypt +a stalwart and experienced Liberal, who has graduated in the +school of Parliamentary Government, and not in those of the +Horse Guards, of the Foreign Office, or of the India Office. +Looking round, I see no man better able to fill the post than Mr. Shaw +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P201"></a>201}</span> +Lefevre. He is able, he is a skilled and successful administrator, +he is untainted with the creed that all Orientals are made to be +bondsmen for Europeans, and his political principles are +exceptionally sound. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +What our diplomacy has to do is, to discover some means to +render the high road to India through the Canal secure. +Obviously we cannot do in this matter precisely as we should like, +which would be to say that in time of peace all war vessels may +pass through the Canal, and in time of war only ours. I hardly +see how we can go beyond making the passage neutral in times +of peace, and excluding from it in times of war the ships of +belligerents. If Egypt were left to herself, I believe that she could +very safely be left in charge of the Canal. Her people would be +glad to be clear of all European complications, and, in case of +war, she would occupy Port Said, and notify belligerents that +their ships would not be allowed to pass." +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +On the question of India he expressed himself thus: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am not at all of the "Perish India" school of politics. If +it could be proved that our Empire would perish if we did not +establish ourselves in Egypt, I am by no means certain but what +I should be in favour of our establishment. But I am a believer +not only in the justice, but in the expediency of an alliance with +the people of a country, and not with its ruler against the people. +Any intermixture in the internal affairs of Egypt on our part is +not only opposed to Liberal principles, but opposed to English +interests. To what has it already led? To a most costly military +expedition; to our being arrayed against rights without which +there can be no true liberty or sound government; to the slaughter +of Englishmen and Egyptians with all the "pomp and pride of +glorious war"; and lastly to our soldiers acting as retrievers, to +hunt down and hand over to punishment to an Ottoman potentate, +men many of whom—whether they were ambitious and whether +they were ill-advised—had unquestionably a perfect right to +fight in support of the principle that the only authority of their +nation ought to be its representatives.[<a id="chap09fn9text"></a><a href="#chap09fn9">9</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P202"></a>202}</span> +</p> + +<p> +A correspondent at once asked him: "How is it that you +were in favour of the control and in favour of the Expedition, +and yet now tell your readers that the control ought to +cease, and that having by means of the Expedition established +a firm foothold in Egypt, our next step ought to be +to evacuate the country?" The following number of <i>Truth</i> +delivered itself in reply as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +The Control, when first established, simply meant that +Egypt should go into liquidation, and pay so much in the pound +to its creditors, a couple of European controllers with half a +dozen clerks, being appointed by the Egyptian Government to +receive the composition from the Egyptian Treasury, and to +hand it over to the various classes of bondholders. To this there +could have been no sort of objection; but, little by little, this +simple and semi-private arrangement was converted into a so-called +international obligation on the part of the Egyptians to remain +eternally divested from all control over their own expenditure, +and to allow their entire financial administration to be placed in +the hands of about 1300 Europeans, with salaries amounting to +nearly £400,000 per annum, whilst the Controllers themselves +had seats in the Cabinet, with a veto upon everything proposed +by their Egyptian colleagues. France and England were the +executive officers of this scheme. If the Egyptian officers had +assented to it, nothing further was to be said, except that they +were singularly and curiously wanting in patriotism. However +we find now that they did not, and that we have been under an +illusion. The Notables and the entire country were—to their +credit be it said—opposed to it. Arabi took advantage of this +feeling. He sided with the country, and at the same time made +his bargain. "I," he practically said to the Notables, "support +you in your rights; as a <i>quid pro quo</i> you must support me in +what I am pleased to call the rights of the army—that is to say, +that it shall be increased by 18,000 men." Without the army +the Notables were powerless; they accordingly accepted the +terms. We therefore find ourselves in the position that we were +fully justified in asserting that Arabi was a self-seeking military +adventurer, but that he was also the exponent of the legitimate +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P203"></a>203}</span> +demands of the Egyptian people. The Control had become +political—it was no longer a reasonable financial arrangement, but +an unreasonable and improper attempt to deprive the Egyptians +of their rights, in order to secure high salaries for a swarm of +European locusts, and certainty of interest to European +bond-holders. Those, therefore, who had regarded it in its natural +original conception, as fair and useful, have a perfect right to +assert that this original conception had been so perverted that +it had become a monstrous instrument for the suppression of all +national vitality. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We, however, were tied to France. If we had not interfered, +France probably would have done so. Moreover, we foolishly +had pledged ourselves to maintain the Khedive in his position. +The only way, therefore, to get out of the complication was to +cut the Gordian knot; but, in order to do this, we were necessarily +obliged to adopt the theory that Arabi was a mere military +adventurer, who was attempting for his own ends to coerce not +only the Khedive but the Egyptian people. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Our expedition, as was to be anticipated, has proved successful. +Our troops hold Egypt. What then ought we to do? +Obviously to hand it over to the Notables, who are the +representatives of the Egyptian people, and to inform these Notables +that we have no intention of repeating our previous error, but +that, experience having shown us the fatal results of allowing +ourselves little by little to be dragged into an attempt to manage +other people's finances with a view to public creditors being paid +interest, we shall leave Egypt and Egypt's creditors to settle +their conflicting interests as they best please. This is the logical +consequence of our having acted upon the assumption that Arabi +was terrorising the Egyptians.... +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is evident to me, therefore, that the only policy which an +English Liberal Ministry can adopt is to go before Europe with +a proposal to make Egypt an Eastern Belgium, and to base our +suggestion upon our own renunciation of interference in its +internal affairs. I hear it said that the Liberal party is popular +owing to its successes in Egypt. It may, perhaps, be for the +nonce popular—or, to put it more correctly, not quite so +unpopular—as it was with Jingoes, but these same Jingoes will not +cease to vote for Conservatives.... +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P204"></a>204}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +How then about the Canal? Well, I should base my policy +upon that pursued in like cases by the United States. I should +explain to Europe that the Canal is the connecting link between +Great Britain and India, and that consequently the exigencies +of geography and an enlightened self-interest render it absolutely +necessary for us to be paramount there. There might be a little +grumbling, but no one would go to war to hinder this, because +its plain common-sense would be too obvious.[<a id="chap09fn10text"></a><a href="#chap09fn10">10</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +In the meantime Arabi was lying in prison at Cairo +awaiting his trial, and Mr. Labouchere took up his case +energetically in the House of Commons. A military tribunal +was to be charged with the trial, and it was no secret +that the Khedive was determined that the death penalty +should be inflicted on the heads of the rebellion. +Mr. Wilfrid Blunt wrote, on September 1, a long letter to +Mr. Gladstone, stating his intention of providing Arabi with an +English counsel at his own expense and that of his friends, +and hoping that "every facility will be afforded me and +those with me in Egypt to prosecute our task." Mr. Gladstone, +who was deeply hostile to Arabi, replied through his +secretary, that "all that he can say at the present moment +is that he will bring your request before Lord Granville, +with whom he will consult, but that he cannot hold out any +assurance that it will be complied with." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere continued to enquire into the Government's +intentions towards Arabi in the House of Commons. +A timely question on October 31 to Sir Charles Dilke secured +the intervention of the press at the trial, and further +questions on the following days forestalled the attempts of the +Khedive to wriggle out of the conditions that Mr. Blunt's +advocate had obtained from Mr. Gladstone. Arabi was, +on December 4, condemned to death, and in spite of +Mr. Gladstone's being at first inclined to let the law take its +course, the sentence was commuted to banishment to Ceylon. +Mr. Labouchere commented in <i>Truth</i> as follows: "The farce +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P205"></a>205}</span> +of the rebel's condemnation to exile with retention of his +rank and with a handsome allowance, is a fitting conclusion +to the trial. I see it stated that Arabi will be invited to take +up his residence in this or that portion of British territory. +It need hardly be said that he may reside in any part of the +world, outside Egypt, that he pleases. There is no existing +law which enables us to detain an Egyptian in deference to the +wishes of an Egyptian Khedive; and it is not likely that we +shall ever consent to convert any portion of our territory into +an international gaol, where all who are in disfavour with foreign +rulers are to be deported, and restrained in their liberty."[<a id="chap09fn11text"></a><a href="#chap09fn11">11</a>] +</p> + +<p> +When Parliament met after Christmas, Mr. Labouchere +seconded Sir Wilfrid Lawson's amendment to the Reply +to the Speech from the Throne to the effect that no sufficient +reason had been shown for the employment of British forces +in reconstituting the Government of Egypt. It was certain, +he said, that Arabi was supported by the entire Egyptian +nation. He could quite understand why the Opposition +did not challenge the policy of the Government. The +Government were practically dragged into the war by the +acts of the Opposition when in power. Anyone who read +the Blue Books must see that. A great many Liberals and +all the Radicals in the country regretted the Government +plunging into the war. There could be no doubt that it +was entered into for the sake of the bondholders and for +that reason only. We were going to place the Egyptian +army under an English General and a financier at the side +of the Khedive, and then tell Europe that the Khedive was +an independent ruler and that we had nothing to do with +the Government of Egypt. Why were we there? For the +single object of collecting the debts of the bondholders.[<a id="chap09fn12text"></a><a href="#chap09fn12">12</a>] +</p> + +<p> +He wrote to Mr. Chamberlain on January 9, 1883: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +You people do not seem to have a very clear policy in Egypt. +I cannot understand why you do not settle the French by adopting +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P206"></a>206}</span> +the line of "Egypt for the Egyptians" and convert the country +into a sort of Belgium. If you can establish the principle +that no one is to interfere, you have got all that you want. +To do this only two things are necessary: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +1. Fair Courts of Justice where "meum and tuum" is +recognised. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +2. A Representative Assembly with a right to vote the +Budget. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As regards the debt there are three loans, secured by special +mortgages; two on land, and one on the railroads. Let the +mortgagees take these securities, when the loans would be +converted into companies, and the interest on them not be dependent +upon any political arrangement. Rothschild has always told +me that the domains, on which his loan of £400,000,000 is secured, +are worth £400,500,000. By handing over to him the security, +£500,000 would therefore be obtained. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As regards the General Debt (the United), it is a swindle, but +without going into this it might be regarded as the general debt +of the country, and the Egyptians, like any other nation, would +be left to pay or not as they pleased. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The main swindle of the Goschen-Rivers-Wilson scheme was +that the fellahs had paid £17,000,000 to free the land from a +portion of the land tax after 1886. The law which partially +liberated the land was abrogated, and, instead of the fellahs +being treated like bondholders, although they had paid cash, +whereas the latter had really paid about 20% on the value of the +bonds, they were told that as a <i>quid pro quo</i> they would receive +1% on their £17,000,000 for fifty years. The Canal question +is nonsense. If we hold the Red Sea we hold the Canal, in the +sense that we can stop all traffic. If we are at war with a +maritime power, either we should have the command of the Mediterranean +or we should not. In the latter case, we should still by +our hold on the Red Sea be able to close the Canal; in the former +case we should be able not only to close it to others, but to use +it for our own powers. Protocols and treaties are waste paper, +they never hold against the exigencies of a belligerent; and, if +we were at war with one maritime power, we should not have +the others interfering to maintain our treaty rights, for, differing +on many things, all continental powers regard us as the bullies +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P207"></a>207}</span> +of the ocean. An English garrison at Port Said is a reality; as +we are not likely to have one there, our best plan is to leave +things alone, and, in the event of a serious maritime war, at once +to occupy Port Said. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The interests of the Egyptian exiles also claimed +Mr. Labouchere's attention. We find him in March putting +searching questions as to their precise legal status, demanding +satisfactory evidence of their support being adequately +provided for, and enquiring why the Egyptian Government +had unlawfully deprived Arabi of his title of Pasha. +</p> + +<p> +In the debate of March 2 on a supplementary estimate +of £728,000 "for additional expenditure for army services +consequent on the dispatch of an expeditionary force to +Egypt," he spoke with his accustomed frankness. He would +like to know where the money was to come from. He had +seen it stated in the papers and other organs that it was to +be raised by an increase on the Income Tax. For his part, +he should like to see it raised in one of two ways—one, by +raising it from the landed interest—or, since he was afraid +the Government would not accept that plan—in default, +by a general tax on every individual in the country poor or +rich. Let every one of those shrieking Jingoes who went out +calling on the Government to go to war, now here and now +there, understand that they would have to pay for the cost +of those wars. Then he thought they would be less inclined +than now to advance the Jingo policy which he was sorry to +see had been adopted by the Government, and which they +had inherited from gentlemen on the other side of the House. +He believed that the war had been a mistake all through. +If we went to Egypt at all we ought to have installed Arabi +instead of the Khedive. He believed that as long as British +troops supported the Khedive and supported him against +his own subjects, England was absolutely responsible for +what was going on in Egypt. No doubt Lord Dufferin did +his best to procure trustworthy information, but he was +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P208"></a>208}</span> +necessarily very much in the hands of the Europeans and +of the Ministers and friends of the Khedive. He did not +gather from the dispatches that Lord Dufferin had consulted +the people of Egypt. Sir George Campbell, the member for +Kirkcaldy, said that he had read, marked, learned, and +inwardly digested Lord Dufferin's scheme of government. +For his own part, although he had read, marked, and learned +it to a certain degree he could not digest it because it was +objectionable to a Radical stomach. Lord Dufferin's +scheme was a perfect sham of constitutional government. +If any species of representative government were established +in Egypt it must be based on control of the purse. But +when anything was said to the noble Lord, the Under-secretary, +on this subject, he vaguely alluded to representative +government and international obligations. Was Lord +Dufferin prevented from doing what he thought desirable +for the country by any obligations which the Egyptians were +supposed to be under to pay the interest on their debt? If +there was any obligation on their part it was not our business +to go there to carry it out.... He denied that the people +of Egypt were bound by any such thing, but, supposing +they were, it was not England's business to deprive them of +the most elementary and necessary basis of representative +government—the government of the purse.[<a id="chap09fn13text"></a><a href="#chap09fn13">13</a>] +</p> + +<p> +On June 11, he proposed the reduction of Lord Wolseley's +grant from £30,000 to £12,000. What, he said, had Lord +Wolseley done in Egypt? He went to Ismailia and from +thence marched his men to Cairo. He took the straight +road, and on the road he found a lot of miserable Arabs +entrenched; he advanced and the Arabs marched away. +That was the whole history of the exploit in Egypt.[<a id="chap09fn14text"></a><a href="#chap09fn14">14</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Lord Dufferin left Egypt in May, 1883, He was pleased +with the success of his mission. To use his own words—"the +fellah like his own Memnon had not remained +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P209"></a>209}</span> +irresponsive to the beams of the new dawn." He left Sir Edward +Malet as Consul-General, and resumed his normal functions +at Constantinople. He departed under a shower of +compliments, and he left Egypt apparently prosperous. Arabi +was an exile in Ceylon. Sherif Pasha was the Khedive's +loyal and obedient Minister. Sir Archibald Alison was +in command of the British garrison. The Egyptian army, +about six thousand in number, was under the fostering care +of Sir Evelyn Wood. Colonel Scott-Moncrieff directed the +work of irrigation, and another Briton, Sir Benson Maxwell, +superintended the native tribunals. Hitherto the British +Government had made no mistakes, and Egypt had reaped +only benefit from the intrusion of the foreigner. The false +position in which England stood with full authority, ample +power, and no legal right, had not yet led to any consequences +of a serious and practical kind.[<a id="chap09fn15text"></a><a href="#chap09fn15">15</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Danger, was, however, creeping up to Egypt from the +south. A vast, vaguely limited country, extending from +Assouan to the Equator, and known as the Soudan, had +been claimed as Egyptian territory by Ismail, who had +appointed the famous Gordon Governor-General. On +Ismail's fall in '79, Gordon was recalled and the Soudan fell +a prey to local bandits. The reconstituted Egyptian Government +was incapable of interference, and towards the end of +'82 a Mussulman, Mohamed Ahmed, raised the standard of +religious reform and rebellion against the distant and +incapable Egyptian authorities. The Mahdi, or Messiah, as he +called himself, took El Obeid and made himself master of +Kordofan by the end of January, '83. In the summer of +the same year seven thousand Egyptian troops, under the +command of Hicks Pasha, a retired officer of the Indian army, +who had entered the service of the Khedive, were dispatched +against him by the Egyptian Government. Granville was +careful to formally disengage the responsibility of the English +Cabinet in this measure. It is certain, however, that he +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P210"></a>210}</span> +could have prevented this action of the Khedive's Ministers, +and, as he was perfectly well aware through the information +of Colonel Stewart, who had been associated with Gordon's +administration, of the utter impossibility of Hicks's task, it +is difficult to acquit him of moral responsibility. "The +faith in the power of phrases to alter facts," says Lord +Milner in his <i>England in Egypt</i>, "has never been more +strangely manifested than in this idea, that we could shake +off our virtual responsibility for the policy of Egypt in the +Soudan by a formal disclaimer." On November 5, the +Egyptian force was cut to pieces near Shekan, about two +days' journey from El Obeid, by the Mahdi at the head of +forty thousand men, and Hicks and his staff died fighting +at hopeless odds. On the advice of Sir Evelyn Baring, who +had just arrived in Egypt from India, where he had filled +the post of Financial Minister to Lord Ripon's Government, +the English Cabinet recognised at last their responsibility. +It was decided that the Soudan must be abandoned and +that the Mahdi must be induced to allow the Egyptian +garrisons, amounting to about forty thousand men, still +remaining there, to retire. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere wrote to Mr. Chamberlain as follows +on December 15, 1883: "I hope that we are not going to +undertake the reconquest of the Soudan. The difficult +position in which we are comes from not having broken +entirely with the Conservative policy in Egypt. <i>They</i> +might have annexed the country: we cannot, so we give +advice which is not taken, try to tinker up an impossible +financial situation, and make ourselves responsible for every +folly committed by a gang of corrupt and silly Pashas. The +result is that we are now told that we have a new frontier +somewhere in the direction of the Equator, and that our +honour is concerned, etc., etc. If the French are so foolish +as to wish to acquire influence in the Soudan, I cannot +conceive why we should seek to acquire it in order to prevent +them. I believe that the Khedive and his friends are +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P211"></a>211}</span> +delighted at what has occurred, because they hope that our +evacuation will be put off; so long as we retain one soldier +there, or indeed assume the part of bailiffs for the locusts +who make money out of the country, something will always +occur to force us to remain." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Chamberlain replied on December 18: "I do not +think there is the slightest intention of engaging in any +operations in the Soudan. The utmost we are likely to do +is to undertake the defence of Egypt proper, and I hope +there is no fear of that being attacked. I wish we could get +out of the whole business, but I have always thought that, +at the time we interfered, we really had no possible +alternative. I am not Christian enough to turn the other cheek +after one has been slapped, and we had unfortunately put +ourselves in a position in which the first slap had already +been administered. It is, however, a warning and a lesson +to look a little more closely into the beginnings of things." +</p> + +<p> +On the 20th Labouchere wrote again to Mr. Chamberlain: +"From all I hear, matters are in a mess in Egypt. +Tewfik is a weak creature, and he and his entourage intrigue +against us, and yet intrigue to keep us there, as they are afraid +of what may happen when we go. If the fellahs have any +opinion, it is dislike of Tewfik as the puppet of 'foreigners.' The +Mahdi will never attack Egypt proper, which is the +valley of the Nile and the Delta. If we send more troops +there, it will be the more difficult to evacuate. As long as +we retain a corporal's guard, it will be the object of Tewfik +and all the locusts to get up disturbances in order to +compromise us. Surely it would be easy to come to an arrangement +by which Egypt would be neutralised and left to itself: +the reply always is that interest of the debt would not be +paid and that, in consequence of the Law of Liquidation, +some Power would interfere for the benefit of its Egyptian +bondholders. But these worthy people must be comparatively +few in numbers, and except as a pretext, no Power +would think of taking up the cudgels for them, any more +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P212"></a>212}</span> +than they did for Peruvian bondholders. The whole thing +is a mere bugbear. Even if France did go there we should +not suffer." To which Mr. Chamberlain replied on December +22: "I think I agree with you on all points of Egyptian +policy, but my hands are so full just now that I have to let +foreign affairs work themselves out, and to content myself +with occasionally giving a push in the right direction." +</p> + +<p> +Public opinion in England was deeply stirred by the +disaster at Shekan, and one of those popular cries that are +so often and so disastrously interpreted as heavenly voices +went up all over the land. The nation called for Gordon. +The question of Gordon's mission has been exhaustively +discussed from every point of view. The responsibility for +his failure and tragic death is apportioned by Lord Cromer +between Gordon himself and the Government who overruled +his (Cromer's) objection to employing him, and went +on to make every mistake they could. Gordon misinterpreted +his orders, and the Government was then made +responsible for the consequences of a policy of which they +had never dreamt. He thus placed himself in a situation +from which it was impossible to extricate him in time. +Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, on the other hand, places the responsibility +of the tragedy principally at the door of Cromer. I am +not here concerned with this delicate controversy. Of this +at least there is no doubt, Gordon's mission was understood +by the country and Parliament to be of a purely peaceful +nature. Its avowed object was one which approved itself +to Liberal ideas, <i>i.e.</i> the disengaging of British responsibility +from a purely Egyptian matter and the rescue of the +Egyptian garrisons. Radicals understood that these purposes +were to be achieved by purely peaceful means. The Mahdi +was presumably to be approached by recognised methods +of negotiation. It is well known that when Gordon got to +Khartoum, these instructions went by the board. He had +been nominated, while on his way, at Cairo, Governor-General +of the Soudan, and the Government left, by means +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P213"></a>213}</span> +of supplementary clauses in their instructions, a considerable +latitude to Baring under whose orders, at his (Baring's) +request, Gordon was placed. Lord Cromer has told the +world in his <i>Modern Egypt</i> of the difficulties of the situation. +Gordon was a mystic and suffered chronically from +"inspirations," which changed a dozen times a day. He does not +seem to have made any attempt to carry out his mission +by diplomatic methods. He soon came to conceive of that +mission as a sort of rival "Mahdism." He became the +Angel of the Lord fighting with Apollyon. All this must +have been inexpressibly disconcerting to the prudent <i>homme +d'affaires</i> at Cairo, and no less so to his nominal superior in +Downing Street. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere's attitude in the matter was simple and +consistent. On February 14, four days before Gordon +started, the Opposition moved a vote of censure on the +Government in consequence of the Hicks disaster, and were +supported by several Radical members. Sir Wilfrid Lawson +was supported by Mr. Labouchere in an amendment to Sir +Stafford Northcote's motion: "That this House, whilst +declining at present to express an opinion on the Egyptian +policy which Her Majesty's Government have pursued +during the last two years with the support of the House, +trusts that in future British forces may not be employed +for the purpose of interfering with the Egyptian people in +their selection of their own Government."[<a id="chap09fn16text"></a><a href="#chap09fn16">16</a>] On February +25, by which time news of the conquest of Tokar by Osman +Digna, the ablest of the Mahdi's lieutenants, had reached +England, Mr. Labouchere asked the Secretary for War +whether it was within the discretion of General Graham to +advance beyond Suakim against Osman Digna. Hartington +replied oracularly that that appeared to him a question +highly undesirable to answer and that the general object +of Graham's instructions had been already stated to the +House. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P214"></a>214}</span> +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Wilfrid Blunt's Diary for April 4, 1884, records the +following conversation with Mr. Labouchere: "Lunched +with Labouchere. He is more practical, and we have +discussed every detail of the policy to be suggested to +Gladstone. He will feel the ground through Herbert Gladstone, +which is his way of consulting the oracle. He told me the +history of Gordon's mission. Gordon's idea had been to go +out and make friends with the Mahdi, and to have absolutely +nothing to do with Baring or the Khedive, or with anybody +in Egypt. He was going to Suakim straight, where he +counted upon one of the neighbouring Sheiks, whose sons' +lives he had saved or spared, and his mission was to be one +entirely of peace. But the Foreign Office and Baring caught +hold of him as he passed through Egypt, and made him stop +to see the Khedive, and so he was befooled into going to +Khartoum as the Khedive's lieutenant. Now he had failed +altogether in his mission of peace, and the Government had +recalled him more than once in the last few days, but he had +refused to come back. Gladstone had decided absolutely +to recall all the troops in Egypt when Hicks' defeat was +heard of, and was in a great rage. The expedition to Suakim +had been forced upon him by the Cabinet, and Hartington +had taken care to give Graham no special instructions, so +that he might fight without orders. This Graham, of course, +had done, and Gladstone, more angry still, had gone down +to sulk at Coombe. Now he would stand it no longer, and +he had let Hartington in by the speech he had made last +night. Nobody expected it. Labouchere thought the +moment most favourable for a new move."[<a id="chap09fn17text"></a><a href="#chap09fn17">17</a>] And on May +19 Mr. Labouchere asked in the House: "Whether, for the +satisfaction of those who believe that it has never been +brought to the knowledge of the Mahdi and of the Soudanese +who are engaged in military operations what the object of +the mission of General Gordon is, he will consider the +feasibility of conveying to them that Her Majesty's Government, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P215"></a>215}</span> +in sending an English General to the Soudan, only desired +to effect by peaceful means the withdrawal of the Egyptian +troops, employés, and other foreigners who many wish to +leave the country, and whether he will take steps to enter +into diplomatic relations with the Mahdi, or whomsoever +else may be the governing power in the Soudan, in order to +prevent if possible all further effusion of blood, to establish +a fixed frontier between Egypt and the Soudan, and to effect +an arrangement by which General Gordon and those who +may wish to accompany him will be enabled peaceably to +withdraw from the Soudan."[<a id="chap09fn18text"></a><a href="#chap09fn18">18</a>] Mr. Gladstone replied to +Mr. Labouchere's question, finishing his remarks with these +words: "Whatever measures the Government take will be +in the direction indicated by the question—to make effective +arrangements with regard to putting all the difficulties at +an end." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere, to whom, as a Radical and a Nationalist, +the position of the Mahdi appealed, did not confine +himself to work in Parliament. Mr. Wilfrid Blunt was +attempting to negotiate with Mr. Gladstone to stop the +war, which had followed Gordon's death, and had taken +Mr. Labouchere into his confidence. Mr. Labouchere wrote to +Mr. Blunt on February 20, 1885, as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR BLUNT,—I had a talk with H(erbert) G(ladstone) +last night. He wants to know what evidence can be given—that +the man who came to me was Arabi's Minister of Police at +Cairo, and what was his name—and that the Mahdi's man is +the Mahdi's man. It is clear that so far he is right. If the +latter has no credentials he should get them. Let us assume +that he either has them or can get them. Then there must be a +basis of terms. I would suggest then that the Soudan, with the +exception of the Port of Suakim, be recognised as an independent +state under, if wished, the suzerainty of the Sultan, and that all +Egyptian Pashas who wish to leave it be allowed to leave it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If the credentials hold water, and if these terms are agreed to, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P216"></a>216}</span> +then the Mahdi's man should write them out and say that he +will agree to them. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +But it is very essential that nothing should be known about +the matter. I should have to work others in the Cabinet, and, +if necessary, to appeal to Parliament. Clearly we could not +send a mission to the Mahdi, but if an agreement were come to, +an emissary from the Mahdi and one from our Government might +meet for details. What I want is to establish a discussion with +the Mahdi—the rest would follow.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +P.S.—You see, if something is to be done to stop this war, +we must leave the vague, and come to hard and fast facts. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +In elucidation of the above letter Mr. Blunt writes to +me on February 20, 1913: "The person referred to in your +uncle's letter of February 20, 1885, is clearly Ismail Bey +Jowdat, who acted as Prefect of Police at Cairo during the +war of 1882.... Later he came to London in connection +with negotiations I was attempting to get entered into by +Gladstone with the Mahdi, through Sezzed Jamal ed Din, +as to which I was in communication with your uncle.... +I had, no doubt, sent Jowdat to your uncle, and, at one time, +it seemed as if we were likely to succeed in getting a mission +sent or negotiations of some kind entered into to stop the +war.... Jowdat was never himself an agent of the Mahdi, +but he was for the time with Jamal ed Din, who was in +communication with Khartoum...." +</p> + +<p> +Communication with the Mahdi was apparently not easy, +for we find Mr. Labouchere writing again to Mr. Blunt the +following month (March 4, 1885): +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +It appears to me that there will be a pause in our Soudan +operations. It might therefore be desirable to take advantage +of this in order to learn on what terms an agreement might be +come to between us and the Soudanese. Those in Parliament +who, like myself, see no reason why we should interfere in the +internal affairs of that country would be greatly strengthened, +were we to know the precise views of the Mahdi. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P217"></a>217}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I would therefore suggest to you that, if possible, his agent +should let us know definitely, and after conversation with the +Mahdi, whether the latter would agree to the following terms: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +1. The recognition on the part of England of the independence +of the Soudan, and of the Mahdi as its ruler. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +2. The Northern frontier of the Soudan to be drawn at or +near Wady Halfa; the Eastern frontier to exclude Suakim and +the coast. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +3. The Mahdi to pledge himself not to molest any Soudanese +who have taken our side, and to allow all who wish to leave the +country to do so. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +4. The Mahdi to receive a Consular and Diplomatic Agent +at Khartoum; to allow all foreigners to carry on their business +unmolested in the Soudan. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +5. The establishment of some sort of Consular Courts. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +6. If possible some clause with regard to the export of slaves +forbidding it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is our object to meet the assertion of the Government that +the Mahdi is a religious fanatic with whom it is impossible to +treat, because he does not regard himself, alone, as the temporal +ruler of the Soudan, but as a spiritual leader of Islam against +Christianity—a species of Oriental Peter the Hermit. What we +want to show is that he is the proper ruler of the Soudan, and +that, whilst it will be open to any one outside that country to +regard him as a prophet, he seeks to establish no temporal sway +beyond the Soudan. If the Mahdi would declare his assent to +the above terms, I am convinced that popular feeling here, and +the real wishes of the members of the Government, would soon +bring this war to a close, and that in a very short time we and the +Mahdi would be the best of friends. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +It seems unlikely that the terms laid down in this letter +were suggested by Mr. Labouchere without consultation +with Mr. Herbert Gladstone. +</p> + +<p> +He missed no opportunity in Parliament of fighting the +good fight of Radical principles. At one moment he is +pointing out the two cardinal heresies in the policy of the +Government—one political and the other financial: "The +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P218"></a>218}</span> +political heresy is that we insist on putting up the Khedive +and maintaining him in power against his subjects. The +result is that we are absolutely hated in Egypt, and wherever +we are not hated we are regarded with contempt." The +financial heresy is that "we always insist in our treatment +of Egyptian finance that the payment of interest on the debt +should come first, and the expenses of administration second. +The result of this policy is over-taxation, the postponement +of reform, and a deficit."[<a id="chap09fn19text"></a><a href="#chap09fn19">19</a>] The policy of the Liberal Government +was in reality, though not in profession, he asserted, +Jingo policy, and the Radicals who had worked for +Mr. Gladstone's return to power, relying on his Midlothian +speeches, had been jockeyed. If only Mr. Gladstone would +take his (Labouchere's) advice. No doubt the Prime +Minister when thinking the matter over would say—Why +did I not follow the member for Northampton? I should +not have been in such a mess as I am now. For his own part +Mr. Labouchere stood by the policy of the Midlothian +campaign, when the Prime Minister denounced the Jingo +policy of annexation and war. If any one had then said: +"You will acquire power and become the most powerful +Minister England has had for many a day; you will bombard +Alexandria; you will massacre Egyptians at Tel-el-Kebir +and Suakim, and you will go on a sort of wild-cat expedition +into the wilds of Ethiopia in order to put down a prophet" +the right honourable gentleman would have replied in the +words of Hazael to the King of Syria—"Is thy servant a +dog that he should do this thing?"[<a id="chap09fn20text"></a><a href="#chap09fn20">20</a>] +</p> + +<p> +This kind of sword-play went on day after day in the +House, and it is impossible to doubt that, although Mr. +Labouchere was unquestionably sincere in deploring the +policy of the Government, he must have greatly enjoyed the +opportunity which it afforded him of displaying his wit and +humour. Mr. Gladstone did not always appreciate these +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P219"></a>219}</span> +qualities, and on one occasion, when Mr. Labouchere was +attempting to divide the House against the Government, +his object being, as he said, "not adverse to the Government, +but to strengthen the good intentions of the Prime Minister +in future," that much enduring statesman turned and +solemnly rebuked him for making an "inopportune and +superficial speech."[<a id="chap09fn21text"></a><a href="#chap09fn21">21</a>] +</p> + +<p> +The case against the Government from the Radical +point of view was, of course, very obvious and easy to put, +nor was there anything particularly original about +Mr. Labouchere's arguments. He rang the changes incessantly +on three points: the essential injustice of our position in +Egypt towards the Egyptians—the underlying venality of +the Government's position owing to their connection with +the bondholders—and the monstrous expense to the British +taxpayer of British military intervention. It was not the +matter of his charges, but the manner in which he made +them that delighted the House. Sometimes he would lay +aside his dialectical weapons and let the facts speak for +themselves. One day he asks the Secretary for War if his +attention has been drawn to the following statements in +the <i>Times</i> of May 7: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +Daylight broke almost imperceptibly. We were nearer the +village of Dhakool, when the friendly scouts came running in +with the news that the inhabitants were at prayer, and that if we +attacked at once we should catch them. General Graham pushed +on with a troop of the Bengal Lancers.... The enemy fled +on camels in all directions, and the Mounted Infantry and Camel +corps, coming up, gave chase. Some two hundred attempted to +stand, and showed a disposition to come at us, but evidently +lost heart and disappeared, not before having at least twenty +men killed.... It was curious to witness the desperate efforts +of the enemy to drive their flocks up the steep mountain side, +turning now and again to fire on the Bengal Lancers. The +"Friendlies" tried to cut off the flocks, and succeeded in catching +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P220"></a>220}</span> +some thousands of animals.... The village was looted and +burnt.... We also destroyed the well with gun-cotton.... +But, for our being unaware of the existence of some narrow hillock +walks up which the enemy retired, we might have exterminated +them. Our loss has been hitherto only two Mounted Infantry +men wounded.... We have done the enemy all the harm we +could, thus fulfilling the primary object of war. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Lord Hartington could find nothing to say, but that such +incidents were unfortunately inseparable from war.[<a id="chap09fn22text"></a><a href="#chap09fn22">22</a>] +</p> + +<p> +It may be doubted, however, whether Mr. Labouchere's +advocacy did very much for his cause, or for his own +reputation as a serious politician. The British public (and the +House of Commons is a sort of microcosm of the British +public) finds it hard to believe in sincerity accompanied by +banter and persiflage. Not so are Englishmen wont to +express their conscientious convictions. Mr. Labouchere +was, of course, not an Englishman. He was a Frenchman +and, as I have said before, in his mentality a lineal descendant +of Voltaire. He could hardly hope to succeed where +John Bright had failed. +</p> + +<p> +That Mr. Labouchere's attitude on the subject of Egypt +was appreciated by the Egyptians is proved by a perusal +of the letters he received from Arabi in exile, long after the +subject had ceased to be a stone on which the Radical axe +could be ground. I append some of these, and another +letter from Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Wilfrid Blunt on the +subject of the Exiles. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +COLOMBO, September 15, 1891. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR SIR,—I beg the liberty to trouble you with this in +the hope of your being able to learn more of the state of our health +than you have been hitherto. One of the most eminent medical +practitioners in Ceylon, Dr. Vandort, left for England in the +last week in the German mail steamship <i>Preussen</i>. I have asked +him to call on you and Sir William Gregory and inform you of +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P221"></a>221}</span> +the actual state of such of us as he has attended on. By the +death of Dr. White we lost our best evidence, and it pleased those +in authority not to heed at all the opinion of our regular medical +advisers and to rely on that of gentlemen who, whatever their +high standing and attainments, had but one opportunity of +seeing us. Had they questioned also those who attended on us +and our families for years they might have been better able to +form an opinion. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am now suffering very much from my eyes, being scarcely +able to read anything, and am waiting until an oculist from +Madras could examine them and tell me what I may expect. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Pray forgive me for troubling with this letter. We have so +few of your kind feelings and position to look up to—and if we +are too importunate we would only beg to be pardoned. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +In the hope that you are in the enjoyment of the blessing of +health, and begging the kind acceptance of all respectful +regards—I remain, yours most obediently, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +A. ARABI, the Egyptian. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +COLOMBO, December 9, 1891. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR SIR,—I had the great pleasure to receive your kind +letters of the 2d and 8th October, and should have replied earlier +but for having had to communicate with my brethren in exile, +and for there being time before the next meeting of Parliament. +We beg your kindly acceptance of our grateful thanks. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We have been officially informed of the decision of H.M.'s +Government on our memorial to Lord Salisbury, but for which +we were prepared by yourself and Sir William Gregory; and also +by Lord de la Warr, who very kindly sent to me copies of the +papers (Egypt, No. 1, 1891), printed for both Houses of +Parliament, in March last, and of his speeches and Lord Salisbury's +reply in May and June last. I now send copies as requested of +the medical certificates had by Toulba Pasha and the late Abdulal +Pasha since the memorial, also the Colonial Secretary's letter +to us and my reply. [All these were enclosed with this letter.] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +You will permit me to ask your notice of Riaz Pasha's Memorandum +of July 9, 1890, to the Foreign Office concluding with: +"H.M's Government should in any case remember that the exiles +were pardoned and allowances granted to them on the express +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P222"></a>222}</span> +condition that they should remain at some distant spot, such as +the island of Ceylon." On this rather qualified assertion it would +quite do to refer to Mr. Broadley's book <i>How we Defended Arabi +and his Friends</i>, where the terms of the arrangement which put +an end to the proceedings in connection with our "trial" will be +found. Mr. Broadley and Mr. Napier could not, as I cannot, +in honour reveal more than they have done, but my steadfast +friend, Mr. Blunt, was not so constrained to be reticent, and his +communications to the <i>Pall Mall Gazette</i> showed what even the +great noble-minded General Gordon believed the nature and +extent of our exile to be. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We should not perhaps however complain of our not being +permitted to end our days in the land of our birth, although what +harm that, or our being in Cyprus, could now do I cannot +conceive. That none of us have desired or sought in the least to +be disloyal to our parole the testimony of Sir Arthur Gordon +to our conduct should be sufficient. If all my correspondence, +family and other, for the last nine years were read, or any of the +hundreds of my visitors, from every part of the world, were +questioned, nothing would there be to show the least wish to +disturb or stay the progress of my loved native land since my +poor efforts failed. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If you would kindly refer to Mr. Broadley's book you will +find Lord Dufferin's scheme in 1883 for the reorganisation of my +country, and my views on Egyptian reform in 1882. After nine +years, when almost the whole of that scheme and so many of +my humble views have been successfully carried out, is it possible +that any one beyond my personal enemies in my own country +could deem me capable of even dreaming of doing anything to +see her in misery again? My greatest trust is yet what it was +when I wrote to the <i>Times</i> from my prison in 1882: "I hope the +people of England will complete the work which I commenced. +If England accomplishes this task, and thus really gives Egypt +to the Egyptians, she will then make clear to the world the real +aim and object of Arabi the Rebel" (Mr. Broadley's book, +p. 349). I cannot hope to see the time, but it must come under +such auspices when Egypt will cease to be a "reproach to the +nations," Islam although she be. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +My fellow exiles and I have considered much on the subject +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P223"></a>223}</span> +of the parole you suggest in regard to Cyprus. Our simple +parole was all that Lord Dufferin required of us when exiled. +We gave it, and he was satisfied. We have honourably kept our +word, and it is only now, when we find our place of sojourn proving +so increasingly injurious to the health of most of us and our +families, that we pray for a change to a more congenial climate. +In every other respect we could not dream nor hope for a better +home of exile. We leave everything to your judgment. If you +think a repetition of our parole necessary, or of any use, we shall +gladly give it again, although our first, religiously observed, has +been so slighted; and we shall send it to you as soon as you may +desire it. You have done much for us, and our return for it all +could only be gratefully felt, not expressed; and you will permit +us to leave it to you to do for us whatever more in your judgment +may be expedient, and, whatever that may be, permit us to +assure you of our fullest trust. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If any prospect of the change of residence we seek is hopeless, +and Lord Salisbury should adhere to his wish to keep us here, I +may but beg your best endeavour to obtain the increase of allowance +I have applied for in my letter to the Colonial Secretary, +to enable me to have the benefit of such change as the variable +climate of this island could in some degree afford. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I had the pleasure last week of two kind visits by Mr. J. R. Cox, +M.P., on his return home from Australia in the <i>Orizaba</i>. +He mentioned your request and his promise to see me if he came +to Colombo, and your desire that he should learn from me all I +had to say; and he asked me to give him a statement, which I +have done to the best of my ability both by word of mouth and +in writing. He said he had been long away, and had not seen +the papers Lord de la Warr sent me until then. I need not say +how deeply gratifying it was to hear from him of your interest +in us and of your exertions on our behalf, and of the wide feelings +of sympathy you have raised for us. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +You will forgive me for trespassing on your time and work +with this long letter; and if I have been led to say anything that +I have troubled your attention with before, I may only beg the +extension of your indulgence for it. Placed as I am now, able +to think only of the past, and with no hope for life's future on +earth, and deprived more and more of my greatest solace, study, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P224"></a>224}</span> +by the growing weakness of sight, I fear that my communications +to you and to those who have likewise generously extended sympathy +to us in our strait are of too melancholy a tinge. As any +prospect of better days seems all but closed to us, we may but +bow in humble resignation and submission to the Divine Will. +When this letter comes to you it will be your great season of joy +and peace. Permit me and my family to offer you our best +regards and wishes for many a happy enjoyment together and +return of the things to you and all dear to you.—And believe me, +yours most gratefully and sincerely, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +AHMED ARABI, the Egyptian. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +5 OLD PALACE YARD, S.W., Feb. 1, 1893. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR BLUNT,—Jingoism under Rosebery reigns supreme. +I will, however, see if anything can be done about Arabi. Your +details are very interesting respecting the late events in Egypt. +Cannot the Khedive be induced to do this?: Get his Chamber +to pass a resolution declaring that Egypt wishes for independence +of all European intervention, and trusts that the British occupation +will cease. If it did this we should be able to meet the +persistent statements that the Fellaheen wants us and loves us. +The Turkish Pashas might agree so as to spite us, but if once the +country were left to itself, the Chamber could assert (?) itself. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is difficult to say how long the Government will last. +Probably through the session.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn1text">1</a>] Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, <i>Secret History +of the English Occupation of Egypt</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn2text">2</a>] I have taken this account of the Cyprus Convention +and its results at the +Berlin Congress from Mr. Blunt's +<i>Secret History of the English Occupation of +Egypt</i>. He says in a footnote (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 277): +"I have given the story of the +arrangement made with Waddington as I heard +it first from Lord Lytton at +Simla in May, 1879. The details were contained +in a letter which he showed +me written to him from Berlin, +while the Congress was still sitting, by a former +diplomatic colleague, and have since been confirmed +to me from more than one +quarter, though with variations. +In regard to the main feature of the agreement, +the arrangement about Tunis, I had it very plainly stated to me in the +autumn of 1884 by Count Corti, +who had been Italian Ambassador at the +Congress. According to his account, +the shock of the revelation to Disraeli +had been so great that he took to his bed, +and for four days did not appear at +the sittings, leaving Lord Salisbury +to explain matters as he best could. He +said that there had been no open rupture +with Waddington, the case having +been submitted by Waddington to his +fellow-ambassadors, who agreed that +it was not one that could possibly +be publicly disputed: <i>Il faut la guerre ou +se taire</i>. The agreement was a verbal +one between Waddington and Salisbury, +but was recorded in a despatch +subsequently written by the French +Ambassador in London in which he reminded +Salisbury of the Convention +conversation held in Berlin, +and so secured its acknowledgment in writing." +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn3text">3</a>] Herbert Paul, <i>A History of Modern England</i>, vol. iv., p. 247. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn4text">4</a>] Herbert Paul, <i>A History of Modern England</i>, vol. iv., p. 247. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn5text">5</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, May 12, 1882, vol. 269. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn6text">6</a>] Vote of credit for forces in the Mediterranean. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn7text">7</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, July 27, 1882, vol. 272. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn8text">8</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, October 30, 1882, vol. 274. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn9text">9</a>] <i>Truth</i>, October 5, 1882. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn10"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn10text">10</a>] <i>Truth</i>, October 12, 1882. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn11"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn11text">11</a>] <i>Truth</i>, December 7, 1882. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn12"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn12text">12</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, February 15, 1883, vol. 276. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn13"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn13text">13</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, March 2, 1883, vol. 276. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn14"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn14text">14</a>] <i>Ibid.</i>, June 11, 1883, vol. 280. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn15"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn15text">15</a>] Herbert Paul, <i>A History of Modern England</i>, vol. iv. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn16"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn16text">16</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, February 14, 1884, vol. 284. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn17"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn17text">17</a>] Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, <i>Gordon and Khartoum</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn18"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn18text">18</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, May 19, 1884, vol. 288. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn19"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn19text">19</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, March 26, 1885, vol. 295. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn20"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn20text">20</a>] <i>Ibid.</i>, Feb. 27, 1885, vol. 294. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn21"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn21text">21</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, April 13, 1885, vol. 296. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap09fn22"></a> +[<a href="#chap09fn22text">22</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, May 8, 1885, vol. 298. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap10"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P225"></a>225}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER X +<br><br> +HENRY LABOUCHERE'S RADICALISM +</h3> + +<p> +Before dealing further with the part played by Labouchere +in Irish legislation, it will be necessary to consider +his view of English politics as a whole. He had not at first +been an enthusiastic partisan of Home Rule. He had even +gone the length at Northampton of saying that he himself +was no Home Ruler. Yet, in point of fact, no English +member was a more zealous advocate of Irish claims than he. +Why was this? His motives, as I have been able to gather +them from many conversations with him on the subject, +were twofold: His Radical soul was disgusted by what, +in the face of the Irish attitude, was the only alternative +to Home Rule, namely coercion, and he realised that the +only effective way to "dish the Whigs," whom he hated +even more than the Conservatives, was to use the Irish +vote. +</p> + +<p> +The second motive was by far the stronger. He had a +definite conception of Radical government to which he +would undoubtedly have sacrificed hecatombs of Irish +patriots if necessary. As a matter of fact, the Irish patriots +happened to be a useful means towards his end, the +establishment of such a government. Hence his alliance with +them. When Mr. Gladstone and his Whig-Radical Government +were faced in 1880 with the Irish question in so acute +a form, Labouchere saw a real possibility ahead of +establishing a Radical as distinguished from a merely Liberal +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P226"></a>226}</span> +Government. The protagonist of his scheme was +Mr. Chamberlain, already a member of the Cabinet, and, in +the natural course of events, the almost certain successor +of the already venerable statesman whose name had become +the war-cry of English Liberalism. +</p> + +<p> +With Mr. Chamberlain as Prime Minister almost anything +might happen: the Lords and the Church might go, +England might become, in all save the name, a republic. +Mr. Chamberlain was the one statesman with whom he +found himself in complete agreement as to the articles of +the Radical faith, and in his future he saw the future of the +party and of England. He wrote to him on July 3, 1883: +"I was caught young and sent to America; there I imbibed +the political views of the country, so that my Radicalism +is not a joke, but perfectly earnest. My opinion on most of +the institutions of this country is that of Americans—that +they are utterly absurd and ridiculous. Nothing would +give me greater pleasure than to see you leader of the House +of Commons, with a Parliament pledged to the most drastic +reforms. This is the aim of my humble endeavours, but, +in the nature of things, a member below the gangway has +not the same responsibilities as a Minister, and, if he is a +Radical, necessarily is more advanced than a composite +Cabinet. He has, too, to make motions or to hold his tongue. +For instance, my amendment yesterday evening on titles +was regarded in the House of Commons as a joke. But go +to any meeting of even Liberals, and you would find that +it was essentially a popular one. The real trouble in the +House of Commons is that the Radicals below the gangway +are such a miserable lot, and seem ashamed of their opinions. +The Whigs, on the contrary, out of office act solidly together. +This leads the public to suppose that your views are in a +small minority in the House of Commons. If the Whigs +are ready to pull a coach half way to what they consider a +precipice, they must be greater fools than I take them to be. +They do not act openly, but they conspire secretly. So long, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P227"></a>227}</span> +however, as they consent to work in harness, they ought to +be encouraged. You have told them the goal, and I am +certain that this declaration has done more to strengthen +radicalism than anything that has happened for long. So +I am perfectly contented, and quite ready to leave well +alone." +</p> + +<p> +Alas for the schemes of mortals! The very element on +which Labouchere relied for the strengthening of the Radical +cause in the Cabinet was to prove to Mr. Chamberlain +himself the parting of the ways. The statesman who was to +reach the highest power on the shoulders of Irish voters, +when it came to the point, would have none of such support. +The corner-stone fell out of the grandiose edifice that +Labouchere had planned, the palace of Armida crumbled in the +dust. Bitter, indeed, was his disappointment. It was +characteristic of him in these circumstances to lose his head +and throw up the game. The reader will remember how, +as a boy, he described his own character at the gaming-table: +"In playing even I failed because, although I theoretically +discovered systems by which I was likely to win, yet in +practice I could command myself so little that, upon a slight +loss, I left all to chance." He lacked the patience or the +industry of mind to reconstruct his schemes, and when +Mr. Chamberlain was lost to the Radical party, Labouchere's +constructive imagination seems never to have recovered +the blow. He continued the war with abuse of privilege, +absurdity consecrated by tradition, and the other heads of +the hydra with which his party fought, but the tone of his +attacks was not the same as before the Home Rule split. +Too often they degenerated into mere party criticism, the +note of personal invective, one might almost say of spite, +becoming more prominent in them. He had lost faith in +success, because the combination by which he had hoped to +win had failed, and he could not, or would not, think out +another. It was this consciousness of failure—of personal +failure as he saw it, so closely had he identified himself with +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P228"></a>228}</span> +his hopes—that inspired the peculiar bitterness with which, +in and out of season, he attacked the statesman whom he +held responsible for the altered situation. He did not, as +his correspondence will show, give up hope for some time +of Mr. Chamberlain's return to the party, but, when he had +at last given up all such hope, nothing was too bad for "Joe." In +the pages of <i>Truth</i>, in the Reform Club, in the lobby of the +House of Commons, he constantly held forth to all who would +read or listen on the "crimes" of the man who had divided +the Liberal party against itself. He manifested no such +bitterness against Bright or Hartington; but when Mr. Chamberlain +fell from grace, he fell as no private individual, +but as the symbol of the Radical party. With him, according +to Labouchere, the party fell, and with the party his +immediate hopes for the regeneration of England. Those +hopes had, with ample justification for their existence, run +high when Messrs. Chamberlain and Dilke joined +Mr. Gladstone's administration in 1880. Labouchere based his +scheme on the permanence of Mr. Chamberlain's Radicalism, +and upon the fact that, in the natural course of events, a +successor would very shortly have to be found for +Mr. Gladstone. Both these, at the time, reasonable previsions +were falsified by destiny. Mr. Gladstone remained for +another fourteen years leader of the party, and Mr. Chamberlain +became a Liberal Unionist. The years between +1880 and 1887 were, in so far as his political life was +concerned, the most important of Labouchere's life. Until he +saw that his game was finally spoiled by a totally unexpected +fall of the cards, he did not for one instant relax his efforts +to reach the end towards which he had planned to work. +His patience was remarkable, his foresight uncanny, except +in the all-important direction from which the blow that +finally shattered his hopes descended. +</p> + +<p> +It is interesting, in the light of subsequent events, to +read the article which he wrote for the February number of +the <i>Fortnightly Review</i> in 1884, in which he set forth with +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P229"></a>229}</span> +characteristic freedom of expression his views upon Radicals +as differing from Whigs. "A Radical," he declares early in +the article, "has been defined as an earnest Liberal," and he +goes on to describe, in uncompromising terms, the faith of +the earnest Liberal—or true Radical. "The Government +Bill," he wrote, "assimilating the County to the Borough +Franchise is to be encouraged, although it does not go far +enough, to the extent, <i>i.e.</i>, of Adult manhood suffrage. It +will be for Radicals to take care strenuously to oppose every +scheme which is a sham and not a reality. Let us all who +are good Liberals labour to obtain a good suffrage Bill and +a good redistribution Bill. This will strengthen our +Parliamentary position, and we may fairly anticipate that +Manhood Suffrage, electoral districts, triennial Parliaments, +and payment of members will follow." The following +extract shows very clearly Mr. Labouchere's opinions on +what may be called the technique of legislation: +</p> + +<p> +"The life of a Parliament is too long. Three years is +the maximum period for which it should be elected. At the +end of this time it is out of touch with the electorates. +Promises and pledges made at the hustings are evaded, +because each member thinks they will be forgotten before +he has again to seek the suffrages of his electors; whilst +Ministers are too apt to put off, until the period for a fresh +election approaches, any drastic legislation to which they +are pledged as leaders of their party. It is probable that, +were the duration of Parliament limited to three years, as +much political legislation would take place in this period +as is now the case in the five or six years which is the average +life of a Parliament. The fear of a speedy reckoning with +electors would be ever before the eyes of Ministers and +members. The 'Can't you leave it alone?' of Lord +Melbourne would be replaced by 'We must do much and do it +speedily, for the day of reckoning is near at hand.' Long +Parliaments are as fatal to sound business as long credits +are to sound trade. It is questionable, indeed, whether +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P230"></a>230}</span> +three years is not too long for the duration of a Parliament. +We should move in all probability more quickly, were the +nation to insist upon an annual stocktaking." +</p> + +<p> +The arguments, from the democratic point of view, in +favour of the payment of members are thus set forth: +</p> + +<p> +"The payment of members would do more to democratise +our legislature, and consequently our legislation, than any +other measure that can be conceived. At present, members, +as a rule, are rich men. Many of them mean well, but they +fatally take a rich man's view of all matters, and are far too +much inclined to think that everything is for the best in a +world where, although there may be many blanks, they at +least have drawn a prize in life's lottery. So long as the +choice of the poor men is between this and that rich man, so +long will our legislation run in the groove of class prejudice. +The poor man will not be the social equal of the rich man, +and our laws will be made rather with a view to the happiness +and interests of the few than of the many. All who are +Conservative in heart know this, and for this reason the +payment of members, which is the natural outcome of a +recognition that a labourer is worthy of his hire, finds in +them such bitter opponents. If a Minister is paid for being +a Minister, it is only logical that a member should be paid +for being a member. People must live. To refuse payment +to members is to limit the choice of electorates to those very +men who are not likely to see things with the same eyes as +the majority of the men who constitute the electorates. +Parliaments should be composed of rich men and of poor +men. No one would advocate the exclusion of rich men. +Why, then, should a condition of things continue which +practically results in the exclusion of the poor man?" +</p> + +<p> +Never has the Radical view of the House of Lords and +the Crown been more forcibly expressed than in the following: +</p> + +<p> +"The Whigs seem to know that —— is in favour of the +abolition of a House of hereditary legislators. Let us hope +that they are correct. We are frequently told that the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P231"></a>231}</span> +people love, honour, and respect the House of Lords. Let +any one who entertains this notion allude to this assembly +at a popular political gathering in any part of the country, +and he will find his illusion rudely dispelled. There are +earnest Radicals who hold that there ought to be two +legislative Chambers, and not one; although why they think so, +it is difficult to say, for in every country where the +two-Chamber system prevails, either one of them has become a +mere useless court of registration, or the two are engaged in +perpetual disputes, to the great detriment of public business. +No Radical, however, is in favour of our existing Upper +Chamber. If he were, he would not be a Radical. What +an hereditary legislator ought to be is well described by +Burke in his letter to the Duke of Bedford. What our +hereditary legislators are we know by bitter experience. +They almost all belong to one particular class—that of the +great landlords. When any attempt is made to deal with +the gross absurdities of our land system, they rally almost +to a man to its defence, not from natural depravity, but +from the natural bias of every one to consider that what +benefits him must be for the best. The majority of them +are Conservatives; even those who call themselves Liberals +are the mildest of Whigs. When a Conservative Administration +is in power they are harmless for good or evil. When +a Liberal Administration is in power they are actively evil. +Such an administration represents the deliberate will of the +nation. Before bringing in a Bill, however, it has to be +toned down, lest it should meet with opposition in the Lords. +Nevertheless it does meet with opposition there. The Lords +do not throw it out, but emasculate it with amendments; +then when it comes back to the Commons a bargain is struck +that, if the Commons will agree to some of these amendments, +the Lords will not insist upon the others. Thus, no matter +what may be the majority possessed by a Liberal ministry +in the House of Commons, it can never legislate as it wishes, +but in a sense between what it wishes and what the Conservative +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P232"></a>232}</span> +majority in the Lords wish. In great and important +questions it almost always obeys its Leader like a flock of +sheep, and thus one man is able to provoke a dissolution, +not only when he thinks that this is in the interests of the +country, but when he imagines it to be in the interests of +his party. It is asserted that the House of Lords is useful +because its rejection of a Bill is an appeal to the country +against a House of Commons which is acting in opposition +to the popular will. It is not easy to understand on what +grounds the Lords are supposed to know what the popular +will is; and, indeed, they never do, for there is not one single +case on record where, when the Lords have appealed to the +country against a decision of the House of Commons, the +verdict has gone in favour of the former. Although rich, +the peers are not independent. They are, in fact, remarkable +for their abnormal greed. Because they are by the +chance of birth legislators, they insist upon decorations, +distinctions, and salaries being showered upon them and +their relations. In the Financial Reform Almanack for +this year there is an interesting calculation of the amounts +that living dukes, marquises, and earls, and their relations, +and those that have died since 1850, have received out of +the public exchequer. The dukes figure for £9,760,000, +the marquises for £8,305,950, and the earls for £48,181,292; +total £66,247,242. The voracity of a vestryman is nothing +to compare with that of the British nobleman. Eighty-three +peers are privy councillors; 55 have received decorations; +192 are connected with the army and navy; 62 are railway +directors; their total rental is £11,872,333, and they possess +14,251,132 acres; yet in pay and pensions they absorb +annually £639,865, and whenever there is a change of +administration they clamour for well-paid sinecures about the +Court, and other such sops, like a pack of hungry hounds. +<i>Les soutiens de l'État</i> indeed! <i>Comme une corde soutient +un pendu!</i> The greater number of them are obscure thanes, +who never take an active part in legislation or attend in their +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P233"></a>233}</span> +seats; and they are summoned to London by their party +leader whenever it is necessary to vote down some Liberal +enactment, which has been passed after long and careful +consideration by the elected representatives of the nation, +and for this service to the State they generally insist upon +receiving an equivalent—a ribbon, a Lord Lieutenancy, or +an office for a relative or a dependent.... +</p> + +<p> +"Radicals are essentially practical, and are not accustomed +to waste or misdirect their energies. They do not +approve of the fuss and feathers of a Court, and they regard +its ceremonies with scant respect, for they are inclined to +think that they conduce to a servile spirit, which is +degrading to humanity. They admit, however, that the scheme +of a monarch who reigns but does not rule has its advantages +in an empire such as ours, where a connecting link between +the mother country and the colonies is desirable. Their +objection to the present state of things is mainly based upon +financial grounds. Admitting that there is to be a hereditary +figure-head, they cannot understand why it should cost so +much, why funds which are voted to the monarch should be +expended in salaries to noblemen for the performance of +ceremonial service, or why the children of the monarch +should receive such enormous annuities." He quoted an +occasion when the disloyalty of Radicals was supposed to +have been amply proved. One of them had voted for an +amendment of Sir Charles Dilke when Lord Beaconsfield's +Government had proposed an allowance of £25,000 per +annum to the Duke of Connaught. "It would have been +more to the purpose to show," he said, "why this young +gentleman should receive so very ample a pension for +condescending to be the son of his parents. Nothing has +conduced more to shake that decent respect for the living +symbol of the State, which goes by the name of royalty, +than the ever-recurring rattle of the money-box. Radicals +do not perceive why the children of the monarch should be +made public pensioners any more than the children of the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P234"></a>234}</span> +Lord Chancellor. They know that Her Majesty lives in +retirement, and that she has a wholesome contempt for the +costly ceremonies of a Court; they are aware that as a +necessary consequence she has sufficient accumulations to keep +her children in comfort. They ask, therefore, why their +maintenance should be thrown on the country, and why, if +so, this should be on so very costly a scale. They consider, +it is true, that Her Majesty has too large a Civil List; yet +although they are not deceived by the 'pious fraud' which +assumes that the monarch is the owner of the Crown domains +and surrenders them on accession to the throne in consideration +of a money equivalent for what they produce, they have +no burning desire to interfere with existing arrangements +during the lifetime of the present incumbent, for they have +a sincere respect for the Queen, not only as the constitutional +head of the State, but also on account of her excellent +personal qualities. They are of opinion, however, that when +provision is asked for the eldest son of the Prince of Wales, +this will be a fitting opportunity to inaugurate an entire +change in the financial relations of the Crown with the +country." +</p> + +<p> +The Established Church, education, and the Land Laws +are thus drastically treated. +</p> + +<p> +"The income of the Establishment is close upon £5,000,000 +per annum. It is the Church of a minority. The greater +portion of its revenues were acquired by confiscation. Its +division of them amongst its clergy is in defiance of all rule +and justice. Cures of souls are matters of public barter. +Only the other day the secretary of a race-course company +bought the next presentation to a living in order to ensure +that the views of the next pastor should be sound on the +question of racing. In every country except this the +principle has been recognised that so-called ecclesiastical +property is national property. In some countries this principle +has been pushed to its ultimate consequences, in others it +has received a more restricted application. Were we all +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P235"></a>235}</span> +members of the Established Church there might be some +plea for our devoting a portion of our property to the +maintenance of the Church's employés. But the majority of us +are not churchmen. Why then should we perpetuate so +invidious an application of national funds? The vested +rights of living incumbents should be respected, and perhaps +it would be only fair that the Church should retain those +funds that she has received from the liberality of private +donors within the last few years. On an excessive estimate +this would amount to £1,000,000 per annum. We require +the remaining £4,000,000 per annum for educational +purposes, and we mean to have them.... +</p> + +<p> +"Whilst all Radicals are agreed that our land system +requires a thorough reform, all are perhaps not in accord as +to the details of that reform. Some are followers of +Mr. George and demand the nationalisation of land; others—and +these are the wiser—whilst admitting that it is to be +regretted that the paramount proprietorship of the +community has been almost entirely ignored, hardly see their +way to resume it absolutely, nor do they admit that a person +who has acquired a legal title to a freehold can be divested +of it without fair compensation. All, however, are agreed +that real estate has, in contradistinction to personal estate, +certain inherent qualities: it is limited in quantity, and it is +a natural instrument; consequently, the State has a right +to regulate the conditions of its tenure, and its transmission +from one individual to another. We would legislate to +break up and destroy all huge domains; to make the occupier +to all practical intents the master of the soil which he +cultivates, and to secure to him not only fixity of tenure and +independence of a landlord's rules and caprices, but the +enjoyment of these rights at a fair and reasonable price. +A long succession of landlord legislatures have, in the words +of Mr. Cobden, 'robbed and bamboozled the people for +ages.' All our laws affecting land have been made in order +to perpetuate its tenure in the hands of the few from generation +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P236"></a>236}</span> +to generation; to render its purchase difficult and +expensive; to free its owners from taxes and obligations, in +consideration of which their predecessors acquired lordship +over it from the State; and to give it an artificial value by +securing to its possessors social and political pre-eminence. +That there should be few Radicals amongst landlords is less +surprising than that any one who is not a landlord should +remain outside the Radical pale. To suppose that when +Radicals have the power to place our land laws in harmony +with the good of the greatest numbers, or to imagine that +they will allow the <i>imperia in imperio</i> of huge domains to +continue, is to suppose that they will take to their heart of +hearts their 'robbers and bamboozlers.' Landlords are a +mistake socially, politically, and economically. The only +true proprietary rights in land are a reasonable interest on +sums spent in rendering it more productive, and this only +so long as the outlay continues to produce this result; to +talk of any other natural proprietary rights is as absurd as +it would be to talk of a man having a natural property in +the air that we breathe. It is too late now, however, to +revert to first principles. We must accept facts and +endeavour to make the best of them. This we propose to do, and, +as a preliminary step, we demand the renewed imposition +of the land-tax at four shillings in the pound upon the full +true yearly value at a rack rent; that there should be no +more subventions in aid of local taxation from imperial +funds largely derived from taxation on food and drink; and +that landlords who will not use their land themselves should +be made to give it up to those who are ready and anxious to +use it." +</p> + +<p> +Towards the end of the article Mr. Labouchere delivers +himself somewhat tentatively on the Irish question as +follows: +</p> + +<p> +"It was said in the first session of the present +Parliament—and no one was more fond of using this argument than +Mr. Gladstone—that the limited number of Mr. Parnell's +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P237"></a>237}</span> +Parliamentary followers proved that the majority of the +constituencies was not with him. Later on, when the error +of this estimate of his strength was perceived, it was alleged +that his influence was alone secured by terrorism. Slowly +it had dawned upon the English mind that the vast majority +of Irishmen, rightly or wrongly, cordially and truly +sympathise with him. No one now questions that he will sweep +Ireland at the next General Election. On the doctrine of +probabilities, this will make him the arbiter between parties +at St. Stephen's. How is this to be met? The only +suggestion put forward as yet has been that both parties should +agree that the Irish vote is not to count on a party division. +But does any sane human being imagine that such a scheme +is practicable? The 'ins' would always assent to it, but the +'outs' would defer their assent until they became the 'ins.' It +is indeed becoming every day more and more clear that +we must either allow the Irish votes to reckon as other votes, +or that we must boldly assert that Ireland shall no longer +be represented in Parliament, because we disagree with the +representatives that it chooses. There is no middle course; +and, if we accept the former, we shall have to allow Ireland +hereafter to decide as she best pleases on matters that only +locally regard her. Most Radicals would be of opinion that +one Parliament for the entire United Kingdom is a better +system that one for Great Britain and another for Ireland. +But they would go a long way to establish a fair <i>modus +vivendi</i> between the two islands, and nothing that Mr. Parnell +has ever said can be adduced to show that he does not +entertain the same desire. Most of his views recommend +themselves to Radicals, especially those in regard to land.... +If the Irish wish for Home Rule why should they not +have it? It surely would be easy to conceive a plan in which +that island would have a representative assembly that would +legislate upon all matters, except those reserved to the +Imperial Parliament. These reservations might be +precisely the same as those which the American Constitution +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P238"></a>238}</span> +reserves to Congress in her relations with State +Governments. Mr. Gladstone seemed inclined to accept this +solution in 1882, for, in a speech during the session of that +year, he asked the Irish members to submit their plan to the +House of Commons, whilst the only objection that occurred +to him was, that it might be difficult to find an arbiter +between the Imperial and the Irish legislature in case of any +conflict of jurisdiction—a difficulty which a cursory glance +at the American Constitution would have solved. The +Irish are sound upon almost every question; they are even +more democratically inclined than we are. We want their +aid and they want our aid. Irish, English, and Scotch +Radicals should coalesce. Mutual concessions may be necessary, +but this is always the case in political alliances. That the +Irish should not love the English connection is hardly +surprising. We are only now beginning to do them justice, +and we have accompanied this modicum of justice with a +Coercion Act, aimed not only at crime, but at legitimate +political agitation. If we remove their grievances, if we +make Irishmen the true rulers of Ireland, and if we cease +to meddle in matters that concern them and not us, there +is no reason to suppose that they would wish to separate +from us any more than our colonies. Separation would, +indeed, be as disadvantageous to them as to us." +</p> + +<p> +A year or two later he gave clear expression to the same +Radical faith in the House of Commons in a speech which he +made on his own amendment to the motion that Mr. Speaker +do now leave the chair: "That in the opinion of this House +it is contrary to the true principles of representative +Government, and injurious to their efficiency, that any person +should be a member of one House of the Legislature by right +of birth, and it is therefore desirable to put an end to any +such existing rights." "It has been pointed out to him," +he said, "that these words might include Her Majesty, +which, of course, was not intended ... they had been +engaged in democratising, as far as they could, the Commons +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P239"></a>239}</span> +branch of the Legislature; but all their efforts would be +abortive, all their efforts at Parliamentary reform would be +illusory, if they allowed side by side with that House a +Legislative Assembly to exist, which, in its nature, was +aristocratic, and which had a right to tamper with and veto +the decisions of the nation, which were registered by the +House of Commons.... Members of the House of Lords +were neither elected nor selected for their merits. They sat +by the merits of their ancestors, and, if we looked into the +merits of some of those ancestors, we should agree that the +less said about them the better. The House of Lords +consisted of a class most dangerous to the community—the +class of rich men, the greater part of whose fortune was in +land. It was asserted of them that the House of Lords was +recruited from the wisest and best in the country—that the +Lords were so wise and good that, in some mysterious way, +they were able to transmit their virtues to future generations +in <i>secula seculorum</i>. The practice in the selection of those +gentlemen was not quite in accordance with this theory. +They consisted generally of two classes—of those who were +apparently successful politicians, and of those who were +undoubtedly successful money-grubbers. He would take +a few examples, and, as he did not wish to be invidious, he +would take them from both sides of the House. They all +knew and appreciated Sir R. Assheton Cross, Mr. Sclater +Booth, Sir Thomas Brassey, and Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen. +What did they think of these gentlemen? As members of +this House everybody respected and liked them; but they +were looked upon as decent sort of mediocrities of the +ordinary quality, which was converted, in course of time, into +administrative Ministers. Take another class. Why were +brewers selected as peers? Simply because they, of late, +had accumulated very large fortunes by the sale of intoxicating +liquors, and for no other reason. The names of Guinness, +Bass, and Allsopp had been long household words in every +public house in the country, but who ever heard of them as +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P240"></a>240}</span> +politicians? Yet these gentlemen were considered to be the +very best men in the country to be converted into hereditary +peers. Another class who made money were the financiers. +Lord Rothschild inherited a large fortune, and had increased +that fortune, and no doubt spent his money in the most +honourable way; but Lord Rothschild did nothing in the +House of Commons in any way to distinguish himself. +With brewers, when one was made a peer another must be +made a peer for advertisement. So with financial houses; +when a Rothschild was made a peer, it was necessary to fish +up some one of the name of Baring, and one was converted +into Lord Revelstoke—a gentleman who, though probably +eminent in city circles, was hardly known to any one in that +House, and who had never taken part in politics. So much +for the composition of the House of Lords.... Deducting +representative peers from Scotland and Ireland, and +deducting members of the Royal family, and deducting bishops +and archbishops, he found 470 peers sitting as hereditary +peers in the House of Lords. He found that those peers +had annually distributed among them £389,163, amounting +on an average to £820 each (salaries from appointments +under Civil List)—these rich men who would, with one +accord, protest against the payment of members of the House +of Commons. These were the rich men who were found +at public meetings denouncing members from Ireland as a +wretched crew, because, being mainly poor men, they received +enough to enable them to live from their constituents. +The peers were almost as careful of their relations as of +themselves. In a valuable publication he saw it put down +that, from 1874 to 1886, no fewer than 7000 relatives of peers +had had places of emolument under the Government.... +In the other House there were 120 Privy Councillors, of +whom he ventured to say the majority had never heard. +Orders had to be found for these gentlemen. Almost every +one of them had a decoration. There were three decorations +which were absolutely made for peers and for no other +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P241"></a>241}</span> +body—the Garter, the Order of St. Patrick, and the Thistle. +Walpole had declined a decoration 'because,' he said, 'why bribe +myself?' Lord Melbourne said of the Garter that its pleasing +feature was that there was 'no nonsense of merit about +it.' An impression existed that private Bill legislation was +more independent in the House of Lords than in that House. +He did not think it was.... No men looked better after +the class interests of those to whom they belonged than the +peers. They were great landowners; 16,000,000 acres +belonged to them. Yet our Land Laws were a disgrace to the +country and tainted with feudalism.... This House of +Lords was not collectively any worse than any six hundred +men would be. They were <i>ex necessitate</i> a Tory House and +a House of partisans. The assertion that they subordinated +public interests to their private class and party interests +was merely tantamount to saying that they were human +beings. A House of Artisans would act on similar principles.... +His amendment went to the root of the evil. He at +first thought of including bishops, but he struck them out on +the principle of <i>de minimis non curat lex</i>. If the hereditary +principle were done away with, what the honourable member +for Birmingham called 'the incestuous union between +the spiritual and the political world' would cease of itself. +His amendment would not prejudice the question of whether +there ought to be two Chambers or one only. Personally +he was in favour of one, but those who voted with him need +not necessarily support him on that particular point. Other +countries which had two had simply followed our example, +and it was a mere result of chance that we happened to have +two. If they agreed, the second was useless; if they +disagreed, the second was pernicious. If the functions of an +Upper Chamber were to be properly fulfilled by those who +soared above party and class interest, we must not look for +its members in this world, but we must bring down angels +from Heaven; but, as that would be difficult, there was one +other alternative. The Conservatives at their meetings +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P242"></a>242}</span> +always shouted, 'Thank God we have a House of Lords!' Radicals +had no intention to remain any longer supinely +like toads under the harrow of the House of Lords. They +intended to agitate until they could say: 'Thank God we +have not an hereditary House of Lords!'" +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere's amendment on that occasion was +defeated by a majority of 61 in a House of 385 members. +On November 21, 1884, Labouchere had moved the following +resolution: "That in view of the fact that the Conservative +party is able and has for many years been able, through its +permanent majority in the House of Lords, to alter, defeat, +or delay legislation, although that legislation has been +recommended by the responsible advisers of the Crown, and +approved by the nation through its elected representatives, +it is desirable to make such alterations in the relations of the +two Houses of Parliament as will effect a remedy to this +state of things." Sir Wilfrid Lawson, in seconding the +resolution, said that he remembered a few years ago +Mr. Labouchere giving notice of a very similar resolution. He +asked him if he thought a House could be made for it. +Mr. Labouchere had answered, "No, I do not think there will +be, for all the Radicals want to be made peers." The member +for Northampton prophesied truly, for not forty members +could be got to come down. +</p> + +<p> +With untiring patience, however, Mr. Labouchere moved +a resolution of the same nature almost every year that he +was in Parliament. His perseverance on the subject was +only matched by the dogged persistence with which he +attacked the ridiculous appurtenances inseparable from the +upkeep of a constitutional monarchy. When he was asked +by Captain Fred Burnaby once at Homburg why he was +always attacking the Royal family, who after all were well +meaning people, he replied: "One must find some very solid +institution to be able to attack it in comfort. If the love +of royalty were not so firmly established in the middle-class +English breast, I should not dream of attacking it, for the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P243"></a>243}</span> +institution might topple over, and then what should I do? +I should have all the trouble of finding something else to +tilt against." +</p> + +<p> +Another expression of his views on the Establishment is +found in his speech on Mr. Albert Grey's amendment on the +occasion of the Second Reading of the Church Patronage +Bill. "From a Radical standpoint," he said, "it was +undesirable that there should be an Establishment at all, and +there seemed to be no reason why they should be continually +tinkering up and remedying this and that abuse in connection +with the Church.... He agreed with the Secretary of +State that this Bill did not go far enough, if it granted +compensation in the case of those who now held livings. To sell +a cure of souls had always been regarded as a most monstrous +iniquity, and why should they give compensation to those +who were enjoying what was wrong? They might as well +suggest that Simon Magus himself should have had +compensation. There was another preposterous clause in the +Bill. These advowsons could only be sold to the great +landlords and the lords of the manor. If the livings were +sold at all, they should be sold to anybody who might be +ready to buy them. But why should the great landlords—the +race he should be glad to see cleared off the land—why +should the great landlords and lords of the manor be allowed +to buy livings while other people were not? ... There +was no doubt that matters would be infinitely improved if +the parishioners had the right to veto the appointment of +clergymen. But the amendment did not go far enough. +Why was there only to be a veto? Why not allow the +parishioners to elect any clergyman they liked? Why was +the bishop to be the only person to be allowed to have a veto? +If the majority of the people in a locality were dissenters, +he thought they should not be compelled to elect a Church +of England clergyman. He was opposed to all this tinkering +of the Church of England, which should be disestablished +and disendowed.... He was quite ready to leave the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P244"></a>244}</span> +Church such amounts as had been given to it within the +last twenty years; but he had seen calculations made that, +deducting these amounts, a sum of about £5,000,000 per +annum ought to come to the public. That sum was the +property not of a sect, but of the English people who paid +it, and he should like to see a Bill introduced dealing with +glebe lands. These glebe lands were, he believed, the worst +cultivated in the country, and it would be infinitely better +to redistribute them in allotments amongst the deserving +labourers of the village than to leave them in the hands of +the clergymen. When his honourable friend brought in a +Bill dealing with glebe lands, and giving back to them the +£5,000,000 of which they were now deprived for the benefit +of a sect, then he would give him his most cordial +support." And so on. +</p> + +<p> +In the June of 1884 he made one of his common-sense +speeches on the subject of the enfranchisement of women. +It occurred during the debate on the Representation of the +People Bill. "It may be that we should enfranchise women," +he said, "but because we have enfranchised men is no reason +that we should do so. We may discuss the subject +eloquently, we may refer to Joan of Arc and Boadicea, but, +in point of fact, from the time of Eve till now there has been +a distinct difference between men and women. There are +a great many things which I am ready to admit women can +do better than men, and there are other things which I think +men can do better than women. Each have their separate +functions, and the question is whether the function of +electoral power is a function which women would adequately +discharge. I do not think it is. As yet I understand that +no country has really given women the vote; and were it +not that honourable gentlemen opposite, who are generally +averse to giving the franchise to any large body of men, +think, and think justly, that a very large majority of women +would vote for Conservatives, I should be surprised at their +making this desperate leap in the dark. Some honourable +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P245"></a>245}</span> +members on this side of the House have told us that women +are better than men. That is the language of poetry. But +when we come to facts I am not at all disposed to admit that +women are better than men. It is not a question of whether +women are angels or not, but whether they will make good +electors ... the honourable member has told us that he +was convinced of this because Queen Anne was a great queen; +and he told us also that Elizabeth was a great queen. But +Anne was not a great queen, and Elizabeth had the intellect +of a man with the weaknesses of a woman. The honourable +member also spoke of Queen Christina of Sweden, but every +one knows that she was one of the most execrable queens +that ever lived, for, after being deposed by her subjects, +she went to Paris and murdered her secretary. We learn +that, by the operation of nature, more women are born into +the world than men, that women live longer than men, and +that a considerable number of men leave the kingdom as +soldiers and sailors, while women remain at home. In +consequence of this there are, at any given moment, a greater +number of women than men in the country. I am told that +in every county, with the exception of Hampshire, more +women would be put on the register than men if we had +woman suffrage. And what would be the consequence? They +would look to the interests of women; they would band themselves +together, and we should have them, of course, asking to +be admitted to this House; and then, if they were admitted, +instead of being on an equality with them, we should put +ourselves under petticoat government; we should have women +opposite, women on these benches, and a woman perhaps in +the chair. They would, of course, like women everywhere, +have their own way. The honourable member had hesitated +as to whether he would give the vote to married women as +well as to unmarried women, and, by his mode of dealing +with the question, it would seem that he gave to vice what +he denied to virtue. As long as a woman remains a spinster, +it appears that she is to have the vote, but that, so soon as +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P246"></a>246}</span> +she marries, she is to cease to be an elector; she is to lose +her rights if she enters into the holy and honourable state +of matrimony, and, if her husband dies, she is again to get +the vote. When Napoleon was asked by Mme. de Stael +who was the best woman in the State, he said: 'Madame, +the woman who has the most children.'" +</p> + +<p> +It will be seen from the above extract that his opinion +of the female sex was early Victorian, and so it remained to +the end of his life. He was always a bitter opponent of +woman suffrage; and when, in 1896, a petition for the +Suffrage signed by 257,000 women from all parts of the United +Kingdom was exhibited, "by kind permission of the Home +Secretary," in Westminster Hall on a series of tables for the +inspection of members, he immediately called the attention +of the Speaker that afternoon in the House to the "unseemly +display," and insisted upon its removal. +</p> + +<p> +He was indefatigable in his efforts to introduce economical +Radical finance into every detail of government, always +assuring his hearers that he was fighting for the principle +of economy, and not merely against the mere absurdity of +the existence of certain traditional offices and extravagances. +In 1885 we find him requesting the Attorney-General to do +his best to suppress the offices of Trainbearer, Pursebearer, +and Clerk of the Petty Bag. He protested ably against the +large sums spent upon the upkeep of the royal yacht, and +upon the "objectionable practice" of asking the Commons +to vote a sum of money for special packets for conveyance +of distinguished persons to and from England. He protested +against the nation being asked to pay the expenses +incurred in the ceremony of making the present King (then +Prince George of Wales) a Knight of the Garter. He was, +in short, unceasingly vigilant wherever the spending of public +money was concerned, and his remarks were usually practical +and to the point. A quotation from a letter he wrote to the +<i>Times</i> in the same year on the Graduated Income Tax will +be of interest, as peculiarly illustrative of his clear and simple +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P247"></a>247}</span> +view of the rights of the poor man versus those of the rich +man. "The income tax," he wrote, "when first put on by +Mr. Pitt, was a graduated tax. No one then regarded this +as a spoliation or confiscation. That a rich man should pay +a higher percentage of taxation than a poor man is based +upon what Mr. Stuart Mill terms 'equality of sacrifice.' It +will, I presume, he admitted by all that the first call upon +a man's income is that portion of it which is necessary for +him and his family to eat, to be clothed, and to secure some +sort of home. If a man earns only £50 per annum, and has +an average family of two children, let me ask what remains +after this call has been met? Nothing. And if he has to +pay taxes, he and his family are obliged to go without a +sufficiency of clothing, or without a fitting home. Now +look at the case of a man with £50,000 per annum, and with +a family of the same size. He pays in taxation about 4½% +on his income—-let us say 5%. This absorbs £2500. He +may secure to himself and them not only all necessaries, but +all comforts, for £500 per annum. Surely the sacrifice on +his part to the exigencies of the State of £7000 per annum +would not be so great a one as would be that of £2, 10s. per +annum by the man with an income of £50 per annum. As +a matter of fact, however, the rich man pays at present +a maximum of 5%, and the poor man about twice that +percentage...." +</p> + +<p> +He made a speech in the Radical Club at North Camberwell +on November 14, 1885, in which he once more resumed +his creed, and with it I must end this chapter, so as to proceed +with the history of the practice to which he put his theories. +"In the House of Commons," he said, "Radicals had hitherto +been in a very small minority, and were not appreciated, +and it was therefore gratifying to him as a strong Radical to +find what they did in the House of Commons was appreciated +by those who made the House of Commons. For his +own part he was bound to say he could not form any clear +idea of what 'Conservative' meant now. In the past, Conservatives +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P248"></a>248}</span> +were a party banded together to support the +landed interest, but Lord Randolph Churchill told them that +this was to be all forgotten, and that the Conservatives were +to become Tory Democrats. These two words were utterly +antagonistic in themselves, and he could not understand +how men could be fish and fowl at the same time. The only +principle which was guiding the Tories was to get into office +and remain there. No reasonable man could become a +Conservative. As for the Whigs they were more dangerous +than the Tories. There were about thirty of them in the +House of Commons. They rarely spoke, but their influence—a +backstair influence—was such that Ministers yielded to +them, and it was to them that the action in Egypt was due, +and they were the cause of the Crimes Bill in Ireland—both +of which had been steadfastly opposed by the Radicals in +Parliament. It was easier to deal with an open enemy than +with a traitor in the camp. Happily the Whigs were expiring, +and he did not think any one would care to adopt their +creed. Coming to the Radical creed he said it was that +England should become a democracy, by which was meant +the rule of the people by the people and for the people. He +was surprised statesmen could not see that the people would +use the power given them for their own advantage. They +would insist on a Government not mixed, as now, with an +aristocratic element in it. They would deal with the entire +Legislature, the Crown, the Lords, and the Commons; and, +if they were of his mind, they would go in for a much more +sweeping franchise. The vote was a right and not a privilege, +and every man, not a criminal, ought to possess it, +or he was defrauded of his right. He went in for residential +manhood suffrage, for free education, for which he would +apply the Church revenues and the misused charities. He +was opposed to all indirect taxation, and advocated what +had been described as equality of sacrifice in general and +local taxation—that was, he would have a graduated income +tax, and, in no case, tax the necessaries of life. In +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P249"></a>249}</span> +conclusion he said he hoped Mr. Chamberlain would succeed +Mr. Gladstone as Prime Minister, and as for the Whigs they were +welcome to go over to the Tories. He would not refuse to +accept Lord Hartington, if he elected to fight under the +Radical party, but he would refuse to sink his own personal +opinions for any one."[<a id="chap10fn1text"></a><a href="#chap10fn1">1</a>] +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap10fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap10fn1text">1</a>] <i>Times</i>, October 15, 1885. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap11"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P250"></a>250}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER XI +<br><br> +IN OPPOSITION +</h3> + +<p class="t3"> +(JUNE, 1885—DECEMBER, 1885) +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere was not only a zealous friend and +advocate of the Irish members in Parliament, but a +variety of circumstances conspired with his own aptitudes +to constitute him an unofficial ambassador between conflicting +parties in the House, and, in particular, between the +Liberal Cabinet and the Nationalist leader. "His real +influence," wrote Sir Henry Lucy recently, "was exercised +beyond the range of the Speaker's eye. Nothing pleased +him more than being engaged in the lobby, the smoking-room,[<a id="chap11fn1text"></a><a href="#chap11fn1">1</a>] +or a remote corner of the corridors, working out some +little plot. By conviction a thorough Radical, such was the +catholicity of his nature that he was on terms of personal +intimacy with leaders of every section of party, not +excepting those who sat on the Treasury Bench. He was one of +the few men—perhaps the only man—whom Parnell treated +with an approach to confidence. He watched the growth +of the Fourth Party with something like paternal interest. +Lord Randolph Churchill and he were inseparable. In these +various episodes and connections he delighted to play the +part of the friendly broker."[<a id="chap11fn2text"></a><a href="#chap11fn2">2</a>] In this way, far more +effectively than by formal speech or resolution, though here too +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P251"></a>251}</span> +he was untiring in the fight, he was able to use what is called +"the personal factor in politics." And in his case the +personal factor was no light weight. His extreme opinions, +in which he had never wavered since the days when, as a +young man, he had scornfully declined the succession to his +uncle's peerage, secured him the confidence both of the Irish +and of the left wing of the Liberals, while, by birth, education, +and habit of life, he was the welcome intimate of men who +sat on the other side of the House. Eton, Trinity, and the +diplomatic service were an unusual training for an +ultra-Radical and gave an attractive flavour of sacrilege to his +views. No one appreciated this circumstance more than +he did himself, and certainly no one could have put it out to +better interest. +</p> + +<p> +On June 8, 1885, a coalition of Tories and Irish defeated +the Government by a majority of twelve. The occasion +was an amendment moved by Sir Michael Hicks Beach +during the second reading of the Budget Bill, condemning +the increase of beer and spirit duties proposed by the +Chancellor of the Exchequer. The combination between the +Opposition and the Irish was due to information having been +given by one of the Opposition leaders to the Irish party to +the effect that the Tories, if returned to power, would not +renew the Coercion Act, which would automatically expire +in the following August.[<a id="chap11fn3text"></a><a href="#chap11fn3">3</a>] Mr. Gladstone resigned the next +day, and, after some delay, Lord Salisbury accepted office +and formed his first administration. The new Viceroy, Lord +Carnarvon, following the precedents of Lord Mulgrave in +1837 and Lord Clarendon in 1850, himself made the declaration +of the Irish policy of the new Government. That policy +was a complete renunciation of coercion. Ireland was to +be governed by the ordinary law of the land. "My Lords, +I do not believe that with honesty and single-mindedness of +purpose on one hand, and with the willingness of the Irish +people on the other, it is hopeless to look for some satisfactory +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P252"></a>252}</span> +solution of this terrible question. My Lords, these I +believe to be the views and opinions of my colleagues." The +"honesty and single-mindedness" of this piece of tactics +were severely criticised by Mr. Chamberlain. "A strategic +movement of that kind executed in opposition to the notorious +convictions of the men who effected it, carried out for +party purposes and party purposes alone, is the most flagrant +instance of political dishonesty this country has ever known." +</p> + +<p> +The Irish party were much impressed by the advances +of the Conservatives, and when Lord Carnarvon arranged to +meet Parnell in conversation on Irish affairs, in the course +of which they discussed whether "some plan of constituting +a Parliament in Dublin, short of the repeal of the Union, +might not be devised and prove acceptable to Ireland,"[<a id="chap11fn4text"></a><a href="#chap11fn4">4</a>] +Parnell may be excused for having thought that salvation +was to come from the Tories. Mr. Gladstone had not yet +pronounced himself. The Liberal Government had imprisoned +the Irish leader; its record in Ireland, with the exception +of the Arrears Bill, was summed up in the word coercion. +Liberal politicians were naturally upset at the new turn of +events. Mr. Healy had written on May 25 to Mr. Labouchere +saying that "apart from coercion, it was the policy +of the Irish party to equalise all Liberals and Tories as much +as possible <i>pour nous faire valoir</i>, so that the matter will have +to be looked at by us apart from the renewal of coercion, +though of course, I imagine, if we thought we could trust +the Liberals to avoid obnoxious legislation and to stick to +reform, we should support them strongly. But how can +we have any guarantee of the kind?" Mr. Healy continues +further on in the letter: "I think a little time in the cool of +Opposition would do your party a world of good.... If +we supported your party next time, the Lords would throw +out or render worthless any Bill the Commons passed, and +time has proved that the Whigs won't face the Lords. If +that institution were abolished we should be great fools not +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P253"></a>253}</span> +to be friendlier with the Liberals, but they are almost powerless +to help us, even if they were sincere, so long as the Lords +are all-powerful." In a letter to Mr. Labouchere, dated +July 18, Mr. Chamberlain made the following significant +statement as to his feeling in the matter: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +The present attitude of the Irish leaders is not at all encouraging +to Radicals. They take no account whatever of our difficulties +or of the extent to which we have, in the past, supported +Irish claims, and now that a Tory Government is in office they +are ready to accept from them with joy and gratitude the merest +crumbs of consolation, while they reject with scorn and contumely +the offers of further legislation which we have made. I think, +under these circumstances, we must stand aside for the present. +The Irish Members "must stew in their juice" with the Tories +until they find out their mistake. Whether the support of the +Radicals will still be forthcoming is a question. My information +from the country satisfies me that further concessions to Irish +opinion are not at all popular even with our Radical constituents, +and, under all the circumstances, I am not unwilling to keep +silence for a time and await the course of events. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The Parnellites, as I understand, cannot count upon two +things: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +First, on holding the balance after the next General Election. +I am convinced that they are mistaken, and we shall have a +majority over them and the Tories combined. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Secondly, they believe in the readiness of the Tories, under the +stress of party exigency, to make concessions to them in the shape +of Home Rule and otherwise, which even the Radicals are not +prepared to agree to. In this, also, I am convinced they are +mistaken. To whatever lengths Randolph Churchill may be +willing to go, his party will not follow him so far, and, sooner +or later, the Parnellites will find that they have been sold. +I believe the experience will be a healthy one for them and +for us. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The situation appealed strongly to Mr. Labouchere, +and he took up the part of the "friendly broker" with zest. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P254"></a>254}</span> +On July 22, he saw Mr. Healy and wrote the following +account of his interview to Mr. Chamberlain: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +Healy favoured me to his views during three hours to-day. +I told him that we were sure to win without the Irish, but that +if he and his friends wished for any sort of Home Rule, he must +understand that his only chance was to ally himself with the +Radicals and to support you. I said that I had tried to impress +this upon Parnell, but that he talked rubbish about Grattan's +Parliament, and seemed to me to be thoroughly impractical. +Healy said that Parnell in his heart cared little for the Irish, +particularly since a mob ill-treated him in 1880. He regretted to +be obliged to admit that personal feeling actuated his leader's +policy at times, but Parnell felt his dignity offended by his arrest +and his present feeling was revenge on Gladstone and Forster. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I suggested a rebellion. But he said that this was impossible +because the present policy of all Irishmen was hanging together, +for they attributed all their troubles to divided councils. He said +that Parnell is very astute. He generally finds out which way +the feeling is amongst his followers before he suggests anything, +but, in one or two cases, he has put his foot down, when he +obtained his way. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I asked him about Davitt. He laughed at the idea of his +being of any use to the Liberals. He is a very difficult man, he +said, and a trouble to Parnell, who would like him to go against +us openly, for this would smash him; he cares neither for Tories +nor Radicals. If Parnell joined the latter he would coquette +with the former and vice versa. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As regards the present situation he said that there never was +anything which could be called a treaty with the Conservatives, +but that there was an understanding that, if they helped the +Tories to turn out the late Government, and generally supported +them during the remainder of the Session, there was to be no +coercion. "Churchill talks to us vaguely about Home Rule, +but we do not pay much attention to this. We are now paying +our debt that we have incurred." According to present arrangements, +the Party is to put out a manifesto calling upon all Irish +in England to vote solid for the Conservative candidates. This +policy was adopted, he continued, in order to hold the balance. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P255"></a>255}</span> +I went into figures to show him that we should win without the +Irish, and said that the balance policy would only end in their +tying themselves to a corpse. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He admitted that this was possible, and said that personally +his sympathies were with the Radicals, but that it was impossible +to trust the Liberal party, and to hope that the Liberal party +could do anything even if they wished to, owing to the House of +Lords. "No alliance," I said, "is worth anything which is not +based upon mutual interest. We shall win at the election, but +we shall have to count with the Whigs. The English electors +will be indignant at your conduct, and we shall naturally take +our revenge on you for your supporting the Tories. Now, if you +would join us, we should be strong enough to hold our own against +Whigs and Tories. We want your votes in the House of Commons; +you will find that you will do nothing without ours. What +do you say to Chamberlain's scheme of Home Rule in the +<i>Fortnightly</i>? He said: "... there are ... some things that I +object to in it, but Chamberlain could not carry it. Even if he +got it through the House of Commons, the Lords would throw +it out."[<a id="chap11fn5text"></a><a href="#chap11fn5">5</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Well, we went on discussing. At last he said: "Can we have +any assurance that Chamberlain's scheme would be one on which +a Radical or Liberal Ministry would stand or fall? Will +Gladstone declare for it?" "What would you do if you could be +certain of a big scheme forming part of the Liberal platform?" +I asked. "Our party really is guided by about six men. What +we decide," he said, "the others accept. I would propose that +we do not compromise ourselves with the Tories, that we should +issue no manifesto, leaving Irish electors to vote as they like. +When the plan is put forth in the next Parliament, we should +have to say that it does not go far enough, etc., but it might +merely be a dummy opposition. Whether I could carry this I +don't know, but I think that I could." ... Finally he said that +he would be back at the commencement of August, and that, if +any arrangement could be made, he would do his best to further it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +There are two points in your scheme that he wants modified, +and these I will explain to you when I see you at the House, and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P256"></a>256}</span> +you have a moment's spare time. He told me to tell you that +those who wished that you should be ill received in Ireland would +not have their way, and that you may count on a perfectly +friendly reception. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +This letter is long, but I thought that you would like to know +Healy's ideas, as he is by far the most honest and ablest of the +Irishmen.... It is all very well expecting to win the elections, +but the Irish vote is an important factor, and if only we could +square the eighty Irish in the House, and turn them into your +supporters, Whigs and Tories would be dished. Certainly there +is no love lost between the Allies. W. O'Brien, Healy told me, +declines to speak to any of them, regarding them as intriguers +with whom they are allied because of the Coercion Acts. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Mr. Healy wrote again to Mr. Labouchere on August +2, and his letter concluded with the following decisive +words: "Of course, however, I should be bound by the +majority, and would steadfastly carry out Parnell's policy, +whatever it is declared by the Party to be." +</p> + +<p> +On August 11, Parliament was prorogued and politicians +soon began the campaign in the constituencies with a +view to the General Election, which was to take place in +November. Lord Salisbury had made the first bid for the Irish +vote in a speech at the Mansion House on July 29, in which +he defended Carnarvon's policy as the logical outcome of the +Franchise Act of 1884. On August 24, Parnell made a very +important speech at Dublin, in which he said that the Irish +platform would consist of one plank only—legislative +independence. The English press was roused to vehement +denunciation. The <i>Times</i> said that an Irish Parliament +was "impossible." The <i>Standard</i> besought Whigs and Tories +"to present a firm uncompromising front to the rebel +chief." The <i>Daily Telegraph</i> hoped that the House of Commons +would not be seduced or terrified into surrender. The +<i>Manchester Guardian</i> declared that Englishmen would +"condemn or punish any party or any public man who +attempted to walk in the path traced by Mr. Parnell." +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P257"></a>257}</span> +The <i>Leeds Mercury</i> did not think the question of an Irish +Parliament worth discussing; while the <i>Daily News</i> felt that +Great Britain could only be saved from the tyranny of +Mr. Parnell by a "strong administration composed of advanced +Liberals."[<a id="chap11fn6text"></a><a href="#chap11fn6">6</a>] The right wing of the Liberals, represented +by Lord Hartington, and the left by Mr. Chamberlain, both +protested. Hartington, speaking on August 2, referred +to Parnell's manifesto as "so fatal and mischievous a +proposal." Mr. Chamberlain, speaking at Warrington in +the early days of September, said very definitely: "Speaking +for myself, I say that if these and these alone are the terms +on which Mr. Parnell's support is to be obtained, I will not +enter into competition for it." The veteran leader, for the +moment, was silent, having retired for repose and meditation +to Norway. But though he said nothing himself, he +stimulated others to speak. Mr. Barry O'Brien was +approached in August by a well-known English publicist, who +begged him to write some articles on the Irish question of a +"historical and dispassionate nature." The publicist made +this request "at the suggestion of a great man—in fact a +very great man." The very great man was Mr. Gladstone. +The first article was published in November under the title +of "Irish Wrongs and English Remedies." On September +18 Mr. Gladstone issued the famous Hawarden Manifesto +admitting the necessity for Home Rule. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere was busy all the autumn trying to get +at the various shades of opinion prevalent among the Irish +members. Michael Davitt was often a thorn in Parnell's +side, and the following letter he wrote to Mr. Labouchere +on October 9 is very interesting as indicating clearly the +way in which the two patriots often came into collision: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +There is a general impression among the rank and file of Irish +Nationalists that the G.O.M. will come nearest to Parnell's +demand. There is no English statesman more admired by the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P258"></a>258}</span> +mass of the people, notwithstanding what <i>United Ireland</i> and +platform speakers may say to the contrary. But the priests and +bishops would rather have the Tory party attempt the solution +of the Home Rule problem, owing to the fact of the Conservatives +being in favour of Denominational Education. Men like Healy, +strange to say, are also pro-Tory in this respect, as they fear that +if Chamberlain and his party become dominant, the Radical or +democratic element in the Irish Nationalist movement will be +able to settle the Land question on more advanced lines than +those of the Parliamentary party. In fact we have Tory +Nationalists and democratic Nationalists in our ranks, and the latter +would like to see men like Chamberlain, Morley, and yourself in +a position to arrange the Anglo-Irish difficulty. Parnell's +attitude on Protection is absurd. If we had a National Assembly in +Dublin to-morrow, he could not carry a measure in favour of +Protection. Three-fourths of our people live by agriculture, +and these want to export their surplus produce, and would, +beyond doubt, be in favour of Free Trade. Since Parnell's +Arklow speech I have more than once attacked Protection, and, +in his recent Wicklow pronouncement, he considerably modified +his views on the question. How singular that the volunteers +in Grattan's time demanded Free Trade from England, and that +England squelched our manufactures by—Protection! +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I wish to Heaven Chamberlain had not made that Warrington +"30 to 4" speech of his. He has played into the hands of +the Tory Nationalists. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Have you read my suggestions about a possible <i>modus vivendi</i> +between England and Ireland in the concluding chapter of my +book? Parnell took his One Chamber idea from it. There is +no room for a Custom House in my simple plan, and the Irish +people would jump at such a scheme of self-government, while +every soldier now in Ireland might be removed without any +danger to the integrity of the Empire, if such a plan of settlement +were adopted.... +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +No more vivid light can be thrown on Mr. Labouchere's +political activities at this period than is derived from his +letters. He was in communication with all parties. The +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P259"></a>259}</span> +following selection from his correspondence illustrates the +delicacy and importance of the negotiations with which he +was concerned. The most interesting of these letters are +undoubtedly those exchanged between himself and +Mr. Chamberlain. In them we see clearly enough what was the +main interest of Mr. Labouchere's life at this time. I have +already pointed out how completely he subordinated all other +political questions to his wide-reaching plans for the +Radicalisation first of the Liberal party and secondly of the +country. Irish or Egyptian or South African politics were +but pawns in his game. In this correspondence we see how +that dominant interest came to be identified in his mind +with Mr. Chamberlain himself. His frank admiration of +and political devotion to Mr. Chamberlain may be read +between the lines of all his letters. A note that may almost +be called pathetic creeps into the later letters, when he has +realised at last that his glorious schemes are going to be +frustrated by the man on whom he had so completely relied +for their success. The dramatic quality of some of the +letters is intense. The angel wrestles with Jacob and knows +it is in vain. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DUBLIN, Oct. 15, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—A number of us had a long chat +with Parnell on Saturday, and he seems quite confident that +whether Liberals or Tories get in, Home Rule will be granted. +I quite agree that, if the Tories get in with our votes and are +kept in by our help, they will come to terms, but I am not at all +so sure that if the Liberals get in they would have the courage +(even if they had the will—did we oppose them) to face the +question. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is no use discussing our attitude from any other than the +expediency standpoint. We have to make the best fight we +can for a small country, and clearly, if we could put the Tories +in and hold them dependent on us, that is our game. With the +House of Lords behind them and our help, they could play ducks +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P260"></a>260}</span> +and drakes with the Union, were they so minded. I confess, +however, I am so ignorant of the English campaign that I don't +find myself able to speculate on the outcome of the ballot box, +but I can hardly believe that there is much prospect of the +Liberals being beaten. What you have not touched upon in +any letter to me is the point which always ghosts me—if the +Liberals bring in a bold scheme how will they overcome the House +of Lords? You must remember that the Tories would then raise +the anti-Irish cry and the Lords would be in no unpopular +position in rejecting a scheme which they would allege meant +dismemberment. Of course, if the Liberals then promised to +dissolve, it is hard to believe that with our support they would +not win, but it must be remembered that Liberals are not united +in our favour, and though Mr. Gladstone could keep them +together, yet men like Hartington and Harcourt would secretly +sympathise with the Tories, and would certainly not show +enthusiasm in rallying the constituencies on an Irish cry. I don't +believe a bit in principle being of any account with English parties. +Look at the way Chamberlain spoke of Ireland when he was +baulked of coming over. Read—to take a minor creature—Osborne +Morgan's speeches. Mr. Gladstone is the only one who +has shown no bitterness and has kept the controversy in what +the Germans call the <i>heitern regionen wo die reinen formen wohnen</i>. +Of course I admit that we have given great cause for bitterness, +but I maintain that we could not have fought successfully in any +other style, whereas the English, with their bayonets to rely on, +need not grudge us Billingsgate—though certainly we have not +been allowed the exclusive use of this feeble weapon. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I was glad to read Childers' speech, which produced an +excellent impression here by its moderation and practicalness. +With regard to a plan, Parnell asked Sexton and myself to try +and draw up something, but we were so busy—that without a +good library, which we have not here, easily available, the task +is appalling. Parnell's idea is to abolish the Lord Lieutenancy, +strike a financial balance between the two countries, giving, as +our Imperial quota, an average on ten years' returns of Irish +contributions with the cost of ruling Ireland deducted. This +would get rid of the Irish Parliament voting or refusing supplies, +as the sum would be a fixed one, and if we did not pay it we could +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P261"></a>261}</span> +very easily be compelled. He would be for retaining the Irish +members at Westminster, and I suppose there would not be +much trouble in the arrangement being made in that case, that +they should be summoned by the Speaker to debate affairs which +he declared Imperial or Irish, and in the English Legislature +taking them at a particular period of the Session for the sake of +convenience. I think we should have full power over everything +here except the Army and the Navy, as I cannot see what other +interest England has here. If we pay her a due taxation, what +possible care of hers is it how else we order our affairs? As for +the minority, the Protestants would soon realise they were safe +with the Catholics (and they would be the pets of our people). +Let there be, by all means, every guarantee given for their +protection however. If the Tories come in they would give us +Protection, I am sure, but would stipulate for terms for the +landlords.—Faithfully yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +T. M. HEALY. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Oct. 18, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Just before the end of the Session +Herbert Gladstone came to me, and asked me to endeavour to +arrange some sort of <i>modus vivendi</i> with the Irish. His father, +he said, required time, if any joint action was to be taken in the +next Parliament, to gain over the Whigs, and he was determined +not to lead unless he had a united party behind him. I told +Herbert Gladstone that I was convinced that Parnell, for various +reasons, did not want an arrangement and that he would prefer +to remain an irreconcilable, but that it might be possible to +influence him through Healy and others. So I sent to Healy, +who came over to England. Healy explained that personally +he was strongly in favour of an arrangement, but that any one +going against Parnell would be nowhere just now, because the +Irish had got it into their heads that union was strength. But +he promised to do all that he could. Then I went abroad. On +my return Herbert wrote to ask what had been done. Healy +replied that a Committee consisting of Sexton, T. P. O'Connor, +etc., had been appointed to look into federations generally, and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P262"></a>262}</span> +to report thereon, but that Parnell hardly spoke to his followers +upon political matters, beyond such as concerned the Irish +elections, and he went into various details as to what he thought +would prove satisfactory. This letter I sent to Hawarden, and +got back a letter stating the views of the G.O.M., the phrase +being always "I" or "I think my father" as had been agreed. +The G.O.M. says that he is disposed to grant the fullest Home +Rule etc., but that he does not think it is desirable to formulate +a scheme before the elections, and he again presses for the Irish +minimum. I have sent this to Healy. Evidently the game of +the G.O.M. is to endeavour to unite the Party on Irish Legislation, +and to make that his <i>cheval de bataille</i>; but he says that he +will do nothing unless he can get some assurance that the Irish +will in the main back him up. I don't think that they will, but, +with such strange creatures, there is no knowing. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I spent yesterday morning with our friend Randolph. He +says that the Conservatives count upon 280 returns in their +favour, and that if they get anything like this they will not resign, +and they hope to remain in office for two or three years, owing +to the coalition between the Whigs, the Irish, and the Radicals. +He says that Hartington, who up to now has been very guarded +in his observations, now in private denounces you, and vows +that he will not stand it. In his (Randolph's) opinion, he will +withdraw from politics. If he does not, Randolph anticipates +that the outcome will be an Aberdeen Ministry. Randolph +looks very ill, though he says that he is pretty well. He is taking +digitalis for his heart, and says that he is certain that the late +hours in the House of Commons will knock him up.... +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +What is the real feeling in the country I do not know, but I +have in the last fortnight attended some of the meetings of the +nonentities who are contesting the Metropolitan Constituencies, +and here you are first and the rest nowhere. The Whigs seem +to have disappeared entirely. My impression is that they have +all gone over to the Conservatives, and that the Whig leaders +are—if the country is to be judged by the metropolis—entirely +without followers. When you allude to Goschen there are +groans, when you allude to Hartington there is silence; and you +have to get up a cheer for the G.O.M. by dwelling upon his +noble heart and that sort of trash. I think, however, that +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P263"></a>263}</span> +the Conservatives will gain more seats in London than we +anticipate. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +By the way, I do not think that the alliance of Randolph +with the Irish is going on very smoothly. He complained to me +that it was impossible to trust Parnell, and that the Maamtrasna +business had been sprung as a surprise. Before the Conservatives +came in, Parnell told me that he would support the Conservatives +on no Coercion Bill, a scheme for buying out the landlords, and +money expended in further works. No sooner were they in than +he told me that the feeling in Ireland was so strong for Home +Rule that it must be pushed forward. My own experience of +Parnell is that he never makes a bargain without intending to +get out of it, and that he has either a natural love of treachery, +or considers that promises are not binding when made to a +Saxon.... +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Would it not be possible to have one grand Bill for local +government in both islands, and settling the difference between +local and Imperial Sessions. It might be made so as to oblige +English Conservatives to oppose it in their own interests, and +sufficiently strong to make it difficult for the Irish to reject it +on the second reading?—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Oct. 20, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—Thanks for your most interesting +letter, which confirms my suspicions as to the intentions of our +great chief. I was led to them in the first instance by the speeches +of H. G. at Leeds—he is generally inspired, I think. +Mr. G. himself was cautious with me at Hawarden, though he did not +conceal that his present interest was in the Irish question, and +he seemed to think that a policy for dealing with it might be +found which would unite us all and which would necessarily +throw into the background those minor points of difference about +the schools and small holdings which threaten to drive the Whigs +into the arms of the Tories or into retirement. But I agree with +you that the <i>modus vivendi</i> cannot be found. First, because all +Liberals are getting weary of making concessions to Parnell, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P264"></a>264}</span> +and will not stand much more of it, and secondly, because Parnell +cannot be depended on to keep any bargain. I believe, therefore, +that Mr. G.'s plans will come to naught. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I hope Randolph Churchill is all out in his calculations. I +do not give the Tories more than 200. Of course the future +depends on the result of the Elections, but my impression is that +Hartington will yield, grumbling as usual, but still yielding. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The effect of the campaign I have just completed has surprised +me. I really had no idea at first of giving more than a "friendly +lead" to candidates in the new constituencies. The idiotic +opposition of the Whigs and the abuse of the Tories has turned +my gentle hint into a great national policy—and now it must be +forced on at all hazards. The majority of new County candidates +are pledged to it—ditto Scotch members, ditto London. In +Lancashire it is not so strong, as there are signs of rebellion in +the constituencies against the half-hearted orders of the local +Caucus. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I fear we cannot run English and Irish Local Government in +one Bill—the present conditions are so absolutely dissimilar—but +we will consider this again, if we have the opportunity. I +am glad to say there is a good chance that Goschen will be +defeated at Edinburgh. The working men are dead against him. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +On the whole I am satisfied with the outlook. The first +difficulty is to find fellow-workers: the rank and file are all right, +but there is an awful lack of Generals, and even of non-commissioned +officers.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Oct. 20, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I send you enclosed to look at.[<a id="chap11fn7text"></a><a href="#chap11fn7">7</a>] I +have forwarded copy to Healy. Evidently the G.O.M. is +getting a little anxious about the Election, and is now trying to +persuade the Parnellites that they must try and get pledges +from the Conservatives, because he knows that they cannot. +As he says, the Land question is the difficulty, because he is not +prepared to admit that its regulation in Ireland is involved in +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P265"></a>265}</span> +Local Government, and that it in no way affects the integrity +of the Empire, whether land in Kilkenny belongs to this man or +that. I have pointed out to Healy that the difficulty might +perhaps be turned by supporting your plan of compulsory purchase +by local authorities in both islands, and I have explained to him +the meaning of a fair price—viz. such an amount as would give +the landlord the same net income in consols or Government bonds, +as he gets now from his land, or ought to get, and I have urged +upon him that if such a Bill were passed, and if there were Home +Rule in Ireland, the Irish might surely make things so +uncomfortable to the landlords that they would be glad to clear out +for very little. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Would it not be a good plan to have one grand Bill, coupling +together local self-government here, and Home Rule in Ireland? +We should in that way get the Irish votes for England, and if the +portions of the Bill really do give substantial Home Rule in +Ireland, I greatly doubt whether the Irish would venture to vote +against the second reading. They might develop their views +and swagger in Committee. If this Bill were coupled with +another on your lines respecting land, the two questions could be +solved, or your purchase claims might form part of the Bill. At +the bottom of the difficulty is the G.O.M. He still hankers first +after the Whigs, and is not sound on the land question..., +and is bent upon that difficult task of making oil and water +combine. Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Oct. 23, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—My last letter has partly anticipated +yours of 21st. I return H. G.'s communication. He has +apparently his father's capacity for mystification, for I cannot +possibly make out what he is really driving at. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Does he imagine that the Tories can be committed beforehand +to support a small Liberal majority in some scheme of +advanced Local Govt.? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He must be an <i>ingenuus puer</i>. For my part I believe in leaving +the Irishmen to "stew in their own juice." My proposal is the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P266"></a>266}</span> +maximum that English Radicals will stand and a great deal more +than the Whigs will accept. It had practically been agreed to +by Parnell, and yet he threw it over at the last moment. It is +impossible to depend on him and it is much better policy now +to play the waiting game. If Randolph is right we shall be the +better for not being pledged. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am sure, however, that he is wrong, but even then we shall +be much stronger in negotiation when we have a majority at +our backs. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If the G.O.M. were ill-advised enough to propose a separate +Parliament, he will find very little support from any section of +the party.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Nov. 12, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—This is the last communication +from Healy, which he wants sent to the G.O.M. So I send it +through the usual channel. After saying that he will do his best +for Lefevre, he says: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote" style="margin-left: 5%"> +"It is very difficult for us to adopt a piecemeal policy, +although it certainly is the intention to issue instructions +that in regard to half a dozen Liberals, they shall be +supported at all hazards, but so far as I can gather the working +of Parnell's mind up to the present, it is not certain that he +will go against the Liberals bald-headed, if at all. +T. P. O'Connor is strong for supporting the Tories. If we could +have an understanding with the leaders, it would settle this +and every other question. It seems to me curious that we +are now to be asked to define our demands, on a question +on which English Statesmen do not need much instruction, +seeing that in 1881, when the agrarian question was +certainly complicated, nobody dreamed of asking our opinion, +but on the contrary the beauty of the measure was that it +was supposed to be disapproved by the Nationalists. I +cannot, therefore, help feeling that this demand for a plan +from us is simply a desire for our discomfort, and the profit +of the English. If there is really earnestness in the Liberal +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P267"></a>267}</span> +Party next Session (should they be in a majority) to settle +the Irish question, I do not think they will find us +unreasonable. God knows it is time we were at peace, but if they +insist on forcing on us a Bill, which we denounce, and which +we shall wreck in the working, the contest between the two +countries will grow more aggravated than ever. Spencer +and Forster were hit a thousand times more than Trevelyan, +and yet they never went pushing about, spitting gall as he +has done. The G.O.M. is the father of them all, and I do +urge him to develop a little the lines of his first speech which +I have just read." +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote" style="text-indent: 0"> +And then he goes into a puff of the G.O.M.'s Article against +Darwin, which, it seems, delights the Roman Catholics. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Could you not give them a few smooth words in a speech, +particularly in regard to land. They have taken it into their +silly heads that you are now their enemy, and as they have +eighty votes it is just as well to clear this illusion away.—Yours +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Nov. 16, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—This is the proposal to the Irish, +which I forward.[<a id="chap11fn8text"></a><a href="#chap11fn8">8</a>] It is in reply to Healy's last communication. +You will see that the question of the land etc., being under the +control of the Irish Chamber, is shirked.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Nov. 22, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—You see, Parnell has gone against +the Liberals. I felt certain he would. He has been playing +with those around him and has intentionally deceived some of +his own friends. I really think he will force us all, Radicals and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P268"></a>268}</span> +Liberals, to reject all arrangements with him. If we had a good +Speaker with dictatorial powers he could stop Irish obstruction +and P.'s power in Ireland would be shaken as soon as the people +saw he was impotent in Parliament. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We are having a much harder fight than we expected. I +think we shall win all our seats here, but it is a hard pull. The +Tories are very confident and are regaining courage in the +counties. My hope is that the labourers will lie courageously—promise +to the Tories and vote for us....—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Nov. 25, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—That undaunted sportsman the +G.O.M. is still hankering after the Irish and his general scheme +of pacification. I get a letter from Rosebery every day, asking +for this and that information. I have written to say that if the +Liberals get a majority, it may be possible to negotiate, but that +at present it is a mere waste of time to try anything. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We have been losing for a very clear reason. You put +forward a good Radical programme. This would have taken. +But no sooner had you put it forward than Hartington and +others denounced it. Then the G.O.M. proposed that any +question should be shunted to the dim and distant future, +and that all should unite to bring him back to power, with +a Coalition Ministry—in fact the old game which had already +resulted in shilly shally. I think the inhabitants of towns +have shown their wisdom in preferring even the Conservatives +to this. I want to find the people on our side, who +are against disestablishment. Some Peers and leaders are, but +the masses go for it. They are simply sulky at being told that +everything must knock under to Peers and Whigs. This is how +I read the elections. Our only hope now is in the "cow," and here +too I am afraid that the Whigs will have thrown cold water on +all enthusiasm. I am not myself particularly sorry at what is +occurring. A year or two of opposition will be far better—from +the Radical standpoint—than a Cabinet with a Whig majority +in it. With all the elements of disintegration, we surely shall +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P269"></a>269}</span> +be able to render Conservative legislation impossible, and to +force on a dissolution very soon, when your Caucus must come +out with a clear and definite programme. Milk may be good for +babes, but Whig milk will not do for electors. The Whigs have +dished themselves, thank God. Even Gladstone's name goes +for little at public meetings. Yours is the only one which makes +any one stand up and cheer.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 1, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I quite agree with you. But +would it not be well to make it clear that the Election was run +on the Whig and not on the Tory Programme?[<a id="chap11fn9text"></a><a href="#chap11fn9">9</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I should imagine that the Irish will come round. The aim +of the Conservatives will be to keep in a short time with their aid, +then to quarrel with them, and to seek to hold their own against +the Irish and the Radicals by a combination with the Whigs. +This scheme Randolph Churchill explained to me a short time ago. +If G.O.M. still hankers after an alliance with the Irish, it +may be possible to arrange one, which would cause a split between +him and his Whig friends. He was always wanting to know as +soon as possible what could be effected, because he said that he +wanted time to gain over some of his late colleagues. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am not the least surprised at results. Putting aside the +Irish vote and bad times, was it likely that there would be great +enthusiasm for a cause, which was explained to be to relegate +everything of importance to the dim distant future, and to unite +in order to bring back to power the old lot, with all their doubts +and hesitations, under a leader who was always implying, without +meaning it, that he meant to retire?—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +SIGN MANSIONS, BRIGHTON, Dec. 3, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—This afternoon I got a telegram +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P270"></a>270}</span> +from Randolph to say he was coming down, and I have had him +here all the evening. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He says (but don't have it from me) that, if a vote of want of +confidence is not proposed, they will adjourn for three weeks +after the Speaker is chosen. If they have a majority with the +Irish, he says that they are inclined to throw their Speaker as a +sop to the Irish, and evidently he has a scheme in his head to +get Hicks-Beach elected Speaker, and to take his place himself. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He told me that he had given in a memorandum to Lord +Salisbury about the state of parties in the House of Commons, +in which he puts down Hartington as worth 200 votes, and you +for the balance. They intend to give a <i>non possumus</i> to all +proposals for Home Rule, and they expect to be supported by +Hartington, even if the G.O.M. goes for Home Rule. Salisbury +is ready to resign the Premiership to Hartington if necessary, +and the new Party is to be called the "Coalition Party." It +appears that the G.O.M. (but this I have vowed not to tell) +has given in to the Queen a scheme of Home Rule, with a sort of +Irish President at the head, who is to be deposed by the Queen +and Council, if necessary. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Should they not be turned out, they will at once start a +discussion on Procedure. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Is not the cow working wonders for us? Next time we must +have an urban cow.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 4, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,— ... The "urban cow" is the +great difficulty. I put my money on free schools, but, +judging by London, the electors do not care much about it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Things are going better for us. I was forced to speak yesterday +at Leicester, and you will see I had a dig at the Whigs. I +will drive the knife in on the 17th. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Surely Hartington will not be such a fool as to make a coalition. +If he is inclined that way I should be happy to give him a +lift. It would be the making of the Radical party. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If the Tories go against Peel they will irritate Hartington and +the Moderates. I don't care a straw either way. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P271"></a>271}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I should warmly support any proposals for amendment of +Procedure which gave more power to the majority.—Yours +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—We must keep the Tories in for some time. If R. Churchill +will not play the fool, I certainly should not be inclined +to prefer a weak Liberal or Coalition Government to a weak +Tory one. His best policy is to leave us to deal with the Whigs +and not to compel us to unite the party against the +Tories.—Yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J.C. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 7, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR LABOUCHERE,— ... The G.O.M. is very anxious to +come in again. I am not, and I think we must sit on his Irish +proposals. It will require a careful steering to keep the Radical +boat head to the wind.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Foljambe is out, for which I am devoutly thankful. There +goes another Moderate Liberal and Hartington's speech did not +help him. I hope E. Cavendish will go too. He is not safe. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DUBLIN, Dec. 7, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR L.,—Thanks for your postings. As far as I can +make out your party will be in a minority of 5 or 6 when all is +over a couple of days hence. We shall have 86 in our party. +I have not seen Parnell for over a fortnight and know nothing +of his mind except that I think it significant he should have told +his interviewer that he expected Home Rule from the Liberals. +This, of course may have been a hint to prick up Salisbury, and +it remains to be seen how it will work. But in my opinion we +have no course but to turn out the Tories. Eighteen of their +men are Irish, who would oppose tooth and nail every concession +to us, and as they would vote against their own party on +H. R. (supposing "Barkis is willing") that would count 36 against +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P272"></a>272}</span> +them, which, of course, would hardly be made up to them by +Liberal votes, as your party, with three or four exceptions, would +stand coldly aside and rejoice to see them and us, combined, put in +a minority. Looking at the matter in the most cynical manner, +therefore, I don't see what P. can do but put out the +Conservatives. With us you would have such an immense majority +that you could spare the desertion of a score of rats amongst the +Whigs, while many of the Borough Conservatives who owe their +seats to us might abstain from a H. R. division. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As to the means of putting them out, I assume, if we were +agreed as to terms, that it would be easy to move an amendment +to the Address which we could support. Whether this should +have relation directly to Ireland is a matter for the strategists +of your party to consider, as while it would suit our book +perfectly it might not rally all your men and might lead to +inconvenient debate. It would, however, look odd in us, after +denouncing you so bitterly, to put you in straightway on some +by-issue, not in relation to self-government, and, moreover, as we +should be strictly "dark horses" as to which side we should +support, an Irish amendment would have the advantage of +extracting from ministers certain expressions or promises in order +to fetch us, which could be made great capital out of afterwards +by you. Without having thought deeply on the strategical +aspect of the situation, it occurs to me that the best thing would +be to have an understanding with the Liberals and "play" the +Government for a few weeks with the Irish fly to see would it +rise, without actually landing them. Both you and we would +then get time to see their programme and how their party +swallowed it—so as to corner them afterwards. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is clear no scheme of Home Rule can be carried through the +Lords without a dissolution, and then, with our help, you could +have a majority of 200 over the Tories. But we should have +a good registration of Voters' Bill passed first and some amendments +of the Ballot Act. I think your people should at once get +into touch with Parnell. He went to England this morning and +should be seen by some one from your side. I agree with you +that Mr. Gladstone alone can settle the Irish question. He is +the only man with head and heart for the task, and the only man +who can reduce to decency the contemptible cads who so largely +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P273"></a>273}</span> +composed the last Liberal party. I thank God that so many of +the howlers and gloaters over our sufferings have met their fate +at the polls.—Yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +T. M. HEALY. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +BRIGHTON, Dec. 8, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I have just got a letter from +Herbert Gladstone, which I have sent on to Healy.[<a id="chap11fn10text"></a><a href="#chap11fn10">10</a>]... +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have replied that it is very questionable whether any sort +of arrangement can be come to with Parnell, but that, if so, it +will be necessary for "Herbert" to explain precisely "logical +issues and solid facts"—or, in other words, to let us have the +maximum of concession. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I doubt Parnell agreeing to any scheme which "Herbert" may +propose, their views are so divergent. But suppose that he does +—would it not be well to use the G.O.M. to settle this question +and get it out of the way. If he agrees with Parnell, he will not +agree long with his Whig friends. So soon as the Irish question +is over, something might be done to separate the Whigs entirely +from the Radicals—or at least something to cause the G.O.M. to +begin those ten years of probation which he requires before +meeting his Maker.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DUBLIN, Dec. 10, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR L.,—Better try, would a letter to Parnell at 9 +Palace Chambers, Westminster, find him, and ask him to make +an appointment with you. There is no necessity to refer him +to the correspondence that has taken place, but tell what you feel +in a position to say on behalf of your party leaders. He must +see that Gladstone must come in if we are to get anything, and +the only thing I see to be settled is the ritual to be observed in +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P274"></a>274}</span> +bowing the Government out. I presume he will move an amendment +to the Address, unless he has some satisfactory pledge from +Salisbury, which I don't believe, and I don't believe in the power +of Salisbury or anybody else to throw dust in Parnell's eyes. +"Hard cash"[<a id="chap11fn11text"></a><a href="#chap11fn11">11</a>] or a Catholic University won't bait the Tory hook +for us to swallow. I'm for the whole hog or none. I think it +would be important if we could have some understanding as to +the procedure, we, in the opinion of your leaders, should adopt +as to the terms of an amendment to the Address. They might +prefer it should be one they could speak on and not support, or +both support and speak on. The latter seems most convenient +in case it is thought better to turn the Government out immediately, +so as to allow of the re-election of the new Ministers. My +view, however, is (and it is not a strong one, because I have not +heard the arguments contra) that it would be better to keep the +Tories in a little for the reasons previously given, and also for +the additional one that once they accept our help they will all +be tarred with the Irish brush, and cannot afterwards complain +of your party accepting an alliance by which they are not ashamed +to profit. "Sour Grapes" would then be a complete answer to +them in opposition. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The stupidity of men like Harcourt calling us "Fenians" is +inconceivable. Personally I should not object to the epithet, +which I regard by no means an ignoble one, but I can well +forecast the use Churchill would make of it in opposition with Sir +William in power by grace of the "Fenian" vote. "The Gods +themselves fight in vain against stupidity." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If you exercise any control over the <i>Daily News</i>, it ought to +keep your party straight by purging it of the rancour of defeat. +Swear at us in private as much as you like, but avoid flinging +bricks of the boomerang make. The <i>Daily News</i> calling the +Anglo-Irish voters "clots of turbid intrigue" must have cost you +a trifle at the polls. We can slang you <i>de droit</i> because we are +powerless and irresponsible, but a governing body shall go "all +delicately marching in most pellucid air." Excuse the +philosophy!—Yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +T. M. HEALY. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P275"></a>275}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S. W., Dec. 11, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—There is much in what you say, +but the fear is that anything like a bargain with the Irish would +be resented by the English and Scotch workmen and that a Tory-Whig +Coalition appealing to their prejudices against a Radical-Parnellite +alliance would carry all before them then. This is a +real danger. I am convinced, from personal observation, that +the workmen will not stand much more in the way of Irish +conciliation or concessions to Parnell. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am clear that we had better bide our time and rub the +Tories' noses well in the mess they have made. Till the +16th.—Yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Parnell to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +IRISH PARLIAMENTARY OFFICES, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +LONDON, S. W., Dec. 17, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I have only just opened your letters, +as I have not been in London for some time. I will try and give +you notice the next time I am in town, but my present impression +is that it would be better to await events, and see what attitude +the two English Parties may take towards each other at the +commencement of the new Parliament.—Yours sincerely, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +CHAS. S. PARNELL. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + 10 QUEEN ANNE'S MANSIONS,<br> + ST. JAMES'S PARK, Dec. 19, 1885.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I wrote to Hawarden in the sense +we agreed on respecting your views—keeping, however, a good +deal to the vague. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Yesterday morning came a letter from Parnell. Had only +just received my letter, was passing through London, would say +when he was coming back. Dilatory as usual. In the afternoon +Healy arrived. He stayed six hours. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The sum of all amounted to this: +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P276"></a>276}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote" style="margin-left: 5%"> +Parnell is half mad. We always act without him. He +accepts this position; if he did not we should overlook him. +Do not trouble yourself about him. Dillon, M'Carthy, +O'Brien, Harrington, and I settle everything. When we +agree, no one can disagree. We are all for an arrangement +with the G.O.M. on terms. We are forming a "Cabinet." We +shall choose it. We shall pass what we like in this +Cabinet. We have never yet let out any secret. The +Kilmainham revelations were let out by Forster and O'Shea. +</p> + +<p class="quote" style="margin-left: 5%"> +<i>Terms</i>.—G.O.M.'s plan. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Details</i>.—We agree to nomination for two Parliaments or five +years; we like it, for we want to hold our own against Fenians. +Protestant religious bodies may, if wished, elect representatives. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +On contracts, we would agree to an appeal to the Judicial +Committee of the House of Lords. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We would agree to any landlord having the right to sell his +land to Irish State on valuation by present Commissioners, +provided that all value of tenants' improvements were deducted. +We do not go so far in land matters as Chamberlain—certainly +not further. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +On veto. We could not accept the veto of the Imperial +Parliament. This is the corner-stone of independence in the +minds of Irishmen. Several plans were suggested—two-thirds +majority, etc. I think something might be worked out by means +of a sound Privy Council. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We would assent to reasonable amendments by the Lords, +but we should ask to be consulted. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We have no objection to a Prince. This would be a great +sop to the "Loyalists." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Of course we must have the Police. We would reduce them +to 3000—there are too many. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We claim to pay a quota—to raise this quota as we like; there is +no fear of Protection. Parnell and some Belfast manufacturers are +the only Protectionists in Ireland. Perhaps, however, we might +give bounties for a time. If we did, we should pay them, not you. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If Bill thrown out in Lords, an Autumn Session; if thrown +out again, to be brought in again in 1886, unless Mr. Gladstone +prefers a dissolution. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P277"></a>277}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +No Procedure resolutions until Home Rule settled. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +There are only three Judges to whom we object. One is old +and deaf and wants to retire, another is dying (Lawson). +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If terms agreed to, never to come out that there were +negotiations. We would regard ourselves as members of the Liberal +party; occasionally indulge like you Radicals in a wild-cat vote, +but vote with Liberals on all Parliamentary issues. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have sent this with a lot more details to Hawarden. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Rosebery writes to tell me that the "revelations" are well +received in Scotland, and that there will be no difficulty there.[<a id="chap11fn12text"></a><a href="#chap11fn12">12</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Do pray think how very advantageous it will be to get rid of +these Irish.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + 10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, ST. JAMES'S PARK,<br> + Sunday, Dec. 21, 1885.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Healy came again to-day, and he +tells me that the whole gang are now ready to accept the +terms—provided that they are the terms. He stands absolutely against +an Imperial Parliament veto and says that it is impossible. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I proposed this: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +A Royal Prince—a sort of King Log. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The reorganisation of the Irish Privy Council on a fair and +reasonable basis. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The veto to be the Governor acting by the advice of the +Privy Council—<i>i.e.</i>, of a majority. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The Governor to be changed on petition of two-thirds of the +Assembly. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He thinks that this would do, and I have sent it to Hawarden. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Healy has seen Parnell, and, without speaking to him about +negotiations, he came to the conclusion that there will be no +opposition there. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The Conservatives, I hear, have it in consideration to submit +the Queen's Speech immediately, and to put up one of their men +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P278"></a>278}</span> +to propose a vote of confidence, if there be no amendment on +our side. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I asked Healy what the Irish would do then? He said, "If +nothing is settled, walk out probably." "Then?" I asked. "Go +with the Conservatives and turn out the Liberals." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +But it seems to me that, without being sure of the support of +the Irish, Mr. Gladstone could hardly take office. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If so, what then? Hartington? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Hartington is cuts with Churchill. He says that he has insulted +him in his speeches, and that he will never speak to him again. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Churchill told me a few weeks ago that the Conservatives were +determined to dissolve, if Home Rule were attempted, in order to +protect the House of Lords. Would they have the courage to +dissolve at once? Are they not rather calculating on Mr. Gladstone +not being able to form a Government, and either coming back +with the Whigs, or dissolving on the ground of a deadlock? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +How the revelation came out was this: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Herbert Gladstone told Reed of the Leeds paper his father's +views. Reed told Mudford. Could this have been stupidity, +or was it intentional by order of Papa? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The <i>Pall Mall</i> of yesterday was directly inspired from +Hawarden. The channel was Norman. Certainly the ways of +Mr. Gladstone are rather more mysterious than those of the Heathen +Chinee. My reading of it is that he is simply insane to come +in.... The Irish are suspicious of him, and intend to have things +clear before they support him. Parnell says that he has a way of +getting people to agree with him by the enunciation of generalities, +but that when he has got what he wants, his general principles +are not carried out as might have been anticipated. This is so +true that I could not deny myself the pleasure of letting him know +it. In this case, he will have to be a good deal more definite, if +he is to count on the Irish. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +My own conviction is that if the Irish get Home Rule, they +will—with the exception of the land question—surprise us by +their conservatism. Their first thing will be to pass some sort +of very drastic legislation against the Fenians. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +What the next step will be, I don't exactly know. The Irish +too want to know.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P279"></a>279}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +INDIA OFFICE, Dec. 22, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +... Now I have a great deal to tell you. Labouchere came +to see me this morning. He asked me our intentions. I gave +him the following information. I can rely upon him: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +(l) That there would be no motion for adjournment after +the 12th, but that business would be immediately proceeded +with after three or four days' swearing. On this he said that, +if we liked to go out on a motion for adjournment, he thought the +other side might accommodate us. I told him that such an +ineffably silly idea had never entered our heads. Then he told +me that he had been asked whether he could ascertain if a certain +statement as to a Tory Home Rule measure which appeared +recently in the <i>Dublin Daily Express</i> was Ashbourne's measure, +and if the Tories meant to say "Aye" or "No" to Home Rule; +to which I replied that it had never crossed the mind of any +member of the Government to dream even of departing from an +absolute unqualified "No," and that all statements as to +Ashbourne's plan were merely the folly of the <i>Daily News</i>. Then I +was very much upset, for he proceeded to tell me that, on Sunday +week last, Lord Carnarvon had met Justin M'Carthy, and had +confided to him that he was in favour of Home Rule in some +shape, but that his colleagues and his party were not ready, and +asked whether Justin M'Carthy's party would agree to an enquiry, +which he thought there was a chance of the Government agreeing +to, and which would educate his colleagues and his party if +granted and carried through. I was consternated, but replied +that such a statement was an obvious lie; but, between ourselves, +I fear it is not—perhaps not even an exaggeration or a +misrepresentation. Justin M'Carthy is on the staff of the <i>Daily News</i>. +Labouchere is one of the proprietors, and I cannot imagine any +motive for his inventing such a statement. If it is true, Lord +Carnarvon has played the devil. Then I told Labouchere that +if the G.O.M. announced any Home Rule project, or indicated +any such project and, by so doing, placed the Government in a +minority, resignation was not the only course; but that there was +another alternative which might even be announced in debate, +and the announcement of which might complete the squandering +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P280"></a>280}</span> +of the Liberal party, and that his friend at Hawarden had better +not omit altogether that card from his calculations as to his +opponents' hands. Lastly, I communicated to him that, even +if the Government went out and Gladstone introduced a Home +Rule Bill, I should not hesitate, if other circumstances were +favourable, to agitate Ulster even to resistance beyond constitutional +limits; that Lancashire would follow Ulster, and would +lead England; and that he was at liberty to communicate this +fact to the G.O.M.[<a id="chap11fn13text"></a><a href="#chap11fn13">13</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + 10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE,<br> + Dec. 22, 1885.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I got a long letter from Hawarden +this morning. The substance is, "Let the Irish get a positive +assurance from the Conservatives that they will do nothing, and +his tongue will be free." This I send to Healy. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have been spending the morning with Churchill. His +plan is this. Queen's Speech at once—in address an expression +of confidence. Liberals to draw G.O.M., Churchill to get up +and say that obviously he intends to propose Home Rule. If so, +adverse vote will be followed by dissolution. Will they dare to +do this? Churchill says that they will, and that I might privately +tell Mr. Gladstone this. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He vowed that Brett had given Parnell a written statement +from Mr. Gladstone. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Healy told me to ask whether there were any direct negotiations +with Parnell. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Hawarden replies: "There are no negotiations going on +between Parnell and my father, who has constantly from the +first, declared, etc., etc." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Who are we to believe? Mr. Gladstone, as we know, has a +very magnificent conscience, but he will finish by being too clever +by half, if he tries to play Healy off against Parnell, who, as I +told you, is not much more than a figurehead.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P281"></a>281}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—Churchill says that they hear that Goschen has been +playing a double game—that to win over Hartington he became +a Balaam. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 23, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Has this occurred to you? The +Whigs evidently will not stand Mr. Gladstone's proposals. If +you therefore were to rally to them, you would clear the nest of +these nuisances, and, as Mr. Gladstone cannot last very long, +become the leader of the Opposition or of the Government—a +consummation that we all want. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I think that the Customs matter would not be a <i>sine qua non</i>. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Imperial matters would be few. We are against wars. The +main Imperial question would be for extra money—in case of +wars. In the main the Irish would be with us—their views about +land are much yours—I should fancy therefore that, provided we +have a clear distinction between local and imperial affairs, we +should soon be the very best of friends. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +That Mr. Gladstone will go on, I think pretty certain, +because—excellent and good man as he is—he sees that his only +chance is, to get the Irish. He is now engaged in a game of +dodging. He has invented as usual a "principle"—that he can +go into no details until he officially knows that the Government +will do nothing. The object is to get the Irish on generalities. +They, however, are quite up to this, and even supposing that they +were to vote with us, they would at once turn him out, if he were +to play pranks. I do not quite therefore see how he could come +in without some sort of secret understanding with them. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Now, what would satisfy them? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +On customs, as I have said, there would be no great difficulty. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Ditto on protection to minorities. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Remains the veto. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +They are anxious to get over it, but cannot accept the Imperial +Parliament. Would it be to our advantage that they should? +We should be continually having rows in Parliament about their +Acts. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +When I saw Healy on Sunday I suggested this: +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P282"></a>282}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +A King Log in the person of a Member of the Royal Family. +The veto to be exercised by King Log with the consent of his +Privy Council. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The Privy Council to be entirely reorganised, or the present +lot to be swamped by men—not ultras, but of moderate character. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Things would then work out by some of the Irish Ministers +being made Privy Councillors. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +This he said the Irish would accept. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Now, with such a plan, with nominated Members for five +years, and with representation of Protestant Synods and such +like bodies, would there be much fear? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +What the Irish are afraid of are the Fenians. This is why +they snap at nominated Members, although they may perhaps +openly protest. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If I can get hold of Morley, I will have a talk with him; he is, +I think, of a secretive nature. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Suppose that the worst occurs—an immediate dissolution—the +rural cow would still do its work, for it might be put that the +Tories are really dissolving not for Ireland but to prevent the +cow being given. On other urban cows Mr. Gladstone would be +very much in your hands, for to get into power, I really believe +that he would not only give up Ireland, but Mrs. Gladstone and +Herbert. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Churchill is going to Ireland. It is an old promise, he says, +to go for Christmas to Fitzgibbon, and nothing to do with politics. +Did I tell you that when I said that I knew that Carnarvon had +been intriguing with Archbishop Walsh, he said that Walsh was +a very ambitious man, and would not long remain under Parnell, +and that Carnarvon had tried to square the Education question +with him? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Let us even suppose that we are beaten at the elections. +There would a Tory-Whig Government. How long would it +last? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Hartington seems to be on bad terms all round. Churchill +tells me that he (Hartington) declines to meet him or speak to +him on the score of his speeches. Evidently he is confederating +with Goschen, and probably Forster will become a third in the +triumvirate? They do not strike me as precisely the men who +will ever act with you, unless you knock under to them. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P283"></a>283}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is by no means certain that we should be beaten at an +election. Mr. Gladstone is still a power. Rosebery says that +the Scotch are all right. The Irish vote has turned and will turn +many elections. Our cards, therefore, if boldly and well played, +are by no means such as would warrant the hands being thrown +up.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—Is Churchill reckoning with his party when he talks +about an immediate dissolution? How will its Members like +being sent back to their Constituents? Many are hard up. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DUBLIN, Dec. 23, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR L.,—Thanks for your views. If Churchill and his +lot want to stay in, in order to thwart us and Mr. Gladstone, then +I say, by all means, let them have a few months office, and let us +give them—well—purgatory for a bit and see how they take +it. It seems to me that opinion is not quite ripe enough yet +amongst your party to swallow strong meat. I therefore think +a while in the cold would teach them whether Mr. Gladstone was +wiser than the tuppence ha-penny intelligence of his rank and +file. What the God-fearing Radical evidently wants is a course +of Tory slaughter abroad, and sixpence on the income tax, and +we are just the boys to help them to it. Opinion here in loyalist +circles seems to take it for granted that Gladstone needs a check +from his own party, and I confess it has somewhat the aspect of +it. So it seems to me we shall have to turn round and "educate" +the Liberal party, since they won't allow the greatest man they +ever had to do so. A pretty mess they will be in, unless they +seize this opportunity under his leadership of consolidating +their party. I should like to know what would become of them +without Gladstone? You would have Chamberlain and Hartington +cutting each other's throats and the Tories standing +laughing by, profiting by your divisions! And what should we +be doing? You may be sure whatever was worst for the Liberal +party. You may dissolve fifty times, but until you dissolve +us out of existence, there we'll be, a thorn—aye, a bayonet in +your sides. Here we were with the chance of getting all Ireland +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P284"></a>284}</span> +round to some moderate scheme that would end for ever the feud +between the two countries, and now it appears that some gentlemen +who were born yesterday, and couldn't tell the difference +between a Moonlighter and an Orangeman, propose to spoil the +whole thing—and in the interest of the "Empire" forsooth. I +venture to think that the statesman who had the boldness to +think out some proposition for the pacification of this island—small +as it is—is the best friend the Empire has had for many a +long day! My heart is sick when I read the extracts telegraphed +from the English papers to think these are the idiots we have to +deal with and to argue with. It is almost a justification of +O'Donovan Rossa. They have Moses and the Prophets, but +they want a sign from Heaven. Of course, I know there are +ten thousand difficult details to be settled, but these men don't +want to settle anything. They have some party dodge to serve, +and Ireland is their happy hunting ground. Let them take care +that the quarrel is not a poisoned morsel for their dogs. Churchill +babbles of coming over to rouse the Orangemen! <i>Je lui promets +des emotions</i>. He had better bring Gorst with him to rally the +"re-actionary Ulster members." If these men think as well +as talk this blague, England is very lucky in her rulers. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +But to quit apostrophe (which you must pardon) what are +we to do? Can we expect Mr. Gladstone to bear the battle on +his single shield? Is it not plain that if we plunge into Home +Rule plans just now before your intelligent public apply their +enlightened minds to it we shall get far less than what we should +get by waiting and worrying you for a few years? We are all +young, and though British saws won't bear me out, you are a +very fickle and unstable people, while ours has the tenacity of +700 years to carry us through. We can wait awhile and see who +gets the worst of it, and if we are beaten in our time—well, there +are plenty of young men and young women in Ireland to breed +future difficulties for you. Some of us thought as Nationalists +we were making a great sacrifice in being willing to give up our +ideals, but the spirit in which we are met shows how much our +surrender is appreciated by the individuals who subscribed for +cartridges for the Hungarians, Italians, and Poles. The curse +of being the sport of your two parties is in itself the best argument +for the necessity of Home Rule. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P285"></a>285}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As for Churchill, a great deal of what he told you I take to +be bluff—told for the purposes of intimidation. I don't believe +they'd dissolve, and if they are so inclined we ought not to give +them the chance but help them over the stile, in order to trip +them up at some better opportunity. When we beat them a few +times, say on their estimates, and worry them on adjournments +and motions, they will be in a much less heroic mood than they +are now. Slow poison is a better medicine for them than the +happy dispatch! By hanging on their skirts for a few weeks, +snubbing them and humiliating them at every opportunity, they +will be in a much more reasonable frame of mind than they are +now, and meantime perhaps your young lions could be reduced +to reason and your old ones have their claws trimmed. It is no +good talking about the details of Home Rule, when the very +mention of the word gives half the Liberal party the shivers. +The men that won't take Mr. Gladstone for a leader to-day will +have to take Mr. Parnell to-morrow, for assuredly things cannot +rest as they are. Mr. Gladstone's enemies just now are England's +and Ireland's worst enemies also. He alone can settle the question +moderately and satisfactorily, yet he is assailed by his own +party as if he were some reckless junior acting not from the +ripeness of knowledge and sagacity, but through some adolescent's +lust of untasted power! Your party ought to get up an +altar to Mundella and put his long nose in the tabernacle. It is +sweet to know that he has controlled the education of British +youth. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +A happy Christmas to you, my dear Labouchere. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +T. M. HEALY. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN,<br> + BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 23, 1885.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—Surely Randolph's policy will not +work. A dissolution within a few weeks of the General Election +would be very unpopular and indeed unjustifiable, unless the +whole Liberal party followed Mr. Gladstone in a Home Rule +proposal. But it is clear he will be left in the lurch, if he +proposes it, by the majority of the party, and in these circumstances +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P286"></a>286}</span> +a dissolution would not help the Tories, and would probably +unite the Liberals under Hartington—while Mr. Gladstone would +retire. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I should have thought the Tory game would have been to +go out and to leave Mr. Gladstone to form a Government if he +can. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Unless he repudiates Home Rule this would be impossible, +while if he does repudiate it he would have the Irish against him +and could not get on for a month. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I shall be in London on the 4th January, and could dine with +you to meet Randolph on that evening—if convenient. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I shall not be up again till the 11th. Have they finally +settled to go straight on with the address and without any +adjournment?—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +INDIA OFFICE, Dec. 24, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I am engaged to be at Hatfield on the +4th. That compared morally with your proposed "festin" will +be as Heaven is to Hell, but my sinful spirit will sigh regretfully +after Hell. I am making enquiries as to your letter which you +suggested to me yesterday, but have not yet received a reply. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I thought over Justin M'Carthy's story about Carnarvon. +It must be a lie, for on Sunday last the latter was in London. +He came over on the Friday previous for the Cabinets on the +following Monday and Tuesday.—Yours ever, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +RANDOLPH S. C. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—The weak point of your accusation in this week's +<i>Truth</i> of treachery on the part of the Government is that the +announcement of Gladstone's having written a letter to the +Queen first appeared in <i>The Daily News</i>![<a id="chap11fn14text"></a><a href="#chap11fn14">14</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Now we are not likely to take Mr. Hill[<a id="chap11fn15text"></a><a href="#chap11fn15">15</a>] as our confidant. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P287"></a>287}</span></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 24, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Churchill writes: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +"I am engaged to be at Hatfield on the 4th. That, +compared with the society of you and 'Joe,' ought to be as +Heaven is to Hell, but my sinful spirit sighs regretfully +after Hell." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +They go on without adjournment, estimating that the swearing +can be done in three or four days. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Rosebery writes to say that he has heard nothing from Hawarden +since he wrote urging silence, a suggestion which he supposed +was not appreciated. All I know, he says, is that Mr. Gladstone +is devilish in earnest about the matter. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Supposing that the Radicals went against Home Rule, the +fight with the Irish would be long. Don't you think that the +country would think that it would be better fought by the +Conservatives than by the Radicals? They would—with pleasure—make +it last long. It would be like the French wars to Pitt. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I saw Harcourt yesterday. He told me that he had been to +see you, and seemed to me sitting on the fence. "What I am +thinking of," he said, "is that if the Irish found that they could +get nothing, they would resort again to dynamite." I told him +that I thought that <i>his</i> life would not be worth a week's purchase. +Was there ever such a timorous Sambo? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Henry Oppenheim tells me that Hartington dined with him +a few days ago, and that so far as he could make out he seemed +inclined to stand by Mr. Gladstone.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN,<br> + BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 24, 1885.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I do not think the Irish proposals +are possible. If they refuse control of Imperial Parliament, +there is really nothing left but separation. A hybrid arrangement +with nominations, Privy Councils, etc., would not stand +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P288"></a>288}</span> +examination and would be a perpetual source of friction and +further trouble. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I do not believe in their Conservative legislation. They +mean it, but the American Fenians would be too strong for them. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +There is much fascination in your suggestion of Radical policy, +especially in the chance of dishing the Whigs whom I hate more +than the Tories. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +But it won't do. English opinion is set strongly against +Home Rule and the Radical party might be permanently (<i>i.e.</i> +for our time) discredited by a concession on this point. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We must "lie low" and watch—avoiding positive committal +as far as possible. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Did I tell you that the G.O.M. thanked me for my last +speech? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I doubt if he has made up his own mind yet or formulated +any definite scheme. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He has several times repeated the phrase "supremacy of +Parliament." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am informed on good authority—the best in fact—that +there is no truth in the statement that he has submitted a +statement to the Queen. As Randolph is quite wrong about this, +he must be taken as a doubtful authority in other matters also. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I suppose that if he is going to Ireland he will not be back in +time for dinner on the 4th.—Yours ever, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + 10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, ST. JAMES'S PARK,<br> + Christmas Day, 1885.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—This is Churchill's statement +about the Queen. When they came in they were told that there +was a Home Rule scheme of Mr. Gladstone's and it was shown +to Salisbury. I suspect that it is true, for no sooner was +Mr. Gladstone out than Herbert began—on the ground that his +father wanted exactly to know the Irish minimum, in order to +have time to treat the matter with his friends. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I place as the basis of Mr. Gladstone's action an almost insane +desire to come into office. Now he knows that so far as <i>he</i> is +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P289"></a>289}</span> +concerned, this can only be done by squaring the Irish. At +76 a waiting policy may be a patriotic one, but it is one of +personal effacement. This is not precisely the line of our revered +leader. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Randolph says he is only going to Ireland, as he has done on +previous years, to pass Christmas with Fitzgibbon.—Yours +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—Healy and I have elaborated a letter containing the +Irish minimum. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +INDIA OFFICE, Dec. 25, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR LABOUCHERE,—My correspondent with whom you +thought you might correspond with advantage does not wish +now to be drawn. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Very Private</i>. G.O.M. has written what is described to me +as a "marvellous letter" to Arthur Balfour, to the effect that he +thinks "it will be a public calamity if this great question should +fall into the line of party conflict," and saying that he desires the +question should be settled by the present Government. He be +damned!—Yours ever, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +RANDOLPH S. C. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DUBLIN, Xmas, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR L.,—It may be that Brett is the go-between, and +therefore that Gladstone could use the views of others to head +off Parnell. Now as I believe we should speak with one voice +and chime the same note, I don't think it would be well for me to +say anything at present beyond thanking you for all your +kindness. I mean anything to any one but yourself. Harcourt's +views quite interest me, and he is quite right, for if our people +are disappointed after the visions held out to them, they cannot +be held in. This country could easily be made ungovernable so +far as the collection of rent or legal process is concerned, and the +obstructors would find they were not dealing with playboys but +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P290"></a>290}</span> +with resolute men. It is because I am for peace and feel the +necessity for it that I am willing to accept any reasonable +settlement, as things could not go on as they are for very long. If +prices next year are as bad as this the country will not be habitable +in any case for rackrenters. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I can hardly believe the Tories would dissolve if your party +shows itself united. It is on your divided counsels they reckon. +If a big vote goes against them it will knock the bottom out of +their mutterings. Besides supposing the dissolution goes against +them, they must count the cost. Defeat would mean the instant +carrying of any schemes Gladstone liked to put forward and no +nonsense from the Lords. The Peers could not reject it, and if +they did and Gladstone threatened to dissolve against their +existence—<i>bon soir</i>! I am firmer therefore in my opinion that +Randolph's talk was mere funkee-funkee, a train laid to explode +in Hawarden, and I shall be surprised if it goes off. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Your fellows will never realise the price they will be willing +to pay us until they see the Market opened and a wretched +minority sitting and smiling across the floor from the seats they +themselves should recline on! Their teeth won't begin to water +till the 12th Jan. Therefore I believe a waiting game is our +game, for surely it is of as much consequence to your men that +they should govern England as it is to ours that they should +govern Ireland? The fact that Parnell's reserve is so provoking +to the English is his best justification in our minds. Chamberlain's +point about whether the Imperial Ministry which enjoyed +the confidence of the English on Home affairs should resign if +defeated by our help on foreign questions is a poser. It seems +to me the federal idea cannot work unless you too have a local +and an Imperial Parliament.—Yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +T. M. HEALY. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to "The Times"</i>[<a id="chap11fn16text"></a><a href="#chap11fn16">16</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, S.W., Dec. 26, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote" style="text-align: center"> +"WHAT THE PARNELLITES WOULD ACCEPT." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +SIR,—During the last Parliament I voted frequently with the +Irish members against the Government. I did so because I was +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P291"></a>291}</span> +opposed to exceptional measures of coercion, and believed that the +remedy for Irish wrongs consisted in allowing Ireland to manage +her own affairs, subject to full guarantee being given for the +maintenance of the integrity of the Empire. In this view it would +appear that I was only in advance by a year or two of the opinions +of many Liberals and Radicals and of some Conservatives. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Owing to the course of action which I pursued, I was thrown +into personal and friendly relations with many of the Irish and +Parliamentary party, which relations I have maintained, and I +think I am able to form a pretty accurate estimate of their views. +First, however, I will say with your permission a word +respecting Irish opinion, and the position, so far as I can judge it, +of the Irish political leaders. Among those of them opposed to +the present state of things the majority are not separatists, some +because they are in favour of the Union with the British Isles, +others because they are aware that separation is practically +impossible. Those who aspire to separation are an infinitesimal +minority, and they subordinate their opinions to those of their +colleagues. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Throughout Ireland a passionate desire for Home Rule is +entertained by all with the exception of the landlords, the +officials, and the Orangemen. A good many of the landlords +are disposed, however, to rally to it, while the area over which +the Orangemen hold sway is growing smaller and smaller every +year. Many of the Presbyterians of Ulster have already thrown +in their lot with the Home Rulers. There is now but one single +northern Irish county left which does not return a +Parnellite—viz. Antrim. In four Ulster counties—Monaghan, Cavan, +Donegal, and Fermanaugh—no one but Parnellites have been chosen. +The desire for Home Rule is irrespective of any wish to alter +the land system, although this wish is an important factor in +Irish feeling. Agriculture is almost the only industry in Ireland, +and one reason why the landlords are disliked is that, with some +few exceptions, they have set themselves in antagonism to the +aspirations of the nation for Home Rule. The Land Act has +disappointed and dissatisfied every one, for, while the landlords +declare that their property has been confiscated, the farmers cry +out that their property—<i>i.e.</i> their improvements, have been +handed over to be rented for the landlords' benefit in the teeth +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P292"></a>292}</span> +of the Healy clause. It is hopeless to suppose that an Imperial +Parliament, composed of a majority of gentlemen, who know very +little about the real merits of the case, can settle this great +question, at which it has been tinkering for generations, and I, as an +Englishman, object to have my time taken up in discussing it +any more, and trying to accommodate the differences between +Irish renters and Irish rentees. Mr. Chamberlain has rightly +objected to the Imperial Exchequer being saddled with purchase +money to be paid to the landlords, and I think our duty to them +would be performed if we were to insist, in any settlement of the +Irish question, that they shall be entitled to call on the Irish +treasury for a fair price for their estates whenever they want +to sell them, due regard being had to the tenants' statutably +recognised ownership of his improvements. Thus the landlords, +if they object to live in an island, the inhabitants of which enjoy +the advantage of self-government, would be able to leave it with +the equivalent for their land in their pockets in hard cash. +With their departure the police difficulty would disappear, and +with it the necessity of England paying £1,500,000 per annum +for the Royal Irish Constabulary, although the Irish insist that +they only require a force of ¼ this size, and are willing to pay +for it themselves. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Speaking generally, and if the land system were satisfactorily +settled, it may be said that the Irish are not Radicals in one sense +of the word. Their habit of thought is Conservative. They are, +like the French, somewhat too inclined to look and state +interference in everything. Their tendency is, as M. Guizot said of +the French, to fall into a division between administrators and +administered. Their hostility to law is not to law abstractedly, +but to the law as presenting what they regard as an alien +ascendency. I am inclined to think that, had they a Parliament +of their own, they would surprise us by their Conservative +legislation. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Apart from the Nationalists, who form the great bulk of the +nation, are the Fenians. They are comparatively speaking few +in number. Their strength consists in being able to tell the +Irish that Home Rule never will be granted, and that Ireland +must either separate from us, or be ruled by us in local as well +as in Imperial affairs. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P293"></a>293}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +That the Nationalists have to a certain extent acted with the +Fenians is true. But could they do otherwise? They had to +fight against a common opponent. Between a Nationalist and +a Fenian there is as much difference as between the most moderate +Whig Squire who sat in last Parliament on the Liberal benches +and me. Yet we both voted frequently together against the +Conservatives. The Nationalists are the Girondists, the Fenians +are the Jacobins. Like the Girondists they make common cause +against a common enemy. (<i>He carries on this simile lengthily.</i>) +Mr. Parnell and his political friends have substituted constitutional +agitation for lawless and revolutionary agitation. He has +only succeeded in this by persuading his countrymen that his +action will result in success. If he be doomed to failure, the +Fenians will once more gain the upper hand in Ireland. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The <i>Times</i> has more than once suggested that the Irish +Parliamentary party should state precisely what they want. They +want a Parliament. How possibly can they be expected to say +officially to what limitations and to what restrictions they would +submit for the sake of a definite settlement before some responsible +English statesman, with a strong following at his back, is +prepared to give them a Parliament? They would indeed be +fools were they to make such a tactical blunder. In any negotiation +of which I have ever read, bases are agreed on before either +party—and certainly before the weaker party—specifies details. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I think, however, I am not far wrong in saying the following +scheme would be accepted: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +1. Representation in the Imperial Parliament upon Imperial +matters alone. This would require a hard and fast definition as +to what is Imperial and what is local, together with, as in the +United States, some legal tribunal of appeal. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The Army, the Navy, the protection of the British Isles, and +the commercial and political relations with foreign nations would +be regarded as Imperial matters, and probably there would be +no insuperable difficulty—if it were deemed expedient—in +arranging a Customs Union, such as that of the German Zollverein +before the German Empire came into existence, leaving it to the +Irish to foster their industries, if they please, by means of +bounties. There would be an Imperial budget, which would be +submitted each year to the Imperial Parliament with the Irish +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P294"></a>294}</span> +sitting in it. Each country would contribute its quota according +to population and property. If more were required, the +proportions would be maintained. Each island would raise its +quota as it best pleased. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +2. The Government of Ireland—a Viceroy, a Privy Council, +a Representative Assembly, Ministers. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +(1) The Viceroy—a member of the Royal family, with a +salary of £25,000 per annum. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +(2) The Privy Council.—The present Privy Council consists +of about fifty individuals, all of them anti-Nationalists, and some +of them virulently so. The Council would have to be reorganised. +This might be done by nominating 100 new Councillors, +men of moderate views, but who would frankly accept the +arrangement and endeavour to give practical effect to it. The +Council would gradually be increased by the admission of the +Irish Ministers. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +(3) House of Representatives.—Its members would be elected +as with us according to population. As a concession, however, +it would be agreed that one-fourth of the members might be +nominated, either during two Parliaments or for five years. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +(4) Ministers.—They would be selected from the Parliamentary +majority as with us. The Viceroy would call upon the +leader of the majority to form a Cabinet. He would, however, +retain the constitutional right of the Queen to dissolve. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +3. The Veto.—This would be reserved to the Viceroy, with +the consent of his Privy Council. Of one thing I am absolutely +certain. It is that no arrangement is possible which would give +the veto to the Imperial Parliament. The Irish object to this, +because they consider that it would convert their assembly into +a mere debating Society. We—although we seem just now +enamoured with it—should soon find that all legislation in +England would soon be brought again to a standstill, as we should +be perpetually debating Irish bills. The Irish would also object +to the Queen exercising the veto by the advice of her Council, +for, practically, this would mean the veto of those representing +the majority in the English Parliament. The Privy Council is, +unfortunately, historically odious in Ireland. But were it recast, +it is probable that the Irish would not object to the Veto which +I have suggested. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P295"></a>295}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +4. Protection of Minorities.—They would already be +protected by the veto, by the nominated members and by the +Orangemen, who would return a considerable contingent; but +the Irish would go even further than this. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +(1) No contract existing or entered into could be set aside by +Irish legislation. In the event of any one feeling himself +aggrieved in this matter, he might appeal to the Judicial Committee +of the House of Lords. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +(2) Any Landlord would have the right to insist upon his +land being bought by the Irish state on the estimate of its value, +by the Land Judges, due consideration being taken of tenants' +improvements. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +5. The Army in Ireland and the Fortresses would be under +the orders of the Imperial Ministry, much as is the case in the +United States of America. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am far from saying that the Irish, if left to draw up the +settlement, would insert these conditions. Many of them savour +of tutelage and distrust. But I am pretty certain that, although +in discussion they might claim more, they would, if they could +not get more, accept this scheme with an honest intention +to make it workable. Less they would not accept, and for a +very good reason. If their leaders are to be responsible for +the peace, tranquillity, and prosperity of Ireland, they must have +full powers to act, and the scheme of Government must in +the main be acceptable to the majority of the governed. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +At present we have arrived at a Parliamentary deadlock. +No measure dealing with Ireland can be passed in the existing +House of Commons without the aid of the Irish contingent. If +a Coalition Government were to succeed in passing, either in +this Parliament or a subsequent Parliament, a half-hearted +measure, the Irish would decline to accept it. They would +simply refuse to act on it, and thus confusion would become worse +confounded. Experience has proved that any proposal not to +count on the Irish vote is outside the area of practical politics. +Experience has also shown that the rival political parties will +not subordinate their differences to any anti-Irish policy. Such +schemes are like the kiss of peace of the French Assembly +during the French Revolution. They sound all very well but +last about half an hour. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P296"></a>296}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We have then to decide whether we will try the experiment +of federalisation under the restrictions for the unity +of the Empire, and the protection of the minority in Ireland +such as I have roughly indicated; or whether we will embark +in a career of what practically amounts to war between the two +islands. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Many Conservatives are excellent citizens, others are party +men. The latter would probably not object to the latter +alternative. It would unquestionably have the effect of the French +wars in the days of George III. They, I fully admit, would be +better able to carry out a system of repression than the Radicals. +They therefore would in the main hold office. Domestic reforms +would be neglected, the Radical chariot would stand still. You, +Sir, I apprehend, are not a Radical, and though you may not be +influenced by this arrest of the chariot, you would not regret +the <i>propter hoc</i>. But it ought to lead any Radical to pause and +reflect. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I did not show myself a fanatical worshipper of Mr. Gladstone +during the last Parliament, in fact I must have voted +against him as often as I voted for him. In my address to my +constituents I said that I should raise my voice against any +Administration, no matter what it be called, that lags on the +path of progress or that falls into error. My constituents +have been good enough to leave it to me to decide what is +lagging and what is error. If the Conservatives will at once +bring in a Bill dealing with Ireland in the manner I have +indicated they shall have my vote as far as that Bill is +concerned. But I gather that they have determined to oppose a +<i>non possumus</i> to all such demands and not to go beyond +including Irish in any general scheme for local Government in +both islands. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I turn therefore to Mr. Gladstone. His public utterances +lead me to believe that he is prepared to sacrifice his well-earned +ease, and to endeavour to settle the question in a manner satisfactory +to us and to the Irish. His experience is vast, his patriotism +is undoubted, his tactical skill is unrivalled. I would suggest +therefore that we should give him full powers to treat for us with +the Irish, and that we should support him in any arrangement +which meets with his sanction. The Irish have always had a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P297"></a>297}</span> +sneaking affection for him; they will recognise that he has to +count with English public opinion, and they will concede far +more to him than to any other negotiator that we might select. +I have seen that Lord Hartington and Mr. Forster have +pronounced against Home Rule, and that the former is negotiating +with Mr. Goschen. Lord Hartington generally pronounces +against a measure as a preliminary to accepting it; I do not +therefore ascribe much importance to his declaration. +Mr. Forster, during the last Parliament, distinguished himself by +uttering, in season and out of season, gibes and sarcasms against +his former colleagues. Mr. Goschen, a man of great ability and +honesty, could not find one English Liberal Constituency to +return him, and sits in Parliament by the good favour of the +Edinburgh Conservatives. With all respect therefore to the +two gentlemen, I hardly think that the Liberals will accept a +policy from them. If we are to judge by what happened in the +last Parliament they have no followers.... Let Mr. Gladstone +then boldly declare himself for a well considered measure of +Home Rule.... +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE.[<a id="chap11fn17text"></a><a href="#chap11fn17">17</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +To the Editor of the <i>Times</i>. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 26, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Hawarden writes:...[<a id="chap11fn18text"></a><a href="#chap11fn18">18</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +This is rather my plan—commerce would fall within the +province of Imperial matters—religion, too, might; taxation is a +little more difficult, for it would require much definition.[<a id="chap11fn19text"></a><a href="#chap11fn19">19</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P298"></a>298}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Will the Irish trust Mr. Gladstone, and go with the Liberals +on general assurances? They may, and they may not; they are +very suspicious. Were I they, I should, and then upset him if +he dodged later on. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Anyhow, I think that we may take it that Mr. Gladstone is +determined to have a try at Irish legislation if he gets the chance, +and the fact that the Irish can at any time stop him in his career +will lead him to go great lengths.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +2 CONNAUGHT PLACE, W., Dec. 26, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR LABOUCHERE,—You have definitely captured the +G.O.M. and I wish you joy of him. He has written another +letter to A. Balfour, intimating, I understand, without overmuch +qualification, that if Government do not take up Home Rule he +will. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is no use your writing to Lord Salisbury. The Prime +Minister cannot disclose the intentions of the Government except +in the ordinary course when Parliament meets. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I shall look forward to Monday's <i>Times</i>.—Yours ever, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +RANDOLPH S. C. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I think Joe had much better join us. He is the only man on +your side who combines ability with common sense. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 26, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—The G.O.M. is sulking in his tent. +No one can get a word from him—he has not replied to letters +from Hartington, Rosebery, and myself. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Further consideration convinces me that no scheme on the +lines of Rosebery's proposal is worth attention. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +There is only one way of giving <i>bona fide</i> Home Rule, which is +the adoption of the American Constitution: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P299"></a>299}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +1. Separate legislation for England, Scotland, Wales, and +possibly Ulster. The three other Irish Provinces might combine. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +2. Imperial legislation at Westminster for foreign and +Colonial affairs, Army, Navy, Post Office, and Customs. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +3. A Supreme Court to arbitrate on respective limits of +authority. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Of course the House of Lords would go. I do not suppose +the five Legislations could stand a second Chamber apiece. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Each would have its own Ministry responsible to itself. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +There is a scheme for you. It is the only one which is +compatible with any sort of Imperial unity, and once established it +might work without friction. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Radicals would have no particular reason to object to it, and +if Mr. Gladstone is ready to propose it—well and good! +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +But I am sick of the vague generalities of John Morley and +the <i>Daily News</i>, and I am not going to swallow Separation with +my eyes shut; Let us know what you are doing. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The best thing for us all is to keep the Tories in a little longer. +Let them bear the first brunt of the situation created by the state +of Ireland and the disappointment of the Nationalists. But +how the devil is this to be managed? If the Irishmen choose +they can turn the Government out at any moment. Can you +not persuade them that it is clearly to their interest to keep them +in for one session—while Mr. Gladstone is preparing public +opinions?—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 27, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I thought the scheme alleged to +have been submitted to the Queen was one of recent date. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If the rumour refers only to the time of the late Government, +there is not much in it. Mr. Gladstone had no scheme then—only +the vaguest ideas as to the necessity of doing something. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is pretty evident that whatever else he may do to "crown +his career" he will break up the Liberal party. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +His proposal about veto is a transparent fraud. It could +not last as an effective control for a single Parliament. I wish +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P300"></a>300}</span> +some one would start the idea of a Federal Constitution like the +United States. I do not believe people are prepared for this +solution yet, but it is the only possible form of Home Rule. It is +that or nothing. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +In my opinion Mr. Gladstone cannot carry his or any other +scheme just now, and if the Irishmen force the pace the only +result will be a dissolution and the Tories in a working majority. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Let them refuse to put the Tories out just yet unless +Mr. Gladstone publicly declares himself. If they were to put the +Tories out to-morrow, and then turn on the Liberals in a month, +they would secure only a strong Coalition both in the House and +the country for resistance to all Irish claims. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I believe the true policy for every one except Mr. Gladstone +is to "wait and see."—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 28, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—If I might venture to criticise—you +assume that the Conservatives and the Irish would both +act as you wish. Neither would. The Conservatives are sharp +enough to decline to retain power in order to be discredited +warming-pans, and the Irish must demonstrate, now that they +have carried the country. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Writing to Hawarden, I have hinted at your views, and asked +whether a below the gangway amendment would be accepted, +stating generally that the Irish question must be dealt with. +If the G.O.M. and if you were to vote for this, we should still +be beaten. The party would not have pledged itself to it as a +party; the Irish would be satisfied, and if on some issue in a +month or two we had an election, we should get the Irish +vote. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I should say myself that it would be far better not to have the +Irish at Westminster at all; this would meet the conundrum of +an Imperial and an English Ministry. As a statistical fact, +Ireland does not now contribute much more than the cost of her +civil Government to the Imperial Exchequer. Let her contribute +nothing, or some fixed sum for armaments (which she probably +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P301"></a>301}</span> +would not pay). She would be like the Dominion. We should +hold the country through the army and the fortresses, and +if she tried to separate, we should suspend the Constitution. +But as a matter of fact, she would not try. The Irish "idea of +patriotism is to serve the country at a good salary, and to +get places for cousins, etc. You would see that Irish politics +would become a perpetual vestry fight for the spoil.—Yours +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 30, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—This is the last from Hawarden, +which I transmit to Healy. The "channel" is in reply to a letter +from Healy saying that if Mr. Gladstone prefers other channels, +he (Healy) must take leave to withdraw. It is all very well, but +Parnell will not be such a fool as to show his hand for the benefit +of Mr. Gladstone....[<a id="chap11fn20text"></a><a href="#chap11fn20">20</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DUBLIN, Dec. 30, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR L.,—I have been in the country holidaying. The +statistics you want I think could be got from Col. Nolan's return, +which alas shows that you profit £3,000,000 per annum out of +us. I speak from memory. Go to Smith in the House of +Commons' Library, and ask him to find it out for you. He can get +you this and any other statistical facts you need. But some +thirty years ago your people dropped showing a separate Irish +account and bulked the whole thing in order to diddle us, and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P302"></a>302}</span> +therefore it is net easy to reckon the figures out. O'Neill Daunt, +however, can supply everything you can't get elsewhere. I think +Randolph must have pulled the longbow rather taut to you in +every way. I don't believe anything he has been saying. As +to Chamberlain he must be crazy to write that way to Morley. +Give the G.O.M. power and he could form a Cabinet in a week +minus Joe, and the Gates of Birmingham should not prevail +against it (it is "Hell" in the original). Your letter ought to do +much good. You greatly improved it. It has been quoted into +all the Irish papers and commented on. I am glad it appeared, +but of course, I know nothing of the genesis. I agree with you +about representation in the Imperial Parliament. Your people +seem to shy at it, and it would be better for us not to have it, +unless your side insists. Still there will be many Irishmen loath +to surrender all representation, but they cannot have everything. +I don't think Fottrell can physic Chamberlain's disease. He's +going to be a Mugwump. I wish him joy of the profession. His +chance was to be first Lieutenant to the G.O.M. <i>cum jure suc</i>, +and he is going to degenerate into a kind of small Forster species +of Sorehead. I note what you say about our papers. Like +Brer Rabbit we ought to "lay low" just now. Small wonder +if Gladstone should be intimidated into minimising coercion. +The Heathen rage very furiously against him. I mistrust +Grosvenor's influence on Hawarden. If the old man was ten +years younger, I'd be for keeping in the Tories till we got County +Boards out of them in order to chasten your party in the cold +winds of opposition. Our people won't have any fraud of a Bill +made for the Whigs to swallow. We shall be reasonable, but +so must your party. We can wait, for we are used to it. Your +party leaders represent personal ambition, and are in more of a +hurry.—Faithfully yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +T. M. HEALY. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DUBLIN, Dec. 31, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR L.,—I return H. Gladstone's letter which I regard +as most important. I am very glad to think Gladstone is not +being intimidated out of his position by the pitiless storm beating +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P303"></a>303}</span> +upon him. I agree that nothing satisfactory can be done until +the House meets, and we shall then have a week before the +Address is read, and our party will have met, and we shall know its +mind, while personal communications will have become possible +amongst the Liberal leaders also. I think Chamberlain is ruining +himself. If Gladstone sticks to his text he can easily form a +Cabinet without him or the Mugwumps, and then where will they +be? Trevelyan's speech to-day is very bad too, but they are all +ciphers until Gladstone puts his one before their noughts. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have your letters safely and will return all your former +enclosures to-night. I am not writing this from my house or +I'd send them with this. I have kept copies of nothing and +burn your letters, as the police could always find a pretext here +to walk in on you and read your billets-doux.—Faithfully yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +T. M. HEALY. +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn1text">1</a>] The present Strangers' Dining-room. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn2text">2</a>] Sir Henry Lucy, <i>Sixty Years in the Wilderness</i>, vol. ii. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn3text">3</a>] Morley, <i>Life of Gladstone</i>, vol. iii. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn4text">4</a>] Barry O'Brien, <i>Life of Parnell</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn5text">5</a>] Mr. Healy wrote an attack on Mr. Chamberlain's article, +as soon as it +appeared, in <i>United Ireland</i>, +under the title of "Queen's Bench Home Rule." +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn6text">6</a>] Barry O'Brien, <i>Life of Parnell</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn7text">7</a>] The enclosure was letter from Mr. Herbert Gladstone +dated October 18. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn8text">8</a>] The proposal was contained in a letter +from Mr. Herbert Gladstone to +Mr. Labouchere, which Mr. Labouchere quoted +in full for Mr. Chamberlain's +information. It enumerated six conditions +as the basis of a settlement of the +Irish Government question. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn9text">9</a>] The election ran from Nov. 23 to Dec. 19. +The result was that 333 +Liberals were returned, 251 Conservatives, +and 86 Parnellites. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn10"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn10text">10</a>] Mr. Labouchere quotes the greater part +of a letter from Mr. Herbert +Gladstone, dated Dec. 7, +in which Mr. Herbert Gladstone urges the all +importance of the Irish question, +and the necessity of ascertaining the plans of +the Irish leaders. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn11"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn11text">11</a>] The term "hard cash" is quoted +from the letter of Dec. 7, from Mr. Herbert +Gladstone to Mr. Labouchere, already referred to +(see note page 273). +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn12"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn12text">12</a>] Statement as to Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule +Scheme was published in +the <i>Leeds Mercury</i> and the <i>Standard</i> +on December 17, and in the <i>Times</i> and +other London papers of December 18. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn13"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn13text">13</a>] Winston Spencer Churchill, <i>Lord Randolph Churchill</i>, vol. ii. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn14"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn14text">14</a>] In <i>Truth</i> of December 24, Mr. Labouchere +commented on his own assertion that a letter +Mr. Gladstone had written to the Queen was communicated +by her to Lord Salisbury, who, in his turn, +communicated some of its contents +to the <i>Standard</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn15"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn15text">15</a>] Editor of the <i>Daily News</i> from 1868 till 1886. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn16"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn16text">16</a>] <i>Times</i>, Dec. 28, 1885. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn17"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn17text">17</a>] An old Radical M. P. writes criticising +this letter: "Mr. Labouchere has +never been regarded by us as a Radical at all, +but as a Separatist, and we have +always profoundly distrusted his advice +upon the few occasions on which it +was possible to regard it as serious."—<i>Times</i>, Jan. 4, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn18"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn18text">18</a>] Mr. Labouchere here quotes a letter +he had received from Mr. Herbert +Gladstone, stating Mr. Gladstone's determination +not to formulate any scheme +which might be taken as a bribe for Irish support, +nor to shift from his position, +before the Government had spoken, +or the Irish party had, in public, +terminated their alliance and put the Tories +in a minority of 250 to 330. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn19"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn19text">19</a>] Mr. Gladstone's idea of a veto was that +it might be exercised by the +Crown on ordinary matters on the advice +of an Irish Minister, but, on certain +questions, <i>e.g.</i> religion or commerce, +perhaps taxation, by the Imperial +Ministry. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap11fn20"></a> +[<a href="#chap11fn20text">20</a>] Mr. Labouchere here quotes in full +a letter from Mr. Herbert Gladstone +to himself, stating that, +if communications have to take place with the Irish +party, only one channel will be recognized, +viz. Parnell. But he adds he does +not think there is any chance of bringing +their party to the scratch before +Parliament meets, because of the insufficiency +of the knowledge they possess +to enable them to decide on any action, +before the Address debate is actually +in progress. He also points out how impossible +it would be for Mr. Gladstone +to adopt Mr. Chamberlain's policy of waiting, +and adds that if the Liberal +Party chooses to break up over an Irish Parliament +it cannot be helped. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap12"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P304"></a>304}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER XII +<br><br> +THE SPLIT IN THE LIBERAL PARTY +</h3> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 1, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—No, I do not think that he (Mr. Gladstone) +is hedging; from his personal standpoint, he knows +that his only chance of coming in is to get over the Irish, and then +to get over his own party. Waiting games may suit others, but +he cannot wait, and already considers that he has been out for +very long. He thought so a week after Salisbury came in, and +at once commenced with the Irish. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +This, I should imagine, is his game. On the Address, he will +endeavour to put the Tories in a minority, with or without the +Irish. He then expects to be called upon to form a Government. +He will at once begin to enter privately into terms with the Irish. +These terms will be much the same sort of thing as I wrote in the +<i>Times</i>, or non-appearance at all in the Imperial Parliament, after +the manner of Canada. If he cannot make terms, it may be that +his desire for office will lead him to come in, but if he is to be +believed, he will not. What will then be the position? He +cannot well dissolve, so there must inevitably be a +Palmerston-Hartington Government, whilst the Radicals would be split up, +some going for the Irish, others against. This, it seems to me, +means the destruction of the Radical Party for many a year. +Mr. Gladstone knows that he is too big an individuality to be the +head of a Coalition Government, moreover he has burnt his ships. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Suppose, on the other hand, the Conservatives dissolve at +once, after Mr. Gladstone has pronounced in favour of Home +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P305"></a>305}</span> +Rule. On what cry should we go to the country, if not on Home +Rule? Evidently those opposed to it would give the preference +to the Conservatives, for they one and all would have put their +foot down, whilst we should be tainted with the unholy thing, +even if we had made a Jonah of Mr. Gladstone. So long as the +Irish question is not settled, the Tories must have the pull in the +country, and the Radicals must remain discredited and disunited. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +This being so, is it not worth while to take the other course? +It is by no means certain that we should be beaten at an election. +Mr. Gladstone is still a power. The Irish have votes which +would turn several places. The electors may be divided into +people who think about the question of Ireland, and those who +don't. For the latter a "cow" might be invented, whilst many +of the former would say that as one English party has gone for +Home Rule, it must come, and if so as speedily as possible. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The real enemies of the Radicals are the Whigs, and they are +essentially your enemies. It is a mistake to undervalue them. +They have always managed to jockey the Radicals. They hang +together; they have, through Grosvenor, the machine; they +dominate in Clubs and in the formation of Cabinets. They +may ally themselves with you <i>re</i> Ireland, but this will be for their +benefit, not yours. Nothing would give them greater pleasure +than to betray you with a kiss, for you are their permanent bogey. +Once you are out of the way, and the sheep of Panurge, <i>i.e.</i>, the vast +majority of the Liberal M.P.s, would be boxed up in their fold. +At every election we should have shilly-shally talk, very vague and +apparently meaning much, followed by half-hearted measures. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +All this is why I still hold that the Radical game is to go with +Mr. Gladstone on Irish matters, and to use him in order to shunt +them and, if possible, the Whigs—not that this course is not full +of danger, but that it seems to me to present less danger than +any other.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN,<br> + BIRMINGHAM, Jan. 3, 1886.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—The more I look at the thing, the +less I like it. Whatever we do we shall be smashed for a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P306"></a>306}</span> +certainty. The question is whether it is better to be smashed with +Mr. Gladstone and the Parnellites or without them. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I believe the anti-Irish feeling is very strong with our best +friends—the respectable artisans and the non-Conformists. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +One thing I am clear about. If we are to give way it must +be by getting rid of Ireland altogether, and by some such scheme +as this. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Call Ireland a protected state. England's responsibility to +be confined exclusively to protecting the country against foreign +aggression. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +England's authority to be confined exclusively to the measures +necessary to secure that Ireland shall not be a <i>point d'appui</i> for +a foreign country. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The financial question to be settled by a fixed annual payment +to cover: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +1. Ireland's share of the Debt. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +2. A sinking fund to extinguish it in fifty years. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +3. The cost of the military garrison. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Query</i>: Should we hold the customs till this Debt is +extinguished, or find some other security for payment? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +In order to gild the pill for the English sympathisers with +Protestant and landowning minorities: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Ireland to be endowed with a Constitution—the elements to +be: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +1. A Governor with power to dissolve Parliament—no veto. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +2. A Senate, probably elected but with some qualifications +to secure a moderately Conservative Assembly. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +3. A House of Commons. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +To meet the prejudices of English manufacturers and workmen, +a Commercial treaty pledging Ireland not to impose duties +on English manufactures. (Bounties might be left open.) +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +In this case Ireland could have no foreign relations. It is +impossible to allow her to communicate direct any more than +Australia and Canada. But this was a great source of complaint +by Irish patriots in the time of Grattan's Parliament. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The difficulties of any plan are almost insurmountable, +but the worst of all plans would be one which kept the +Irishmen at Westminster while they had their own Parliament in +Dublin. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P307"></a>307}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I end as I began. We shall be smashed because the country +is not prepared for Home Rule.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 4, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I think your scheme an excellent +one; only Ireland is so wretchedly poor a country, that it will +not pay its contribution; that, however, is a detail. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am perfectly certain that Mr. Gladstone is determined to +go on, and that any idea of a Whig cum Radical demonstration +to induce him to keep quiet will not avail. Rosebery writes, +"He is boiling over with the subject," and you know how, when +once an idea gets hold of his mind, it ferments; as Hawarden said +in a recent letter, he is determined to stand or fall by it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I suspect that this scheme is passing through his ingenuous +mind. To get in by the Irish vote, then to ask the Conservatives +to consult with him as to a plan. The Irish, however, are quite +cute enough not to help him in, until, one way or another, they +are secured against this. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have just received this from Churchill: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +"The Queen's Speech will be delivered on the 21st. No +mention of Home Rule. What a blessing it would be if we +could get rid of the Whigs and the Irish at one coup. But +I am afraid that this will be impossible, and that the +former as usual will knock under." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to the "Times"</i> (<i>Extract</i>) +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +REFORM CLUB, Jan. 2, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +You, sir, possibly have not been brought closely in contact +with the Irish leaders. I have; and more practical, sensible, I +may indeed say, more moderate men, when not under the influence +of temporary excitement, I never came across.... I have +indeed been greatly struck with their largeness and broadness of +view, which contrasts advantageously with our supercilious mode +of treating political opponents who have not the advantage of +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P308"></a>308}</span> +being Anglo-Saxons, our insularity, and our want of facility to +grasp new ideas, or to realise the necessity of adapting ourselves +to circumstances, as Bunsen—one of our great admirers—said, +what most struck him during his residence here was "the +deficiency of the method of handling ideas in this blessed +island."—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE.[<a id="chap12fn1text"></a><a href="#chap12fn1">1</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +To the Editor of the <i>Times</i>. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +INDIA OFFICE, Jan. 7, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I should be delighted to dine with you +on the 12th or 15th, if that would be convenient and agreeable +to you. I think Joe is quite right to walk warily. After all, if +the G.O.M. goes a mucker it may be a good thing for everybody. +He has always disturbed the equilibrium of parties and done no +good to any one except himself. However, you will probably +think me prejudiced.—Yours ever, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 7, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Churchill will come on the 15th +if that suits you. Is there any other Conservative or Liberal +you would like? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I suspect that Mr. Gladstone will not give the necessary +pledges to the Irish. They have an idea that he might get in +by their votes, and then try to make terms with the Conservatives, +and bring in a milk and water measure. He talks of faith +in him. Singularly enough they have not that amount which +they ought to have. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +There is also the possibility that they will take a bird in the +hand from the Conservatives—in the form of some local county +measure, which would strengthen them in Ireland, and which +would give them leverage. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If this be so, how about a resolution in their favour—somewhat +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P309"></a>309}</span> +vague—which would win them over to us in case of an +election, and which would not be carried?—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DUBLIN, Jan. 7, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR L.,—I am afraid I badly repay all your letters. I +greatly fear that Chamberlain's tone shows that even if he accepts +the proposals in principle, he will help the Whigs to make +Mr. Gladstone minimise them, and thus they may prove inacceptable +to Ireland. Then it will be the Land Act misery over again, +or rather your party would not be let in by us to pass a maimed +measure, and so the Tories would reap the profit of our dissensions. +<i>Beati possidentes!</i> However, I think when your men get +blooded by a few skirmishes with the Tories, they will be willing +enough to patch things up to turn them out. With regard to +Morley's point about the Veto, I recognise that the bigger powers +we get the more natural would be your desire for some guarantee +against their abuse—the better the Parliament, the more +effective the Veto. As the scientist would say, you want it +increased according to the square of the power. A Governor-General, +I think, would meet this, and, for my part, I think +it would capture or render quiescent a lot of the loyalists +if he were a prince. A few Royal levees and some judicious +jobs would probably bring most of these gentry round in +a short time. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Your letters have been admirable, and I am sure have +done good, though none of us could write to the <i>Times</i> or +acknowledge it in any way. Moreover, except through +extracts in the <i>Express</i>, none of us see it here. A single copy +of any newspaper from across the Channel does not enter the +office of <i>United Ireland</i>! However, as we are not your rulers +this is no crime. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The usual stuff I see is being talked about Home Rule leading +to separation, and how the American-Irish would not accept the +settlement, nor the Fenians. The fellow who writes as "an old +Fenian" in the <i>St. James' Gazette</i>, extracts from which I have seen, +is Dick Piggott, late of the <i>Irishman</i> newspaper, who swindled +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P310"></a>310}</span> +every Fenian Fund he could milk, and whom the boys would +not touch with the tongs. I undertake to say that if a suitable +Home Rule scheme be proposed, though Parnell said he could +offer no guarantees, that we could call a National Convention +to ratify it, and therefore could treat as a traitor every one who +afterwards opposed it, or did not loyally abide thereby. Moreover, +terrible as are the American-Irish in English eyes, I believe—and +I have visited and spoken at every big city from New +York to San Francisco, and from Galveston on the Mexican +Gulf to Montreal in Canada—that we could summon a +representative Convention in Chicago, including the Clan na Gael, +the ancient Order, and the Rossa crowd which would endorse the +settlement and thereby effectually dry up the well-springs of +revolutionary agitation. But to do this we must get no sham +vestry, but an assembly that would gratify the national pride of +the Celtic race. Our people in America will only be too glad to +be allowed to mind their own business, and many of the wealthy +among them will come back and settle down here, investing +their capital and teaching the people the industries they have +learnt abroad. The mass of them are as Conservative as any +in the world, and when I told a crowded meeting the night of the +Chicago Convention in 1881—referring to wild advice that had +been offered—"that the Irish leaders were no more to be bought +by American dollars than by English gold," the sentiment was +cheered to the echo and was mutilated accordingly in the report +of the <i>Irish World</i>. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +However, this is running a long way ahead of events, and this +idea of mine is not one that I have yet broached to my colleagues. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I expect to be over on Tuesday, but hope to be allowed to run +back then till the 21st, as I suppose we shall have nothing to do +in the interval. I don't suppose we shall make up our minds +as to whether we shall move an amendment to the Address, till +after we hear it read. Even then this, I presume, would depend +as to whether a <i>modus vivendi</i> with you was arrived at, for if +the Tories are in earnest with their threat to dissolve, the best +tactics would be to have no Irish Debate and to cook their +goose on a side issue—Egypt, Burmah, or what-not.—Truly +yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +T. M. HEALY. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P311"></a>311}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN,<br> + BIRMINGHAM, Jan. 8, 1886.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—The 15th will suit me. Many +thanks. I fancy Randolph Churchill will be more talkative if +we are alone, unless you know any one whom he likes to meet. +I leave it entirely in your hands. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mr. Gladstone has asked me to meet him on Tuesday. Perhaps +he may be explicit, but I am not sanguine. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If the Irish are ready to give the Tories a chance, by all means +let us wait and see results. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I could not support any resolution at present. If it were +vague, the Irish would not thank us—if it were definite, I doubt +if it would be good policy to vote with it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We are sure to have an opportunity on the Local Government +Bill—if we desire to take advantage of it.—Yours very +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 9, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I had a letter from Healy yesterday. +So far as I understand the matter, things are in this +position. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mr. Gladstone is in his tent. He will do nothing until the +Address. He then, I think, inclines to an understanding with +the Irish, for this is a <i>sine qua non</i> of his coming in. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Healy says that the Irish will decide nothing until the +Address. They will not aid in turning out the Tories unless there +is a specific understanding as to what Mr. Gladstone's Bill is to +be. If such arrangement be satisfactory, they will agree to vote +them out on Burmah, Egypt, or anything else, so as to render it +difficult for the Tories to dissolve. They perceive the difficulties +of Mr. Gladstone's position and are just now in a yielding mood, +but beyond a certain point they cannot go, as their own people +would turn against them.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P312"></a>312}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 12, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I have just got a long letter from +Herbert Gladstone. So far as I can make out, Mr. Gladstone +has in reality abandoned none of his projects. But he is cornered +by the fact that the Irish will not aid him to get in without very +definite assurances. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Healy writes to say that he will be here on Thursday, and +that nothing has been decided as to the course of the Irish. He +suggests—if some agreement can be come to—saying not one +word on Home Rule, but turning the Government out upon a +bye issue, Egypt, Burmah, or anything. I have written to ask +whether the following plan would be assented to: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +(1) Turn out Government on bye issue. (2) Have some sort +of temporary scheme for governing Ireland. (3) Appoint some +sort of dilatory Commission. (4) Bring in Bill next year. I have +explained that this would only be possible if Mr. Gladstone could, +in some way or other, make it clear to the Irish what the Bill is +to be, and also that he would stand or fall on it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +This would give time to educate public opinion, and to +have good Bills on English subjects, whilst it would render it +impossible for the Conservatives to dissolve. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I don't know whether I could get the Irish to assent—supposing +that Mr. Gladstone does—but I should be sanguine of +doing so. They have now so arranged their party that practically +Healy, O'Brien, Harrington, and Parnell can do precisely +what they like. Parnell I put last, because he will agree to the +decisions of the other three.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—I write this, because I shall not be able to explain it +to you this evening before Randolph Churchill. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 15, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I should have been delighted to +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P313"></a>313}</span> +dine with you on the 31st, but I have already asked some people +to dine with me on that day. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Harcourt favoured me during an hour yesterday with his +views. They are vague and misty. He has got it into his head +that the Government mean a Coercion Bill. If they are wise, +I should think that they would bring one in, and thus split up +the Liberals at once. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mr. Gladstone is evidently meditating some coup on his own +account, and to retire in a blaze of Irish fire-works. He does not +want to wait, but if he acts, he holds that he must act at once. +He is by no means in a good humour with his late +colleagues.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Healy to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DUBLIN, Jan. 15, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR MR. L.,—Herbert Gladstone is totally wrong +about me. I neither saw nor heard from nor communicated with +Churchill or any member of the Government since the House +rose—I except the Irish law officers whom I meet daily in Court, +but whom I never exchange a word with on politics. I am now +just of the same opinion I always held, but I don't see what we +can do till your party move. It would play the devil with us +were we to put the Liberals into office and then have them to turn +round on us, by proposing a settlement we could not accept. +We cannot buy a pig in a poke. You may say we could turn +them out at a minute's notice. That seems very easy on paper +by counting parties, but if we are going to play this game +successfully the fewer ministries we turn out the better, as any +naked exhibition of our power in a gratuitous way would be +sure to get you a majority if you dissolved on that issue. No, +we prefer instead of having to put you out, not to let you get +in, until there's a straightforward arrangement made. At least +this is what seems to me to be commonsense. I know nothing of +the Tory plans. Of course, if they are fools enough to play your +hand by proposing coercion our hands may be forced—I only +write on the assumption that they have sense. What I say is +let Mr. Gladstone satisfy Parnell and the whole thing is settled. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P314"></a>314}</span> +Was it from Grosvenor's experience and anecdotes of the Irish +party that the Duke of Westminster called us <i>debauchees</i>? Were +we too lax in our attendance on Parliament to please Lord +Richard—prowling round St. John's Wood, when we ought to have been +braking his coach? So we must please our fastidious censors by +arranging that the new party will sit up of nights in the House, +instead of sporting about town as His Grace suggests the old +one did. Shall be over on Thursday. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +T. M. HEALY. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Healy to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DUBLIN, Jan. 17, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR L.,—I don't think I could say anything fresh until +Thursday, when I shall go fully into matters with you. I quite +feel the difficulties of Mr. Gladstone's position and think our +party fully appreciate them, and would even strain points to +obviate them, if this can well be done by men in our straits. +However, I would point out that on his side we have had nothing +but a repudiation of the principles attributed to him by the +"Revelations," and this, <i>plus</i> good intentions, is not sufficient +ground for eighty-six men to consult and decide on. If no +communication is made to Parnell, as I think it ought to be, for +our meeting, we shall probably let things drift and do nothing. +I would have preferred all along not to have been the repository +of any views held by your Leaders, lest it might be supposed I +was trenching on the prerogatives of Parnell's position, and now +I think the time has come—if he is to be approached at all for +some communication to reach him otherwise than through me. +If I can be shown any honourable basis, on which we could vote +your party into power, I shall rejoice and will press my views +strongly on our men.—Faithfully yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +T. M. HEALY. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 22, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I send this to you by hand, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P315"></a>315}</span> +because if you are inclined to go on with the plan you suggested, +it will be necessary to act. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Parnell is quite ready—without prejudice—that is to say, +he says that he does not absolutely assent, but thinks that he will, +which you know, with him—who is more hesitating than Fabius—means +that he will. His lieutenants agree—although he does +not know this. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +But he says that, admitting that Mr. Gladstone can give no +pledges, he must know two things: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +1. That Mr. Gladstone, if called upon by the Queen to form +a Government, will form one, <i>i.e.</i>, if Goschen, Hartington, etc., +decline to join, that he will not throw up the sponge, for, with +considerable point, he says that he prefers the Conservatives to +a Hartington Government, supported by the Moderate Liberals +and Conservatives, and you as a Radical. Such a Government +he might not be able to turn out, and it might remain master +of the situation. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +2. He wants an understanding that if Mr. Gladstone comes +in he will act on his speech, and at once bring in his scheme for +the Government of Ireland. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I saw Herbert Gladstone, and he is to explain these two +demands to his father. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Herbert Gladstone says that his father would take office +without Hartington, but that his main difficulty is the Peers. +He hopes that he will be able to get over this difficulty very soon. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have replied that at any moment the Irish may break out, +and that if once we get to Procedure we shall all fall to pieces, +and that the determination of the Irish to fight against Procedure +will very soon make us too. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I begged J. Collings to put off his amendment, and told him +that perhaps I might get him some votes. Randolph Churchill +tried to bring the general debate to an end last night, but this +we stopped, and Sexton moved the adjournment. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Grosvenor asked me how long the debate would last? I said +the Irish meant to keep it up. He said that he did not want +them to. I said that they were not asking him whether he did +or not, but that he was asking me now long it would last. He +told me that he would prevent the G.O.M. ever going for Home +Rule, and then spoke about the Party. He said, "You or <i>Truth</i> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P316"></a>316}</span> +are making a great mistake. You assume that the Radicals +constitute the majority of the Liberal Party, but really the +Whigs do." I asked him what would happen if the G.O.M. were +to retire; he replied, a Whig Administration under Hartington +with you—that you and the Radicals would soon perceive +that you were not masters of the situation, etc. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I, of course, did not tell him about Collings's amendment, +but it will be very difficult to get him to whip for it, and you will +have to put your foot down about it. Parnell agrees, if they are +to be bought off, that the Irish shall appear not to take much +interest in the matter, but to vote up before the Whigs know what +is to occur. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Parnell is more than reasonable. In his present mood, he is +all for a fair scheme. His two <i>sine qua nons</i> are, that there should +be an Assembly called a Parliament for local matters, and that +he should have the Police. He says that it would be absolutely +impossible for him to keep down the Fenians without this, and +that he is fully determined not to accept the responsibility. +About the veto, etc., he will make concessions, and give any +guarantees that are required. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He made a most conciliatory speech last night. Before making +it he said, "There shall not be one word in it to which any +one can object." He is very anxious to know about your feeling +on the matter of Mr. Gladstone's plans. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +With regard to Ireland, he says that the people really cannot +pay their rents in some places, and that he is certain that if +nothing be done there will be rows in a few weeks. But he is +doing all that he can to keep things quiet, and next week he will +dissolve some of the most bumptious of the Local Branch Leagues. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I told Herbert Gladstone that you had suggested to me the +Collings amendment.[<a id="chap12fn2text"></a><a href="#chap12fn2">2</a>] Could you not see Mr. Gladstone and +push the matter? I also told Herbert Gladstone that Grosvenor +was not to be trusted. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I shall, I suppose, see you in the House this afternoon. Never +shall we have a better chance, but if we do not use our chances, +they will disappear.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P317"></a>317}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., Feb. 15, 1886.[<a id="chap12fn3text"></a><a href="#chap12fn3">3</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—... As regards out future policy +I can say nothing at present, but I think that a closer inspection +of the difficulties in the way has brought Mr. Gladstone nearer +to me than he was when he first came to London. If Parnell is +impracticable my hope is that we may all agree to give way to +the Tories and let them do the coercion which will then be +necessary. They will be supported for this purpose by a clear +majority in the country and probably in the House. As for +passing Home Rule resolutions at the present time, I utterly +disbelieve in its possibility.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i>[<a id="chap12fn4text"></a><a href="#chap12fn4">4</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, March 31, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—There would be much joy in the +Radical heaven if things could be hit off with you, and they +would all be ready to put Elijah's mantle on you if they could +come to some agreement as to this damned Irish question. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The feeling is, I think, this: they are in favour of Home Rule, +and do not particularly care about details, provided that the +scheme settles the matter. They do not love the Irish, but hate +them, and would give them Home Rule on the Gladstone or +Canada pattern to get rid of them. Home Rule, therefore, +whatever the Whigs may say, will be carried. They are dead +against any employment of English credit for the Irish landlords +or Irish tenants. This—whatever the detail of Mr. Gladstone's +plan may be—will be lost. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I rather suspect that the revered G.O.M. is playing a game; +he is bound to Spencer, therefore he is to bring in his Land Bill. +But, if it meets with disapproval, is it likely that he will throw +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P318"></a>318}</span> +up the Home Rule sponge for the sake of Spencer and the Irish +landlords? Will he not rather say that it is a detail of a great +project, and not an essential one? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Now, just see what would be the position if we could act with +you on these lines? The Whigs would be cleared out. If +Gladstone is beaten, we would soon upset a Hartington cum +Conservative Government. We might have grandiose revolutions—giving +cows to agriculturists, and free breakfast tables +to artisans. We should be against Tories, Whigs, and Lords. +With you to the front we should win at an election, or if not at +once, later on. There never was such an opportunity to establish +a Radical party, and to carry all before it. Is it worth while +wrecking this beautiful future, for the sake of some minor details +about Irish Government? You may depend upon it, that the +Irish, if not granted Gladstone's Home Rule, will never assent +to anything else. Coercion would follow, and this would give +power to the Tory Whigs for years. For my part, I would coerce +the Irish, grant them Home Rule, or do anything with them, in +order to make the Radical programme possible. Ireland is but +a pawn in the game. If they make fools of themselves when +left to themselves, it would be easy to treat them as the North +did the South, rule by the sword, and suppress all +representation.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +REFORM CLUB, April 7, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Any number of Radicals expressed +their hope this afternoon in the House that you would see your +way to approve of Mr. Gladstone's amended Bill. They are all +most anxious that you should be the Elisha of the aged Elijah, +and aid in getting this Irish question out of the way. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I believe that the old Parliamentary Hand means to throw +out that, on details, discussion can take place in Committee. The +line, I hear, on Excise and Customs is: Do you want the Irish +Members? if not, you must give them Excise and Customs; if +you do, this is not necessary. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I was asked to sound Parnell a couple of days ago about +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P319"></a>319}</span> +annexing Belfast and the adjacent country to England. I did +not see him, but I learnt that he is strongly against it. The +project is, I think, now abandoned, for the Scotch seem likely to +go straight without it, and the Belfast people do not want it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +To the best of my belief the real number that Hartington has +got is sixty. We cannot make out about Ponsonby calling on +Hartington, unless the Queen is anticipating events, and sounding +him about what she must do, if asked to dissolve. Randolph +tells me that Lord Salisbury called upon him to settle details +about the debate. I doubt whether this is precisely +true.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., April 8, 1886.[<a id="chap12fn5text"></a><a href="#chap12fn5">5</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—Nothing would give me greater +pleasure than, to come back to the fold. Unfortunately I am +told to-day on the highest authority that the scheme to be +proposed to-night will not meet the main objections which led to +my resignation. I am very sorry, as I was and am in the most +conciliatory mood.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. L. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, April 15, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Some friends of yours are urging +that there should be an interview between you and Mr. Gladstone. +They asked me what I thought? I said that it was +doubtful whether this would lead to much beyond vague talk +by Mr. Gladstone. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +You objected to (1) Members being excluded, (2) Magistrates +not being appointed by England, (3) Excise and Customs. No. 3 +is given up. No. 1 is an open question, which is practically +yielded. There remains, therefore, only No. 2. As regards the +two Orders, I presume that Mr. Gladstone alluded to them, when +he said that he did not himself deem guarantees necessary. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P320"></a>320}</span> +There is no reason therefore why we should not throw them out +in Committee, or if they pass, and there is a Radical majority +in Parliament later on, reconsider the matter. So the Bill has +been remodelled on your pattern. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As regards the Land Bill,[<a id="chap12fn6text"></a><a href="#chap12fn6">6</a>] I hear that Lord Spencer says that +if it is thrown out in the House of Commons, he will not complain. +Mr. Gladstone therefore avoids trouble by bringing it in, and as +the Conservatives cannot well vote for it, I am sure that we can +throw it out on the Second Reading. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Your coming over would ensure the passing of the Irish +Government Bill; it would go to the Lords. Then Queen, Lords, +and Whigs would be on one side, and the Radicals on the other. +Mr. Gladstone must soon come to an end. You would be our +leader. The Whigs would be hopelessly bogged. Radicalism +would be triumphant. Does not this tempt you? It really +does seem such a pity with the promised land before us, that we +should wander off into the wilderness, on account of small differences +of detail. There is no scheme which the mind of man could +contrive that would not be open to criticism. A better one than +that of Mr. Gladstone is conceivable, but show me how any body +of men would be found to agree upon any other scheme? There +is nothing more easy than Constitution making, except criticising +the Constitutions made by others, and there always are, and +always will be, a number of people to go against any +scheme.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., April 17, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +No. 1. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I really made a great effort last +night to come to an arrangement, and whether it is successful +or not depends now on Mr. Gladstone's inclination to meet me +half way—rather perhaps I should say it depends upon the action +of yourself and other Radical members who agree with my views +and are in a position to bring sufficient pressure to bear upon the +Whigs to make reconciliation a certainty. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P321"></a>321}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am quite convinced, from the information that reaches me, +that unless some such reconciliation is effected the Liberal party +will be hopelessly divided at the general election. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The majority will very likely go with the party machinery +and with Mr. Gladstone, but a sufficient number will stand aloof +to make success impossible. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We cannot leave the matter uncertain till after the 2nd reading. +I know enough of Parliamentary tactics to be sure that in that +case we shall get nothing, but be beaten in detail on every division. +All I ask is that Mr. Gladstone should give some sufficient assurance +that he will consent—first, to the retention of the Irish +representation at Westminster on its present footing according +to population, and at the same time the maintenance of Imperial +control over Imperial taxation in Ireland; and secondly, that he +should be willing to abandon all the so-called safeguards in +connection with the Constitution of the new legislative body in Dublin. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +You can get this assurance if you like, and the matter is +therefore in your hands.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, April 17, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I made it quite clear and distinct +both to Herbert Gladstone and to Arnold Morley what you +wanted, after seeing you. Herbert is to tackle his father on the +subject. I have no doubt that we can arrange the matter. +Arnold Morley would hold that, anyhow, you would vote for the +Bill. I said that this was not quite so certain, and that your +proposal was a reasonable one. Herbert Gladstone said that +his father did not in the least undervalue your support, and +considered that your present attitude was paralysing the party +outside Parliament. Some friends of yours were getting up a +memorandum to Mr. Gladstone about the Bill, asking him to +promise this and that. Do pray stop them. If once we get +to memorandums we shall have counter ones from the Whigs, +and they put Mr. Gladstone in a hole. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Herbert Gladstone says that the real <i>bona fide</i> difficulty of +his father is, that he cannot devise a scheme. Could you not let +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P322"></a>322}</span> +me have one? This would settle this nonsense. How would +it be if proxies were allowed in respect to the Irish?—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—What day is your meeting at Birmingham? +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., April 17, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +No. 2. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—Since writing you I have received +your card. It is necessary that I should say that nothing will +induce me to vote for the second reading, unless I get some assurance +of Mr. Gladstone's willingness to maintain the Irish representation. +I do not think there is any practical difficulty in the +way greater than, or as great as, the difficulties already attempted +to be overcome in the Bill. I am told that Morley stands in the +way of a reconciliation as he considers himself pledged by his +Chelmsford speech to the exclusion of the Irish members from +Westminster. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As regards the memorandum, I understand that it is only to +the Whips for their information, and not for Mr. Gladstone. I +think it may safely be allowed to go on. I believe a number of +the Whips would be quite willing to sign it and to accept the +compromise. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +My meeting at Birmingham is on Wednesday. I will try and +maintain a conciliatory attitude, but the position becomes +increasingly difficult. I am bothered out of my life to attend +Radical meetings in different parts of the country. I have already +received invitations from Manchester, Rochdale, Glasgow, +Edinburgh, Woolwich, and other places. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I need not say that I do not want to start on a campaign +unless it is absolutely necessary.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, April 19, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I write you a line to catch the +post. Herbert Gladstone told me that he had talked with his +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P323"></a>323}</span> +father on the matter last Saturday. The difficulty of +Mr. Gladstone seems to be this: he has no great objection himself to +the Irish Members sitting here. But he does not like to consult +his Cabinet, for fear of resignations, and does not like to give a +pledge without consulting them. He considers that he has already +said a good deal in his speeches to show how open his mind is. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Now, would it not be possible for us all to vote for the Second +Reading, and to announce that we shall go for the Members +sitting in Committee? It is true that we risk being beaten. +But, according to the Whips—and so far as I can make it out +they are correct—there is a majority for the Bill on the Second +Reading. In the main the Members will vote for the principle +of Home Rule on the Second Reading, however opposed they may +be to certain details. The estimate is that this majority will +be from fifteen to twenty. As a rule, however, doubtfuls gravitate +into the party fold, so it possibly will be more. It cannot, +however, be sufficiently large to make the Government independent +of us in Committee. We shall be the masters of the situation, +and Mr. Gladstone will completely bleed to death instead of +being murdered by us, for the odds are that the Bill will never +come out of Committee. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I venture, therefore, to think that, seeing the difficulties of +Mr. Gladstone giving any specific pledge, seeing the tone of +Members, and seeing the objections to going against the vast +majority of Radicals and with the Whigs, it would be well to +rest satisfied, if Mr. Gladstone will distinctly agree to leave the +matter an open question. I think that we can get a majority +of Radicals both on the "Member" question and on the "Order" +question. The course I propose seems to be the best practically. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +We have a meeting at the St. James's Hall, on Thursday, at +which I am to take the Chair. The Resolution is conceived in +the above spirit, and I have already had rows with some of the +Members who are to attend, because they say it looks like +knocking under to Chamberlain. It assents to Second Reading, but +trusts that the measure will be modified in a democratic sense in +Committee. This we shall carry. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I do not myself believe in Morley's resignation, nor indeed in +Harcourt's. It is possible, however, that the Lord Chancellor +will be firm, though I understand that he likes his salary. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P324"></a>324}</span> +Supposing that you voted against the Second Reading with +ten followers. This would be a tactical fiasco. If, however, +you carried all the Radicals with you—or almost all—in +Committee, this would be a tactical success, whilst the Radicals +would be delighted with your acting with them on the first, and +would act with you on the second. Had we begun sooner, I +think that we could have got up a pronouncement against the +Bill, if the point were not yielded. But most of the Radicals +have now compromised themselves. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I talked to Hartington and some of the Whigs this evening. +They seemed to me rather down-hearted. I suspect that they +are not getting the support that they anticipated. This is +always the case with a big cave.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, April 19, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Your letters will go to Mr. Gladstone +this evening. If he is wise he will make terms about the +Members sitting. I hear that he was very much put out about +your speech, and no one dared to speak to him before he left for +Hawarden. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +John Morley is going to speak on Wednesday. He will be +conciliatory, and say, "If a plan can be devised, etc." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mr. Gladstone should ask you for your plan, as he says that +he cannot make one. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I don't well see how he can promise to go against the +guarantees. He has already said that they are inserted for weaker +brethren. They will, if retained, and if we vote against them, +keep the Irish on our side. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Don't forget that if you do not get what you want, there is +still the Third Reading.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, April 20, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—You will see our resolution in the +<i>Daily News</i> of to-day. Do you see your way to write me a little +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P325"></a>325}</span> +letter, in reply to a supposed one from me asking you what you +think of the resolution and expressing a hope that the Radical +party will be united, etc. It would not do if you were to say +that you should vote against the Second Reading, but could +you not blink this—say something about the principle of the Bill +being the principle of justice, and that in Committee the Radicals +must unite to insist upon the admission of Members and the +abrogation of the orders. If you could not absolutely do this, you +might leave it vague, allowing some to think that you will vote +for the Second Reading and others to think that you will not. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am writing to Dilke to ask him if he can see his way to +write a similar letter.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN,<br> + BIRMINGHAM, April 21, 1886.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—The Resolution which you send me, +and which is to be proposed at your meeting to-morrow night, +seems well designed to unite the Radical party. We are all +fortunately agreed that the principle of Home Rule in some shape +or another must be accepted, and we only differ, if at all, as to +the methods by which it is to be carried into effect. For myself, +I firmly believe that Home Rule may be conceded in such a form +as to join the three Kingdoms more closely together. On the +other hand, I fear that the effect of the Bill in its present shape +would be to bring about absolute separation at no distant date. +I hope the Government may see its way to accept the modifications +which Radicals advocate, and if any assurance to this +effect is given I shall gladly support the Second Reading in the +hope that minor improvements may be effected in it.—I am, +yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN,<br> + BIRMINGHAM, April 22, 1886.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—My speech last night will show you +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P326"></a>326}</span> +where I am. I cannot say that I am surprised at the desire of +the friends of the Government that objectors should accept the +Second Reading and reserve their opposition for the Committee +stage; but the advice is too transparent and cannot possibly be +accepted. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I do not believe there is really the least difficulty in allowing +the Irish Members to come to Westminster and there to vote +only on questions which are not referred to them at Dublin. +John Morley's difficulties are childish and perfectly insignificant +as compared with the difficulties which Mr. Gladstone has already +surmounted in the preparation of his Bill. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Bradford election shows what will be the end of it all. In +spite of the large Irish vote now transferred to the Liberal +candidate the majority of 1500 has dwindled to half that number! +I am being bullied to attend Radical meetings in all parts of the +country, but at present I have replied that I am not willing to +undertake anything in the nature of a campaign against +Gladstone. At the same time I am pressing all my correspondents +to try to bring about an arrangement by mutual concession. I +confess I am not very sanguine of success.—Believe me, yours +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN,<br> + BIRMINGHAM, April 24, 1886.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I cannot authorise the change you +suggest in my letter, which I only wrote as you asked me for it, +without much idea that it would be useful. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I think the chance of any reunion is very slight. I certainly +could not agree to vote for the second reading without preliminary +assurances as to retention of the Irish representation. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have no doubt that the result of my action will involve +temporary unpopularity with the Radical party, but they will +probably want my help again at some future time, and will then +exhibit as short a memory and as little consistency as they are +doing now on the question of Irish Government. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P327"></a>327}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +In the meantime the honour of leading a party so uncertain +appears to me less clear than it did some months ago.—Believe +me, yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Sir Charles Dilke</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, April 24, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR DILKE,—Chamberlain sent me a letter for the +St. James's Hall meeting, but it came too late. It would not, +however, have helped matters, for he sticks to the phrase "the +Government accepts." I had a letter from him this morning, much in +the same tone, also one from Morley, who says that Chamberlain's +speech is an attempt to coerce the Government, and that +they won't stand coercion. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have been trying to get Chamberlain to agree to vote for +the Second Reading, on condition that the Government makes +the admission of Irish in Parliament a <i>bona fide</i> open question, on +which the House may vote without official leading and without +the Whips telling. If he would do so, this would reconcile these +two babies. I really don't see how Gladstone can accept modifications, +before Committee, urged in this <i>sic volo sic jubes</i> style. +Could you suggest from Chamberlain (as from yourself) that he +might be satisfied with the open question. He says that he +would be beaten in Committee. But I don't see this—and even +if it were so, he would have many opportunities hereafter to +get back his friends, the Irish, if he really wants them. The +great point is to find some <i>modus vivendi</i> which would keep the +Radicals together, and to this he ought to subordinate much, +instead of making difficulties. The Radicals do not take his +point about the objections to fight in Committee, and there will +be a row about his bullying the G.O.M. On so big an issue, his +position is untenable—the Whig one is more reasonable. If only +once a negotiation could be started upon the open question basis, +Mr. Gladstone would manage to dodge him into voting for the +Second Reading, and this is all that is wanted in Chamberlain's +own interest.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P328"></a>328}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Sir Charles Dilke to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +PYRFORD, WOKING (undated). +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—It looks as though the Second Reading +will be rejected, and, if Mr. Gladstone appeals to the constituencies, +it will, I fancy, be a rout. But I quite agree as to the +great importance of patching up the fued between Chamberlain +and Mr. Gladstone, for the sake of everybody and everything, +and I shall continue to do all I can in that sense. I had a letter +from Chamberlain as to Ireland on Saturday to which I replied. +I think my reply will bring another, and on that I can try again +in your sense.—Yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +CHAS. W. DILKE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, April 24, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Naturally the Radical Associations +want to hear you, for even so humble an individual as I +am gets a dozen letters every morning asking me to go to +meetings at all sorts of places. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I think that the feeling in the country is this: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +They regard the principle of the Bill to be a Domestic Legislation +for Ireland. The Radicals are in the main opposed to +"orders" and to exclusion of Irish. They do not like the idea +of Radicals voting with the Whigs and Tories against the +principle, and the view that it would be impossible for successful +opposition to take place in Committee against the "orders" and +the "admission" is too complicated for their understandings. +In fact they don't want a Party division to be spoilt, and wish +to humble the Tories and the Whigs. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Morley writes to me to-day to say that your speech means +coercion. I have replied that in all things there must be a give +and take. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am sure that if you can get an assurance that the question +of the admission is to be a <i>bona fide</i> open one, that we should win +on it—assuming that the Conservatives go for it. Such an +arrangement avoids the necessity of either side marching under +the harrow. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P329"></a>329}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Once the question left open, in the interval between the +Second Reading and Committee, we could get up a strong +agitation for the "admission," whilst no one would be opposing +us, and you would have all the credit of the alteration.—Yours +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN,<br> + BIRMINGHAM, April 30, 1886.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I think that you must now see +that the Irish Bills in their present form are doomed. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have a list of 111 Liberals pledged against Second Reading. +Of these I know of 59 who have publicly communicated their +intentions to their constituents. I believe most of the rest are +safe, but, making all allowances for desertions, there is not much +chance of forcing the Second Reading through. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I know of many men who are pledged like yourself to vote +for amendments in Committee, and some who are pledged to +vote against Second Reading if the amendments are not carried. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The Land Bill has no friends at all. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is difficult to say what my own following as distinguished +from Hartington's is, but I reckon that something like fifty +would vote for Second Reading, if my amendments were +conceded. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is time that a final decision was taken. The fight is +growing hotter every day and the division of the party will be +irretrievable if the controversy is pushed much further. I am not +surprised at the action of the Caucuses. I know them pretty +well, and they consist of the most active and thoroughgoing +partisans. But it is the men who stay away who turn elections, +and there will be a larger abstention on this Irish question than +we have ever had before in the history of the Liberal party. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I believe the issue is in the hands of Radicals like yourself. +If you exert the necessary pressure the Bills may be recast. +Much has been done by their introduction. The Party as a +whole has accepted their principle of Home Rule, and we might +come to an agreement about the details. But this will be out +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P330"></a>330}</span> +of the question if we go into opposite lobbies on the Second +Reading. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +There is no necessity to withdraw the Bill at once. If the +Government will give the necessary assurance of amendments +to retain Irish Representation and Imperial control of taxation, +we might carry Second Reading and then the Bills could be +committed <i>pro forma</i> for the necessary changes, or withdrawn +for the session. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +All our people would be delighted at the postponement of the +dissolution, and in the interval we might kiss and be friends. +I do not suppose the Chief will listen to this, but I have thought +it right to make one more effort before the battle is finally +engaged—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, May 1, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I have been doing my best to get +some sort of <i>modus vivendi</i> in which the honours of war would be +divided. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I had a letter from Morley yesterday in which he promised +to be most conciliatory at Glasgow. He said: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +"I don't think there is a pin of difference between you +and me as to the desirableness of passing the Second +Reading at almost any cost. But Chamberlain wants +us to go down on our knees, and this cannot be done for +the money." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He had previously suggested to me what he said, I see, at +Glasgow about the Irish Members coming back in three years. +I replied that this might possibly form a basis, but that it must +in this case be understood that they came back without any +further legislature on the subject. To this he demurred, but I +think that he would not make difficulties. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I do not dispute your figures, but I would point out to you +that some of your fifty can be manipulated. As a rule a big cave +does not hold together. Some of its Members in the end take +refuge in voting for a Party Bill, and give as a pretext some +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P331"></a>331}</span> +phrase used by the Minister for having done so, and in the +G.O.M. you have a past master in these sort of catching phrases. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I was brought up in diplomacy. When two countries send +each other their ultimatums, a third country desirous of peace +proposes something between the two, and peace is made upon +its adoption by the belligerents. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have been suggesting that Mr. Gladstone should agree to +leave the question an open one, the word "open" being understood +to signify that the Whips do not tell, and that every +one—Ministers included—should be allowed to vote as they please. +I don't well see how the G.O.M. could go further. Although +we may call it a detail, the exclusion of Irish Members is really +a fundamental principle in the Bill, and were he absolutely to +agree to change it, this would be, as Morley says, going down on +his knees to you who, whether right or wrong, are the head centre +of the Radical minority, and not of the majority. Would you, +yourself, eat humble pie to this extent? Moreover, I think +that, if he had to submit this proposal to his Cabinet, there would +be suspicions, and the Cabinet just now can hardly stand another +split. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have never gathered that Mr. Gladstone himself is opposed +to the retention of the Irish. All that he says is, "The problem +is a difficult one: show me a good plan and I have no objection +to adopt it." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +There is another way of meeting you, but I don't know +whether Mr. Gladstone would accept it. It is this. Leave +matters as they now are with respect to the Irish Members, by +eliminating all clauses excluding them. Their position would +thus be left to future legislation on the subject. They would +in this case sit as they are, and vote upon Imperial and +English local issues until the entire question is treated in a +separate Bill. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +A third plan might be that of John Morley's, to exclude them +for three years, and for them at the end to come back as they +are now, unless any alteration during the interval be legislatively +made in their position. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Parnell is very much opposed to the retention. He puts his +opposition upon the difficulty of getting Irishmen to come over. +He asks whether there are to be two separate elections, or only +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P332"></a>332}</span> +one. In the first case, he complains of the expense and of the +difficulty of finding men, in the second he asks how men can sit +and vote in both Parliaments when they are both sitting at the +same time. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Do pray be conciliatory in the matter, and be satisfied with +the substance. If the "open question" were granted, I am sure +that you would have a majority of Radicals, who agree with you +in the main, but think that they ought to regard the Second +Reading at the conservation of the principle of a domestic +Legislature for Ireland. After all, a General Election with a Radical +split would either give Mr. Gladstone a majority against you, +or would end in a Conservative victory, neither of which would +be a gain to you. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I take Brand's constituents of Stroud, and the constituency +of Ipswich as specimens of public feeling, for I have been at both +of them this week. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +At Stroud we had a meeting. The Whigs did not attend. +Winterbotham took the chair. He announced that he should +vote against the Bill. There were groans and "three cheers +for Gladstone." I went for the Bill, but explained that it +was desirable that the Irish Members should be retained, +and that this was your view. There were shouts of "let him +vote with Gladstone on the Second Reading." At the end +some overzealous ass proposed "three cheers for Brand." This +was met with a chorus of howls and groans. I enquired +later on what was the real position, and was told that all +the Radicals were against Brand, but that there would be +no use calling upon him to resign, as about five hundred Whigs +would stick to him, and these with the Conservatives would +secure his return. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +At Ipswich the meeting was entirely for the Second Reading. +I praised up Collins, etc. They cheered his name, but +whilst dead against the Land Bill, went for the other Bill, and +did not seem to care much for details. Two of the County +Members spoke. They had been returned—mainly through +Collins's exertions—but they told me that the agricultural +labourers wanted the question settled, and did not care much how it +was settled.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P333"></a>333}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—You have never let me have your "plan" in reply to +the observation, that the idea is good in theory, but that the +practical difficulties are insuperable. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Telegram, Mr. Gladstone to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HAWARDEN, May 1, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Herbert Gladstone expected from Scotland to-night letter +from me to Midlothian will shortly appear.[<a id="chap12fn7text"></a><a href="#chap12fn7">7</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +GLADSTONE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + LABOUCHERE,<br> + 10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, S.W.<br> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, May 1, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I have just got this telegram. If +Mr. Gladstone has not told you that he is going to write his +letter, don't please let it out. I sent him yesterday your +figures as to the division, and preached as strongly as I could +conciliation, telling him that some sort of give-and-take +<i>modus vivendi</i> should be arrived at, otherwise the Bill might be +lost.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, May 3, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Mr. Gladstone has your ultimatumest +of ultimatums. My impression is that he will assent. +I had a talk with Morley this morning, and knocked it well into +his head that the question, as you say, is to be or not to be as +regards the Bill. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P334"></a>334}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The decision will depend very much upon the figures. +Of course they don't take yours <i>au pied de la lettre</i>, but they +evidently are thoroughly uncomfortable about them. They +admit that the feeling throughout the country is in favour +of the Irish remaining. Harcourt blustered fearfully in the +Cabinet about his intentions. Perhaps it might be well if +you were to write him a letter. If we can bring about an +arrangement, it will be a great thing for the party—put aside +the Bill.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 3, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I am pretty sure now that your +terms will be accepted.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 3, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Since writing to you Arnold +Morley asked me to come into his room. He said that he had +been shown your letter, and wished to ask me whether I thought +that the terms were the lowest that you would take. I said +"Yes," that I thought they were. Was I quite certain that you +would not vote for the bill if there were no concession? Quite +certain. Was it to be understood that you would vote for it if +Mr. Gladstone said that the Government would support or bring +in a clause granting representation to Ireland, leaving it for +Committee to say how many constituted representation? I +said, that I understood this, but that he had better consult your +letter. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I see that there would be a row at once if Mr. Gladstone were +to go into details, so I should think that it would be better to +leave them alone. I told him that moreover Members (one +had) had told me that they would only vote for the Bill if you +were satisfied, and that he must perceive that the Radicals were +in favour of the Irish remaining here. He admitted this, and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P335"></a>335}</span> +promised to explain this to Mr. Gladstone; he had, he said, +in fact represented this to him ten days ago, only then your +terms were not so limited as now. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Perhaps it might be well if you would write me a line (not +in answer to this, or as though I had written to you) urging a +speedy settlement—for Mr. Gladstone is apt to wait for something +to turn up to his advantage. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +His letter to his electors is good clap-trap.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +BIRMINGHAM, May 4, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—My list alters every day as I receive +further reports from my correspondents. I have only had +notice of two deserters, and the total figures now stand as follows: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + Promised against, 133<br> + Absolutely pledged, 84<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have not heard anything from Mr. Gladstone, but have +written to Harcourt as you suggest. I am unable to make more +of Mr. Gladstone's manifesto than of many other of his public +utterances, but I note one point with satisfaction. He says in +effect that the retention of Irish members is a mere detail: to +me it is vital, but if it is only a detail to him surely there is no +excuse for his not publicly giving way.—Believe me, yours very +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN,<br> + BIRMINGHAM, May 4, 1886.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I have a number of enquiries as +to what I am going to do. I thought I had made it all clear in +my speeches, but I reply to every one that I shall certainly vote +against Second Reading unless I can get satisfactory assurances +beforehand; and that I will not vote for Second Reading unless +I know that the Government will keep the Irish Representation +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P336"></a>336}</span> +on its present footing. That means, of course, either 103 members +or a reduction according to population. Any other representation +would be illogical and absurd. The interest of Ireland +in Imperial questions is in proportion to population and not to +her share of total taxation. It might be in proportion to her +share of the taxation for <i>Imperial</i> objects. Surely the best plan +would be to accept your suggestion and for the Government to +agree to drop the clauses about Representation at Westminster, +leaving it an open question for Committee whether there should +be any reduction, or any restriction on their liberty of speaking +and voting on non-Imperial subjects. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +But will not Mr. Gladstone be content to secure the affirmation +of the principle by Second Reading, vote, and then commit +the Bill <i>pro forma</i> for amendments or withdraw it for the session? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If anything is to be done it should be at once, otherwise I +doubt if, even with my assistance, the Second Reading can be +carried. The opposition is more numerous than I supposed, +and is growing.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +In a previous letter I have sent you my latest figures. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 6, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Morley would have agreed to +leave out the clause. Mr. Gladstone would not. He has +elaborated some alternative scheme, which is to come before +the Cabinet to-morrow. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +From your personal standpoint I should say "take it." It +will be a substantial concession, and will be made to you. If you +do not, very possibly several of your followers will accept it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I really don't believe that you will get more. It will fully +recognise the paramount character of the Imperial Parliament, +enable Irish to vote on taxation, Imperial matters, etc., and I +doubt whether the feeling is in favour of their voting on English +issues. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Anyhow, you get your principle recognised. The Bill, if it +passes here, will be thrown out in the Lords. We shall go to +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P337"></a>337}</span> +the country, not on details of any Bill, but on a domestic +legislature for Ireland, and many things may happen before next +year.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—Don't say anything about this yet, for it is not definite, +and won't be until to-morrow's Cabinet. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 7, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—The Cabinet yesterday was not a +formal one; there is to be one to-morrow. Some, I understand, +are in favour of cutting out the clause respecting the exclusion +of the Irish, and leaving the matter to future legislation—others +suggest alternative schemes. Of this I am certain, it may be +that terms will not be agreed to before the discussion on the +Second Reading, but, provided that the Bill cannot be carried +without you and your friends, the point will be yielded. I +regard therefore the matter as done, so don't pray act as though +it were not. Any one takes a certain time to make grimaces +before he consumes his humble pie, and does not gulp it down, so +long as he has any hope of being able to avoid doing +so.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, May 8, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I have just been reporting progress +at Downing Street. Wolverton, who was there, quite agreed +that if you want ninety Irish, you ought to have them; and, in +fact, the simplest thing is to leave the lot as they are. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It was admitted that the Bill would require modifications, +if the Irish are to sit. Objection was taken to our collecting all +revenues on the score that the presence of the hated Saxon +throughout the country would put the backs of the Irish up. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +You will perhaps remember that Parnell entirely objects to +the amount of the quota, and so, by showing him that he will +lose by the whisky system, we might get him to unite in insisting +upon an alteration. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P338"></a>338}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The idea of Herschell—which I put forward as mine, and said +that you did not seem to object—took. If they can hit it off in +the Cabinet by four o'clock, they are to let me know, and I will +send you a telegram. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Things being as they are, I go to Hastings, with <i>Thérèse +Raquin</i> to read in the train, with the hope that we are again +a happy family. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Don't with Herschell make it too clear that the food on which +our friends are browsing is humble pie. The substance is +everything, and no sooner will it be known that you mean to vote for +the Second Reading, and that Mr. Gladstone knocks the bottom +out of his tub as regards the exclusion of the Irish, than the Tories +and the Whigs will point the moral. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I read out the words which Mr. Gladstone was to use in his +speech. "What then are the modifications?" they asked. I +said that as he was not wanted to specify them, they ought to +rest and be happy with the phrase. I said that all that I had +written down was in no sort of way binding on you, and, so far +as you were concerned, was non-existing, and that they were to +be treated as my own pious opinions.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—I said that I gathered that you would not be in this +afternoon, but to-morrow morning. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Telegram, Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +May 8, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Stansfield who was in train says all went right at meeting +this afternoon Herschell not there thought to be out of town if +you do not hear from him this is why. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Arnold Morley to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +12 DOWNING STREET, S.W., May 8, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—Herschell had to leave town before +the end of the Cabinet, and on his return on Monday he will be +sitting in the House of Lords. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Perhaps later on it may be arranged. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P339"></a>339}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Would you or would you not telegraph to him to explain his +not coming?—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +ARNOLD MORLEY. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Sunday, May 9, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—On coming back here from Hastings, +I have found this letter from Arnold Morley. I think that +the "cave in" is complete, and if you only seize the first +opportunity to accentuate it and to recognise it, your triumph will be +complete—details are, comparatively speaking, unimportant. +If you get into a discussion about them you lose your triumph. +You went for "full representation," and, as I understand it, you +get it. At the meeting at Hastings a speaker alluded to you—dead +silence. The man next me said, "A few months ago they +would have all cheered." When I spoke I said that I thought +Mr. Gladstone would agree to Irish Representatives, in which +case I thought that you would vote for Second Reading upon +which the audience cheered again and again. This shows how +the cat jumps even in a place like Hastings, which is not very +Radical.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Sunday, May 9,1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Morley has just been here. He +don't want you to be told more than that you will be satisfied. +I told him that I had seen you, and had said generally that you +were mistaken in supposing that the Cabinet did not intend to +yield, and that I had gathered from you that if they did, you +would probably vote for the Second Reading. They are, I find, +in some trouble about their definite statement about the third +point—the right of the Irish to come here by requisition of the +Dublin Parliament on all Imperial matters. They are prepared +to elaborate some plan for them to legislate—or to have the power +to legislate—upon such matters, but they have not yet themselves +made out the plan to their satisfaction, nor can they agree as to +what is Imperial and what is not. Mr. Gladstone therefore will +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P340"></a>340}</span> +be rather guarded on this head, but he will (says Morley) make +it quite clear that they accept the principle, and they <i>bona fide</i> +are prepared to give it effect. They are, moreover, rather afraid +of being too definite, because they have not seen nor heard +anything from Parnell, and will not have the opportunity to do so +before the debate commences. They assert that practically +representation and taxation involve pretty well all Imperial +measures—and this is to a great extent the fact, for the Crown +declares war, makes treaties, etc. Anyhow they are quite ready +to meet you on this, and if you think that Mr. Gladstone's words +are too vague, or can suggest any others, Herschell will consult +with you. Morley says that they are not going to take the +debate next week, <i>de die in diem</i>. So if needed, anything can be +cleared up on Tuesday. But he, of course, is anxious that you +should declare your acceptance of the Bill as soon as possible. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I finally told him to impress upon his great chief, that he must +be clear. I really think that they are fully prepared to satisfy +you.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., Sunday. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—What does your letter mean? It +seems to me that you are being bamboozled by the old +Parliamentary hand. Both Mr. Gladstone and Herbert Gladstone +told people yesterday that they were not going to give way. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am not going to leave the matter to Committee; unless the +assurances to-morrow are precise and definite, I shall certainly +vote against the Second Reading.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Monday, May 10, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Morley did not leave until one +o'clock this morning, when I had a letter posted to you. I think +that I put it perhaps too strongly about the "On Imperial matters," +but I had been fighting for the exact words, and was cross +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P341"></a>341}</span> +about their not being precisely as I understood they were to be. +Morley vowed that they would be. I said that they were not. +Practically they are. I really do believe that they have not got +a definition of "imperial," and they only do not want to bind +themselves to the Irish Parliament being obliged to <i>demand</i> +representation. I said "peace and war." Morley replied, "this +belongs to the Crown, and is raised by supplies." I suggested +"a commercial reciprocity treaty." He replied, "this too is in +the hands of the Crown, and is raised by a change in taxation." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I do not think that there is any <i>mala fides</i>, but a desire to +avoid hostile criticism, on "what is Imperial." Morley vowed +to me again and again that there was no intention to dodge, and +that having given up the principle they asked for nothing better +than to make it full. I suggested, "all questions not excluded by +the Bill." He replied, "state what questions, not involved in +taxation, you mean, and show where one does not overlap the other." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As regards the Committee, they still hold to it, and this will +cover most of the questions. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Please think this over, and if you can suggest any definite +line of demarcation, and will give it me in the House, I will let +Mr. Gladstone have it before he speaks. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +My last words to Morley were: "Chamberlain is quite fair on +his side: he has a natural distrust of the old Parliamentary hand, +and will not be humbugged. He no doubt will not quarrel over +mere words, but he must have the substance. Knock this well +into Mr. Gladstone's head." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I write you this, because, thinking it over, I may have +exaggerated a thing in which there is nothing important.—Yours +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HOUSE OF COMMONS, Monday, May 10, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I gave Arnold Morley three +questions to take to Mr. Gladstone. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +1. Would he propose the retention of Irish Members for all +questions of taxation? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +2. Would they come here like English Members? +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P342"></a>342}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +3. Would taxation include everything which was involved +in Imperial taxation affecting them? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He answered "yes" to all, but said that in regard to taxation +he had suddenly thought that the tea tax is renewed every year, +and that he had not put this before the Cabinet, but he personally +had no sort of objection to their voting on it, and did not suppose +that the Cabinet had. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I suggested that Herschell should see you. He writes to say +that he will be engaged all Tuesday and suggests Wednesday. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have told them—which they all know—that the speech has +produced the most deplorable effect, and that you are quite +right in being indignant; and that unless they definitely make up +their minds to explain everything satisfactorily, the Bill is lost. +This they admit. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am urging on them to agree to introduce themselves a clause +about "other Imperial matters," and I tell them that unless +they are frank and yield on such points it is utterly vain to hope +to win over you or any one else. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The funny thing is that Mr. Gladstone has walked off under +the conviction that his speech was most satisfactory.—Yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Telegram, Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 11, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I think they are quite conscious of their mistake, and ready +to capitulate along the line. Would it not be possible to see the +emissary to-morrow or Thursday? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., May 11, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—In the remarkable speech of the +Prime Minister last night,[<a id="chap12fn8text"></a><a href="#chap12fn8">8</a>] nothing impressed me more than the +passages in which he spoke of the advantages of public +declarations in the House of Commons as contrasted with the +inconvenience of underground negotiations carried on elsewhere. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P343"></a>343}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Under all circumstances you will, I am sure, approve my +decision not to enter on any further private discussions of the +proposals of the Government. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If they have any fresh modifications to suggest, I hope they will +state them in the House, when I am sure they will receive the most +favourable consideration from all who, like myself, deeply regret +the differences of opinion which have arisen in the Liberal Party. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am engaged all Wednesday, but this is of no consequence, +as in the present position of matters no good could come of any +private interview.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mr. Labouchere appends a note to this letter as follows: +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +"This is in reply to a letter I wrote Chamberlain last night +to say that he would do well to keep quiet, as probably Herschel, +would see him on Wednesday—not having been able to see him +last Saturday." +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +TWICKENHAM, May 17, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—If I speak to-day or to-morrow, +I shall say nothing about negotiations. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +This is, I think, about what occurred. Mr. Gladstone was +ready to yield and bring in the "Imperial matters" Clause before +the Saturday Cabinet. At the Cabinet he was asked whether +he had elaborated such a clause, which previously he had said +was impossible to devise. He had to admit that he had not, and +so a lot of asses, some of whom did not understand the exact point, +and the necessity of sticking to any agreement, talked on until +it was time for them all to go away. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +On Sunday, when I first saw Arnold Morley after receiving +your note, he vowed that it was all agreed to, and as I told you +I wrote down the three points in his presence. When he came +in the evening, after having sent to Mr. Gladstone, he explained +that it was impossible absolutely to say that Mr. Gladstone would +pledge himself to bring in the Third Clause, because he had not +framed any Clause, and could not give a definite promise until +he knew whether he could frame it. I urged him not to leave +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P344"></a>344}</span> +Mr. Gladstone until he had framed it, and there was a Cabinet +on Monday. Still it was not framed. Hence Mr. Gladstone's +extraordinary shilly-shally speech. They all perceived what +fools they had been, except those who were anxious that no +agreement should be come to with you (notably Harcourt who +is playing for the succession), and it was hoped that Herschell +would be able to smooth down matters. There was to be a +Cabinet on Thursday, and I think the Clause would have been +framed, only by this time they did not see why they should yield, +if concession would not ensure the Bill, and Mr. Gladstone (as +usual) thought that time should be taken to see how things +developed themselves. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +In the House, as you know, there is a feeling that the Bill +should be read as a declaration of the principle of "a local +legislature," and nothing more. Mr. Gladstone has not said a word +about this. It would be a bitter pill, and he is just now in a +prophetic state of belief that, if he dissolves, he will carry +everything before him. What the Constituencies will do, neither you, +nor he, nor any one else can predicate. It may be that with the +Irish vote, the desire to settle, the belief in him, and the notion +that he has been treated ungenerously, he will win. My impression +is that we shall be much as we are, except that the Tories +will be strengthened at the expense of the Liberal and Radical +seceders. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Now, I put this to you for my private information. It is no +proposal from Government. They hold that you are irreconcilable, +and are sulking. Supposing that he would withdraw the +Bill after Second Reading, could you have a better and a bigger +triumph? Read Salisbury's speech. Does this look like real +union? Randolph is used to promise privately, but Salisbury +has a vague idea of honour, and so he explains what such promises +are worth. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Of course I don't know what Hartington promises.[<a id="chap12fn9text"></a><a href="#chap12fn9">9</a>] But +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P345"></a>345}</span> +does he love you? No. The Whigs are all running about +boasting how they have you in their toils. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +You may believe me or not, but I really do want to see a way +to a reconciliation, because I want you to be our leader. A +reconciliation is still possible on the basis of withdrawing the +Bill after reading it a second time. To withdraw it before would +be too much humble pie, and Mr. Gladstone sees—and no doubt +you do—that this would ruin him. Moreover, the man has +some feeling in the matter. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Supposing that you were to announce on Thursday that the +Government must withdraw after Second Reading. If Mr. Gladstone +was to do this, afterwards, he would be knocking under +completely, and yet almost all the Radicals (except Illingworth +and Co.) would endorse your suggestion. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +By autumn many things may happen. Mr. Gladstone +would have brought in a Bill, he would have withdrawn it on +your demand, and you may depend on it, he never would bring +in one again in the same shape, but one satisfactory to Radicals +and unsatisfactory to Whigs and Conservatives. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +This therefore seems to me far better than discussing concessions, +whilst from your own standpoint I emphatically say that +it is better for you than to go to the country against Mr. Gladstone, +against what is called the party, and with such a lot as +Salisbury and the Whigs, who regard you as the devil incarnate. +Let the latter gravitate to the Tories. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +There is also this: sentiment is a factor in politics. The notion +that you are in any way acting ungenerously to Mr. Gladstone +renders, or will render, the Radicals rabid against you, and after +all they are the only persons who agree with you in politics, or +who have any real idea of being <i>your party</i>. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I write this for your <i>private eye</i>. I shall not say to any one +that I have written to you. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If, however, you hold to the idea of the Second Reading +and the withdrawal, I would work in that direction.—Yours +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—Your Ulster fervour does not wash. They are utter +humbugs, these worthy Orangemen. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P346"></a>346}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., May 17, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I have never doubted your sincere +desire to bring about an arrangement. I do not intend to make +any allusion in public to the negotiations. I blame no one for +their failure—there were misunderstandings on both sides. But +I cannot conceive how Mr. Gladstone could have supposed that +the terms of his speech were calculated to meet the objections +taken. As regards the present situation I am pledged now to vote +against the Second Reading, and I must do so, whatever may be +said as to subsequent withdrawal. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Our friends feel—and I think they are right—that they cannot +treat a vote for Second Reading of a Bill as though it were only +an abstract resolution. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I admit the truth of nearly all that you say as to the prospects +of the party. No man can foretell the results of the General +Election, but I expect with you that the Tories will gain. I think +they will gain chiefly at the expense of the supporters of the Bill, +but in this I may be mistaken. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I cannot struggle against the torrent of lies and slanders +directed against my personal action. I can only say that I have +been, I believe, more anxious for reconciliation that any one of my +followers or present allies. I have not to my knowledge said a +single bitter word about Mr. Gladstone, or expressed either in +private or in public anything but respect for him and belief in +his absolute sincerity. Yet in spite of this the supporters of the +Government are more bitter against me than against any one +else. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +For the present I shall maintain the same reserve, and shall +not attempt reprisals; but if the discussion goes on much longer +on the same terms I suppose I shall have to defend myself and +to say what I think of some of those gentlemen who, having +swallowed their own principles and professions, are indignant +with me because my digestion is less accommodating. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have an enormous correspondence, some of it hostile, but +most of it friendly. The breach in the party is widening, and in +a short time it will be beyond repair. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +All I can say is that I have done all in my power to heal +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P347"></a>347}</span> +it—short of giving up my conscientious convictions and assenting +to measures which I believe are totally wrong. I have not the +least feeling against Mr. Gladstone; he is sincere in all that he is +doing—but I cannot think favourably of many of those who are +loud in his support, but who to my certain knowledge are as +much opposed to his Bills in their hearts as I am myself.—Yours +very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—Salisbury's speech is as bad as anything can be.[<a id="chap12fn10text"></a><a href="#chap12fn10">10</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + TRUTH BUILDINGS, CARTERET STREET,<br> + QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, S.W.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Herschell and one or two others +were to meet (or possibly have met) to-day to decide upon what +proposals were to be submitted to you. But I will let them have +your letter. If the G.O.M. loses his Bill, it will be from not +having been able to be clear for five minutes in his seventy-seven +years,—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Tuesday—or rather Wednesday Morning, May 25, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I am pretty certain that unless +wiser counsels prevail, Mr. Gladstone will not consent to +withdraw the Clause. Childers, who has been doing all that he can +to induce him to do so, finds that the Cabinet (so far as they +have an opinion) are against it, and Mr. Gladstone strongly so. +Morley vows that he would rather die, and that sort of thing. +I cannot find that they have any valid reason for this, but so +it is. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mr. Gladstone will, I think, in as plain words as possible (if +he can be plain for a few minutes), fall back upon the programme +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P348"></a>348}</span> +that we were negotiating, and say that he will so modify the Bill +in Committee that it will give the Irish Representation here on +Imperial matters, and he seems to have a notion floating in his +brain of announcing that if the Second Reading be passed he +will either withdraw or defer the Bill. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The notion seems to be that the Liberal opponents may be +put down at 100, and that this will reduce them to 70; these +calculations, however, are evidently upon exceedingly vague +data. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It is pretty clear that a number of the opponents do not like +the idea of a dissolution, and that they are very anxious for an +arrangement. It is therefore quite possible that they will come +in upon some such basis. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Do pray think the matter over, and consider whether it is +not worth your while taking these assurances as a concession to +you. Of course it is not certain that they will be definite, but +you might insist upon their being made definite in the House of +Commons. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I think that it is a proof of astounding weakness not giving +up the Clause. These people can never make up their minds +either to fight or to make peace. The G.O.M. has a natural +love of shilly-shally, and those around him encourage him in this +for their own purposes. My own belief is that they don't want +you to vote for the Bill, and that you would spoil their game +if you did. The G.O.M. cannot last, and if only you would +rally you would be certain of the mantle, whereas with Goschen +and Hartington you never possibly can get on.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, The Derby Day, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—If you can agree to anything less +than the excision of the twenty-fourth Clause, and consider that +it would be useful to let Mr. Gladstone know this, could you +write me a letter stating your views? This I could let +Mr. Gladstone have to-morrow morning, as a letter to me and <i>not +intended</i> for him to see, with the understanding that it is for his +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P349"></a>349}</span> +private reading and not for his Cabinet. It might probably +lead him to go farther than he otherwise would in his concessions. +He, no doubt, wants to pass his Bill, and although he believes +that he would sweep the country at an election, he must in his +calmer moments know that he may possibly not do so. But I am +certain that there are men in the Cabinet who, whilst pretending +to be in favour of conciliation, are doing all they can to +prevent it—some arbitrarily, and some because their private +ambitions point to your being forced into a position of antagonism. +I do not think that Mr. Gladstone will be likely to change in +regard to the Cabinet decision respecting the twenty-fourth +Clause. The point therefore is to find some other mode of +ensuring what is practically a surrender in respect to Irish +representation here. The excision of the Clause is the simple and +direct method, but when did our venerable friend ever take the +direct method? If, however, he <i>clearly</i>, <i>distinctly</i>, and <i>definitely</i> +pledges himself to introduce a Clause having the same object as +the excision, and to incorporate it in his Bill, the result is the same, +although the road may not be quite as straight. He might easily +be parried in the House by your saying, "I understand the Prime +Minister to, etc., etc.," and then you might fairly say that you +have got precisely what you want, and thus bear off the honours +of war. You have never publicly insisted upon the particular +mode by means of which the desired end is to be +attained.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Wednesday. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I have just got your note and +have privately let Mr. Gladstone know your position. I have +suggested this, that if he intends to insert a Clause giving the +Irish Representation, he must necessarily withdraw the +twenty-fourth, and that consequently he can use the word "withdraw," +which might get over the difficulty. But whether he will do +this, I don't know. Except that the Cabinet would not hear of +the withdrawal, and leaving matters as they are in regard to +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P350"></a>350}</span> +Irish Representation until future Legislation, they seem to have +left him a free hand.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Thursday, May 26, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—There is no doubt about the prorogation. +It was settled last night, much against the wishes of +some, who regard it as too much of a surrender. I have been +urging that Fowler, who is to speak after some Conservative who +has got the adjournment for to-morrow, should translate from +one hour of Gladstonese into five minutes of English. The +absurd objection to this is (as yet) that he is not in the +Cabinet. My impression is that most of the Radicals will +return to the fold. They don't like a dissolution, with a Liberal +enemy against them. This is all very well for you, but the fry +will go to the wall in these localities. Some of the Scotch have +also come in. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +After all, if Mr. Gladstone withdraws his Bill and agrees to +bring in another, in which Clause twenty-four is to be reversed—the +exclusion being inclusion—he does more than withdraw the +clause, and the prorogation was really only decided on by +Mr. Gladstone in order to give you full satisfaction. Caine, I hear, +says that he never will vote for the Bill—probably not, considering +the influence of the Cavendishes at Barrow. If he did, he +would not get in.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +May 29, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—I think that I have arranged for +a written antidote which will appear on Monday to the "responsible +frivolity" of our loquacious and indiscreet friend. I am not +yet quite sure whether it is arranged, so please don't say anything +to <i>any one</i> about it, or, if it appears, say that I had anything to +do with it. <i>He</i> insists that he said in the House exactly what +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P351"></a>351}</span> +he had said at the Meeting.[<a id="chap12fn11text"></a><a href="#chap12fn11">11</a>] Reading his speech, it is difficult to +pin him to any particular passage—the only thing that can be +said is that he used phrases, which might cover a wider principle +than "a domestic Legislature for Irish affairs." I was asked to +put on paper my objections to the speech. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I took these points: (1.) that he made a vote cover a general +recognition of the Bill; (2.) that he studiously limited all +"reconstruction" to a particular point; (3.) that he implied, and almost +stated that the Bill was to be introduced, and made no clear offer +to consider the whole subject of the details which were to give +effect to the principle of his domestic Legislature principle, and +did not say that he would consider any suggestions offered to +him by leading persons in the Liberal Party. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +These are, in point of fact, your criticisms, not mine. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>He</i> was astounded at any one not finding all this in his speech, +but I said that, surprising as this might be, no one friend or foe +had found anything of the kind. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It seems to me that the real object of all should be to tide +over the present conjunction, and to leave everything "without +prejudice" for this autumn Session. The public do not know the +object of their adoration as we do. He is still their fetish, and +they regard any doubt of his divine character as sacrilege. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I should have thought that Henry James' idea of not voting +would have suited both you and Hartington. It certainly is the +most logical outcome of the position. He says that the Bill is a +mere declaration of principle. You say that it may be more. +He offers to withdraw the Bill, after the principle has been ratified +by a vote. You cannot quite believe him in anything beyond +that the Bill will be withdrawn. This being so, if all of you were +to agree to leave him and his principle to find their level in the +House of Commons—to say that you are for a domestic legislature, +and therefore cannot vote for the Bill, but that you are not +for more, and therefore that you cannot vote for a Bill which +may involve more. I think that this would put you quite right +with the Radicals, and leave you a free hand, although it may +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P352"></a>352}</span> +be doubtful whether the Whigs, who go against principle and +details, would be quite so wise to accept this solution. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If, however, the Whigs do vote, and if you and your people +abstain, it is not quite certain that we should carry the Bill; in +which case the outcry would be against the abstainers, and they +would be cursed for precipitating a dissolution against the idol. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +According to the Whips, Saunders has again got salvation. +Half of these people are like women, who are pleased to keep up +the "I will" and "I won't" as long as possible in order to be +counted. Generally this ends in "I will." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Akers Douglas told the Whips last night that the debate was +not to end before Thursday; they could not quite make out +whether this was official or not.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 5, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—At the desire of a large number of +Radical Members of Parliament, I write to make an appeal to +you with regard to your attitude upon the Government for +Ireland Bill. They are all of them amongst your warmest +admirers, and they have always looked to you as the leader of their +phase of political thought. They advocated your "unauthorised +programme" at the last General Election, and they have +persistently defended you against the attacks and aspersions of all +who have denounced you and your views upon political or social +issues. With much that you have said upon the Irish Bill they +agree, and they think that they have a right to ask you to give +a fair consideration to any request that they may make to you +in order to maintain the union which they are anxious should +exist between you and them. In your speech upon the Second +Reading of the Bill, you said that you were in favour of the +principles of a separate domestic Legislature for Ireland, with +due reservations, but that you did not consider that Mr. Gladstone +had made it sufficiently clear that voting for the Bill would +mean nothing but a recognition of this principle, and would +leave its supporters absolute independence of judgment with +regard to the new Bill that he might introduce in an autumn +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P353"></a>353}</span> +Session. I think that he has met this objection in his letter to +Mr. Moulton that has been published to-day. We think, therefore, +that perhaps you could not respond to our wishes, and either +vote for the Bill or—if you could not go so far as this—abstain +from voting. The issue of the division on Monday is, we believe, +entirely in your hands. Should the Bill be lost there will be a +General Election at once, which will disturb the trade and +commerce of the country; and it will take place at a time which, as +no doubt you are aware, will be the worst period of the year for +the Radicals, owing to the Registration Laws now in force. It is +impossible to shut our eyes to the fact that a General Election, +without you on our side, may lead to a Whig-Tory, or Tory-Whig +Government, which would relegate to the dim and distant +future all those measures which you and we so ardently desire +may become law. Under these circumstances is it too much for +us to ask you to make an effort to avert all these contingencies? +When Achilles returned to his tent, the Greeks were defeated. +What would it have been had Achilles lent the weight of his arm +to the Trojans? I fully recognise how conciliatory your attitude +has been, and how anxiously you have sought to see your way +from disruption during all the discussions which I have had with +you. I still cannot help hoping that, in view of the distant +assurances of Mr. Gladstone in his letter to Mr. Moulton, and in view +of the wishes of so many of your warmest admirers in the House +of Commons, you will see your way to defer to the request which, +through me, they make to you.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +June 5, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—This letter is really written at the +desire of a lot of Radicals. They were pestering me all last +evening. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The position is this: 316 pledged for, 136 pledged against, +leaving out the Speaker and those absent; there are about 26 +not absolutely pledged on either side, or inclined to reconsider +their pledges. We have got some to promise to abstain or to +follow the Maker Pease in voting for the Bill. But we have not +yet enough, and so far as I can see at present the Bill is lost. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P354"></a>354}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The issue therefore really depends upon you. Surely it +would be well to stave it off by saving the Bill. Much may +happen before autumn. We may lose the G.O.M., who has +a very collapsed look. Anyhow, if he does bring in <i>his</i> Bill again, +it will never pass in the autumn, but will be lost by a large majority. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am really writing to you without speaking to any one of the +Government, nor at the suggestion of the Government. You +might yield very gracefully to the Radicals, and I make the +letter an appeal <i>forma pauperis</i>. Were you to do so, you would +become the most popular man in England, with all who are +honestly your political adherents, for I need not say that the +Whigs and Tories are not likely to adore you for long. It would +be delicious to spring a correspondence on the Government and +the public on Monday morning. I am going down to Twickenham +this afternoon until Monday. If you think it any good I +would meet you anywhere before going. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +This occurred to me yesterday. Mr. Gladstone might adjourn +the debate till some day in the autumn Session, and then +carry it on, after stating all the changes he will make in his Bill. +The difficulty of this is, that he vows that it is against all +Parliamentary rule to legislate after the Approbation Act. I don't +know whether he could meet this by votes on account. Then, +too, is it certain that he would have a majority? If however you +approve of this, I would again suggest it.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., June 5, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I thank you for your letter of this +morning, and sincerely appreciate the spirit in which it is written, +but especially your recognition that my attitude has been +conciliatory throughout these unfortunate differences, and that I +have been at all times most anxious to prevent the disruption +of the Liberal Party. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +You do not give me the names of the friends on whose behalf +you write, and who now urge me to vote in favour of the Second +Reading of a Bill with many of my objections to which they +themselves agree. I do not know therefore whether or no they +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P355"></a>355}</span> +have already pledged themselves to take the course which you +urge upon me, but I assume that this is the case as I have not +myself received any communications in the same sense from any +of those who have declared their inability to support the Second +Reading. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I am unable to accept your reference to my speech as quite +accurate, but I adhere on every point to the words of the original +report. I quite admit that Mr. Gladstone has given ample +assurance that he will not hold any member who may vote for +the Second Reading as committed thereby to a similar vote for +the Second Reading of the Bill when reintroduced in October, +but the question still remains whether such members will not be +obliged to take this course in order to preserve their own logical +consistency. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Up to the present time Mr. Gladstone has given no indication +whatever that the Bill to be presented in October will be +materially different from the Bill now before the House. On the +contrary, he has distinctly stated that he will not depart from +the main outlines of the present measure. It is, however, to +the main outlines of the present Bill that the opposition of my +friends and myself has been directed, and it appears to me that +we should be stultifying ourselves if we were to abstain at the +last moment from giving effect to our conscientious convictions. +We are ready to accept as a principle the expediency of establishing +some kind of legislative authority in Ireland subject to the +conditions which Mr. Gladstone himself has laid down, but we +honestly believe that none of these conditions are satisfactorily +secured by the plan which has been placed before us. I share +your apprehension as to the General Election at the present +time; but the responsibility for this must, I think, rest with +those who will have brought in and forced to a division a Bill +which, in the words of Mr. Bright, "not twenty members +outside the Irish party would support if Mr. Gladstone's great +authority were withdrawn from it."—I am, yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—As I understand that many Radical members are +cognisant of your letter, I propose to send it together with my +reply for publication in the <i>Times</i>. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P356"></a>356}</span> +</p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 5, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,—Yes, I thought of publishing +if you were to agree—but if not—I rather think it would not +conduce to the Second Reading. It might even if you said that +you would advise others to abstain, or something of that sort. +The G.O.M. will die rather than withdraw his Bill, but he might +perhaps be induced to adjourn the debate until autumn, if you +were to suggest this. I am off to Twickenham, as I have Palto +and Ellen Terry coming down, who (thank God) probably have +never heard of the infernal Bill. Randolph is, I believe, coming, +but I suppose it is no use asking you to join such frivolous society. +My conviction is that the Radicals are damned for years if we +are defeated to-morrow. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If you can write anything comforting, and send it here +tomorrow morning, I will tell some one here to bring it down at +once to Pope's Villa.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap12fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap12fn1text">1</a>] The <i>Times</i>, January 4, 1886. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap12fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap12fn2text">2</a>]It was upon this Amendment that Lord Salisbury's Government was +defeated. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap12fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap12fn3text">3</a>] The lull in Mr. Labouchere's correspondence +is accounted for by the fact +that Lord Salisbury's Government, +finding itself in a minority of 79 on the +early morning of January 27, +resigned, and, on February 26, Mr. Gladstone +became Prime Minister for the third time. +Mr. Chamberlain became +President of the Local Government Board. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap12fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap12fn4text">4</a>] Mr. Chamberlain had resigned his post +in the Cabinet on March 16. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap12fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap12fn5text">5</a>] On April 8 Mr. Gladstone moved the first +reading of the Home Rule Bill. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap12fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap12fn6text">6</a>] Land Bill introduced and the First Reading on April 16. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap12fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap12fn7text">7</a>] On May 3, a manifesto was issued from +Mr. Gladstone in which he +intimated that the Land Bill was no longer +to be an essential article of the +Liberal faith, and that, in the Home Rule Bill, +all questions of detail were +subsidiary. The only important thing +was to support the principle of establishing +a Legislative Body in Dublin empowered to make laws for Irish as +distinguished from Imperial affairs. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap12fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap12fn8text">8</a>] Motion made for Second Reading of Home Rule Bill and amendment, +on May 10th. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap12fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap12fn9text">9</a>] On May 14th, a meeting summoned by +Lord Hartington met at Devonshire House, +at which Mr. Chamberlain was present. It was calculated at +this meeting that the "dissenting Liberals" +would amount to something over +one hundred. The important point of the meeting +was that Mr. Chamberlain +and Lord Hartington agreed, for the time, +to act together and to vote against +the Second Reading. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap12fn10"></a> +[<a href="#chap12fn10text">10</a>] Mr. Chamberlain was probably referring +to Lord Salisbury's speech of +May 15th, in which he suggested that the Irish +belonged to the races incapable +of self-government, such as—the Hottentots! +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap12fn11"></a> +[<a href="#chap12fn11text">11</a>] On May 27th Mr. Gladstone held a meeting +of Liberals at the Foreign +Office, when, in a conciliatory speech, +he declared that the Government desired, +by a vote on the Second Reading, +no more than to establish the <i>principle</i> +of a measure, which was to give Home Rule to Ireland. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap13"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P357"></a>357}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER XIII +<br><br> +SOME CONSEQUENCES OF BALFOUR'S COERCION POLICY +</h3> + +<p> +When Mr. Gladstone's Government was defeated on +June 9 by 341 votes to 311, the Prime Minister +immediately dissolved Parliament, and the General Election +was over before the end of July, the Unionist majority being +118. Mr. Gladstone resigned on July 12, before the final +returns were sent in, and, when Parliament met again in +August, Lord Salisbury was Prime Minister, Sir Michael +Hicks-Beach, Chief Secretary for Ireland, and Lord +Londonderry, Viceroy. The second great Home Rule battle had +been fought and lost. +</p> + +<p> +Of course Irish affairs immediately occupied Parliament, +but on September 21 the Land Bill, introduced by Parnell, +and upon which, he warned the House, the peace of +Ireland depended, was rejected by a majority of 95 votes. +On October 23, the Plan of Campaign was launched and +furiously denounced by the Conservatives in the House of +Commons and on every platform throughout the country. +Sir Michael Hicks-Beach resigned the Chief Secretaryship +on account of his failing eyesight, and was replaced by +Mr. Balfour. The first Parliament that met in 1887 was given +notice of two measures for Ireland—a Coercion Bill to be +introduced in the House of Commons and a Land Bill in the +House of Lords. The Coercion Bill was the most stringent +of its kind ever introduced. It abridged and destroyed the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P358"></a>358}</span> +constitutional liberties of the people of Ireland and created +new offences. It withdrew the protection of juries, and gave +full powers to resident magistrates of dealing with cases of +intimidation and of holding public meetings against the will +of the executive. It was proposed, moreover, that the +measure should be a permanent one, and not restricted to +one or a limited number of years.[<a id="chap13fn1text"></a><a href="#chap13fn1">1</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Two extraordinary events occurred in that year, in both +of which Mr. Labouchere played an important part. They +both had their indirect origin in the coercive measures which +Mr. Balfour succeeded in passing through the House. The +first took place during the spring, when the <i>Times</i>, in order to +strengthen the hands of the Government, in their remorseless +warfare on Irish liberties, published, during the course of a +series of articles called "Parnellism and Crime," the +facsimile of a letter supposed to have been written by Mr. Parnell +to Mr. Patrick Egan in 1882, referring brutally to the +Phœnix Park murders. The letter was contained in the +fourth article of the series. The reader will easily perceive +from the following short extracts the spirit in which these +articles were conceived: "Be the ultimate goal of these men +(the Parnellites) what it will, they are content to march +towards it in company with murderers. Murderers provide +their funds, murderers share their inmost counsels, murderers +have gone forth from the League[<a id="chap13fn2text"></a><a href="#chap13fn2">2</a>] offices to set their bloody +work afoot, and have presently returned to consult the +'constitutional leaders' on the advancement of the cause," +occurred in the first article. The third article declared that +"even now" the Parnellite conspiracy was controlled by +dynamiters and assassins, and proceeded thus: "We have +seen how the infernal fabric arose 'like an exhalation' to +the sound of murderous oratory; how assassins guarded it +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P359"></a>359}</span> +about, and enforced the high decrees of the secret conclave +within by the ballot and the knife. Of that conclave to-day, +three sit in the Imperial Parliament, four are fugitives from +the law." The first series of the articles finished up with +this appeal: "Men of England! These are the foul and +dastardly methods by which the National League and the +Parnellites have established their terrorism over a large +portion of Ireland. Will you refuse the Government the +powers which will enable these cowardly miscreants to be +punished, and which will give protection to the millions of +honest and loyal people in Ireland?" +</p> + +<p> +It is very certain that all Liberal Unionists, and even a few +of the more educated Tory statesmen, realised that the +articles were merely theatrical appeals to the contracted +imaginations of those armchair politicians, whose ways of +influencing voters in rural districts were all powerful, but +it was not to be expected that the man in the street could +understand them as such. On him they made a profound +impression. +</p> + +<p> +The first article appeared on March 7, the second on the +14th, and the third on the 18th. On the 22nd Mr. Balfour +gave notice of his Coercion Bill. "Parnellism and Crime" +had prepared the way for him. The Bill was read for the +first time in the beginning of April, and on the last day of the +debate on the Second Reading, April 18, the <i>Times</i> published +its <i>pièce de résistance</i>—what has since become known as +"the facsimile letter." It ran as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +15/5/82. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR SIR,—I am not surprised at your friend's anger, but he +and you should know that to denounce the murders was the only +course open to us. To do that promptly was plainly our best +policy. But you can tell him and all others concerned that +though I regret the accident of Lord F. Cavendish's death, I +cannot refuse to admit that Burke got no more than his deserts. +You are at liberty to show him this, and others whom you can +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P360"></a>360}</span> +trust also, but let not my address be known. He can write to +House of Commons.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +CHAS. S. PARNELL. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +I have before me the photograph of the facsimile letter, +used in the Parnell Commission, and also the letters received +by Mr. Labouchere at different times from the Irish leader, +and it seems incredible, on comparing the general style and +caligraphy of the former with the latter, how the <i>Times</i> +agents and Mr. Soames could have been deceived for one +moment; but I must not anticipate in this place the verdict +of the Commission on the forgery, in the obtaining of which +Mr. Labouchere played such a characteristic part. The +whole of England was indignant when the issue of the <i>Times</i> +containing the facsimile letter appeared on their breakfast +tables, and even comparatively tender-hearted persons +began to think seriously that no treatment of Ireland by the +English could be savage enough to avenge the cold-hearted, +calculating cruelty of Parnell. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Balfour's Coercion Bill had not, however, yet become +law, and the <i>Times</i> continued its popular articles, which were +greedily devoured by the public, the body of the second and +third series consisting for the most part of an accumulation +of evidence to prove that, in the year of the Land League, +the conspirators had succeeded in getting the American +Clan na Gael and the Irish Parliamentary party into line. +It did its work so well that, by the 8th of July, when the +Coercion Bill passed its Third Reading, under which, +subsequently, fully one-third of the Nationalist members +charged in its columns were put into prison, there were very +few English people outside the Radical faction who did not +think that Ireland had got no more than her deserts. +</p> + +<p> +It was, in the <i>dénouement</i> of the series of events, following +upon the publication of Mr. Parnell's supposed letter, that +Mr. Labouchere played such an important part, and, as it +was nearly two years before the mystery was completely +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P361"></a>361}</span> +unravelled, the story of the forged letter must now be left, +so as to take up in chronological order the second event of +1887 in which Mr. Labouchere was vitally concerned. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere kept himself well in touch with what was +going on in Ireland, and the following detailed letter that +he received from Mr. T. M. Healy towards the end of 1886, +gave him a vivid picture of the state of things there during +the first half year of the Conservative Government, and +assisted him much in the line of policy he consistently +followed then and throughout the ensuing years: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +The country is really perfectly quiet, and the misfortune is +that the Tories are reaping the benefit of Gladstone's policy, and +will, of course, claim the credit for their "resolute +Government." Moreover, they are putting +all kinds of pressure on the landlords +to grant abatements. Buller is Soudanizing Kerry à la Gordon, +and giving the slave-drivers no quarter, so that with the stoppage +of evictions there, moonlighting is coming to an end and the +people believe that Buller won't let them be turned out of their +cabins. He has a good man with him as Sec.—Col. Turner—who +was aide to Aberdeen during the late Viceroyalty. Turner is a +staunch Radical and Home Ruler who sympathizes with the poor, +and we know very well that the brake has been put on against the +local Bimbashis. They are cursing Buller heartily, and yesterday +he had to issue an official contradiction of the undoubted +truth that he is obstructing evictions by refusing police. There +are more ways of killing a dog than choking him with butter. +How they would storm against Liberals if any such officer were +sent to Kerry to override the law, and how they denounced Morley +for exercising the dispensing power, because of a few sympathetic +sentences. What I am afraid of in all this is that the tenants +nowhere are getting a clear receipt, and that they will afterwards +be pressed for the balances unless there is an Arrears Act. +Probably the Tories meditate muddling away the rest of the Church +surplus in benefactions to the landlords to recompense their +benevolence. Of course only the September rents are due yet, +and September and March are much less frequent gale months +with us than November and May. The November rents will be +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P362"></a>362}</span> +soon demanded, and then we shall really know what the landlords +will do. I think they will surrender, for if they don't +they won't be paid. Every one of them is sick of the fight. Their +retainers and bailiffs who made a profit out of evictions, and the +attorneys who promoted them for the costs, have not been paid +for a long time as they used long ago, and like a stranded vessel +on the rocks it is only a question of the fierceness of the gale how +soon the entire system will go to pieces. They were in much +better blood for fighting in '81 and what have those of them got +who stood out? Desolate farms that no one will touch, while the +sight of emergency occupants no longer terrifies the tenants, who +know that they are costing the master three times the rent and +that their labours are as profitless as a locust's. These fellows +are the riffraff of the towns who idle away their time in the next +public-house or play cards with the police sent to protect them. +They burn everything that will light for firing, and their occupation +of the premises is about as husbandman-like as that of a party +of Uhlans. Such is the prospect for the gentry who refuse +abatements, and as they know the people have not got money, I +believe they will make a virtue of necessity. Then the Government +are known to be against them, and they cannot appeal from +their own friends to the Liberals, so what are they to do? They +distrust Churchill completely, and believe he is capable of +anything. If, however, they hold out we shall have warm work. +I have refrained from addressing agrarian meetings so far, though +Dillon and O'Brien have gone on the warpath, because it is not +clear to me yet what is the best line to take, and besides I think +Parnell should give the note, so that nobody may get above +concert pitch. What Parnell's views are I don't know, and he +is the man on the horse. The consciousness of the people that +they have Gladstone on their side would in any case, I think, take +all the uglier sting out of the agitation, now that they feel a +settlement to be only a matter of time. It is very hard for any one +to advise them when the responsibility is directly on Parnell, +but if he intervened popular opinion would blaze like a prairie +fire. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Thanks for your enquiry about my return to the House. +There are now three Irish vacancies, but I don't feel anxious to +go in now that I am out of the hurly-burby. It is a heavy +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P363"></a>363}</span> +monetary loss to me, still, if it seemed my duty, I would stand again. +O'Brien hates Parliament and vows he won't go back, but if he +would consent so should I. The English have no idea what a +beastly nuisance it is, giving up your work in order to live in +London, and then to be blackguarded as hirelings and assassins +for our pains. I cannot think that there is much chance of +turning out Randolph for a long time to come. Even if we could win +over Chamberlain, he has few followers, and Hartington could still +give the Ministry a majority. I think the pair of them are trying +to kill Gladstone, and that this is quite as much a purpose of their +policy as to prevent Home Rule. I feel sure that no modifications +of the late Bill that we could agree to would induce either of them +to come over. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +In a Parliamentary sense Mr. Gladstone is a better life than +Hartington, as when the Duke of Devonshire dies his influence +will abate, and his followers in the House cannot be so well kept +together. Joseph and he hate each other too much to agree on +anything else than disagreeing with Gladstone, so that I cannot +see any land ahead just yet. I fear there is nothing for it but +to trust to the chapter of accidents. Cloture cannot, if carried, +do us much harm. If used to promote coercion then you will +have outrages and, for aught I know, dynamite once more in the +ascendant, so that while they may get rid of the pain in one part +of the system the disease will break out somewhere else. Every +one here wants peace, and the wisdom of Gladstone's policy +is more manifest to me every day. There is an entire change in +the temper of the people, and it would even take some pretty +rough Toryism to make them take to their old ways again. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If the present Government were wise they would take advantage +of this frame of mind, but there is little prospect of +their doing so. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +In the monster demonstration which took place in Hyde +Park, after the reading of the Coercion Bill for the first time, +Mr. Labouchere had been one of the group of eloquent +orators, including Mr. Michael Davitt, Mr. Sexton, +Mr. Hunter, and Professor James Stuart, who, from a long +semi-circle of pavilions, had led upwards of a quarter million +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P364"></a>364}</span> +demonstrators, poured out from the Radical Clubs and +Associations of London, in protest against the tyrannical +methods contemplated by the Government. A short extract +from the speech of Mr. Baggallay, made in the House of +Commons on April 14, gives an interesting little picture of +Mr. Labouchere on the occasion of the demonstration: +"I see the member for Northampton in his place," he said; +"I am glad to see him back again after his short holiday, +a holiday which I was sorry to see that he himself had cut +short by unnecessarily making his appearance on a waggon +in Hyde Park. May I be allowed to tell him that I was in +Hyde Park also, although I was not in a waggon. I am +prepared to admit that the crowd there was orderly. It has +been asserted that there were a great many rowdies present. +No doubt there were, but, for a Bank holiday, and for Hyde +Park on a fine day, I think the congregation assembled there +was fairly respectable. But, sir, what did they go there for? +A great many were out for a holiday, but I believe that a +very large number went there in order to see the leader of the +Liberal party, or rather the real leader of the Radical party. +I was asked over and over again, 'Where's Labby?' There +can be no doubt that the point of attraction was the +platform at which the member for Northampton presided. +The language Mr. Labouchere used in reference to this +Coercion Bill was not perhaps quite so moderate as it might +have been. He told his audience that the policy of the +Government was like the ruffianism of Bill Sikes, and he +added that if the Bill became law he hoped Irishmen would +resist it." (Mr. Labouchere: "Hear, Hear!") "I do +not know if Mr. Labouchere is prepared to repeat those words +in the House—(Mr. Labouchere: "Most unquestionably +I repeat them.)"[<a id="chap13fn3text"></a><a href="#chap13fn3">3</a>] And so on. +</p> + +<p> +The protest had, of course, nothing but a moral value, +minimised as much as possible by a slashing leading article +in the <i>Times</i>, followed by a double dose of "Parnellism and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P365"></a>365}</span> +Crime." But, in the September of that year, Mr. Labouchere, +in company with four other members of Parliament +(Mr. T. E. Ellis, Mr. Brunner, Mr. Dillon, and Mr. John +O'Connor), went over to Ireland, in order to address the +historic meeting at Michelstown. +</p> + +<p> +Everybody knows the outline of what occurred—how the +police, escorting a Government reporter, tried to force a +passage through a hostile crowd to the speaker's platform, +and how they were eventually driven back into their barracks, +through the windows of which they fired at random, killing +three men and mortally wounding two others. The meeting +occurred on September 9, and on the 12th the matter was +discussed during the debate in the House of Commons. +Mr. Balfour pronounced instant and peremptory judgment, +although his information on the subject must have been +obtained with incredible rapidity.[<a id="chap13fn4text"></a><a href="#chap13fn4">4</a>] He told the House that +he was of opinion, "looking at the matter in the most impartial +spirit, that the police were in no way to blame, and that +no responsibility rested upon any one except upon those who +convened the meeting under circumstances which they knew +would lead to excitement and might lead to outrage."[<a id="chap13fn5text"></a><a href="#chap13fn5">5</a>] +Mr. Labouchere, following Sir William Harcourt and +Mr. Balfour, made a characteristic speech, in the course of which +he gave an inimitable account of what actually did happen +at Michelstown. +</p> + +<p> +"Now, sir," he said, "I was there. I was in a position +which enabled me to see very clearly what took place. I +am not a novice in these matters. I have been in a great +many <i>ententes</i> on the continent. I have been a reporter in +some cases, and I have not only been in a position to see, but +I have also been in the habit of chronicling what I did see.... +We went down, and the train arrived at Fermoy. +This is about fifteen miles from Michelstown, and when we +were within a mile of the latter place, we were met by a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P366"></a>366}</span> +procession with flags and trumpets, and a certain crowd +accompanying it.... We entered the town with this +procession, and pulled up in the market-place. Michelstown +is a very small provincial town with very wide streets and +few of them. In the midst of the town there is this +marketplace, which is perhaps as large as Trafalgar Square. The +market-place slopes, and at the top, is the main street of the +village, and—I ask the House to remember this—there are +two police barracks. One is the permanent police station +... and the other a temporary police station, used by the +police on this occasion, and faces the market-place. When +we arrived there we got into a brake, which formed one +part of the procession. This brake was mainly tenanted by +priests, the Mayors of Cork and Clonmel, and a few other +gentlemen. Mr. M'Carthy, a parish priest of the neighbourhood, +was appointed chairman, and the crowd naturally +gathered around. Mr. Dillon said to me: 'Let us cut this +as short as possible: they will send the police and military +into the town. They will attempt something, and something +may occur if we go on long. I suggest we say a few words +and ask the crowd to disperse.' I at once assented. Dillon +then got up on the front side of the brake to say a few words, +and at that time, or perhaps a few minutes before, I saw a +body of police drawn up in a line in the lower part of the +market-place. They had a reporter with them, and they +pushed their way to within a short distance of the platform.... +They could get no further. The people were so tightly +packed. I will give an instance of this. When we got +there we got out of our carriage, and we were all going on to +the brake, which was, I suppose, five yards away. I was +delayed a moment, and I was delayed at least two moments +trying to get through these five yards, the people being so +crowded that it was almost impossible to push through them. +How then was it possible for the police, three abreast, +without great violence, to push their way through such a dense +mass as this? Our brake was at the top of the market-place, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P367"></a>367}</span> +the people were all in front. Why on earth did not the +reporter go to the outside of the meeting, and down the +other side? He could easily have got in that way, and we +should have been glad to welcome him there. But the +police deliberately tried to force their way right in front +where the people were wedged in as much as possible. I +then saw these dozen policemen, with the reporter in their +midst, stop. I supposed then they were satisfied and saw +they could get no further. Dillon made one or two observations, +and then the police fell back, and I thought perhaps +they were going round. Let me observe we did not see the +Resident Magistrate at all. If the Resident Magistrate had +shown himself, and said he wanted the reporter to pass, one +would have let him pass. The difficulty was that the +reporter did not come alone, but with this body of police. +Dillon went on speaking, and the horsemen—not this wonderful +regiment I see mentioned in the <i>Times</i>, but some twenty +horsemen—closed round outside the meeting in order to +hear. Suddenly, after the advance guard had fallen back, +and joined the other police, they (the police) all rushed +forward. I am told they came to where these horsemen were, +and one of the policemen drew his sword, and wounded one +of the horses. I believe Mr. Brunner saw this done. +Immediately there was a scrimmage.... The police +commenced and continued it. The next thing that happened +was that the police ran away. Captain Seagrove may have +been amongst them, but it appears he deserted them on this +occasion, and went to a neighbouring inn on the right of +the market-place.... The police ran into the barracks.... +Brunner and Ellis got on the brake, and joined the +Mayor of Cork in urging the people to clear the streets for +fear of further bloodshed, and I remained on the brake, +because I was anxious to see what would take place." He +continued his speech, urging with great ability the futility +of pursuing in Ireland such tactics, which amounted to +nothing in the world but the forcing upon a weaker country +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P368"></a>368}</span> +the tyranny of a stronger. "The Chief Secretary tells us," +he continued, "that, by these means, he hopes to create a +Union between England and Ireland. What sort of a +Union does he expect to create? Does he expect to create +a Union of hearts and affections? Does he hope to create +an affection for the English Government? I am happy to +see that in Ireland the people are making a wide distinction +between the people of England and the Government of +England. They know their troubles are only temporary, +that a new alliance exists between the democracies of England +and Ireland, and that the classes will not be able to hold their +own against such an alliance. I hold that the right +hon. gentleman (Mr. Balfour) is indirectly responsible for what +has occurred at Michelstown, and that those who are +directly responsible are R. M. Seagrove and Inspector +Brownrigg. I accuse these men of gross and deliberate +murder."[<a id="chap13fn6text"></a><a href="#chap13fn6">6</a>] +</p> + +<p> +After Mr. Labouchere sat down, there was really very +little to be said on the other side. Lord Randolph Churchill, +however, endeavoured to do his duty by his party, and +commented thus on Labouchere's speech, craftily criticising +its style and ignoring its substance: "And then, Sir, we had +the statement of the member for Northampton, which seems +to me to resemble in its nature certain newspapers which are +now current, and, to some extent, popular in the metropolis, +which convey their news to the public in paragraphs. The +statement of the hon. gentleman did not seem to me to be +altogether connected. It was really a series of paragraphs, +which succeeded each other without much connection as +far as I could make out. I put aside the statement of the +hon. member for Northampton, because I have difficulty +in regarding him as altogether serious in this matter."[<a id="chap13fn7text"></a><a href="#chap13fn7">7</a>] +</p> + +<p> +It is difficult to see why Lord Randolph Churchill did not +regard Mr. Labouchere's statement on the subject as serious. +Had he been commenting on Mr. Balfour's speech on the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P369"></a>369}</span> +occasion, one might have understood a certain amount of +scepticism as to the speaker's good faith. +</p> + +<p> +In the following February Mr. Labouchere, in a speech +on Mr. Parnell's amendment in answer to the Address from +the Throne, referred again to Mr. Balfour's airy dismissal of +any serious consideration of the Michelstown affray: "What +the Chief Secretary had stated in the House about the matter +was absolutely incorrect. He had always thought that the +right hon. gentleman would be especially careful in matters +of evidence, for, as a philosopher, he was his (Labouchere's) +favourite philosopher. He had sat at the feet of that +Gamaliel, he had read his <i>Defence of Philosophic Doubt</i>, until +he had almost doubted of his own existence. Yet, when the +right hon. gentleman became Irish Chief Secretary, he forgot +all his philosophy. The reason was that there were exigencies +required of an Irish Secretary that were not to be found in +the calm fields of philosophy. It was a melancholy thing +for a philosopher to be plunged by the exigencies of his +position into matters like this—to have vile instruments to +carry out his orders, and to believe them or rather to pretend +to believe them...."[<a id="chap13fn8text"></a><a href="#chap13fn8">8</a>] +</p> + +<p> +The note of persiflage contained in all Labouchere's +speeches on the Michelstown affair may have deceived his +hearers as to the profoundness of his feelings of indignation, +but his measured, well-considered utterances in <i>Truth</i> were +for all who read them a sufficient guarantee of his good faith. +Immediately after the affray, he wrote thus of the head of the +constabulary force in Co. Cork: "I came across a person of +the name of Brownrigg the other day. The ferocity, the +insolence, the brutality of this man never were exceeded +and rarely equalled by Cossack or Uhlan in a country +occupied by Russian or German. I strongly recommend him +for promotion. He is a man after the heart of our Tory +despots, for he seemed to me to unite in his person every +characteristic that goes to make up an official ruffian, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P370"></a>370}</span> +armed with a little brief authority. On this man the +responsibility of the Michelstown murders rests. He caused +them, either deliberately, or from stupidity and brutality +combined. If he has furnished Mr. Balfour with an account +of what took place there, he adds to his other virtues the +capacity of being one of the best liars that the world has +ever produced, for the statement of Mr. Balfour in the +House of Commons of the Michelstown affair, from 'official +information,' is one long tissue of deliberate falsehoods."[<a id="chap13fn9text"></a><a href="#chap13fn9">9</a>] +</p> + +<p> +At the inquest which was held upon the victims, the jury +returned a verdict of wilful murder against the chief police +officer and five of his men. <i>Truth</i> pronounced as follows +upon the inquest: "Immediately after the Michelstown +meeting I had occasion to call attention to the conduct of +Brownrigg, the chief of the constabulary there. This +ruffian has given evidence, and his evidence is one long tissue +of lies, so impudent that Mr. Irwin, the District Police +Inspector, has borne testimony against him. When Mr. Irwin +stated what the nature of his evidence must be, Brownrigg, +it would appear, called his men together and tried to +drill them into perjury, in order to obtain confirmation of +his mendacity. I am not surprised at anything which this +man may do, for I found him vain, irascible, insolent, and +muddleheaded beyond all conception." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere's article, called "The Michelstown +Murders, "giving in more detail than he had been able to do in +the House, the real facts of the affray, is a masterpiece of +judicial summing up. It is too long to quote in full, but the +following extract will show how close was his reasoning, and +how unanswerable his arguments: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +Three men were killed, and two were wounded. Two of the +men killed received each two bullets. This proves two things: +1. That the police deliberately aimed. 2. That there could not +have been a crowd. Never yet was a crowd fired into, and, of +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P371"></a>371}</span> +the three men killed by the discharge, two each be struck twice. +Any one can see that this is mathematically so improbable as to +be impossible. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Station No. 1 is a house with an iron door, and iron shutters +to the windows. Even if it had been attacked, an unarmed crowd +could not have got into it; all the more as there were military +within call ready to act, and Captain Seagrove was not in the +station, and consequently could have at once called up the +soldiers. It is admitted that there are 160 panes of glass in +the windows, and that only six of these panes were broken +by stones. The police therefore were not in danger of their lives, +nor in any danger.[<a id="chap13fn10text"></a><a href="#chap13fn10">10</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The verdict of the inquest was afterwards quashed (Feb. 10, +1888) in the Queen's Bench on the ground that the +coroner had perpetrated certain irregularities of form, and, +as Lord Morley remarks, "the slaughter of the three men was +finally left just as if it had been the slaughter of three +dogs." No other incident of Irish administration stirred deeper +feelings of disgust in Ireland, or of misgiving and indignation +in England.[<a id="chap13fn11text"></a><a href="#chap13fn11">11</a>] Meanwhile the <i>Times</i> articles "Parnellism +and Crime" seemed to have been forgotten, except by +Mr. Labouchere, who had in <i>Truth</i> chaffingly suggested to the +<i>Times</i> the appointment of Mr. Brownrigg to write a few +instalments of the sensational serial pamphlet. The poison, +however, had worked, and goodwill towards Ireland had +nearly died in English breasts. Parnell had declared in the +House of Commons on the day of its publication that the +facsimile letter was a clumsy fabrication. "Politics are +come to a pretty pass," he said, "in this country when a +leader of a party of eighty-six members has to stand up at +ten minutes past one in the House of Commons in order to +defend himself from an anonymous fabrication such as that +which is contained in the <i>Times</i> of this morning."[<a id="chap13fn12text"></a><a href="#chap13fn12">12</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P372"></a>372}</span> +</p> + +<p> +Nobody except his Radical friends believed him, and the +affair would probably have sunk into oblivion if a former +member of the party, a Mr. F. H. O'Donnell, had not, after +mature reflection, conceived that he had been libelled in +the famous articles. In the summer of 1888 he prosecuted +the <i>Times</i> for damages, and lost his case, for, as a matter of +fact, Mr. O'Donnell had not been mentioned in the articles, +and it almost appeared that something like a guilty +conscience had prompted him to bring the action. But the +prosecuting counsel's method of presenting the case not only +compelled Sir Richard Webster to reproduce and exhaustively +comment upon the "Parnellism and Crime" articles, but +furnished him with the opportunity of startling London and +the world with a long series of other letters, some of them +more damning even than the facsimile letter, five purporting +to be from Pat. Egan, the former treasurer of the Land +League, addressed to various agitators and felons including +James Carey, the informer, and three supposed to be from +Parnell. It is only necessary to this narrative to quote one +which was read out on July 4, 1888, by the Attorney-General +in his address to the jury. It ran as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +9/1/82. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR E.,—What are these fellows waiting for? This inaction +is inexcusable, our best men are in prison and nothing is being +done. Let there be an end of this hesitancy. Prompt action is +called for. You undertook to make it hot for old Forster and Co. +Let us have some evidence of your power to do so. My health +is good, thanks.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +CHAS. S. PARNELL. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +"Dear E." meant Patrick Egan. In January, four +months before the Phœnix Park murders, Mr. Parnell was +in Kilmainham Prison. Well might the Attorney-General +say, as he solemnly read out the letter in Court: "If it +was signed by Mr. Parnell, I need not comment upon it." +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P373"></a>373}</span> +He also made the announcement that the "facsimile letter," +as the first one published in the <i>Times</i> has always been called, +as well as the ones he had produced in Court that day, had +been for some time in the possession of the <i>Times</i>. +Presumably the <i>Times</i> had kept them in the hopes that the +Irish leaders would sooner or later bring an action for libel +against the paper, when they would triumphantly have +produced the letters and so confounded the whole party. +As it turned out, their production at that moment rather +resembled the killing of a fly with a sledge-hammer, for +Mr. O'Donnell's case was one of such palpable insignificance. +An important reason may be mentioned here, for explaining +what may seem to be an extraordinary lack of initiative on +Mr. Parnell's part. He had not been willing to prosecute +the <i>Times</i> because he was firmly convinced that Captain +O'Shea had been concerned in the production of the letters, +and, to add to his unwillingness, his friends in England had +pointed out to him the immense improbability of a jury of +twelve Middlesex men, being, at that moment, sufficiently +without racial prejudice, to pronounce a verdict in his +favour. After the Attorney-General's declaration that the +<i>Times</i> would retract nothing, and the implied challenge in +his admission that, if false, no grosser libels were ever +written, Mr. Parnell took action. On the day of the delivery +of the verdict in the case of O'Donnell <i>v.</i> Walter, he formally +denied the authenticity of the letters, and asked for a Select +Committee of the House to enquire into the matter. His +request was refused, but finally it was suggested from the +Treasury Bench that the enquiry should be entrusted to a +Commission of Judges appointed by Act of Parliament. A +Bill embodying this suggestion was read for the second time +on July 24, and the names of the Commissioners were added +in the Committee stage. Sir James Hannen was chosen as +President of the Commission, and with him were associated +Sir Charles Day, an Orangeman, and Sir Archibald Levin +Smith. Mr. H. Cunynghame, a junior barrister (now Sir +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P374"></a>374}</span> +Henry Cunynghame), was appointed Secretary to the +Commission.[<a id="chap13fn13text"></a><a href="#chap13fn13">13</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere had, of course, scented in the whole +business a chapter of <i>chronigues scandaleuses</i> after his own +heart. He set to work to study it at once <i>con amore</i>, and +very soon came to the conclusion that all the letters had been +forged by one Richard Pigott, the story of whose chequered +career was soon to become the property of a marvelling +public. "Immediately on the Egan letters being produced +in the O'Donnell <i>v.</i> Walter case," he writes in his own +account of the affair, "Mr. Egan telegraphed to me that he +was sending over Carey's letters to him. (Mr. Egan was +then in America.) These letters followed. They referred +to a municipal election, and, being written at the same time +as a forged letter of Mr. Egan to Carey, they proved +conclusively that the latter could not be genuine. Whilst the +discussion was taking place in Parliament about the Royal +Commission, Mr. Egan again telegraphed that he had been +comparing the letters ascribed to him in the O'Donnell trial +with the drafts of certain letters which he had written to +Pigott about the purchase of the <i>Irishman</i>,[<a id="chap13fn14text"></a><a href="#chap13fn14">14</a>] and the letters +ascribed to Mr. Parnell, with the copies of two letters written +by that gentleman to Pigott in relation to the sale, which +copies were in his (Egan's) possession. He said that +he had found such a similarity of phrase in the genuine +letters and in the forged letters that he was certain that the +latter were fabricated from the former. An emissary soon +after came over with the Egan drafts and with Pigott's +letters (one of which contained that blessed word +'hesitancy'), to which the former were replies, and with the +copies of Mr. Parnell's letters. One of the drafts had been +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P375"></a>375}</span> +published previously as a part of a correspondence between +Egan and Pigott in the <i>Freeman's Journal</i>, and the copies +of Mr. Parnell's letters were in the handwriting of +Mr. Campbell.[<a id="chap13fn15text"></a><a href="#chap13fn15">15</a>] Now it was utterly impossible that the similarities, +amounting in one case to three consecutive lines, could be a +mere chance. It was, therefore, a mathematical certainty +that Pigott had forged the letters, while it was obvious that +Mr. Egan's drafts were genuine, for they could have been at +once disproved, if incorrect, by Pigott producing, at the +investigation, the original of them, which, it was to be +presumed, he had in his possession. I showed the Carey +letters to Mr. Parnell alone, and the Egan correspondence +with Pigott to Sir Charles Russell and Mr. Parnell alone, +and then locked them up. On Mr. George Lewis being +retained, I handed them over to him, and he proceeded to +get up Pigott's 'record,' only a portion of which came before +the Court, but a portion amply sufficient to show that he had +lived for years on blackmailing, forgery, and treachery."[<a id="chap13fn16text"></a><a href="#chap13fn16">16</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere then went off to Germany for his summer +holiday, and, while abroad, a chance conversation revealed to +him that the incriminating letters had been already shown +by Mr. Houston, the Secretary of the Loyal and Patriotic +Association, to Lord Hartington. Houston was therefore +immediately subpœnaed, and it later transpired that he had +offered them to the <i>Pall Matt Gazette</i> before he sold them to +the <i>Times</i>. "Two facts were consequently certain," said +Mr. Labouchere. "Houston had sold the letters, and Pigott +had forged them. Although we were ourselves certain of the +latter fact, it was possible that, as we had only the drafts of +the Egan letters, it might be said (as indeed it was said, by +Pigott in the witness-box) that Egan had written his drafts +from the <i>Times</i> letters, instead of the <i>Times</i> letters having +been fabricated from the Egan letters. +</p> + +<p> +"About the middle of October," continued Mr. Labouchere, +"Mr. Egan sent over here a trusty emissary, with +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P376"></a>376}</span> +orders to report to me, and to see whether it would not be +possible to buy of Pigott the original of the Egan drafts, for +he knew his man, and believed (rightly) that he would have +no objection to sell anything that he possessed for a +consideration. I sent this emissary to Kingstown, where Pigott +was residing. The emissary told him that Egan wanted +these originals. Pigott declined to deal with the emissary, +and said that he must be put in communication with some +one whom he could trust. On this I told the emissary that +Pigott could see me at my house on a certain evening. I +went down to the Commission which was sitting on that +day, and informed Mr. Parnell and Mr. Lewis of what had +been arranged. It was agreed that they should both be +present." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere's letter to Pigott making the appointment +for this interview has, with its hint to come "by +the underground," been so often referred to that it is worth +while giving it here in full: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +24 GROSVENOR GARDENS, S.W., Oct. 25, 1888. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR SIR,—-I shall be here at 10 o'clock to-morrow morning, +and shall be happy to see you for a confidential conversation, +which, as you say, can do no harm, if it does no good. I will +return you your letter when you come. I think this house would +be the best place, for it certainly is not watched, and it would be as +easy to throw off any one coming here as going elsewhere. Your +best plan would be, I should think, to take the underground, and +get out at Victoria Station. The house is close by.—Yours +faithfully, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +It may be mentioned in parenthesis that Mr. Labouchere +had misdated his letter. It was really written, as was proved +by the postmark on the envelope, on October 24, and the +interview took place on that evening at 10 o'clock, as he +changed the time of the appointment by telegram. +</p> + +<p> +Both Mr. Labouchere and Pigott were very well aware +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P377"></a>377}</span> +that 24 Grosvenor Gardens, if not being watched at the +moment when the above letter was penned, would be so as +soon as Pigott was inside it, for the unhappy forger was +dogged in all his footsteps by the <i>Times</i> agents. +Mr. Labouchere had, however, nothing to fear, and poor Pigott +had very little to lose, and a vague expectation of something +to gain. The upshot of the interview was that, in the +presence of Mr. Parnell and Mr. Lewis, Pigott confessed that he +had forged the letters and suggested that he would give a +full confession, and write to the Attorney-General and to the +<i>Times</i> that he was the forger, if Mr. Lewis would withdraw his +subpœna and let him go to Australia. But it was not +Pigott's confession that Mr. Lewis and Mr. Labouchere +wanted. It was the originals of the drafts of the Egan +letters. Mr. Parnell and Mr. Labouchere withdrew to +another room, leaving Mr. Lewis to do what he could with +the slippery Richard. "Soon," to continue the narrative +in Mr. Labouchere's own words, "Mr. Lewis came into the +dining-room, and said to me, 'Pigott wants to come to me +to-morrow and give me a full statement. He is going away +and wants to speak to you'; adding, 'Mind, whatever you +do, don't give him any money; if you do he will bolt.' I +left Mr. Lewis with Mr. Parnell, and went back to Pigott. +</p> + +<p> +"That worthy at once came to business, and said that the +<i>Times</i> had promised him £5000 to go into the box, and asked +what I would give for him not to do so. I replied that I +would give nothing, but that Egan's emissary had already +told him that, acting for Egan, I wanted the original of the +Egan drafts, as these would prove the forgery up to the hilt, +and that if he had them and they were satisfactory, I would +pay for them. He asked whether I would give £5000 for +them. When I declined, he asked whether I would give +£1000. I said it would be more like one thousand than five, +but that I must first see the documents. I then asked whether +the signature of the Parnell letters, which is at the top of a +page, was forged, or whether it was an autograph which had +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P378"></a>378}</span> +fallen into his hands, and he had written the letter on the +other side. 'Why do you want to know this?' he asked. +'Mere curiosity,' I replied. On which he said that it was +forged. He then left." +</p> + +<p> +Nothing definite as to the original Egan letters was obtained +by Mr. Lewis when he called the next day, and neither +did he obtain the promised statement. The interview with +Messrs. Labouchere, Lewis, and Parnell at Grosvenor +Gardens, and the subsequent private one with Mr. Lewis, were +reported to the <i>Times</i> agents by Pigott with a fanciful +account of what took place at each. He shortly afterwards +returned to Ireland, and Mr. Labouchere continued his +efforts to procure all possible evidence on behalf of his Irish +friends. He was considerably helped by his acquaintances +in America, who were able to furnish him with invaluable +details and scraps of knowledge about the various witnesses +for the <i>Times</i>, which came in appositely more than once in +Sir Charles Russell's masterly cross-examinations. It is +interesting to notice, in perusing many of the curious letters +received by Mr. Labouchere at this period from Irish patriots +living beyond the Atlantic (what Mr. Labouchere had so +often heard from the lips of Mr. Parnell himself),[<a id="chap13fn17text"></a><a href="#chap13fn17">17</a>] how far +from popular Parnell was with most of them. He was too +meek and mild for them, and they could not understand his +patience under injury and abuse. In one of these letters +occurs the following anecdote about the intrepid Irish +leader: "I want to tell you," says the writer, "something +about Parnell in 1883—ask him: two men called on him +when he was in Cork and said (recollect the two were +extremists), 'Mr. Parnell, unless you give us £1000 for extreme +measures we will shoot you before we leave Cork.' Parnell +simply replied, 'Well, I certainly have a choice, for which +I am obliged—to be shot now or to be hung afterwards. +I prefer the former. You will never get £1000 from me for +the purpose you mention.' One and all of these patriots, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P379"></a>379}</span> +however, at this crisis of Parnell's career were determined to +uphold him, and to allow whatever grievances they had +against him to stand over until after his political character +had been vindicated in the eyes of the hated English. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere remained in communication with Pigott +throughout the winter. Pigott dangled before him the +possibility of further important communications, and on +November 29 Mr. Labouchere wrote to him as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +As I understand the position it is this—Mr. Lewis holds that +we can prove our case against the <i>Times</i> in regard to the letters +conclusively, and this, you will remember, Mr. Parnell told you. +We prove it in a certain way. You say that you wish to be kept +out of it, and not be called as a witness. If such a course can +strengthen our case, and prove it still more conclusively, I do +not see why it should not be adopted, for the object is to prove +irrespective of individuals. Evidently, some one must know +how you propose to do what you want, and what you say you +can do. If you like to confide in me, I will tell you what I think, +and, if I agree with you, it will be then time for you either to +assent or dissent to Mr. Parnell or Mr. Lewis being informed. +But you are a practical man—so am I. Mere assertion, neither +you nor I attach much importance to, without documentary or +some other clear confirmation. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Pigott answered as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> + ANDERTON'S HOTEL,<br> + FLEET STREET, E.C., Dec. 4, 1888.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR SIR,—I have arrived here, and write a line to ask you to +make an appointment, as I know that your house is watched—as +is also Mr. Lewis's Office—and as I am "shadowed" wherever +I go outside a certain limit, perhaps you could kindly arrange +that we should meet somewhere else to-morrow afternoon or +Thursday, or in fact any other day you choose.—Faithfuly +yours, RD. PIGGOTT. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +What occurred at the meeting which took place as +the result of the above correspondence is best told in +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P380"></a>380}</span> +Mr. Labouchere's own words: "Pigott came about ten and stayed +till one A.M. Again he explained that he had forged, and +gave me a good many details about the way in which he had +done it, telling me, amongst other things, that he had given +Houston three names as the sources of the letters, two of +which were efforts of his imagination, and the third a real +person. He seemed rather proud of his skill, and by encouraging +this weakness I got everything out of him. I asked +him how Houston could have been so easily fooled, and +whether he was an absolute idiot? He replied that he was +clever up to a certain point, but thought himself twice as +clever as he was, and that these sort of persons are easily +trapped. In this I agreed with him, and he told me that +Houston had told him that he wanted letters, because it was +intended to publish a pamphlet, and that the letters were to +be held in reserve to be sprung upon the Court if there was an +action for libel, adding that such an action would be certain +not to be brought. Again and again, with weary iteration, +he came back to his plan to confess in writing, and then to go +to Australia. I told him that he surely must be sharp enough +to see to what accusations this would subject me, and how +hurtful it would be to our case, which I assured him was of +such strength that it would smash him, quite irrespective +of anything he might say or do. 'Why, then, do you want +documents?' he said. 'Because,' I replied, 'the issue is a +political one. We have to deal with prejudiced Tories who +have already compromised themselves by pinning themselves +to the genuineness of the letters, and consequently our case +cannot be too much strengthened. With such people you +must put butter upon bacon.' 'What documents do you +want?' he said. 'Egan's letters, the original signatures +from which you traced those of Egan and Parnell, and a few +letters forged in my presence,' I said. 'I have not got +Egan's letters: I destroyed them. I have not got the +signatures. I gave Houston the letter of Parnell from which I +took his signature. I will, if you like, forge the letters in +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P381"></a>381}</span> +your presence. I will give you the names of the three men +from whom I told Houston I got the letters, and I will give +you the letters that Houston wrote to me,' he answered. +I said that I would not give sixpence for these without the +two items that I had mentioned, and he reiterated that he +had not got them. 'Why,' I suddenly said to him,' did you +write to Archbishop Walsh about the letters?' 'The +Archbishop,' he replied, 'has not got my letters; he sent +them all back; to reveal anything concerning them would be +to violate the confidence between a priest and a penitent.' 'Well,' +I finished by saying, 'think it over. I am going +out of town. When I return, come and see me again, and +in the meanwhile try and find the originals of Egan's letters. +I will let you know when I come back.' He said that he +would think it over, and, on wishing him good-night, I asked +him what he contemplated doing? He said that he was in a +terrible mess, but that he saw no other course open for him +but to go into the box and swear that he had bought the +letters, and that if they were forgeries he had been deceived. +'You will be a fool if you do,' I said, 'but that is your affair, +not mine. If I were in your place I should tell the truth, and +ask for the indemnity.' 'That is all very well,' he said, +'but on what am I to live?' And so we parted." Mr. Labouchere +did not see Pigott again until he saw him in the +witness-box more than two months later. Pigott returned +to Ireland about the middle of December and the Commission +adjourned until January 15. Patrick Egan had written +to Mr. Labouchere on December 2 from Lincoln, Massachusetts +saying: "I hope you will be able to squeeze the +truth out of Pigott in the way you say, as I should dislike +terribly to see him profit in any way by his villainy. I do +not believe there is a single thing in the suspicion against +O'Shea.... The fellow is incapable of playing the role of +heavy villain. I am quite convinced that the forgery part of +the scheme was the sole work of Pigott. You will perceive +that all your injunctions with regard to secrecy have been +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P382"></a>382}</span> +observed on this side, but everything gets out from London +and Dublin. Yesterday we had on one of our Lincoln +evening papers a cable (probably a copy of a New York +Herald cable) giving all particulars about the watch that is +being kept on Pigott and the discovery that C. is doing +detective work for the <i>Times</i>, that F. was mixed up with the +forgeries and other matters." +</p> + +<p> +It must be borne in mind that, when the Commission +adjourned in the middle of December, the all-important +question of the letters had not yet been touched upon. "The +objects of the accusers," says Lord Morley, "was to show the +complicity of the accused with crime by tracing crime to the +League, and making every member of the League constructively +liable for every act of which the League was constructively +guilty. Witnesses were produced, in a series that +seemed interminable, to tell the story of five-and-twenty +outrages in Mayo, of as many in Cork, of forty-two in Galway, of +sixty-five in Kerry, one after another, and all with immeasurable +detail. Some of the witnesses spoke no English, and +the English of others was hardly more intelligible than Erse. +Long extracts were read out from four hundred and forty +speeches. The counsel on one side produced a passage that +made against the Speaker, and then the counsel on the other +side found and read some qualifying passage that made as +strongly for him. The three judges groaned. They had +already, they said plaintively, ploughed through the speeches in +the solitude of their own rooms. Could they not be taken as +read? 'No,' said the prosecuting counsel, 'we are building +up an argument, and it cannot be built up in a silent manner.' In +truth it was designed for the public outside the court, +and not a touch was spared that might deepen the odium. +Week after week the ugly tale went on—a squalid ogre let +loose among a population demoralised by ages of wicked +neglect, misery, and oppression. One side strove to show +that the ogre had been wantonly raised by the Land League +for political objects of their own; the other, that it was the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P383"></a>383}</span> +progeny of distress and wrong, that the League had rather +controlled than' kindled its ferocity, and that crime and +outrage were due to local animosities for which neither +League nor parliamentary leaders were responsible."[<a id="chap13fn18text"></a><a href="#chap13fn18">18</a>] The +Nationalists were impatient for the real business to begin, +for it was felt by every one that, if the letters were proved to +be genuine, the case was practically won all round for the +<i>Times</i>, whereas, if they proved to be forgeries, public +opinion on the subject could have but one bias. Indeed, +Mr. Chamberlain himself had said: "To lead the inquiry +off into subsidiary and unimportant matters would be ... fatal +to the reputation of the <i>Times</i>—fatal to its success." And +again, "If the <i>Times</i> fails to maintain its principal +charges, I do not think much attention will be attached to +other charges. Any attempt, as it appears to all, on the +part of the <i>Times</i> to put aside those principal charges +or not to put them in the forefront will redound to their +discredit."[<a id="chap13fn19text"></a><a href="#chap13fn19">19</a>] The delay, however, gave this advantage +to the Nationalist side—they had more time in which to +accumulate confirmatory evidence against the forger, +and the forger was given more time in which to further +involve himself, in the net which his fowler had spread +for him, by writing foolish letters and telling needless +lies. Pigott had promised Mr. Labouchere to return to +London whenever he sent for him. Parnell wrote to +Mr. Labouchere during the Christmas vacation of the +Commissioners: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +HOUSE OF COMMONS, Jan. 14, 1889. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I am anxious to see you before +your Irish friend returns to London. Kindly give me an +appointment, and let it be if possible after four o'clock.—Yours +sincerely, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +CHAS. S. PARNELL. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P384"></a>384}</span> +</p> + +<p> +He wrote again as follows on the 21st: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +I do not think you need send for your Dublin friend this time, +as the <i>Times</i> will probably do that for you, and you will hear when +he is in London. Another forged letter of Egan's was produced +in Court last week, and sworn to by Delaney, evidently one of the +Pigott series. I am laid up with a cold, but hope to be out +tomorrow, when I will try and call to see you in the +afternoon.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +CHAS. S. PARNELL. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The Irish friend was, of course, Pigott, and Delaney was a +convict—a witness for the <i>Times</i>. He was one of the Phœnix +Park criminals, and was described by the <i>Daily News</i> reporter, +present in court, as of "over middle height, stoutish in build, +reddish-yellow haired, and with features which were more of +a Russian than an Irish cast. He wore a short jacket of +check tweed, and a big white cravat about his neck." He +had been brought up from Maryborough prison, where he +was doing his life sentence. His brother was hanged for the +Phœnix Park murders, and so would he have been himself +if he had not confessed, and, in consequence, had his sentence +changed from execution to penal servitude for life. He had +sworn to the handwriting of Patrick Egan on one of the +letters produced in court. "Are you an expert?" asked Sir +Charles Russell carelessly. No, Mr. Delaney was not an +expert, but he remembered the signature after so many +years, and he identified it when he was shown it "yesterday +evening" by the <i>Times</i> agent. He was able to identify it +because Carey, seven or eight years ago, showed him three +of Mr. Egan's letters.[<a id="chap13fn20text"></a><a href="#chap13fn20">20</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Pigott had been subpœnaed by the <i>Times</i> as a witness early +in December. On January 24, Mr. Labouchere wrote to him +saying: "I see that Sir R. Webster talks about soon getting +to the letters. When are you likely to be over? If you wish +it, I will send your expenses to come over." At the end of +the month he sent Pigott £10. Labouchere's letter and the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P385"></a>385}</span> +£10 note were confided at once by Pigott to Mr. Houston, +who handed them over to Mr. Soames, and, of course, they +were produced in court and a rather different interpretation +put upon them to the one the recipient knew was warranted. +</p> + +<p> +Pigott was not called into the witness-box, the ordeal +which he so justly dreaded, until the fifty-fourth day of the +Commission's sittings. He at once gave an account of the +way he had obtained the first batch of incriminating letters. +It read like a romance, as indeed, it was in every sense of +the word—how Mr. Houston had begged him, if possible, to +find some authentic documents to substantiate accusations +against the Irish leaders, how he had set forth for Lausanne, +all his expenses handsomely paid, and had met there an old +friend who had told him about a letter written by Parnell +which was in Paris, and might be obtained; how he had then +proceeded to Paris and by a marvellous stroke of good luck +had run up against an Irishman in the street who was able +to give him more details about the Parnell letter, and other +documents of a similar kind, which had been found in a black +bag in a Paris lodging-house. He had not immediately +bought the bag and its contents, because there were many +difficulties in the way, but he had gone back to London and +told Mr. Houston the whole story, and returned to Paris +ready to clinch the bargain. But the Irish friend was not +easy to bring to terms. He said Pigott must, before he could +get possession of the letters, go to America and obtain the +permission to buy them from the Fenians there. To America +he accordingly went, and returned with a letter from John +Breslin to the Irish friend authorising the sale of the Parnell +letter (afterwards known as the "facsimile letter") and the +rest of the papers. Houston came over to Paris and paid +him £500 for the contents of the black bag, and gave him +£105 for his own trouble. It must be remembered that all +his travelling expenses had been paid, as well as £1 a day +for hotels—not a bad remuneration for a needy man such as +Pigott was, who, it turned out later, was making what living +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P386"></a>386}</span> +he could by the sale of indecent photographs and books to all +who cared to buy them. Doubtless the black bag was useful +to him in his book and picture business, which was why he did +not sell it with its temporary contents to Mr. Houston. The +said contents, as bought by Houston, were as follows: Five +letters of Mr. Parnell's, six of Patrick Egan's, some scraps +of paper, and the torn-out leaves of an old account-book. +The black bag was supposed to have been left in Paris by +an Irish patriot (Frank Byrne or James O'Kelly) and had +been taken possession of by the Clan-na-Gael. Subsequently +two other batches of letters were obtained by Pigott +in Paris, and likewise sold to the <i>Times</i>. +</p> + +<p> +The Attorney-General, in the course of his examination of +Pigott, drew from him the following remarkable account of +his visit to Mr. Labouchere's house on October 24: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The Attorney-General</i>. Tell us, as nearly as you can, what +passed between you, Mr. Labouchere, and Mr. Parnell, and if, +at any part of it, Mr. Parnell was not present, just tell us and draw +the distinction—what passed as nearly as you can: how did the +conversation begin? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. I think, as well as I recollect, Mr. Parnell commenced +the conversation, and what he said was to the effect that they +held proofs in their hands that would convict me of the forgery +of all the letters, and he asked me, with reference to my statement +to the effect that I wished if possible to avoid giving evidence at +all, how I proposed to do that. I explained that I had not been +subpœnaed by the <i>Times</i> up to that date, that the only subpœna +I received was the one Mr. Lewis had served me with, and it +occurred to me then that probably, if I could induce Mr. Lewis +to withdraw his subpœna, I might avoid in that way coming +forward at all. Mr. Parnell was of opinion that that could not +be done, that Mr. Lewis could not withdraw his subpœna, that +I would be obliged to appear. Then, I think, Mr. Labouchere +took up the running, and he was rather facetious. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The Attorney-General</i>. What did he say, please? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. He made a proposition to me right out, that I should +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P387"></a>387}</span> +appear in the witness-box and swear that I had forged the letters, +thereby ensuing—entitling myself to receive from the Commissioners +a certificate of immunity from any proceedings, legal or +criminal. He said that was his reading of the law, and Mr. Parnell +agreed with him that such was the case, that it was an extremely +simple matter; it was merely going into the box, taking +an oath, and walking out free. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The Attorney-General</i>. I want just to get this: did the suggestion +that if you went into the witness-box, and said that you +forged the letters, that you would get your certificate, come from +Mr. Labouchere? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. Distinctly. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The Attorney-General</i>. What else, please? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. He urged me, as a further inducement to do this, +that I would become immensely popular in Ireland, the fact that +I had swindled the <i>Times</i> would be sufficient of itself to secure me +a seat in Parliament to begin with, and then, if at any time I +wished to go to the United States, he would undertake that I +should be received with a torchlight procession from all the +organisations there. Of course, I could scarcely believe that he was +serious, but still——[<a id="chap13fn21text"></a><a href="#chap13fn21">21</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Here almost uncontrolled merriment burst out all over +the court, in which Mr. Labouchere himself joined more +heartily than any one. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The President of the Court</i>. I must say, whether this is true or +not, it is not a fit subject for laughter. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +But whether the President would or no, it was impossible +to prevent constant ripples of laughter from breaking out +all over the court while Pigott was narrating his version of +the first meeting at Mr. Labouchere's house. Pigott told how +Mr. Lewis had arrived on the scene, and had also denounced +him as the forger of the letters—"Mr. Lewis assumed his +severest manner," said Pigott. He continued his evidence +after some further questions from the Attorney-General. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P388"></a>388}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. Mr. Labouchere beckoned me outside the door into +the hall, and he there said—I forgot to mention that in the course +of conversation I stated that I had—I do not know exactly +whether I said I had been promised £5000 by the <i>Times</i> or that +I had demanded it. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The Attorney-General</i>. One or the other? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. One or the other. So referring to that Mr. Labouchere +said that they were prepared to pay me £1000—that he +himself was prepared to pay me £1000, but, of course, I was not +to mention anything about it to Mr. Parnell or to Mr. Lewis. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The President</i>. One moment before you go further. "He +beckoned me outside"—where was he then? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. That was at Labouchere's house. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The President</i>. I know, but where was it? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. Outside into the hall. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The President</i>. Was it a whole house or was it a flat? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. It is a whole house. He took me into the entrance +hall, the room that we were in was the front room. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The President</i>. A dining-room or library or what? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. A library. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The Attorney-General</i>. Is that the end of the conversation that +then took place? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. Up to that time, yes. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The Attorney-General</i>. What did you say to Mr. Labouchere +when he said he was prepared to pay you £1000? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. I said I thought it was a very handsome sum; I did +not say whether I would take it or not. As well as I can recollect, +however, I raised no objection. I took it that he understood me +to agree to that sum. Then, on returning to the room, I said +distinctly—very distinctly—that nothing under heaven would +induce me to go into the witness-box and swear a lie—nothing +would. Then Mr. Lewis explained to me the necessity for my +going into the witness-box might be avoided by the course that +he suggested: that is that I was to write to the <i>Times</i> to state +that I believed the letters were forgeries, or that I had forged them +myself, if I preferred it. At all events I was to acquaint the +Manager of the <i>Times</i> with the fact that the letters were actual +forgeries, and that thereupon the <i>Times</i> would naturally withdraw +the letters, and the thing would drop, and of course Mr. Labouchere's +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P389"></a>389}</span> +offer would stand. Well, Mr. Lewis did not say that, +but of course I understood it. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Pigott proceeded to give his account of his interview +with Mr. Lewis on the following morning. He said that +Mr. Lewis had taken notes of what he (Pigott) said, and he +(Pigott) had told Mr. Lewis all he had told Mr. Soames with +reference to the hunt for and discovery of the incriminating +letters in Paris. Mr. Soames's evidence, given in court on +February 15, of what Pigott had told him on this subject +differed very considerably from what, according to Mr. Lewis's +notes, he had told the latter. For instance, Mr. Pigott told +Mr. Lewis on October 25 that he had sold the letters to +Mr. Houston, never believing for a moment himself that they +were genuine. In court, on February 21, Pigott denied the +accuracy of Mr. Lewis's notes, made during his conversation +with him at Anderton's Hotel on October 25. +</p> + +<p> +All Pigott's correspondence with Mr. Lewis and Mr. Labouchere +was then read out in court, with the replies of +the two gentlemen to Mr. Pigott. The Attorney-General +ended his examination as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<i>The Attorney-General</i>. The only other matter I want to put +to you is this: these gentlemen told you—Mr. Parnell and +Mr. Labouchere—that they had copies of letters, which they had +written to you? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. Yes. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The Attorney-General</i>. From which it was alleged that you +had copied these documents? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. Yes. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The Attorney-General</i>. Did they produce any to you? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. No. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The Attorney-General</i>. Did they at any time, either at +Mr. Lewis's office or at Mr. Labouchere's, offer to show you any of +them? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. No. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +As the Attorney-General, rearranging his gown, was +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P390"></a>390}</span> +slowly resuming his seat, a loud murmur of conversation +broke out over the court. It stopped suddenly. Scarcely +was the Attorney-General seated when Sir Charles Russell +stood bolt upright. He had a clean sheet of paper in his +hand. There was such a silence in the court that even the +fall of a pin would have been heard. Pigott's little day of +peace was over. Poor fellow! He had done his best to keep +his share of the business in the black shadows where such +deeds are wont to skulk, but the gloom was about to be +dispelled by the light of truth. +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn1text">1</a>] Lord Eversley, <i>Gladstone and Ireland.</i> +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn2text">2</a>] The Land League founded by Parnell +in 1879 for the purpose of bringing +about a reduction of rack rents, +and facilitating the creation of a peasant +proprietary. Egan was the treasurer of the Land League. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn3text">3</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, April 14, 1887, vol. 313. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn4text">4</a>] Morley, <i>Life of Gladstone</i>, vol. iii. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn5text">5</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, September 12, 1887, vol. 321. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn6text">6</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, September 12, 1887, vol. 321. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn7text">7</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn8text">8</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, February 14, 1888, vol. 322. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn9text">9</a>] <i>Truth</i>, September 15, 1887. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn10"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn10text">10</a>] <i>Truth</i>, September 22, 1887. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn11"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn11text">11</a>] Morley, <i>Life of Gladstone</i>, vol. iii. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn12"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn12text">12</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, April 18, 1887, vol. 313. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn13"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn13text">13</a>] The Counsel for the <i>Times</i> were Sir Richard Webster, +the Attorney-General, Sir Henry James, Mr. Murphy, +Mr. W. Graham, Mr. Atkinson, and +Mr. Ronan; Sir Charles Russell and Mr. Asquith, M.P., +appeared for Mr. Parnell. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn14"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn14text">14</a>] The Irishman was a Fenian newspaper owned by Pigott, +and sold by him +to Parnell in 1881. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn15"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn15text">15</a>] Mr. Parnell's secretary. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn16"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn16text">16</a>] <i>Truth.</i> +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn17"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn17text">17</a>] See letters to Chamberlain in Chapter IX. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn18"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn18text">18</a>] Morley, <i>Life of Gladstone</i>, vol. iii. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn19"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn19text">19</a>] Macdonald, <i>Diary of the Parnell Commission</i>, July 6, 1887. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn20"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn20text">20</a>] Macdonald, <i>Diary of the Parnell Commission.</i> +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap13fn21"></a> +[<a href="#chap13fn21text">21</a>] <i>Special Commission Act</i>, 1888, vol. v. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap14"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P391"></a>391}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER XIV +<br><br> +THE COLLAPSE OF RICHARD PIGOTT +</h3> + +<p> +Sir Charles Russell's cross-examination of Pigott +on the fifty-fourth and fifty-fifth days of the Commission's +sittings is generally considered to be one of the finest +things of the kind, from a technical point of view, ever heard. +A friend who was much with him at that time relates that, on +the day the cross-examination commenced, he was irritable +and depressed and unable to eat, and that he could not have +been more nervous had he been a junior with his first brief +instead of the most formidable advocate at the Bar. But, +as he stood facing the forger, his whole appearance changed. +He was a picture of calmness, self-possession, and strength, +there was no sign of impatience or irritability, not a trace +of anxiety or care.[<a id="chap14fn1text"></a><a href="#chap14fn1">1</a>] In the profound silence that had fallen +upon the court he began, in tones of great courtesy: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mr. Pigott, would you be good enough, with my Lord's +permission, to write some words on that sheet of paper for me. +Perhaps you will sit down in order to do it. [He gave him the +sheet of paper he had in his hand.] Would you like to sit down? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Pigott</i>. Oh no, thanks. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>The President</i>. Well, but I think that it is better that you +should sit down. Here is a table upon which you can write +in the ordinary way, the course you always pursue. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Sir Charles Russell</i>. Will you write the word "livelihood"? +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P392"></a>392}</span> +Just leave a space. Will you write the word "likelihood"? Will +you write your own name, leaving a space between each? Will +you write the word "proselytism," and finally, I think I will not +trouble you any more at present, "Patrick Egan" and "P. Egan" +underneath it—"Patrick Egan" first and "P. Egan" underneath +it? There is one word more I had forgotten. Lower down, please, +leaving spaces, write the word "hesitancy" with a small "h." +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Pigott, after he had written what he was told, handed +back the sheet of paper, and, as soon as Sir Charles Russell +had glanced at it, he knew that he had scored a great point +for Mr. Parnell. The word that he had told Pigott to write +last, and with a small "h," as if that were the significant part +of the experiment, was the word which Pigott had misspelt +in one of the letters supposed to be from Parnell to Egan +which the Attorney-General had produced at the O'Donnell +<i>v.</i> Walter trial. Pigott had again spelt it wrong. Hesitancy +on the piece of paper which he handed back to Sir Charles +Russell was spelt "hesitency." +</p> + +<p> +The cross-examination of Pigott occupied the rest of that +day, and before the end of it the wretched man had fallen +into hopeless confusion. The production of some of his +correspondence with the Archbishop of Dublin (Dr. Walsh), +in which he offered, for a consideration of course, to avert +the possibility of a blow which was about to fall upon the +Nationalist party (presumably the publication of the +facsimile letter), almost finished his brazen self-command. The +day's sitting ended in a roar of laughter, for Pigott's silly, +aimless reflections, elicited by the advocate's remorseless, +persistent questions, were ludicrous, and it was easy to see +what the climax of the affair would be. The next day things +went worse and worse for Pigott. A correspondence which +he had with Egan in 1881 was produced, in which he had +misspelt the word "hesitancy" as he had done the day before +in court. Egan's answers to Pigott were not forthcoming, +for reasons which the forger made known later on, but the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P393"></a>393}</span> +drafts of these answers, produced by Mr. Lewis (who had got +them direct from Mr. Egan through Mr. Labouchere), +bearing a remarkable similarity to the Egan letters produced +by the <i>Times</i>, were read by Sir Charles Russell. Copies of +letters written by Mr. Parnell to Pigott in 1881 were also +read out, coinciding word for word in parts with the +"facsimile letter" and the others put in by the accusers of the +Nationalist party. Then Pigott was made to acknowledge +how he had blackmailed Mr. Forster, and Mr. Wemyss Reid +produced the Pigott-Forster correspondence in court. +Before the reading of this correspondence was finished, the +densely packed audience in the court, according to the <i>Daily +News</i> reporter, was wrought up to the highest pitch of +amusement and excitement. The court usher had long since +ceased to cry out "Silence!" The merriment was almost +continuous. The judges themselves were unable to repress +their feelings. A loud ringing roar of laughter broke forth +as Sir Charles Russell read one letter containing Pigott's +application for £200 to enable him to proceed to Sydney, +and some hints as to the pressure which was brought to bear +upon him to publish the Forster letters. Mr. Justice Day, +bending forward, reddened and shook with laughter. In +this letter Pigott wrote: "I feel this is my last chance, and +if that fails only the workhouse and the grave remains." Poor +Pigott looked as if he would prefer even the grave to the +witness-box. He changed colour; the helpless, foolish +smile flickered about the weak heavy mouth; his hands +moved about restlessly, nervously. Then came the +climax—Pigott's letter to Mr. Forster, saying that he felt tempted to +reveal to the world how he had been bribed by Mr. Forster +to write against the interests of Ireland. The notion of +Pigott's appearing in the character of injured innocence sent +the audience off once more into a fit of laughter. It was now +four o'clock, and, in the uproar and confusion, Pigott +descended from the box, smiling foolishly.[<a id="chap14fn2text"></a><a href="#chap14fn2">2</a>] That he had forged +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P394"></a>394}</span> +the letters no one now doubted for a moment. The way he +had actually done it was not yet absolutely clear, but the +ingenuous Pigott was not going to leave any mysteries +unsolved. The court was adjourned until the following +Tuesday. +</p> + +<p> +The story of how the court met on February 26, and when +Pigott was called upon to enter the witness-box there was +no answer, and how it was subsequently elicited that he had +disappeared from his hotel on the previous afternoon and +not been seen again, has been graphically told by more than +one writer. Who had given him the money to bolt, and +who had assisted him to evade the constables who were +supposed to be watching him, has never been positively +revealed, but the fact remained—there was no Pigott there +to tell the end of his squalid tale. The court adjourned for +some thirty minutes, and then Sir Charles Russell made the +startling announcement that Pigott, without an invitation +from any one, had called upon Mr. Labouchere in Grosvenor +Gardens on the previous Saturday, the day after his +disastrous cross-examination, and had then and there dictated +to him a full confession. This confession had been signed +by Pigott and witnessed by Mr. George Augustus Sala. +Mr. George Lewis, to whom Mr. Labouchere had communicated +the confession, had refused to have anything to do with +the document, and sent it back to Pigott with the following +letter: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +ELY PLACE, HOLBORN, Feb. 25, 1889. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +SIR,—Mr. Labouchere has informed me that on Saturday you +called at his house and expressed a desire to make a statement in +writing, and he has handed to us the confession you have made, +that you are the forger of the whole of the letters given in evidence +by the <i>Times</i> purporting to be written respectively by Mr. Parnell, +Mr. Egan, Mr. Davitt, and Mr. O'Kelly, and that, in addition, +you committed perjury in support of the case of the <i>Times</i>. +Mr. Parnell has instructed us to inform you that he declines to hold +any communication directly or indirectly with you, and he further +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P395"></a>395}</span> +instructs us to return you the written confession which we enclose, +and which for safety sake we send by hand.—We are, sir, yours +obediently, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + LEWIS & LEWIS.<br> + Richard Pigott, Esq.<br> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +On the following day Sir Richard Webster made the +announcement to the court that a letter had been received +in Pigott's handwriting, posted in Paris, addressed to +Mr. Shannon, the Dublin solicitor, who had been assisting +Mr. Soames. The letter had not been opened, and he handed it +to the President of the Commission, who passed it down to +Mr. Cunynghame, and asked him to open and read its +contents. It was Pigott's confession made to Mr. Labouchere +and Mr. Lewis's letter to Pigott quoted above. The envelope +contained also a note from the irrepressible Pigott as +follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> + HÔTEL DE DEUX MONDES,<br> + AVENUE DE L'OPERA, PARIS, Tuesday.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR SIR,—Just before I left enclosed was handed to me. +It had been left while I was out. Will write again soon.—Yours +truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +R. PIGOTT. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The confession, as far as the letters were concerned, ran +as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +The circumstances connected with the obtaining of the letters, +as I gave in evidence, are not true. No one save myself was +concerned in the transaction. I told Houston that I had +discovered the letters in Paris, but I grieve to have to confess that +I simply myself fabricated them, using genuine letters of +Messrs. Parnell and Egan in copying certain words, phrases, and general +character of the handwriting. I traced some words and phrases +by putting the genuine letter against the window, and placing +on it the sheet of which copies have been read in court, +and four or five letters of Mr. Egan, which were also read in +court. I destroyed these letters after using them. Some of the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P396"></a>396}</span> +signatures I traced in this manner, and some I wrote. I then +wrote to Houston telling him to come to Paris for the documents. +I told him that they had been placed in a black bag with some +old accounts, scraps of paper, and old newspapers. On his +arrival I produced to him the letters, accounts, and scraps of +paper. After a brief inspection he handed me a cheque on +Cook for £500, the price that I told him I had agreed to pay for +them. At the same time he gave me £105 in bank-notes as my +own commission. The accounts put in were leaves torn from +an old account book of my own, which contained details of the +expenditure of Fenian money entrusted to me from time to time, +which is mainly in the handwriting of David Murphy, my cashier. +The scraps I found in the bottom of an old writing-desk. I +do not recollect in whose writing they are. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The second batch of letters was also written by me. Mr. Parnell's +signature was imitated from that published in the <i>Times</i> +facsimile letter. I do not now remember where I got the Egan +letter from which I copied the signature. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I had no specimen of Campbell's handwriting beyond the two +letters of Mr. Parnell to me, which I presumed might be in +Mr. Campbell's handwriting. I wrote to Mr. Houston that this +second batch was for sale in Paris, having been brought there +from America. He wrote asking to see them. I forwarded them +accordingly, and after keeping them three or four days, he sent +me a cheque on Cook for the price demanded for them, £550. +The third batch consisted of a letter imitated by me from a letter +written in pencil to me by Mr. Davitt when he was in prison, +and of another letter copied by me from a letter of a very early +date, which I received from James O'Kelly when he was writing +on my newspapers, and of a third letter ascribed to Egan, the +writing of which, and some of the words, I copied from an +old bill of exchange in Mr. Egan's handwriting. £200 was +the price paid to me by Mr. Houston for these three letters. It +was paid in bank-notes. I have stated that for the first batch +I received £105 for myself, for the second batch I got £50, for the +third batch I was supposed to receive nothing. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I did not see Breslin in America. This was part of the +deception. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +With respect to my interview with Messrs. Parnell, Labouchere, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P397"></a>397}</span> +and Lewis, my sworn statement is in the main correct. I +am now, however, of opinion that the offer to me by Mr. Labouchere +of £1000 was not for giving evidence but for any documents +in Mr. Egan's or Mr. Parnell's handwriting that I might happen to +have. My statement only referred to the first interviews with +these gentlemen. I had a further interview with Mr. Labouchere, +on which occasion I made him acquainted with further circumstances +not previously mentioned by me at the preceding interviews. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +There was a pause after Mr. Cunynghame finished +reading the extraordinary document. It was an awkward +moment for the Attorney-General, but, in an extremely +dignified speech, he informed the court that, on behalf of his +clients, he asked permission to withdraw from the consideration +of the Commission the question of the genuineness of the +letters which had been submitted to them. On that day +Mr. Parnell appeared for the first time in the witness-box, +and in answer to Sir Charles Russell's questions swore to the +forgery of his signature on all the letters in question. There +was no attempt to cross-examine on the part of Sir Richard +Webster. Mr. Labouchere entered the witness-box on +March 3. He gave his evidence very slowly and realistically, +rather in the style perhaps of what Lord Randolph Churchill +described as newspaper paragraphs, but there was no lack +of connection in his descriptions of his various interviews +with Pigott. When it came to the final interview on the +preceding Saturday the questions of the great advocate +became very close. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Sir Charles Russell</i>. He came to your house? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere</i>. He did. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Sir Charles Russell</i>. Did you expect him? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere</i>. No. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Sir Charles Russell</i>. Had he given you any warning he was +coming? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere</i>. No. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Sir Charles Russell</i>. Or had you asked him to come? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P398"></a>398}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere</i>. No. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Sir Charles Russell</i>. Now tell us what took place on the +occasion. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere</i>. He came in. I did not catch the name +when the servant introduced him. I was writing at the table, +and looked up, and saw him standing before me, and he said to +me, "I suppose you are surprised at seeing me here?" And I +said, "Oh! not at all. Pray take a seat." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Sir Charles Russell</i>. I said what——? +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere</i>. "Not at all." Nothing would surprise me +about Mr. Pigott. He sat down. He then said that he had +come over to confess everything; that he supposed he should have +to go to prison, and he was just as well there as anywhere else. I +said that he must thoroughly understand if he did confess, the +confession would be handed to Mr. Lewis, and that I must have a +witness. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Of the historic interview in Mr. Labouchere's study in +Grosvenor Gardens there has been no more graphic an +account written than the one by its only witness, the veteran +journalist, George Augustus Sala: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +In February 1889 [he wrote] I was the occupant of a fiat in +Victoria Street, Westminster, and one Saturday, between one and +two P.M., a knock came at my study door, and I was handed a +letter which had been brought in hot haste by a servant who was +instructed to wait for an answer. The missive was of the briefest +possible kind, and was from my near neighbour Mr. Henry +Labouchere, M.P., whose house was then at 24 Grosvenor +Gardens. The note ran thus: "Can you leave everything and come +here at once? Most important business.—H.L." I told the +servant that I would be in Grosvenor Gardens within a quarter of +an hour, and, ere that time had expired, I was ushered into a large +library on the ground floor, where I found the senior member for +Northampton smoking his sempiternal cigarette, but with an +unusual and curious expression of animation on his normally +passive countenance. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +He was not alone. Ensconced in a roomy fauteuil, a few +paces from Mr. Labouchere's writing-table, there was a somewhat +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P399"></a>399}</span> +burly individual of middle stature and more than middle age. +He looked fully sixty, although I have been given to understand +that his age did not exceed fifty-five; but his elderly aspect was +enhanced by his baldness, which revealed a large amount of oval +<i>os frontis</i> fringed by grey locks. The individual had an eyeglass +screwed into one eye, and he was using this optical aid most +assiduously; for he was poring over a copy of that morning's +issue of the <i>Times</i>, going right down one column and apparently +up it again; then taking column after column in succession; then +harking back as though he had omitted some choice paragraph; +and then resuming the sequence of his lecture, ever and anon +tapping that ovoid frontal bone of his, as though to evoke +memories of the past, with a little silver pencil-case. I noted his +somewhat shabby genteel attire, and, in particular, I observed +that the hand which held the copy of the <i>Times</i> never ceased to +shake. Mr. Labouchere, in his most courteous manner and his +blandest tone, said, "Allow me to introduce you to a gentleman +of whom you must have heard a great deal, Mr.——." I +replied, "There is not the slightest necessity for naming him. I +know him well enough. That's Mr. Pigott." +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The individual in the capacious fauteuil wriggled from +behind the <i>Times</i> an uneasy acknowledgment of my recognition; +but if anything could be conducive to putting completely at his +ease a gentleman who, from some cause or another, was troubled +in his mind, it would have been the dulcet voice in which +Mr. Labouchere continued: "The fact is that Mr. Pigott has come +here, quite unsolicited, to make a full confession. I told him that +I would listen to nothing he had to say, save in the presence of a +witness, and, remembering that you lived close by, I thought that +you would not mind coming here and listening to what Mr. Pigott +has to confess, which will be taken down, word by word, from his +dictation in writing." It has been my lot during a long and +diversified career to have to listen to a large number of very queer +statements from very queer people; and, by dint of experience, +you reach at last a stage of stoicism when little, if anything, that +is imparted to you excites surprise. Mr. Pigott, although he +had screwed his courage to the sticking place of saying that he +was going to confess, manifested considerable tardiness in orally +"owning up." Conscience, we were justified in assuming, had +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P400"></a>400}</span> +gnawed to an extent sufficient to make him disposed to relieve his +soul from a dreadful burden; but conscience, to all seeming, had +to gnaw a little longer and a little more sharply ere he absolutely +gave tongue. So we let him be for about ten minutes. +Mr. Labouchere kindled another cigarette. I lighted a cigar. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +At length Mr. Pigott stood up and came forward into the +light, by the side of Mr. Labouchere's writing-table. He did +not change colour; he did not blench; but when—out of the +fulness of his heart, no doubt—his mouth spake, it was in a low, +half-musing tone, more at first as though he were talking to +himself than to any auditors. By degrees, however, his voice +rose, his diction became more fluent. It is only necessary that, +in this place, I should say that, in substance, Pigott confessed +that he had forged the letters alleged to have been written by +Mr. Parnell; and he minutely described the manner in which he, +and he alone, had executed the forgeries in question. Whether +the man with the bald head and the eyeglass in the library at +Grosvenor Gardens was telling the truth or was uttering another +batch of infernal lies it is not for me to determine. No pressure +was put upon him, no leading questions were asked him, and he +went on quietly and continuously to the end of a story which I +should have thought amazing had I not had occasion to hear +many more tales even more astounding. He was not voluble, +but he was collected, clear, and coherent; nor, although he +repeatedly confessed to forgery, fraud, deception, and +misrepresentation, did he seem overcome with anything approaching active +shame. His little peccadilloes were plainly owned, but he +appeared to treat them more as incidental weakness than as +extraordinary acts of wickedness. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +When he had come to the end of his statement Mr. Labouchere +left the library for a few minutes to obtain a little refreshment. +It was a great relief to me when he came back, for, when Pigott +and I were left together, there came over me a vague dread that +he might disclose his complicity with the Rye House Plot, or +that he would admit that he had been the executioner of King +Charles I. The situation was rather embarrasing; the time might +have been tided over by whistling, but unfortunately I never learnt +to whistle. It would have been rude to read a book; and besides, +to do so would have necessitated my taking my eyes off +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P401"></a>401}</span> +Mr. Pigott, and I never took them off him. We did get into +conversation, but our talk was curt and trite. He remarked, first taking +up that so-often-conned <i>Times</i>, that the London papers were +inconveniently large. This, being a self-evident proposition, +met with no response from me, but on his proceeding to say, in +quite a friendly manner, that I must have found the afternoon's +interview rather stupid work, I replied that, on the contrary, so +far as I was concerned, I had found it equally amusing and +instructive. Then the frugal Mr. Labouchere coming back with +his mouth full, we went to business again. The whole of Pigott's +confession, beginning with the declaration that he had made it +uninvited and without any pecuniary consideration, was read +over to him line by line and word by word. He made no correction +or alteration whatsoever. The confession covered several +sheets of paper, and to each sheet he affixed his initials. Finally, +at the bottom of the completed document he signed his name +beneath which I wrote mine as a witness.[<a id="chap14fn3text"></a><a href="#chap14fn3">3</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The history of the Commission subsequent to Pigott's +disappearance does not belong to this biography. It is +enough to say that it terminated its business on November +20, 1889, after having sat no less than 126 times. +</p> + +<p> +On the 8th of March, eight days after his last appearance +in the witness-box, the news of Pigott's suicide reached +London. It appeared that after his interview with +Mr. Labouchere and Mr. Sala, he treated himself to an evening's +amusement at the Alhambra Music Hall. He left on +Monday morning for Paris, whence he posted the envelope +containing his confession and other enclosures to Mr. Shannon. +He reached Madrid on Thursday, where he put up at +the Hotel des Ambassadeurs, and spent the afternoon and +following morning in visiting the churches and picture +galleries. He would not have been tracked so quickly by +the detectives if he had not sent a wire to Mr. Shannon—the +Dublin solicitor who had assisted Mr. Soames—asking for +the money "you promised me," which gave the clue to his +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P402"></a>402}</span> +whereabouts. On the following afternoon, when he was +informed by the hotel interpreter that a police officer wanted +him, he retired to his bedroom and shot himself through the +brain.[<a id="chap14fn4text"></a><a href="#chap14fn4">4</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Richard Pigott had one redeeming feature in his character—unless +his complete lack of self-consciousness in evil doing +be counted as another—an intense love for his motherless +children. There were four of these. Mr. Labouchere's +compassion for the wretched man had early been aroused +in connection with the really pathetic state of his domestic +affairs, and, although his "underground" relations with +Pigott prevented him from being able to promise definitely +to give him any assistance for his children in the event of the +<i>Times</i> or Parnell prosecuting him as a consequence of his +confession, it is easily to be imagined that Pigott would have +perceived during his visits to Grosvenor Gardens the +extraordinary tenderness of feeling that Mr. Labouchere could +never conceal where there was a question of any suffering to +be saved to a child. In his examination by Sir Charles +Russell Mr. Labouchere had said: "Pigott said to me, 'I shall go +to prison, but perhaps I am better there than anywhere else; +the only thing I regret is the position of my children, who will +starve.' I said: 'Well, I think they won't starve, or +anything of that sort, but if you want me to make any terms +about your children, you must not expect it from me.'" Poor +puzzled Pigott! He had done everything he could to +please every one round him, and yet he could get no one at +this crisis to do the one thing that would have set his +fluttering mind at ease. No one would promise to befriend the +four little boys at Kingstown. Truly, as he had told +Mr. Labouchere, he was in a terrible mess. +</p> + +<p> +But as soon as the poor fellow was dead, and his motives +could no longer be impugned by the vigilant Tories, +Mr. Labouchere set himself with energy to see that the children +were cared for. He sent a friend to Kingstown to report to +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P403"></a>403}</span> +him on the condition of the orphans, and she wrote to him as +follows: "I had a long chat with the housekeeper who is to +my mind an excellent woman. A more self-forgetful +creature I never saw, and nobody ever wrapped truths in +softer garments. She pitied her master. She says that +Pigott adored these children, and that it was his desire to +give them comforts and education which drove him into such +crimes. I do hope that something will be done for these +poor friendless children, to whom the father was a most +indulgent parent. I saw lying in the room little toy yachts +and tricycles, bearing evidence that there was softness as +well as weakness in the character of the dead man. The only +relative that the housekeeper knows of is an uncle, who holds +a good position under the Government. She wrote to him +and got no reply." A fund was started for the benefit of +the children, and in the pages of <i>Truth</i> Mr. Labouchere +pleaded their cause with eloquence. In May Archbishop +Walsh wrote to him as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> + 4 RUTLAND SQUARE,<br> + DUBLIN, May 23, 1889.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR MR. LABOUCHERE,—There are two ways in which effect +can be given to your charitable purpose. The trust can be +executed direct through me, or I can arrange to have the matter +carried out by the parish priests of the place where Pigott +lived—Glasthule close by Kingstown, Dublin. I may say to you that +two generous offers were made to me immediately after the +suicide. One was a proposal to take charge of the two elder +boys with a view to their emigration to the U.S. or Canada, where +something would be done to give them a fair start. The other +was an offer to take one of the younger children and practically +to provide for this little fellow by an informal adoption. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +In both cases I pointed out that there is, I fear, a serious +difficulty in the way of my interfering in any prominent way in +the case, and indeed in the interference of anyone who is an +active sympathizer (as was the case in the two offers) with Home +Rule, etc. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P404"></a>404}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The Liberal Unionists of Dublin who brought the unfortunate +father into temptation have a heavy responsibility towards the +poor children. It is worse than mean of them to shirk it. But +they not only shirk it, they try to throw the responsibility on to +the other side. The insinuation made by many of them is that +Pigott was got out of the country by sympathizers with Mr. Parnell, +and that the suicide even may have been managed for a +consideration. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +A very serious question then arises as to what can be prudently +done in the case of the children. Of course they must not be +neglected. But, so far as I can see, there is no present danger on +that score. The two elder boys are at school at Clongowes, a +high-class school for lay pupils, conducted by the Jesuit Fathers. +Their schoolfellows have, throughout the whole case, shown a +splendid spirit towards them. The two younger boys are safely +placed in charge of the former housekeeper in a place where they +are not known, not far from Dublin. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +My advice would be to let matters lie until the school holiday +time comes on, about the beginning of July. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +In the meantime I shall communicate with the persons who +made the offers of which I have told you. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +When the case comes to be dealt with, I should suggest that +the best way to act would be through Canon Harold, the parish +priest. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Meanwhile should not something be done through the newspapers +to work up the call, which can be most legitimately made, +on the Irish Liberal Unionists to do at all events something +really substantial in the case?—I remain, dear Mr. Labouchere, +faithfully yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +WILLIAM WALSH, Archbishop of Dublin. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The statement of Dr. Walsh that there were people in +Dublin who insinuated that Pigott had been got out of the +country by the friends of the Nationalists seems almost +incredible, but it is a fact that, even in England, in country +places, lectures were given, under the auspices of the +Primrose League, to persuade rural voters, who might have been +reading the newspapers, that the forgery of the Pigott letters +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P405"></a>405}</span> +had never been proved, and even more ridiculous statements +were made in some places. Mr. Labouchere wrote in <i>Truth</i> +on March 7: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +I feel it my duty solemnly to affirm that (incredible as it may +appear to Primrose Dames) I did not bribe Pigott to commit +suicide by promising him an annuity. It is somewhat fortunate +for me that I can prove an alibi; otherwise I make no doubt that +I should have been accused of having been concealed in Pigott's +room at Madrid, and having shot him. Well, well, I suppose that +allowance must be made for the crew of idiots who have gone +about vowing that the <i>Times</i> forgeries were genuine letters, and +who are now grovelling in the mire that they have prepared for +themselves. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Nothing can exceed my sorrow that we were not privileged to +hear in court the evidence of the expert in handwriting, Inglis. +So great, indeed, is my regret that I will willingly (if the <i>Times</i> +is in want of money) pay the sum of £20 for his "proof." I have +always regarded these experts as the most dreary of humbugs, +and in this view I am now confirmed. I myself subjected the +photographs of the <i>Times</i> forgeries to the limelight in a +magic-lantern, and I soon discovered that there were signs of tracing. +In some of the words—and particularly in the signatures—there +is a small white line, where the ink had not taken over the tracing. +If Inglis had done the same, he would not probably have made +so ridiculous a fool of himself. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +It must be owned that Mr. Labouchere made himself +exceedingly annoying in the pages of <i>Truth</i> on the subject +of the forged letters. His taunts and scathing witticisms +at the expense of the prosecuting side and Messrs. Soames, +Houston & Co. were almost past enduring, and more than +one apology was furiously demanded of him, to which he +usually replied by heaping more ridicule on the unfortunate, +writhing victim. Some abortive attempts were made to hoax +him and make a fool of him as he succeeded so frequently +in doing of others. In the winter of 1889 a somewhat +unpleasant case was brought before the Central Criminal +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P406"></a>406}</span> +Court, the only event of public interest connected with +which was the departure from England of a well-known +nobleman on the very eve of the day that the warrant was +issued for his arrest, and it was in connection with this affair +that someone tried to put salt on Labby's tail. Whoever +the joker was he must have felt rather sold when he read +the following paragraph in the next issue of Labby's journal; +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have received through the post the following letter and +enclosure. Evidently someone is attempting to Pigott me. I +do not hesitate to say that the letters are not from those by +whom they profess to be written. It is really shameful that two +such good men and true as Lord Salisbury and Mr. Houston +should be selected for this reprehensible hoax. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> + PRIMROSE LEAGUE CENTRAL OFFICES,<br> + VICTORIA STREET.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +SIR, I enclose you an autograph letter of Lord Salisbury. I +obtained it from a man of the name of Hammond, whom I +promised to reward if he could get me any letters likely to injure +the character of Tory leaders. He tells me that a client of his +in Cleveland Street called upon him and produced it from a black +bag. I have already offered the letter to Lord Hartington and +to the Editor of the <i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>, but they have both declined +to have anything to do with it. If you use it I must request +you to send me a cheque for £1000, and you must pledge yourself +never to give up the name of Hammond. He is a very worthy +man, and he fears that if it were known that he had given me the +letter some Tory would shoot him.—Your obedient servant, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +E. C. HOUSTON. +</p> + +<p class="quote" style="text-align: center"> +(<i>Enclosure</i>) +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HATFIELD HOUSE, Oct., 17. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LORD***,—There is a good deal of evidence against +you, although the Lord Chancellor and the Attorney-General +have decided that the evidence of identity is not sufficient, but +I hear a rumour that more evidence can be obtained. I can count +upon the Chancellor standing to his guns, but I am not quite +so sure of Webster. He, you know, will have to answer that +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P407"></a>407}</span> +scoundrel Labouchere in the House of Commons, when he brings +on the subject and he is getting shaky. Perhaps he will be +forced to issue a warrant.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +SALISBURY. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Another hoax practised on Mr. Labouchere came off, +and a considerable time elapsed before the perpetrator of it +was discovered. He eventually turned out to be a member +of one of the most staid and respectable clubs in London. +Here is the story of the hoax, as Mr. Labouchere related it +in <i>Truth</i>: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +During the last few weeks I have received a number of anonymous +letters, all in the same handwriting, couched in terms the +reverse of complimentary. Some of them were on the paper of +the East India United Service Club, St. James's Square. This +did not trouble me, as I receive so many of such letters that I +am accustomed to them. On Thursday last, however, my anonymous +friend sent orders signed in my name to a number of tradesmen +desiring them to send me goods. He ordered two hearses +each with two mourning coaches, and requested a representative of +the cremation company to call and arrange for my cremation. He +also ordered a marriage cake of Messrs. Buzzard, a bed of +Messrs. Shoolbred furniture of Messrs. Maple, Messrs. Druce, and +Messrs. Barker & Co.; coal of Messrs. Whiteley, Ricketts, Herbert Clarke +& Co.; Cockerell & Lee; a coat of Mr. Cording, caps of Messrs. Lincoln +& Bennett, a billiard table of Messrs. Thurston, prints +of Messrs. Clifford, carpets of Messrs. Swan & Edgar, beer, spirits, +and wine from several firms, some of which was delivered, and a +vast number of other goods from West End houses, including an +umbilical belt for hernia from a city firm. He also sent letters +to various physicians in my name, and they have favoured me +in reply with prescriptions for divers diseases. He further +engaged cabins for me to India and to the United States. Not +content with this he ordered a salmon to be sent in my name to +Mr. Gladstone, a Stilton cheese to Sir William Harcourt, a +travelling bag to Mr. Asquith, and a haunch of venison to Sir +George Trevelyan. And he supplemented these liberal orders +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P408"></a>408}</span> +by issuing invitations in the name of a mythical niece to a party +at Twickenham and a dinner at my London house. All this is +far more annoying to the tradesmen than it is to me, and I would +therefore suggest to my friend to revert to his old plan of anonymous +letters. Neither of the hearses came, owing to representatives +of the firms having called to know how many men would be +required to carry my corpse downstairs. Had the hearse arrived +it would have been curious, as the mutes would probably have +disputed in which I was to be moved off, and would have had to +appeal to me eating my marriage cake and arrayed in my +umbilical belt to decide to which I would give my preference. +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap14fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap14fn1text">1</a>] Barry O'Brien, <i>Life of Lord Russell of Killowen.</i> +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap14fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap14fn2text">2</a>] Macdonald, <i>Diary of the Parnell Commission.</i> +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap14fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap14fn3text">3</a>] <i>Life of Sala</i>, written by himself, vol. ii. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap14fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap14fn4text">4</a>] Macdonald, <i>Diary of the Parnell Commission.</i> +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap15"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P409"></a>409}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER XV +<br><br> +MR. LABOUCHERE NOT INCLUDED IN THE CABINET +</h3> + +<p> +There is no doubt about the fact that Mr. Labouchere +was always at his best when he was in Opposition. This +characteristic was not peculiar to him, but was shared by +Sir William Harcourt, and, in a marked degree, by Lord +Randolph Churchill. During the six years of Lord Salisbury's +second administration (August, 1886-August, 1892), +he stood out prominently as a man of ability and independent +courage in what was an extremely weak and inefficient +Opposition. Always true to his Radical principles, he +protested ably whenever the questions of Civil Service +estimates were to the fore—the expenses incurred in the +removal or restoration of diplomatic and consular buildings, +or in the organisation of missions and embassies to foreign +countries, all the involved expenditure that is comprehended +under the term, so mysterious to the lay mind, of "miscellaneous +legal buildings," in the upkeep of the royal parks +and palaces. The annual expenditure for the warming and +lighting of Kew Palace especially aroused his ire. He had, +he said, hunted for the building and at last perceived over an +iron gate a tumble down, depressed-looking house in which +he could not imagine that anyone less insane than George III. in +his later years could be expected to wish to reside, and if +there were any such, they might, at least, warm and light +themselves without any application to the British taxpayer. +As for Kensington Palace, to vote an annual sum for its +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P410"></a>410}</span> +maintenance was merely dropping water into a bottomless +well. It was dilapidated and useless. Why not pull it down +or turn it into a large restaurant—an investment which +would certainly pay—and put money into the taxpayer's +pockets for a change? Of course he should advocate that +only temperance drinks should be sold upon the premises, +but even with that restriction a profit would be certain. +Then he would attack the extravagance of the House of +Commons. Oil lamps in the committee rooms! Were +Ministers a species of patron saints before whom perpetual +lamps had to be kept burning in order to secure their favours? +Electric light had been installed in the House, and yet the +annual sum spent on oil lamps was undiminished. Perhaps, +replied the long-suffering Mr. Plunkett, after the expenditure +on oil had been ruthlessly gone into and shown to be +superfluous, the hon. member for Northampton will soon be a +Minister himself and will then know the awkwardness of +attending in the House from three in the afternoon to one +in the morning and having to turn up or down an oil lamp +every time he went from one room to another. In short, +Mr. Labouchere's obstructionary tactics were magnificent. +</p> + +<p> +His speeches on the Triple Alliance were marked by an +intimate knowledge of European politics acquired by a long +and sympathetic frequentation of the best politicians in +Europe and as different as possible from the accumulation of +facts out of text-books which formed the mental equipment +on the subject of many of his colleagues. The point of +departure of his first speech on the Triple Alliance was a +statement made in the Italian Parliament on May 14, 1891, +by a deputy named Chiala to the effect that the Italian +position was now secure by land and sea, English interests +being identical with Italian. On June 2, 1891, he asked +Sir James Fergusson whether special undertakings were +entered into in 1887 between England and Italy of such +importance as to justify Signor Chiala's remark, which had +met with no challenge in the Italian Chamber, and he spoke +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P411"></a>411}</span> +with characteristic eloquence both then and on July 9, +against the renewal of the Triple Alliance, which obliged +England, he said, to side with Italy against France, under +the pretext of maintaining the status quo in the Mediterranean. +Mr. Gladstone wrote him the following letter on +the subject: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +HAWARDEN CASTLE, CHESTER, July 11, 1891. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR MR. LABOUCHERE,—So far as I can understand I +think you have left the question of the Triple Alliance and our +relation to it standing well in itself and well for us. If ever there +was a complication from which England ought to stand absolutely +aloof it is this. I would take for a proof apart from all others the +astounding letter of Mr. Stead in yesterday's <i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>, +who founds an European policy on the isolation of France still +perhaps at the head of continental civilisation. I fear with you +that Salisbury has given virtual pledges for himself which in all +likelihood he will never even be called upon to redeem, and which +Parliament and members of Parliament may with perfect propriety +object to his redeeming. What a little surprises me is +that the Italians should not better understand the frailty of +the foundation on which I fear they have built their hopes. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +In the <i>Daily News</i> yesterday Mr. White says the alliance was +first concluded in 1882. If so it was certainly without our +approbation, I think without our knowledge.—Yours faithfully, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +W. E. GLADSTONE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +In Mr. Labouchere's attacks on Lord Salisbury's Foreign +Office administration, he found many of the opportunities +which he loved of pouring ridicule upon the whole institution +of diplomacy. He told the Committee, during the discussion +on the Foreign Office vote, how the service is recruited. +A friend of his, he said, who reached the top of his profession, +presented himself for examination. Of the questions put +before him he could answer none, being completely ignorant +of the subjects upon which they were supposed to test him. +Great was his surprise when the results of the examination +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P412"></a>412}</span> +were made known. He found himself not only passed but +at the top of the list of candidates. "How can these things +be?" he asked the examiner when he next met him. "Well," +replied the great man, "we saw you knew nothing, but your +manner was so free from constraint under what to some +people would have been embarrassing circumstances, that we +decided: 'That's the very man to make a diplomatist,' +and so we passed you." That this little anecdote was +introduced to the notice of Sir James Fergusson as a prelude to +Mr. Labouchere's bland explanation that, according to his +personal experience, Under-Secretaries for Foreign Affairs +and members of the diplomatic body generally were of all +men the most ignorant, did not rob it of any of its sting. +Across the Channel, Mr. Labouchere's abilities, where foreign +politics were concerned, were rated at their true value. In +February, 1892, the <i>Voltaire</i> published a long article dealing +with the personality of this "remarkable man" and his +knowledge of European affairs, which concluded with these words: +"Mr. Labouchere is one of those grand Englishmen who do +credit both to the party which they defend and to the party +which they condescend to attack. Moreover, shortly he +will be a member of the Cabinet, and Mr. Gladstone depends +on his co-operation to finish the last struggle with the dying +Tory party." +</p> + +<p> +That Mr. Labouchere's name was not included in +Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet of 1892 was an omission that struck +not only European politicians but the public of England, both +Conservative and Radical, as curious. Mr. Gladstone, who +had intended him to have one of the most important offices +in the Cabinet (not the Post Office, as has been so often +asserted), was himself taken aback, and so much so that +when he was made aware that the Queen would object to +Mr. Labouchere's name being submitted to her, he went the +length of privately asking Mr. Labouchere to write him a +letter stating that he should not accept office were it offered +to him. Had Mr. Labouchere been under the necessity of +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P413"></a>413}</span> +wishing to improve his political position in the country, there +is no doubt that this would have been his opportunity for +doing so. Such a course of action would have appeared to +the superficial observer to fit in with his Radical principles, +and he could have pretended to his followers that he +considered his power greater below the gangway than on the +pedestal of office, and (a matter, however, which was of +supreme indifference to him) his enemies could not have +pointed the finger of scorn at him. Incidentally, too, +Mr. Gladstone would have been saved from an imputation of +ingratitude to a follower who had stood by him, through +thick and thin, to win the cause that the Grand Old Man +had nearest his heart, to wit, Home Rule for Ireland, and +a follower, who, throughout a long and original political +career, had never once failed towards his leader in any detail +of the minutiæ that went to make up the etiquette of political +intercourse in the last century. But, as Mr. Labouchere +explained to a near relative at the time, he couldn't stand +the humbug of the suggestion, and he would, moreover, have +been pledged to support the Ministry. Besides, that the +Queen should have objected to him was not a surprise. +Nobody was able to appreciate better than himself, with his +tolerant view of human nature, the fact that tastes differ, +and to realise more fully that, in so far as personal feelings +went, he might very easily be a <i>persona ingrata</i> where Court +favour was concerned. "So that the good ship <i>Democracy</i> +sails prosperously into Joppa," he wrote at the time, "I +care not whether my berth is in the officers' quarters or in +the forecastle. Jones or Jonah it is all the same to me, and +if I thought that my being thrown overboard would render +the success of the voyage more certain, overboard I would go +with pleasure—all the more as I can swim." But, in his +surmise as to why the Queen had objected to him he was +mistaken, and he did not know the real reason until several +years afterwards. He imagined it was because he had so +persistently protested against the Royal grants, whenever +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P414"></a>414}</span> +they had appeared to him excessive.[<a id="chap15fn1text"></a><a href="#chap15fn1">1</a>] It is difficult to see +why Mr. Gladstone, <i>having told him as much as he did</i>, did +not tell him more—to wit, the actual facts. It would have +been perfectly straightforward and perfectly consistent, and +the explanation was one that Mr. Labouchere could have +accepted with dignity, and all appearance of a slight put +upon an eminent politician, by treating him as a nobody +to be passed over without any kind of justification, would +have been avoided. The fact of Mr. Labouchere's being +the proprietor of and "chief writer" in <i>Truth</i> was the ground +of the Queen's objection, and if my readers have followed +the course of this biography with care, they will very easily +be able to imagine how early, and also how very reasonably, +the Queen's dislike to the publication had taken root. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere's jest about Mr. Gladstone laying upon +Providence the responsibility of always placing the ace of +trumps up his sleeve was a good one. In one of his private +letters I find the quip worded a little more pungently. +"Who cannot refrain," he says, referring to the then Prime +Minister, "from perpetually bringing an ace down his sleeve, +even when he has only to play fair to win the trick." Clearly +in the case of the exclusion of Mr. Labouchere from his +Cabinet, Mr. Gladstone had only to play a simple and +straightforward game for the trick to be his. In fact, it +was his with the Queen. There was no necessity for any +further ruse, and the matter would have ended. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P415"></a>415}</span> +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere, still in the dark about the reason of the +slight put upon him, replied thus to one of his supporters at +Northampton, who questioned him as to the fact that he +was not included in the Cabinet. He seems to have +made an effort to put the matter as well as he could for his +leader: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +5 OLD PALACE YARD, Aug. 19, 1892. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR MR. TONSLEY,—The Queen expressed so strong a feeling +against me as one of her Ministers that, as I understand it, +Mr. Gladstone did not think it desirable to submit my name to +her.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HENRY LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The following correspondence ensued. In reading it, +it must always be borne in mind that Mr. Labouchere did +not at that time know the precise grounds upon which he +had been excluded from the Cabinet: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Gladstone to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HAWARDEN CASTLE, Aug. 22, 1892. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR MR. LABOUCHERE,—My attention has been called to +a letter addressed by you to Mr. Tonsley, and printed in the +<i>Times</i> of to-day, and I have to assure you that the understanding +which has been conveyed to you is not correct. I am alone +responsible for recommendations submitted to Her Majesty +respecting the tenure of political office, or of the absence of such +recommendation in any given instance. I was aware of the high +position you had created for yourself in the House of Commons +and of the presumption which would naturally arise that your +name could not fail to be considered on any occasion when a +Government had to be formed. I gave accordingly my best +consideration to the subject, and I arrived at the conclusion that +there were incidents in your case which, while they testified to +your energy and influence, were in no degree disparaging to your +honour, but which appeared to me to render it unfit that I should +ask your leave to submit your name to Her Majesty for a political +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P416"></a>416}</span> +office which would involve your becoming a servant of the +Crown.—Believe me very faithfully yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +W. E. GLADSTONE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Gladstone</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +5 OLD PALACE YARD, Aug. 23, 1892. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR MR. GLADSTONE,—I beg to acknowledge your letter of +yesterday's date, and to thank you for its kindly tone towards +myself. I had been away from home, and only got it when it was +too late to alter anything that I had written for this week's +<i>Truth</i> upon the matter, as the paper goes to press on Tuesday +at 12 o'clock. I feel sure that you will recognise that I have +never asked you—directly or indirectly—for any post in your +administration. I should indeed not have alluded publicly to the +the matter, owing to its personal character, had it not been that +the newspapers were discussing why I was not asked to become a +member of your administration, the implication being that I had +urged "claims," and that I resented their being ignored. I +fully perceive the difficulty of your position, and, whilst I +cannot admit that the Sovereign has a right to impose any veto on +the Prime Minister that she has selected in the choice of his +colleagues, I admire your chivalry in covering the Royal action by +assuming the constitutional responsibility of a proceeding, in +regard to which I must ask you to allow me to retain the +conviction that you were not a free agent. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +With respect to myself, it is a matter of absolute unimportance +that I am not a servant of the Crown, or—as we Radicals should +put it—an Executive servant of the Nation. The precedent, +however, is a dangerous one, as circumstances might occur in +which the Royal ostracism of some particular person from the +public service might impair the efficiency of a Liberal Ministry +representing views not in accordance with Court opinion. Of +this there is no danger in the present case. My personality is +too insignificant to have any influence on public affairs, and I +am—if I may be allowed to say so—far too stalwart a Radical not +to support an administration which I trust will secure to us +Home Rule in Ireland; true non-intervention abroad; and many +democratic reforms in the United Kingdom. My only regret +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P417"></a>417}</span> +is that the Liberal party has not seen its way to include many +other and more drastic reforms in its programme, notably the +abolition of the House of Lords and the Disendowment and +Disestablishment of the Church of England. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +It will always be a source of pride to me that you thought me +worthy of being one of your colleagues, and that, in regard to the +incidents which rendered it impossible for you to act in accordance +with this flattering opinion, you consider that they testify to +my energy and influence, and are in no way disparaging to my +honour. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +With the sincerest hope that you may long be preserved +as the People's Minister, I have the honour to be yours most +faithfully, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Gladstone to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +HAWARDEN CASTLE, Aug. 25, 1892. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR MR. LABOUCHERE,—I cannot hesitate to answer your +appeal. At no time and in no form have I had from you any +signification of a desire for office. You do me personally more than +justice. My note to you is nothing more nor less than a true +and succinct statement of the facts as well as the constitutional +doctrine which applies to them. I quite agree with you that +men in office are the political servants of the country, as well as +of the Crown. There are incidents attaching to them in each +aspect, and I mentioned the capacity which alone touched the +case before me.—Believe me very faithfully yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +W. E. GLADSTONE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +It would be idle to deny that the fact of not being in the +Cabinet was, temporarily, a very great disappointment to +Mr. Labouchere. Faithful Northampton forwarded to him, +through the Executive of their Liberal Association, the +following resolution, the sentiment and kindly feeling of +which was appreciated to the full by Northampton's member: +"That this Executive records its warmest praise for the +brilliant defences of democracy put forth by the senior member +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P418"></a>418}</span> +for Northampton, and rejoices at his fealty to the ties of +party, notwithstanding the personal affront of unrequited +services; and, further, it is more than satisfied that, by this +tactical error, he continues free to serve the cause of the +people, in which in the past he has so signally distinguished +himself." It was to Northampton that Mr. Labouchere +frankly expressed where the real sting of his treatment by +his party lay: "Mr. Gladstone handsomely testified," he +said, "that I had never asked for office. It is, however, one +thing not to desire office, and another thing to be stigmatised +as a political leper unfitted for it owing to incidents which, +while testifying to my energy and influence are in no way +disparaging to my honour."[<a id="chap15fn2text"></a><a href="#chap15fn2">2</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere spent his summer holiday as usual at +Cadenabbia, and his mind soon resumed its equable habit of +thought. The return of Sir Charles Dilke to the House of +Commons had been a genuine pleasure to him, and he was in +constant correspondence with him during his holiday, which +he extended some weeks beyond its usual limits. His letters +dealt largely with the, to him, all-absorbing subject of +the renewal of the Triple Alliance. +</p> + +<p> +"Notwithstanding," he wrote on September 17, "the +excitement about the Italian workmen in France (which has +now cooled down) I very much doubt whether the King will +be able for long to keep going the Triple Alliance. The +customs Union with Austria has not been a success, and the +taxes are so enormous that there must come a crash. The +Socialists and the Anarchists are joined by many who +simply want to live, and who put down the heavy taxation +and the want of a market to the policy of the Government. +As for the Army, it is not worth much, as they have depleted +the line regiments of good men in order to form a few crack +regiments. If the French were to play their cards well, they +might soon force the King into a friendly understanding. I +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P419"></a>419}</span> +wonder when Parliament will meet next year, if it sits until +Xmas. I suspect that our revered leader is angling to be +able to get south in January and possibly February. If +he can he will dodge every question except H.R." +</p> + +<p> +Another sentence from a letter to the same correspondent +I cannot resist quoting. It is so easy to picture how very +much he must have enjoyed reading the German and Italian +papers to which he refers, for the details of the great Italian +statesman's policy were almost like spelling-book knowledge +to him. "I have been amused," he wrote on September 10, +"at the comments of the German and Italian papers upon +Mr. Gladstone's declaration that Cavour would have been for +Irish Home Rule." Here is another charming letter written +from Cadenabbia: "A man who is owned by a dog has a +troublous time. I am owned by a child, who is owned by a +dog. I have a daughter. This daughter insisted on my +buying her a puppy which she saw in the arms of some dog +stealer when we were at Homburg. My advice to parents is, +Never allow your parental feelings to lead you to buy your +daughter a dog, and then to travel about with daughter and +dog. This puppy is the bane of my existence. Railroad +companies do not issue through tickets for dogs. The +unfortunate traveller has to jump out every hour or so to buy a +fresh ticket. I tried to hide the beast away without a ticket, +but it always betrayed me by barking when the guard looked +in. I tried to leave it at a station, but the creature (who +adds blind fidelity to its other objectionable qualities) always +turned up before the train started, affectionately barking +and wagging its tail. The puppy, being an infant, is often +sick, generally at the most undesirable moments for this sort +of thing to happen. When it is not sick it is either hungry +or thirsty, and it is very particular about its food. I find +bones surreptitiously secreted in my pockets. I am told +that they are for the puppy, and if I throw them away I am +regarded as a heartless monster. Yesterday he ate a portion +of my sponge. I did not interfere with him, for I had heard +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P420"></a>420}</span> +that sponges were fatal to dogs. It disagreed with him, but +alas, he recovered. I take him out with me in boats, in the +hope that he will leap into the lake, but he sticks to the boat. +I am reduced to such a condition on account of this cur that +I sympathise with Bill Sikes in his objection to being +followed everywhere by his faithful dog. Am I doomed, I ask, +to be for ever pestered with this animal? Will he never be +lost, will he never be run over, will he recover from the +distemper if fortune favours me by his having this malady? +Never, I repeat, buy your daughter a dog, and travel with +daughter and dog."[<a id="chap15fn3text"></a><a href="#chap15fn3">3</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere did not return to London before the +middle of October. The question of foreign affairs +interested him unceasingly throughout Mr. Gladstone's fourth +administration. When the composition of Mr. Gladstone's +Cabinet had been published in the continental papers, many +comments had been made upon the appointment of Lord +Rosebery to be Foreign Secretary, and the <i>Temps</i> published +a pointed leading article on the subject. It declared that +Lord Rosebery was regarded by many persons as the incarnation +of Imperialism and Chauvinism, but it went on to reassure +its readers by saying that after all, as Mr. Gladstone +would be so occupied with his Home Rule scheme and minor +social questions, the hankerings of the Foreign Office after +national glory would be suppressed. In any case, it added, +Mr. Labouchere will, if necessary, criticise and protest +against dangerous ardour. The subject of Uganda occupied +the English Parliament early in 1903, and Mr. Labouchere +moved an amendment to the Address to the effect that he +hoped that the Commissioner sent by Her Majesty to +Uganda would effect the evacuation of that country by the +British South African Company without any further Imperial +responsibility being incurred. He gave an account of how the +treaty with the King of Uganda had been obtained, culled +from Captain Lugard's own report. Captain Lugard +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P421"></a>421}</span> +arrived in the country, he said, with a considerable force of +Zanzibaris with breech-loaders and two Maxim guns. A +warm discussion arose on many points. Some of the chiefs +were for signing, but the King held back and giggled and +fooled. He demanded time. "I replied," reported Lugard, +"by rapping the table and speaking loudly, and said he must +sign now. I threatened to leave the next day if he did not, +and possibly to go to his enemies. I pointed out to him that +he had lost the southern half of his kingdom to the Germans +by his delay, and that he would lose more if he delayed now. +He was, I think, scared at my manner, and trembled very +violently." ... And so on. The speech was one of +remarkable power. Although it covers over ten pages of +<i>Hansard</i>, the reader's interest does not flag for an instant. +It was replied to by the Prime Minister with appreciation +and vigour. +</p> + +<p> +On February 13 Mr. Gladstone introduced his Home Rule +Bill,[<a id="chap15fn4text"></a><a href="#chap15fn4">4</a>] and the speech Mr. Labouchere made during the debate +is his last utterance on the subject that I shall quote. He +was true to his great leader to the very end, although that +end had been extended to a date far beyond the period that +might reasonably have been expected. It was a remarkable +fact, said Mr. Labouchere, that in 1886 they were told that +Home Rule would ruin Ireland and the proof was that securities +had gone down. They were now told that Home Rule +would ruin Ireland because securities had gone up! As a +matter of fact, balances at savings banks had gone up +because of certain Land Acts and Rent Acts, by which a good +deal of money which used to go into the landlord's pockets +now went into the savings bank.... A matter like the +Home Rule scheme was necessarily very complicated. They +had two islands, one a large one and one a small one. The +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P422"></a>422}</span> +object of the Bill was to enable them to produce such a state +of things as would enable them to have a local Parliament +in Ireland dealing alone with Irish matters, and a Parliament +in England dealing with British local matters, and also with +Imperial matters. It was very much like trying to put a +square peg into a round hole. He quite agreed that the +angles of the peg would remain. They could not get the fit +geometrically perfect, but the great object was to get the best +fit they could under the circumstances. It must always be +remembered in this matter of Home Rule that they had to +choose between two alternatives. After the Bill of 1886 +the Unionists went before the country saying that there was +a third course, that of some species of local government. +When they got into power where was the third course? It +entirely disappeared.... The Duke of Devonshire had +tried to terrify them the other night about the House of Lords, +that the House was going to defend the liberties of the United +Kingdom by running counter to the will of the people. For +his part, he had never been strongly in favour of an assembly +like the House of Lords. He could not understand why some +six hundred gentlemen should interfere with the decisions of +the representatives of the people. If they did they would +find that additional force would be given to the intention of +the democracy to put an end to their existence.[<a id="chap15fn5text"></a><a href="#chap15fn5">5</a>] It is +interesting to note that in this, his last Parliament, the +Prime Minister himself was converted to Mr. Labouchere's +views on the Upper Chamber. When his Home Rule Bill +was thrown out by the Lords, and his Parish Councils Bill +maimed and emasculated, he came to the conclusion that +there was a decisive case against the House of Lords. "Upon +the whole, he argued," says Lord Morley, "it was not too +much to say for practical purposes the Lords had destroyed +the work of the House of Commons, unexampled as that +work was in the time and pains bestowed upon it. 'I +suggested dissolution to my colleagues in London, where half +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P423"></a>423}</span> +or more than half the Cabinet were found at the moment. +I received by telegraph a hopelessly adverse reply.' Reluctantly +he let the idea drop, always maintaining, however, +that a signal opportunity had been lost."[<a id="chap15fn6text"></a><a href="#chap15fn6">6</a>] +</p> + +<p> +In spite of Mr. Labouchere's activity during the winter +of 1892-3 his health was not good. He suffered from constant +colds and coughs, and his throat, too, was troublesome. +The desire for change was upon him, and his mind went back +to the happy days of his youth in America. He would have +liked to be made Minister at Washington. The idea had +occurred to him at Cadenabbia when some American friends +had suggested to him how popular such an appointment would +be on the other side of the Atlantic. The climate would have +suited him, and, above all, the friction which was so +inevitable between him and the Cabinet would have been avoided. +Washington was quite removed from any of those quarters +of the globe where Mr. Labouchere's and Lord Rosebery's +foreign policy might possibly come into collision. But his +desire was not to be fulfilled. Perhaps naturally, Lord +Rosebery thought that his appointment to such an important post +would look rather as if he were trying to get rid of a formidable +opponent, or at least as if he were trying to bribe him +into silence. His refusal to grant Mr. Labouchere's request +was unqualified, and Mr. Labouchere acknowledged the +repulse, with his usual philosophic calm. "However," he +wrote to Lord Rosebery, on December 8, 1892, "as the matter +rests with you, and as you are averse to the suggestion, I +can only say that all is for the best in the best of worlds." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Gladstone resigned the Premiership on March 3, +1894, and Lord Rosebery became Prime Minister. The life +of the Liberal Government was short, and Mr. Labouchere +soon found himself again in his native air of Opposition, +when his old interest in Parliamentary matters revived. It +was a matter of common knowledge that Mr. Labouchere was +strongly opposed to the Premiership of Lord Rosebery, as +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P424"></a>424}</span> +anyone possessed of his strong Radical nature was bound to +be, but that he had anything to do with the snap division +which ended Lord Rosebery's Ministry[<a id="chap15fn7text"></a><a href="#chap15fn7">7</a>] is clearly contradicted +by an interview which was published in the <i>Globe</i> on +the very day after the fall of the Ministry. The <i>Globe</i> +correspondent found Mr. Labouchere in the highest spirits +smoking his "eternal cigarette" in his study at Old Palace +Yard. "What do you think of the present condition of +things?" he asked. +</p> + +<p> +"Well," replied Mr. Labouchere, "I have only just become +aware of what happened. I was sitting on the terrace +yesterday evening just about seven with Sir William +Harcourt, who was joking about the quietness of things, and +saying it was a dull day without a crisis, when the division +bell rang. I said, 'Great Heavens! What's that for? +I want to get home to dinner.' With that I rushed into +the division with Sir William, and really didn't know what +it was about—you know you can get into the Lobby now +direct by a special door. Well, having recorded my vote +I hurried off to the theatre, and didn't wait to enter the +House. Of course, if I had known what was going to happen +I should have waited to see the row. I heard nothing of +the affair until this morning, when I read it here," added +Mr. Labouchere, pointing to the newspaper beside him. +</p> + +<p> +"I see," said the interviewer, "that you voted with the +Government?" +</p> + +<p> +"Oh yes. I want less cartridges—not more, and anything +in that direction gets my support. As far as I could +see it was only a rag-tag division." +</p> + +<p> +"Do you mean one of those dinner-time snatches, like +your House of Lords amendment?"[<a id="chap15fn8text"></a><a href="#chap15fn8">8</a>] +</p> + +<p> +"Oh no, not even as good as that; just the swing of the +pendulum."[<a id="chap15fn9text"></a><a href="#chap15fn9">9</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P425"></a>425}</span> +</p> + +<p> +The question on South Africa was soon to agitate England, +and all matters of lesser interest must be left now +to show the impassioned part which Mr. Labouchere played +in an affair which cannot be said even to-day to have found +its final solution. +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap15fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap15fn1text">1</a>] The following paragraph from one +of Mr. Labouchere's Draft Reports, +composed when he was member of a committee +to investigate the whole +question of Royal grants in 1891, +shows how reasonable this surmise was: +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +"In conclusion, your Committee desires +to record its emphatic opinion, +that the cost of the maintenance of the Members +of the Royal Family is +already so great, that under no circumstances +should it be increased. In its +opinion, a majority of Her Majesty's subjects +regard the present cost of +Royalty as excessive, and it deems it, +therefore, most undesirable to prejudice +any decisions that may be taken in regard +to this cost, when the entire subject +will come under the cognisance of Parliament, +by granting, either directly +or indirectly, allowances or annuities to any +of the grandchildren of the +Sovereign." +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap15fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap15fn2text">2</a>] Letter to Mr. Fredk. Covington, +Chairman of the Northampton Liberal +and Radical Association, Sept. 13, 1892. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap15fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap15fn3text">3</a>] <i>Truth</i>, September, 1892. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap15fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap15fn4text">4</a>] The first reading took place on Feb. 20. +It was passed through Committee on July 27. +After a scene of uproar it passed the House of Commons +on Sept. 2, by a majority of 34. +It was thrown out by the Lords on Sept. 9, +by a majority of 378. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap15fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap15fn5text">5</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, Feb. 16, 1893, vol. viii., Series 4. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap15fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap15fn6text">6</a>] Morley, <i>Life of Gladstone</i>, vol. iii. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap15fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap15fn7text">7</a>] The Government was defeated on the night +of June 21, 1895, upon a vote +taken in Committee on the Army Estimates. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap15fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap15fn8text">8</a>] <i>The Globe</i>, June 22, 1895. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap15fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap15fn9text">9</a>] On March 13, 1894, Mr. Labouchere had moved an amendment to the +Address, praying the Queen to withdraw +the power of the Lords to veto Bills. +The division was called during the dinner hour, +when the House was comparatively empty, +and the Government were found to be in a minority of 2. +Sir William Harcourt, who reproved Mr. Labouchere +for the levity with which +he approached a great constitutional question, +got out of the dilemma by +moving a new Address. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap16"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P426"></a>426}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER XVI +<br><br> +THE WAR IN SOUTH AFRICA +</h3> + +<p> +On Sunday, December 29, 1895, an armed force +commanded by Dr. Jameson and Captain Willoughby +invaded the territory of the Republic of the Transvaal. +The object of the Jameson Raid was to combine with a body +of disaffected Englishmen, living at Johannesburg, in order +to upset the Government of the Transvaal, and, thereby, to +provoke the intervention of the neighbouring British +Commissioner, and so lead to the remission of the grievances of +the Uitlander population. Such intervention, in the opinion +of those responsible for the Raid, was not intended to result +in the absorption of the South African Republic by the +British Empire, though this point has never been made +altogether clear. The English in Johannesburg, the +Uitlanders as they were called in Dutch, failed, however, to meet +the invaders, and Jameson and his men were captured without +difficulty by the troops of the Republic, and were handed +over to the Imperial Government to be tried and punished. +Subsequently, a select Committee of the House of Commons +was appointed to investigate the causes of the Raid. The +Committee, which numbered amongst its members +Mr. Labouchere, met for the first time on February 5, 1897. +The directors of the British South Africa Company, +Messrs. C. J. Rhodes, Jameson, Alfred Beit, Lionel Phillips, and +Rutherford Harris, were represented by Counsel. Mr. Labouchere +frequently told me that he had never felt altogether +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P427"></a>427}</span> +satisfied with the composition of the Committee. There +were not enough stalwart Radicals on it. It was composed +as follows: Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, the Chancellor of the +Exchequer, Mr. Chamberlain, the Attorney-General, +Mr. Cripps, Sir W. Hart Dyke, Mr. Jackson, Mr. Wharton, +Mr. George Wyndham, Sir William Harcourt, Sir Henry +Campbell Bannerman, Messrs. John Ellis, Sidney Buxton, Blake, +Labouchere, and Bigham (now Lord Mersey). Mr. Labouchere +found his chief support in Mr. Blake, but even he fell +off towards the end, and the member for Northampton +registered his solitary vote for the second reading of the +alternative report with which he wished to replace that of +the chairman. The chairman's report finally adopted by +the Committee may be summarised as follows: +</p> + +<p> +</p> + +<p> +"(1) Great discontent had for some time previous to the +incursion existed in Johannesburg, arising from the +grievances of the Uitlanders. +</p> + +<p> +"(2) Mr. Rhodes occupied a great position in South +Africa; he was Prime Minister of Cape Colony, and, beyond +all other persons, should have been careful to abstain from +such a course as that which he adopted. As Managing +Director of the British South Africa Company, as director of +the De Beers Consolidated Mines and the Gold Fields of +South Africa, Mr. Rhodes controlled a great combination +of interests: he used his position and those interests to +promote and assist his policy. Whatever justification there +may have been for action, on the part of the people of +Johannesburg, there was none for the conduct of a person in +Mr. Rhodes' position, in subsidising, organising, and +stimulating an armed insurrection against the Government of +the South African Republic, and employing the forces and +resources of the Chartered Company to support such a +revolution. He seriously embarrassed both the Imperial +and Colonial Governments, and his proceedings resulted in +the invasion of the territory of a state which was in friendly +relations with Her Majesty, in breach of the obligation to +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P428"></a>428}</span> +respect the right to self-government of the South African +Republic under the conventions between Her Majesty and +that state. Although Dr. Jameson 'went in' without +Mr. Rhodes' authority, it was always part of the plan that these +forces should be used in the Transvaal in support of an +insurrection. Nothing could justify such a use of such a force, +and Mr. Rhodes' heavy responsibility remains, although +Dr. Jameson at the last moment invaded the Transvaal +without his direct sanction. +</p> + +<p> +"(3) Such a policy once embarked upon inevitably +involved Mr. Rhodes in grave breaches of duty to those to +whom he owed allegiance. He deceived the High Commissioner +representing the Imperial Government, he concealed +his views from his colleagues in the Colonial Ministry and +from the Board of the British South Africa Company, and +led his subordinates to believe that his plans were approved +by his superiors. +</p> + +<p> +"(4) Your Committee have heard the evidence of all the +directors of the British South Africa Company, with the +exception of Lord Grey. Of those who were examined +Mr. Beit and Mr. Maguire alone had cognisance of Mr. Rhodes' +plans. Mr. Beit played a prominent part in the negotiations +with the Reform Union; he contributed large sums of money +to the revolutionary movement, and must share full +responsibility for the consequences. +</p> + +<p> +"(5) There is not the slightest evidence that the late +Commissioner in South Africa, Lord Rosmead, was made +acquainted with Mr. Rhodes' plans. The evidence, on the +contrary, shows that there was a conspiracy to keep all +information on the subject away from him. The Committee +must, however, express a strong opinion upon the conduct +of Sir Graham Bower, who was guilty of a grave dereliction +of duty in not communicating to the High Commissioner +the information which had come to his knowledge. +Mr. Newton failed in his duty in a like manner. +</p> + +<p> +"(6) Neither the Secretary of State for the Colonies nor +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P429"></a>429}</span> +any of the officials of the Colonial Office received any +information which made them, or should have made them +or any of them, aware of the plot during its development. +</p> + +<p> +"(7) Finally, your Committee desire to put on record an +absolute and unqualified condemnation of the Raid and of +the plans which made it possible. The result caused for the +time being grave injury to British influence in South Africa. +Public confidence was shaken, race feeling embittered, and +serious difficulties were created with neighbouring states."[<a id="chap16fn1text"></a><a href="#chap16fn1">1</a>] +</p> + +<p> +It is impossible to quote even such a summary as I have +just given of Mr. Labouchere's Draft Report. He began by +indicating the difficulties under which the Committee +laboured: +</p> + +<p> +"(1) Your Committee decided, in the first instance, to +limit its inquiries into that portion of the matters submitted +to it for investigation having relation to the Jameson Raid. +</p> + +<p> +"(2) A considerable amount of oral and documentary +evidence has been placed before it. But its task was +rendered difficult. Some of the witnesses, who were either +cognisant of the Jameson plan, or who took part in the +Jameson Raid, displayed an unwillingness to make a clean +breast of all that they knew, and in many instances witnesses +refused to answer questions that the Committee considered +might properly be put to them. Lord Rosmead could not +be called as a witness on account of ill health, although +Mr. Rhodes had referred to him in his evidence as able to answer +questions, to which that gentleman was not willing to reply. +Documents of the greatest importance, in possession of one +of the witnesses, were not forthcoming,[<a id="chap16fn2text"></a><a href="#chap16fn2">2</a>] nor was an +opportunity given to all the members of your Committee to +examine him as to the statement that he had made in evidence +in connection with them, nor was he reported to your House +for contumacy, with a view to your House taking action to +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P430"></a>430}</span> +overcome it. It seemed probable from the evidence that +much in regard to the document had been stated to the +War Office, as a ground for its taking certain action with +respect to the officers concerned in the Raid. But witnesses +from that office were not examined as to these communications. +Although these documents were in the hands of his +solicitor, who informed your Committee that Mr. Rhodes +claimed them as his property, and would not allow him to +produce them, no direct application was made to Mr. Rhodes +by your Committee to allow them to be produced. Other +documents of a similar character were secured by your +Committee only after Mr. Rhodes had left the country. +He was not, consequently, examined in regard to their +or as tenor, to his action in respect to them. +</p> + +<p> +"(3) Owing to these causes your Committee cannot pretend +to have become possessed of a perfect and full knowledge +of everything connected with the Jameson plan and the +Jameson Raid. It has consequently only been able to weigh +evidence against evidence, and to deduce from what has +been submitted to it the inferences that seem to flow +therefrom."[<a id="chap16fn3text"></a><a href="#chap16fn3">3</a>] +</p> + +<p> +He proceeded to stigmatise, even more severely than the +Report adopted by the Committee, the political conduct of +Mr. Rhodes, for whom, in private, he had conceived +considerable personal admiration. In paragraph 25 of +Mr. Labouchere's Draft Report was this statement: "Your +Committee is, however, of the opinion that they (Messrs. Rhodes +and Beit) merit severe punishment. Mr. Rhodes is a +Privy Councillor, he was a Cape Premier, and he was the +autocrat of Rhodesia when the conspiracy that your +Committee has investigated was in preparation, and when it was +sought to carry it out. He deceived his Sovereign, the +Secretary of State for the Colonies, the High Commissioner +of South Africa, the Governor of the Cape Colony, his +colleagues in the Cape Cabinet, the Board of the Chartered +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P431"></a>431}</span> +Company, and the very persons whom he used as his +instruments in his nefarious designs; and he abused the high +positions which he held by engaging in a conspiracy, in a +success of which his own pecuniary interests were largely +involved, thus inflicting a slur on the hitherto unblemished +honour of our public men at home and in our colonies. +Mr. Beit is a German subject. In conjunction with Mr. Rhodes +he fomented a revolution in a state in amity with us, and +promoted an invasion of that state from British territory. +These two men, the one a British statesman, the other a +financier of German nationality, disgraced the good name +of England, which it ought to be the object of all Englishmen +to maintain pure and undefiled." +</p> + +<p> +The only other important point in Mr. Labouchere's +Draft Report was that referring to the alleged complicity +of the Colonial Office in the Raid. While Mr. Labouchere +admitted that the evidence in no way showed that any such +complicity had existed, he regretted that the question had not +been probed to the bottom, "because the slightest appearance +of any indisposition to do this by your Committee may lead +some persons erroneously to suppose that there may be some +truth in the statements of witnesses connected with the Jameson +plan that the secret aims of Mr. Rhodes were more or less +clearly revealed to Mr. Chamberlain and to Mr. Fairfield." +</p> + +<p> +He expressed himself very strongly in the following article +on the Chartered Company in <i>Truth</i>: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +If the events of the past week have not opened the eyes of +Englishmen at large to the character of the patriots and heroes +who have too long ruled the roost in South Africa, our boasted +national common sense must indeed be a pitiful sham. What is +the position? The South African Republic is a state originally +brought into existence by the Boers treking from Cape Colony +into the wilderness, and establishing themselves beyond what +were then the limits of British colonisation. We tricked them +once into surrendering their independence, merely reserving +a suzerainty as against their right to conclude treaties with foreign +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P432"></a>432}</span> +states without our consent. But since that was done, gold was +discovered within their territory, and this has led to the +migration of a vast number of English and men of other nationalities +into the region where the Boer imagined that he was safe from +pursuit. On the whole, these settlers, considering how unwelcome +their presence must have been, have not been badly treated. +The taxation is not excessive, and the condition of the mining +industry is infinitely better than it is ever likely to be under +the Chartered Company. Out of all those who have dabbled in +Transvaal mining shares during the last year I wonder how many +know the facts respecting the relation of the companies to the +Government of the country. The Government charges on every +mining claim a ground rent or royalty of 10s. a month. To a +company owning fifty claims this means a ground rent of £300 +a year—a very reasonable charge, when from thirty to sixty per +cent. can be earned on the capital of the Company. As against +this what do the Chartered Company charge? One half the net +profits of all mines worked under their jurisdiction. This alone +should teach shareholders of the Transvaal mines how little they +have to gain from the overthrow of Boer Government by the +Rhodes gang, and how thankful they may be for the course of +events last week. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The non-Boer population, however, at Johannesburg and +elsewhere have a genuine grievance on the question of the franchise +and other rights of citizenship. In order to maintain their +exclusive sovereignty in the land the Boers insist upon a fifteen +years' residence for full naturalisation.... The period is +too long, and it would be prudent on the part of the Boers to +reduce it. There is no reason to suppose that they would refuse +to do so, were the demands of the Uitlanders advanced in a +regular manner.... But even were the Boers ever so deaf +to justice and so blind to their own interests as to meet the +Uitlander case with an obstinate <i>non possumus</i>, what pretext +does this afford for armed intervention by the Chartered +Company? A pretence it is true has been made that, before +commencing their Raid, Jameson and his men resigned their positions +under the Company; but even if such a form were gone through, +it is obviously only a colourable pretence. The invading force +was drilled, armed, and maintained by the Company. At its +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P433"></a>433}</span> +head was the administrator of the Company. On his staff was +the Company's generalissimo. It took with it the ammunition, +equipment, and horses of the Company.... Neither in the +political aims of the Uitlanders, nor the position of the +Johannesburgers was there a shadow of justification for Jameson's +Raid..... The proceedings bear their character on their face +and are of a piece with all that has gone before in the history of +the Company. The design was to play the Matabele coup again +on a bigger field. What was the origin of the Raid on Lobengula? +The Company had obtained Lobengula's permission to occupy +Mashonaland and dig there for gold, and had no further right +beyond this. When occupied, Mashonaland was found to have +no paying gold. The shares of the Company were unsalable +rubbish. A pretext was therefore found for making war on Lobengula +and seizing Matabeleland—a pretext as transparently dishonest +as the pretext for the invasion of the Transvaal. All the +circumstances showed in that case as in this, that the coup had +been carefully prepared long beforehand. When the train had +been laid, a quarrel was picked with the Matabele, who had entered +Mashonaland at the Company's request, and they were attacked +and shot down by this same Jameson while doing their best to +retire in obedience to his orders. Instantly the whole of the +Company's forces, all held in readiness, entered Matabeleland +under the pretence that the Matabele and not the Company were +the aggressors. Lobengula's savages were mowed down by +thousands with Maxims. Those who were taken prisoners were +killed off to save trouble. The envoys sent by the King to try +and make terms were barbarously murdered. The King himself +fled and died before he could be captured. His territory and the +flocks and herds of his people were parcelled out among the +Company and the band of freebooters who had been collected +by promises of loot. One million new shares were created by +Jameson's principals and colleagues, and, in the subsequent boom, +shares were unloaded on the British public at prices ranging up to +£8 per share. Matabeleland, however, has proved no richer in +paying gold than Mashonaland. The shares have been going +down again. What were the Chartered gang to do next? In +the Transvaal there are extensive paying gold mines, and money +which the gang would like to pocket is going elsewhere. Forthwith +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P434"></a>434}</span> +the Chartered Company's forces are marshalled again. A +sudden and obviously factitious agitation springs up at Johannesburg. +Rumours of deadly peril to the alien population are put +in circulation, goodness knows whence. The women and children +are packed off—so it is said, but no one knows why or at whose +instigation. Simultaneously a message imploring aid from the +quaking citizens reaches Jameson, no one knows how, and in a +moment the fighting doctor and his bold buccaneers are once +more over the border. There, however, all resemblance between +the two coups ends. The Chartered heroes have not to deal +this time with naked half-armed savages, but with white men as +well armed as themselves, and as well able to use their arms. +There are Maxim guns on the other side this time and Krupp +guns as well. Result: after a few hours' fighting, the conquerors +of Matabeleland are killed or taken prisoners, and the doughty +Jameson and his staff are lodged in Pretoria Gaol. I have no +desire to exult over their fate. It is a shameful and abominable +business all round, out of which no Englishman can extract a +grain of satisfaction. But if ever men died with their blood on +their own heads, they are the men who fell in this raid, and if +ever prisoners of war deserved scant mercy, Jameson and his +comrades are those prisoners. They may thank their stars that +they have fallen into the hands of men who are not likely to treat +them as they themselves treated the Matabele wounded and +prisoners.[<a id="chap16fn4text"></a><a href="#chap16fn4">4</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +He continued his attack in a series of articles. The +burden of his argument was always the impurity of motive +arising from the financial interest involved. "What a +comment on our morality," he writes on April 2, "has been +our action during the last few months! We quarrelled with +the Americans about Venezuela about a bog in which we +fancied there might be gold; we remain in Egypt because we +are looking after the interest on Egyptian bonds, and finding +salaries for a herd of English employees; we are engaged in +a Soudan Expedition because Dongola is fertile, and its possession +will afford a plea to us to violate our pledges to leave +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P435"></a>435}</span> +Egypt; we are disputing with President Kruger because he +has fallen out with a crew of company mongers; we are +backing up a company in Rhodesia because its shares have +been put up to a high premium on the Stock Exchange. +But, pledged as we are to see that there is good government +in Armenia, we are supinely looking on whilst Armenian men +are being slaughtered, Armenian women ravished, and +Armenian villages burnt. Why? Because there is no +money to be made in protecting Armenians, and our +financiers have no interests in Armenia."[<a id="chap16fn5text"></a><a href="#chap16fn5">5</a>] +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere thought, rightly or wrongly, that the +Imperialism of Mr. Rhodes was little more than a mask to +cover the desire for financial expansion. Not that he thought +badly of Mr. Rhodes personally. He thought that he +deceived himself in perfectly good faith. While he detested +his aims, he could not help admiring the energy and skill with +which they were promoted, and something simple and direct +in the character of the man himself. +</p> + +<p> +The estimate I had formed of Mr. Labouchere's opinion +of Mr. Rhodes as a private individual was recently confirmed +by the following extract from a letter which I received from +Mr. Charles Boyd containing a reminiscence of an interview +he had with Mr. Labouchere in 1897: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +That was the year [he wrote] of the British South Africa +Commission of which he (Mr. Labouchere) was a member, and +which, as George Wyndham's Secretary, I regularly attended; +he was, of course, very much "over the way," in Mr. Jaggers's +sense, to what one may call the Imperialist view of the South +African question. It was, I think, in May, or, at all events, near +the end of the sitting of the Commission, that I conceived the +spirited notion of offering myself for the post of Imperial +Secretary to the High Commissioner for South Africa, Sir Alfred +Milner, then recently appointed; though without official experience, +I had some good backers on the strength of some little +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P436"></a>436}</span> +study of the South African problem. Among these was one of +the kindest of men, the late Mr. Moberley Bell, manager of the +<i>Times</i>, with whom one morning I sat in his house in Portland +Place considering that forlorn hope, as it most properly proved +to be of my ambition. "The only thing is," said Mr. Bell, +"what are you going to do with Labby? You know you are +a child of the opposite camp." I agreed with gloom that, if I +had any chance, and Mr. Labouchere "took notice," my antecedents +might not be a recommendation. The imperial South +African Association was then about a year old, and active and +formidable enough to have caught the eye of <i>Truth</i>. Mr. Bell, +leaning his big head on his big hand, had a benevolent inspiration. +"If I were you," he said, "I'd jump into the nearest hansom +and drive straight to 5 Old Palace Yard. It's a sort of move he +may quite well love. You will be 'squaring Labby,'" and +Mr. Bell dismissed me with his blessing. Yet a little and somewhat +nervous-like I stood in the presence of your Uncle, in that wonderful +room which you will so well remember giving on the green turf +of the Abbey precincts. I stated my case, and displayed one or +two testimonials, including that of his friend Sir Charles Dilke. +"And now," said I indignantly, "if I do have any chance, I +am told that I am in danger of <i>Truth</i>." "Nothing of the kind," +said Mr. Labouchere. "I have, to begin with, a considerable +admiration for George Wyndham, and, as for yourself, your having +the nerve to come straight to me is sufficient proof of your fitness +for the Imperial Secretaryship or for anything else," and with +a graceful movement of his wrist he disengaged some cigarettes +from a sort of gilded network basket of the same, which depended +from the wall, and bade me sit down and smoke. He talked of +the Commission, and asked me what I thought of the evidence +of Mr. Rhodes, with whom, of course, he had considerably crossed +swords, not to say whom he had bated. I expressed, possibly with +an air of defiance, an extreme sense of Mr. Rhodes' candour. +"But bless you," said Mr. Labouchere, "I know all that as +well as you. I like Rhodes, I like his porter and sandwiches. +An entirely honest, heavy person. On the other hand, did you +ever see anything so fatuous as the performance of H——?" +</p> + +<p> +Presently he returned to my candidature, and said, "I'd better +write you a testimonial myself, and that will allay your fears..." +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P437"></a>437}</span> +</p> + +<p> +As is well known, the troubles of South Africa did not +come to an end with the settlement of the Jameson Raid. +The aggrieved Uitlanders had not availed themselves, when +it came to the point, of Dr. Jameson's action, and their +unredressed grievances—that they suffered from serious +grievances was admitted even by Mr. Labouchere—festered +in their minds and produced, as time went on, deeper and +more widespread dissatisfaction. Nor was the appointment +in 1897 of Sir Alfred (now Lord) Milner as British Governor +of Cape Colony and High Commissioner for South Africa +by Mr. Chamberlain, who had taken office under Lord +Salisbury as Colonial Secretary, calculated to allay the +resentment of the Boers, his Imperialist sympathies being +well known. Towards the end of 1898, Sir Alfred Milner +left South Africa for England. He was away for three +months, and during his absence several things occurred to +hasten the unfortunate crisis—the outbreak of war. General +Sir William Butler had been selected to fill the chief military +command in South Africa, left vacant by the sudden death +of Sir William Goodenough. Sir William Butler, immediately +on his arrival in South Africa, allowed his sympathy with the +Afrikander party to be very apparent. He was convinced +that the English population of the Transvaal had no real +grievances, and were only striving to make mischief. When Sir +Alfred Milner returned to the Cape, on February 14, 1899, he +was faced by a very different situation to the one he had left. +In almost all the towns of Cape Colony and Natal meetings had +been held by the Colonists protesting against the continuation +of the existing state of affairs in the Transvaal, and +demanding the intervention of the Imperial Government. Dutch +feeling was no less agitated. Among the extreme section of +Afrikanders everywhere a movement was on foot for the +formation of a National League which should bind together all +Afrikanders in strenuous opposition to any attempt of the +Imperial power to intervene in South African affairs.[<a id="chap16fn6text"></a><a href="#chap16fn6">6</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P438"></a>438}</span> +</p> + +<p> +In England, the first indication of what was coming was +revealed to the discerning public who read Parliamentary +reports by the publication of the army estimates, in which a +sum not exceeding £1,211,900 was asked for to cover the +military expenses (March, 1899-March, 1900). Mr. Dillon +asked why it was considered necessary to increase so enormously +our forces in South Africa. The Colonial Secretary +(Mr. Chamberlain) replied to the effect that the Transvaal +Republic, which borders on the colony of Natal and Cape +Colony, had enormously in creased their offensive or defensive +forces within the last few years. They had spent large sums +in forts, artillery, and rifles, and millions of cartridges had +been imported. Therefore, as long as the British Government +was responsible for the peace in South Africa, a like +increase of warlike preparation was necessary on our part. +Mr. Labouchere replied aptly that the increased defensive +measures adopted by the Boers had only followed upon the +scandalous and outrageous raid which had been made upon +their country by the minions of the Chartered Company. +Then a paragraph appeared in the <i>Times</i> to the effect that +the Commander-in-Chief had been engaged in completing the +organisation and composition of the "larger force which it +will be necessary to dispatch to South Africa in the event of +the negotiations at present in progress with the Government +of the Transvaal proving unsuccessful." Mr. Labouchere +asked, on July 7, whether the officers mentioned in +this communique as going to South Africa to organise the +forces, were to go into Cape Colony and into Natal to organise +them, and, if so, whether it was with the consent of the +Ministers of those Colonies? To which question Mr. Balfour +replied "I do not know."[<a id="chap16fn7text"></a><a href="#chap16fn7">7</a>] +</p> + +<p> +On October 17, Mr. Dillon moved an amendment to the +Address in answer to the Queen's Speech, praying for arbitration +to settle the difficulties between the two Governments, +so that "an ignominious war may be avoided between the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P439"></a>439}</span> +overwhelming forces of your Majesty's Empire and those of +two small nations numbering in all less than 200,000 +souls." Mr. Labouchere seconded the amendment, and pleaded +eloquently for arbitration, suggesting President McKinley +as the best arbitrator possible. The peroration of his speech +was excellent, but, alas, it fell at the time upon ears already +eagerly alert for no other sounds than the music of triumphant +victory and glorious marches home after a course of +deeds of valour, which the mere fact of British nationality +was to render as easy of achievement as an afternoon's football. +It reads now with a different ring, and testifies to the +spirit of justice and temperance which were so characteristic +of all his policy in those crises when the English nation gets +stirred up, as it sometimes does, to a spirit of hysterical +enthusiasm, in comparison with which the excitability and +nervous agitation of the "foreigner" is a mere joke. "I +confess that I feel very sorry for the end of these unfortunate +Boers," he said. "They are fathers of families, they are +farmers, honest and ignorant if you like. They are fighting +for that which they believe to be the holiest and most noble +of causes—their homesteads and their country. We must all +regret that their country is not only turned into a battlefield, +but that a number of these men, the breadwinners of families, +will be slain. For my part, I cannot accept the responsibility +of contenting myself with merely washing my hands of an injustice +like this. It might be a very politic thing to say: 'There +is a feeling in favour of war; I protest against it, but I wash my +hands of it, and shall criticise hereafter the conduct of the +Colonial Secretary.' I have not criticised the conduct of the +right hon. gentleman in this matter except indirectly, because +that is not the question of the moment. The question is to +do the best we can to put an end to this war, and that is why I +have seconded, and why I would venture to urge the House +to agree to the amendment which has been moved, because +then the war would cease in a very few days."[<a id="chap16fn8text"></a><a href="#chap16fn8">8</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P440"></a>440}</span> +</p> + +<p> +On October 20, Mr. Labouchere pointed out that, although +the total cost of our army is £22,000,000, we are "positively +spending £10,000,000 in sending troops to South Africa." He +added, with some truth, that, as the Government had a +majority, to ask the House to vote against these proceedings +was useless. But he declared that, in his opinion, before +the war was over, it would cost the country a hundred +millions. A burst of laughter and ironical cheering from the +Ministerialists greeted the statement of the member for +Northampton. They all imagined that Buller would be in +Pretoria before Christmas, and that there would even be +some change out of the ten millions voted. What a chill +would have fallen over that light-hearted assembly if some +hand had written on the wall at that moment the real sum +which the South African enterprise so gaily entered upon +would cost the nation! Something well over two hundred +millions did not cover it.[<a id="chap16fn9text"></a><a href="#chap16fn9">9</a>] +</p> + +<p> +In March 1900, the War Loan Bill raising a sum of thirty-five +millions was passed through both Houses of Parliament. +The events of the war which had taken place by this time +were, briefly, these: The British dispatch which led up to +the Boer ultimatum was presented in Pretoria on September +25, and the mobilisation of the Boers commenced on the 27th. +The Transvaal ultimatum was presented to the British agent +on October 9, and the war began upon the 11th. At the +end of the first fortnight the English claimed the victories +of Talana and Elandslaagte, whilst the Boers could boast +that they had swept the whole of Natal down to Ladysmith. +At Pretoria there was great jubilation, and the highest +expectations of success for the farmers' arms were +entertained. Before Christmas the defeats of Nicholson's Nek, +Stormberg, Magersfontein, and Colenso had plunged England +into depths of gloom. The investment of Ladysmith +had been completed, and the first stage of the war marked by +the advance of the Boers into British territory was over. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P441"></a>441}</span> +On the 22nd of December, Lord Roberts had set sail from +Southampton to the Cape. To him the British Government +had turned in its hour of need to restore the shaken prestige +of the British army and to bring the war to a successful +conclusion. Their confidence was justified, though the conclusion +of the war was still far distant. The horrible disaster of +Spion Kop occurred in January, but the middle of March saw +Lord Roberts in Bloemfontein. Ladysmith and Kimberley +had been relieved, and the whole vast territory south of these +points was in uncontested occupation of the British troops. +</p> + +<p> +In Mr. Labouchere's speech of March 13, on the occasion +of the second reading of the War Loan Bill, he had pleaded +eloquently for a cessation of hostilities in South Africa. +The Boers, he said, had now been driven out of British +territory, but the only terms upon which the British +Government would make peace were degrading to a brave and honest +people, namely the surrendering of their independence, and +the blotting of their nationality out of existence. "Can +you tell me of any war," he asked, "in which the vanquished +side asked for terms and were told that the victors would grant +terms only in the capital of the defeated country, and on +condition of their surrendering their independence? I call +this thing an iniquity, and a disgrace to this country to +propose such terms. Perhaps the question of iniquity does not +appeal to hon. gentlemen opposite. It is not only a crime—it +is a blunder. I do not believe this is a way to establish peace +and harmony and good feeling in South Africa.... You are +at present appealing to the lowest passions outside of this +House. I do not believe you will succeed in the long run; it +may be that the people will be carried away by the feeling +which at present exists among Englishmen, but they will soon +see that they have been fooled into this war by the vilest body +of financiers that ever existed in this world, and that the +opportunity had been taken to lay hold of the territory and gold, +which Lord Salisbury himself boasted we did not wish for."[<a id="chap16fn10text"></a><a href="#chap16fn10">10</a>] +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P442"></a>442}</span> +</p> + +<p> +There is no doubt that Mr. Labouchere was extremely +unpopular in England during 1900. It was difficult for the +man in the street to separate his political attitude, with +regard to the war, from that of the Irish Nationalists, with +whose policy he had been so long identified, and who welcomed +the war as supplying fresh food for their campaign +of denunciation against the British Government, and who +openly expressed their exultation at the Boer successes. +Mr. Labouchere did not rejoice at the British humiliation. The +point that he always had in view was the prevention of +more bloodshed, and the injustice of the annexation of new +territory by the force of numerical superiority. Further, he +considered that the negotiations which took place in the +summer and autumn of 1899, before the outbreak of war, +had not been carried on with fairness towards the Boers. +After the President of the Transvaal Republic had agreed to +a seven years' Franchise Law, retrospective in its action, for +the colonists, Mr. Chamberlain took exception to a provision +of the new Bill, which required that the alien desirous of +burghership should produce a certificate of continuous +registration during the period for naturalisation. He +suggested further that the details of the scheme should be +discussed by delegates appointed by Sir Alfred Milner and the +Transvaal Government (July 27). The Transvaal Government, +as it had a perfect right to do, instead of immediately +accepting Mr. Chamberlain's suggestion, submitted alternative +proposals to the British Government, which gave most +liberal concessions to the Uitlanders, the details of which were +to be discussed with the British agent at Pretoria. To these +proposals were attached certain conditions, one of which was +that "Her Majesty's Government will not insist further upon +the assertion of suzerainty, the controversy on the subject +being tacitly allowed to drop" (August 19). Mr. Conynghame +Greene, the British agent at Pretoria, wired the Boer +proposals and conditions to Sir Alfred Milner. Sir Alfred +Milner wired to Mr. Conynghame Greene in reply: "If +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P443"></a>443}</span> +the South African Republic should reply to the invitation +to a joint enquiry put forward by Her Majesty's Government +by formally making the proposals described in your +telegram, such a course would not be regarded by Her +Majesty's Government as a refusal of their offer, but they +would be prepared to consider the reply of the South African +Republic on its merits." +</p> + +<p> +In Mr. Labouchere's opinion, it was at this point of the +negotiations that the disingenuousness of Mr. Chamberlain's +action was most apparent. The formal reply of Her +Majesty's Government to the Boer proposals was delivered on +August 30. It declared that the Boer proposals were +accepted, but that the British Government utterly refused +to consider the conditions attached to them. It was obvious +now that the Boers had no other course open to them but to +fall back upon the Commission proposed by Mr. Chamberlain +on July 27, and to which their proposals and conditions +were the alternative, and, according to Sir Alfred Milner's +wire to Mr. Conynghame Greene, understood by both +Governments as such. On September 2, therefore, they asked +for further information as to the Joint Committee which +they were now <i>par force majeure</i> and <i>faute de mieux</i> +prepared to accept. The reply they received on September 12 +was that "H.M. Government have been compelled to +regard the last proposal of the Government of the South +African Republic as unacceptable in the form in which it was +presented"; that they "cannot now consent to go back to +the proposal for which those in the note of the Government +of the Republic of August 19 are intended as a substitute"; +and that, if those proposals of the Transvaal Government, +taken by themselves and without the conditions attached +by that Government, are not agreed to, "H.M. Government +must reserve to themselves the right to reconsider the +situation <i>de novo</i> and to formulate their own proposals for a final +settlement." On September 15, the Secretary of State of +the Transvaal Republic replied that he learned with deep +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P444"></a>444}</span> +regret of the withdrawal of the invitation to a joint enquiry. +The proposal of August 19, made by him in the name of his +Government, involved the danger of affecting the independence +of the Republic, but his Government had set against +this danger the advantage of obtaining the assurances +mentioned in the conditions. He protested against the injustice +of being asked to grant the original proposals without the +conditions annexed, and he could not understand +Mr. Chamberlain's present refusal to accept the Commission +which was his own alternative. The reply of the Republic +consequently was that it could not grant the first half of the +August 19 offer without the second, but would accept the +Joint Commission which had been proposed by Mr. Chamberlain; +that it welcomed the introduction of a Court of +Arbitration, and was willing to help in its formation, but that +it was not clear what were the subjects mentioned as outside +the Court of Arbitration, and it deprecated the foreshadowing +of new proposals without specification. Mr. Reitz +finally implored the acceptance of the Joint Commission, +as "if H.M.'s Government are willing and able to make this +decision it will put an end to the present state of tension, race +hatred would decrease and die out, the prosperity and welfare +of the South African Republic and of the whole of South +Africa would be developed and furthered, and fraternisation +between the different nationalities would increase." On +September 25 Mr. Chamberlain replied that no conditions +less comprehensive than the final offer of H.M. Government +could be relied upon to effect the object for which they had +been striving. The dispatch concluded with these words: +"H.M. Government will communicate to the High +Commissioner the result of their deliberations in a later +dispatch." On September 30 the British agent at Pretoria +telegraphed by request of the Secretary of State of the +Republic to ask what decision had been taken by the British +Government. Mr. Chamberlain replied on October 2 +that "the dispatch of H.M. Government is being prepared +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P445"></a>445}</span> +but will not be ready for some days." In the meantime +Parliament had been summoned to grant supplies, the +Reserves were called out, and ships were chartered to convey +all available troops to South Africa. From September 27 +to October 8 the President of the Orange Free State +telegraphed frequently to Sir Alfred Milner. He complained +of the concentration of troops on the frontiers of his State +and of the Transvaal, again and again preferred his good +offices to avoid all possibility of war, and in almost every +telegram urged that Her Majesty's Government should at +once make known the "precise nature and scope of the +concessions or measures, the adoption whereof Her Majesty's +Government consider themselves entitled to claim, or which +they suggest as being necessary or sufficient to secure a +satisfactory and permanent solution of existing differences +between them and the South African Republic, whilst at the +same time providing a means for settling any others that may +arise in the future." To this request Sir Alfred Milner made +no reply.[<a id="chap16fn11text"></a><a href="#chap16fn11">11</a>] On October 9 the famous Ultimatum was presented +to the British agent at Pretoria. Amongst other plain +statements it contained words to the effect that the Transvaal +felt obliged to regard the military force in the neighbourhood +of its frontiers as a threat against the Republic, +and that it became necessary to ask Her Majesty's Government +to give an assurance that no further troops should be +landed in South Africa, that troops on the borders of the +Republic should be withdrawn either by friendly arbitration +or some other amicable way. In the event of a refusal the +Secretary of State of the Transvaal must regard the action +of Her Majesty's Government as a formal declaration of war. +War broke out, as has been said, on October 11. +</p> + +<p> +When Lord Roberts marched triumphantly into Pretoria +on the 9th of June, some important letters were found in +the capital of the Transvaal out of which great political +interest was made against the group of Englishmen, of +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P446"></a>446}</span> +whom Labouchere was one of the most important, who were +known as the "little Englanders" in contradistinction to +the ever growing numbers of "Imperialists." These letters +were sent to Mr. Chamberlain, and a correspondence on the +subject ensued between him and Mr. Labouchere. Mr. Labouchere +published the whole of it in <i>Truth</i>, prefacing the +letters with the following remarks:[<a id="chap16fn12text"></a><a href="#chap16fn12">12</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +"The correspondence which I print below speaks for itself. +I had not supposed that I was one of the three M.P.'s whose +letters had fallen into the hands of Mr. Chamberlain, as I do +not think that I ever wrote to any one in Pretoria. But I did, +before the war, both write and talk to Mr. Montagu White, the +Transvaal representative in London, and it would seem that he +sent some of my letters to Pretoria. What there is requiring +explanation in either my conversations or correspondence I do +not know. The advice which I gave to Mr. White was that his +Government should make reasonable concessions, and should +gain time, in order to tide over the false impression created by +Mr. Chamberlain's appeal to the passions which had been excited +by statements in regard to Boer rule derived from the 'kept' +Rhodesian press in South Africa and the correspondents of the +English newspapers, who were nearly all connected with that +'kept press' and with the Rhodes gang. Had my advice been +followed, there would have been no war. The difficulty which +stood in the way of its being adopted was that President Kruger +and other leading Boers were fully convinced that Mr. Chamberlain +had been in the counsels of the Jameson-Rhodes conspirators +of 1895, and that—no matter what concessions the Transvaal +might make—he was determined to have his revenge for President +Kruger having got the better of him on that occasion." +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Here is the correspondence: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +COLONIAL OFFICE, Aug. 6, 1900. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +SIR,—I beg to call your attention to the enclosed copy of a +letter from Mr. Montagu White, with copies of two letters +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P447"></a>447}</span> +purporting to have been written by you, and to inquire if you desire +to offer any explanations or observations with regard to them.—I +am, Sir, Your obedient, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +J. CHAMBERLAIN. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +(<i>Enclosure</i>) <i>Mr. Montagu White to Dr. Reitz</i>[<a id="chap16fn13text"></a><a href="#chap16fn13">13</a>] +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +58 VICTORIA STREET, LONDON, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Aug. 4, 1899 +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR DR. REITZ,—I feel tired and done for to-night. It is +past six o'clock and I still have forty miles to go before I get home. +My inclination is to wire to you, asking you to tell the British +Government to go to the devil and to do their "darnedest." It +is perfectly sickening the way one is kept in a continual state +of suspense and nervous excitement. Everything is as quiet as +possible on the surface, and there has been a tremendous decrease +in press cuttings which is a sure sign that matters are relapsing +into a normal condition. But I have been able to judge of the +effect upon our friends of hints that we may not be able to accept +the proposed Commission. Without exception, they are one and +all dead against our refusing it, and all agree that we shall have to +face a very serious crisis if we refuse the proposal, and that +without the friendly support of the majority of the newspapers which +have hitherto been on our side. Spender of the <i>Chronicle</i>, who +has fought consistently and well for us, tells me that none of them +can understand in what way we shall be worse off for accepting +the Commission, for (if) your people disagree about the finding +of the report what can Mr. Chamberlain do further? Even our +best friends say that by rejecting the report of the Industrial +Commission two years ago, we have allowed things to go so far +that it is unwise to talk of intermeddling in our home affairs as +a refusal to entertain what public opinion here endorses as a fair +proposal. The essence of friendly advice is: Accept the proposal +in principle, point out how difficult it will be to arrive at a +satisfactory conclusion as to statistics, etc., and how undesirable it +would be to have a miscarriage of the Commission. In other +words: gain as much time as you can, and give the public time +here to get out of the dangerous frame of mind which Chamberlain's +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P448"></a>448}</span> +speeches have created. Spender is of opinion that after +two months' delay all danger will have vanished. I cannot say +I share his optimistic views, for this sort of thing has been going +on for three years. Labouchere said to me this morning: "Don't +for goodness sake, let Mr. Kruger make his first mistake by +refusing this; a little skilful management, and he will give Master +Joe another fall." He further said: "You are such past masters +in the art of gaining time, here is an opportunity; you surely +haven't let your right hands lose their cunning, and you ought +to spin out the negotiations for quite two or three months." I +must leave off now. Please remember one thing: I do not send +you my advice. I send you the opinions of friends and the +tendency of public feeling here. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Some one sent me some lines parodying R. Kipling's <i>Lest We +Forget</i>. I got it published in <i>Truth</i>.—Yours very truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MONTAGU WHITE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +(<i>Enclosure</i>) <i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Montagu White</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +5 OLD PALACE YARD, S.W., Aug. 2, 1899. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR MR. MONTAGU WHITE,—You will see the lines in +<i>Truth</i>. I have altered one or two words to make the grammar all +right. I do hope that President Kruger will manage to accept +in some form or another the reference (proposed conference). +Bannerman and all our Front Bench believe that it is only a way +devised by the Cabinet to let Joe climb down. The new Franchise +Act stands. The <i>onus probandi</i> of showing that it does not give +substantial representation to the Uitlanders and yet leave the +Boers masters is with Chamberlain. The difference between five +and seven years is not a ground for proof. The details for +registration do not prove it. Let President Kruger quote our +Registration Laws, which you had better send him, and do not forget +that a lodger has to register every year; he is not automatically +on the Franchise list. In connection with this, Milner suggested +in his dispatch six years. He afterwards said that six was a +mistake for five. But Chamberlain in his reply approved of six. +It is impossible to calculate the effect without knowing how many +Outlanders there are, and how long each has been in the country. +To discover the basis of inquiry would take a long time. As the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P449"></a>449}</span> +decision would go by the majority, the question would be on the +Chairman, who would have a casting vote. Surely it could be +arranged with Natal; the Cape and the Orange Free State, as +well as the Transvaal, should be represented, with the Chairman +an Englishman who has not yet expressed an opinion. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +My own impression is that comparatively few will ever become +Boers amongst the English; they will not like to give up their +nationality. The President has a great opportunity to give Joe +another fall. If at the same time the Dynamite Concession is +abrogated there will be a rise in many shares, and this will be +regarded as a barometer that everything is going on well and +satisfactorily. The great thing is to gain time. In a few months +we shall be howling about something in another part of the +world.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +(<i>Enclosure</i>) <i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Montagu White</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +5 OLD PALACE YARD, S.W., Aug. 4, 1899. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR MR. WHITE,—It is the general opinion that Chamberlain +"climbed down." As Bannerman put it to me: "His speech +was a little bluster of his own with the main parts arranged by his +colleagues, and they sat by like policemen to see that he read +them." As a matter of fact he did read all the important parts. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If the President agrees to the Committee it will, under clever +tactics, take months to settle conditions, and then it will take +further months to come to a decision. If the basis is established +that there shall be a substantial representation of the Uitlanders, +yet not such as can endanger the majority of the Boers, no harm +can well come of the Commission. The only difficulty is that +it is a sort of recognition of our right to meddle. But this might +be avoided in two ways: (1) By getting Schreiner into it and making +it a sort of South African affair; (2) by making a bargain and +agreeing only on the understanding that there should be arbitration +on all matters affecting the true reading of the Convention. +But if the latter is proposed then the President should put in +some proposal for the Chief Justices and one Imperial Judge or +Governor to be the tribunal. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The universal opinion is that the Cabinet has forced all this +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P450"></a>450}</span> +upon Chamberlain, and that they are determined not to have +war and to do something to let him down easily. Salisbury's +speech was conceived on these lines, and a little vague bluster +but nothing more. I accentuated Bannerman's declaration +about hostilities; this pledges the Liberal party against +war.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="t3"> +<i>Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain</i> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> + HOTEL AND PENSION WALDHAUS,<br> + VULPERA TARASP, ENGADIN SCHWEIZ, Aug. 18, 1900.<br> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +SIR,—I beg to acknowledge your letter of Aug. 6, enclosing +copy of a letter of Mr. Montagu White, with copies of two letters +"purporting to have been written by me," and inquiring if I +desire to offer any explanation or observations with regard to +them. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +For what I may have written or said to Mr. Montagu White +I am responsible to the House of Commons, of which I am a +member; to my constituents who have done me the honour to +send me there; and to the law. To you I owe no sort of explanation. +I ascribe, therefore, your invitation to furnish you with +one in respect to the enclosed letters to the singular illusion that +no matter what course you may see fit to adopt, whether as a +Conservative or a Liberal Minister, all owe you a personal +explanation who take the liberty to disapprove of it, and to do +their best to prevent its bringing us into unnecessary hostilities +with some foreign power. Whilst not recognising this pretension +on your part, I will, however, offer you some observations in regard +to these letters, as you apparently desire that I should do so. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The letters of mine enclosed were, I do not doubt, written by +me. The only exception that I have to take to the copies is that +a few of the words in them are, I should fancy, erroneously copied, +as they do not make sense. The advice tendered in them seems +to me to be excellent, and I know of no reason why I should not +have addressed it to Mr. White, who was then the representative +of a country with which we were at peace. Many letters passed +before the War between that gentleman and myself. He was +most desirous that all possibility of war should be removed, and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P451"></a>451}</span> +that harmony and good feeling should be established on a firm +basis between Great Britain and the Transvaal. This we both +thought could only be effected by a full recognition of the +Convention of 1884, as explained by Lord Derby, who signed it for +Great Britain, and by reasonable concessions on the part of the +Transvaal Government in regard to the naturalisation and +electoral franchise of the Uitlanders domiciled in the Republic. +I therefore suggested that the Transvaal Government should +grant to such domiciled aliens naturalisation and electoral +franchise of the Uitlanders on precisely the same terms as they are +granted to aliens in Great Britain. A law thus framed would, +I thought, not be open to objection on your part, and would put +an end to all the carping criticisms raised by you in respect to +small and unimportant details in the concessions that you were +forcing on the Transvaal in regard to these matters, and which +seemed to me hardly calculated to bring about a peaceful solution +of the situation. If I remember rightly the last letters exchanged +between Mr. White and myself were just before the close of the +normal session of Parliament last year. Mr. White in his letter +informed me that he had received a communication from Mr. Reitz, +the Transvaal Sec. of State, in which that gentleman told +him that, although he had always been a strong advocate for all +reasonable reforms in respect of the Uitlanders, and although +he had used all his influence to promote a peaceful solution of the +pending issues between the two countries, your despatches were +so persistently insulting in their tone, and all concessions made +by his Government were so invariably met by you with fresh +demands, that even the most moderate of the Transvaal Burghers +were becoming convinced that you were determined to oblige +them either to surrender at discretion to all that you might +demand, or to defend by arms the position secured to the +Transvaal by the Convention of 1884. He therefore suggested that +the negotiations should be taken in hand by Lord Salisbury, +in which case he was convinced that a settlement satisfactory +to both sides would be easily come to. As I entirely agreed +with this opinion of Mr. Reitz, and believed that you were +the chief impediment to such a settlement, I replied to +Mr. White that the tenor of Mr. Reitz's communication should +be conveyed to a leading member of the Cabinet, and that +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P452"></a>452}</span> +I hoped—although I did not expect—that the suggestion would +bear fruit. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +As I gathered from your observations in the House of +Commons that you had not made up your mind whether you would +publish the letters of Members of Parliament to Transvaal +authorities that had fallen into your hands, I will—so far as my +letters are concerned—relieve you of further consideration by +publishing them myself, together with this correspondence. I +have often urged that the public should have the advantage of a +full knowledge of all documents which are likely to enable them +to form a sound judgment in respect to the issues that have arisen +in South Africa. Might I, with all respect, venture to suggest +to you that you should follow my example? The Secretary of +State for Foreign Affairs (whoever he may be) and Her Majesty's +representatives in foreign capitals correspond not only by +despatches, but by what they are pleased to term "private letters," +which are to all intents and purposes despatches. I presume +that the same course is usual between Secretaries of State for +the Colonies and Her Majesty's Colonial Governors. You have +announced that you are in favour of a "new diplomacy" in +which nothing is kept back from the public. Would it be too +much to ask you to inaugurate the "new diplomacy" by publishing +all the so-called private letters that have been exchanged +between you and the Governors of Natal and the Cape Colony; +and all the letters and despatches exchanged between these +Governors and our military commanders in South Africa, of +which you may have copies? Without these documents it is +impossible that either the House of Commons or the electors of +the United Kingdom can form a true conclusion in regard to the +"diplomacy" that led to the war, or be able to affix the responsibility +on the right shoulders in respect to our lack of preparation +for hostilities in South Africa and our initial reverses. If it is +too much to hope that you will act on this suggestion, I would +venture to urge that at least you should publish the correspondence +between yourself and Mr. Hawksley in regard to your +alleged knowledge of the contemplated Rhodes-Jameson +conspiracy of 1894. Mr. Hawksley is still, and then was, the solicitor +of the Chartered Company of South Africa, and is a close friend +and confidant of Mr. Rhodes. When the Parliamentary Committee +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P453"></a>453}</span> +of Inquiry into all connected with the conspiracy was +sitting, Mr. Hawksley was a witness. He alluded to this +correspondence. But when I wished to examine him about it—which +was my right as a member of the Committee according to +Parliamentary usage—this was not permitted by the Committee. +After the Report of the Committee was published Mr. Hawksley +made public his conviction that, if this correspondence saw the +light, a guilty knowledge of the conspiracy would be brought +home to you. When the debate on the Report took place in the +House of Commons, he placed the correspondence in the hands of +a member with instructions to read it if you made any attack +upon Mr. Rhodes. Far, however, from doing this, you went out +of your way to assert that Mr. Rhodes had done nothing to +invalidate his rights to be considered an honourable man, +although only a few days before you had agreed to a report in +which he was branded as having been guilty of dishonourable +conduct. Since then, again and again, you have been asked to +produce the correspondence. But this you have persistently +refused to do, although no public interest could suffer by the +production. Yet, if Mr. Hawksley is wrong in the inference he +deduces from the correspondence, it is obvious that its publication +would go far to allay the suspicion which led President Kruger to +doubt your desire for a peaceful solution of the strained relations +that existed between Her Majesty's Government and that of the +Transvaal Republic, and which even now militates against all +good feeling between the colonists of South Africa of British and +Dutch origin. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I trust that you will excuse my venturing to make these suggestions. +I do so because I heartily agree with you as to the desirability +of the "new diplomacy." It is the only way in which that +popular control can be established over the Executive which is +essential in a self-governing community, if it is to escape from +falling under the domination of some purely unscrupulous +adventurer gifted with a ready tongue. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I believe with my leader, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, +that the war might and ought to have been avoided, and I cannot +help hoping that my letters which have fallen into your hands +will show you that I laboured to the best of my ability in order +that it should be avoided. Unfortunately these efforts were not +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P454"></a>454}</span> +successful. The war was commenced under a lamentable ignorance +on the part of Her Majesty's Ministers of the resistance +which the two Dutch Republics would oppose to our arms. +Reverses followed owing to the meddling of civilians in military +matters. Pretoria, Johannesburg, and Bloemfontein are in our +hands. The Orange River Free State has been annexed. The +Transvaal Republic has been annexed. Under these circumstances +peace and prosperity can only be restored in South +Africa when all suspicion is removed that the Secretary of State +for the Colonies was actuated by his previous relations with the +Rhodes-Jameson conspiracy in forcing a war. I am sure, too, +that you will agree with me that it will not be right for the electors +of the United Kingdom to be called upon to pronounce an opinion +on the policy of a war which has cost us thousands of valuable +lives and tens of millions of money, as well as on the mode in +which the war has been conducted, until all that can enable them +to arrive at a conclusion has seen the light.—I am, Sir, Your +obedient servant, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +<i>P.S.</i>—If you desire to offer any explanations or observations +with regard to your action in respect to South Africa, they will +receive due consideration. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +The Rt. Hon. J. Chamberlain, etc., etc. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere wisely remarked at about this period of +the South African War: "War is war. The old Greek line +holds good that in war the great ones go mad, and the people +where it takes place weep. This must inevitably always be +the case." With equal force, but less elegance, he also +remarked: "I do not waste my time in answering abuse. +I am accustomed to it and I thrive under it like a field that +benefits by the manure that is carted on to it." He must +have thriven exceedingly during the summer of 1900, for +the amount of abuse collected and thrown over him was +phenomenal. Most of it was extracted from the most +shadowy appearances of fact possible. The Conference, or +Commission, referred to in the Pretoria correspondence, was +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P455"></a>455}</span> +understood by papers of quite high standing, such even as +the <i>Birmingham Post</i>, to be the Bloemfontein Conference, +the abortive proceedings of which had come to an end early +in June, 1899. Nevertheless, Mr. Labouchere was accused +by the press of having, in his letters to Mr. Montagu White, +elaborated a scheme, to make the conference at Bloemfontein +not only a failure, but a deliberately planned sham. With +regard to the cry of treason which was raised against him +indiscriminately, the dates on the letters—even had his +communications been of a treasonable nature—rendered such a +charge childish in the extreme. +</p> + +<p> +As soon as Mr. Labouchere received Mr. Chamberlain's +letter with its enclosures, which followed him to the retired +Swiss Valley where he was spending his holiday, he wrote +at once to the leader of his party telling him of what had +occurred. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was spending +August at Marienbad, and wrote him the following letter +in reply: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +MARIENBAD, Aug. 22, 1900. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—I am much interested in your story, +and shall look forward to my <i>Truth</i> with extra avidity. All you +describe was perfectly proper and legitimate this time last year, +or indeed at any time: and where high treason comes in I cannot +see. My little facetiousness will do the great man no harm if it +is published. I remember the fact perfectly. All the while the +statesman was speaking, Aaron-Balfour and Hur-Hicks Beach +were not holding up his hands, but watching, with anxious faces, +his every word. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Mark Lockwood, who is here, told me that you were one +culprit, and that the other was no other than the ingenuous +John Ellis, who was guilty of writing to some lady asking whether +the stories of strange doings under martial law were authentic! +If this is all one may exclaim <i>tantæne animis cælestibus iræ</i>? +Can our Sec. of State be so small-minded! +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +What a gorgeous palace you are living in! It quite eclipses +anything here, even in your favourite St. John's Wood quarter. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P456"></a>456}</span> +They are all there: at least a fair representation, ready for Him. +But alas He does not come. Weather superb here, but not much +company to amuse or interest.—Yours, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H.C.B. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The war dragged on until the May of 1902, when the Boers +were obliged to make peace, not so much on account of the +military situation as because the burghers were weary of +fighting and wanted to lay down their arms. And what else +could be expected of them? Half the national army were +prisoners of war, nearly four thousand had been killed, the +rest were weakening and dwindling hourly, twenty thousand +women and children had died in the concentration camps, +thousands more were perishing on the veld. There was no +help from Cape Colony, no help from Europe, no help from +the sympathetic minority in England itself.[<a id="chap16fn14text"></a><a href="#chap16fn14">14</a>] The national +representatives of the South African Republic and the Orange +Free State were given three days in which to consider the +conditions of peace which were put before them by Sir +Alfred Milner, and which they were told were absolutely +final. Their answer was given on the 31st, at five minutes +past eleven, only an hour before the expiry of the term of +grace. The last few moments of their conference were +occupied by President Schalk Burger, who closed the +melancholy meeting with these words: +</p> + +<p> +"We are standing here at the grave of the two Republics. +Much yet remains to be done, although we shall not be able +to do it in the official capacities which we have formerly +occupied. Let us not draw our hands back from the work +which it is our duty to accomplish. Let us ask God to +guide us, and to show us how we shall be able to keep our +nation together. We must be ready to forgive and forget +whenever we meet our brethren. That part of our nation +which has proved unfaithful we must not reject." +</p> + +<p> +In considering the part Mr. Labouchere played in the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P457"></a>457}</span> +discussions that took place in Parliament and in the press, +during the pitiful struggle, no attitude but one of admiration +for his consistency and envy of his courage can be maintained +for a moment. This chapter cannot be better closed than +with a repetition of his own words, expressed valiantly at +the moment when he was of all men in England perhaps, the +most unpopular: "The best settlement that can be made +now will be worse for all parties than the settlement which +could have been effected by tact and self-restraint had the +Boers never been goaded into war. I adhere to everything +that I have ever said as to the causes that brought on this +war, with all its disastrous results. I retract not one word +that I have published in <i>Truth</i>, or spoken in Parliament, or +written in any letter, or uttered in any shape or form about +the Chamberlain diplomacy and the Chamberlain war."[<a id="chap16fn15text"></a><a href="#chap16fn15">15</a>] +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn1text">1</a>] <i>Times' History of the War in South Africa</i>, vol. i. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn2text">2</a>] The Hawkesley telegrams. +These were subsequently published in the +<i>Independence Belge</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn3text">3</a>] <i>Report from the Select Committee on British South Africa</i>, 1897. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn4text">4</a>] <i>Truth</i>, Jan. 9, 1896. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn5text">5</a>] <i>Truth</i>, April 2, 1896. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn6text">6</a>] <i>Times' History of the War in South Africa</i>, vol. ii. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn7"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn7text">7</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, vol. 74, July 7, 1899. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn8"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn8text">8</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, vol. 77, Oct. 17, 1899. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn9"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn9text">9</a>] Henry W. Lucy, <i>The Balfourian Parliament</i>. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn10"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn10text">10</a>] <i>Hansard</i>, vol. 80, March 13, 1900. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn11"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn11text">11</a>] <i>Truth</i>, Sept. 13, 1899. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn12"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn12text">12</a>] <i>Truth</i>, Aug. 23, 1900. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn13"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn13text">13</a>] Secretary of State of the Transvaal Republic. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn14"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn14text">14</a>] <i>Times' History of the War in South Africa</i>, vol. v. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap16fn15"></a> +[<a href="#chap16fn15text">15</a>] <i>Truth</i>, Sept. 6, 1900. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap17"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P458"></a>458}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER XVII +<br><br> +LABOUCHERE AND SOCIALISM +</h3> + +<p> +We have seen the depth and intensity of Labouchere's +political views. Conservatism in its Tory or Whig +form he hated and relentlessly fought. On the other hand, +it is not to be doubted that some of the modern developments +of the social side of radical policy since his retirement from +politics would be far from meeting with his approval. The +fact is that he was as strongly anti-socialist as anti-conservative. +He believed in competition as a principle of social +existence and inequality as a natural fact, although he held +firmly that the natural inequality of men should not be +reinforced or distorted by the artificial inequality of rank. +He did not believe that the task of government could rightly +be held to imply moral responsibility towards weaklings; +such as were unable to survive by themselves should not be +assisted to do so. This was his theory; in his personal +relations with others he often failed to practise it. "A fair +field and no favour" was his social formula. Government +might legitimately intervene to prevent such abuse of +opportunity as might result from the business relations of +employers and employees; but when all was done that +could be done in that way, it was a man's natural qualities +that enabled him to swim or doomed him to sink. Any +attempt to interfere by legislation with this ultimate +differentiation of nature was in his opinion immoral and +sentimental folly. A Cabinet had no charge of souls, it was +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P459"></a>459}</span> +merely a business concern running the affairs of the nation +as cheaply and effectively as possible. +</p> + +<p> +It is evident that a man holding these opinions could not +be other than unfavourable to Socialism. The question of +Socialism, indeed, as a practical factor in politics hardly +presented itself during the most active period of his political +life, but in later days it came to the fore, and that, as might +have been expected, in his own constituency, so largely +composed of workers. In going through Mr. Labouchere's +papers I have come across the report of a public debate which +he held with Mr. Hyndman, the well-known Socialist leader, +in the Town Hall of Northampton. The discussion is +interesting as illustrating very clearly Mr. Labouchere's own +view of the whole problem of labour and also as showing the +definite line of cleavage between the spirit of the older +radicalism in popular estimation, at all events, and much that +is identified with the radicalism of to-day. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere had been heckled in a more or less +friendly way by some Socialist listeners at one of his meetings +and had in consequence consented to meet Mr. Hyndman +in debate. The subject of discussion was: "The socialisation +of the means of production, distribution, and exchange +to be controlled by a Democratic State in the interest of the +entire community, and the complete emancipation of labour +from the domination of capitalism and landlordism, with +the establishment of social and economic equality between +the sexes." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Hyndman opened the discussion with a speech of +great eloquence. He began by denouncing the terrible evils +of poverty and sickness among the working classes. "There +are through the length and breadth of England large +proportions of the population sunk into the most terrible +misery—misery which I will defy you to find equalled in the most +savage tribes on the planet." The growth of wealth and +poverty were admitted to be simultaneous and out of the +total wealth produced the workers only took a quarter or, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P460"></a>460}</span> +on the most favourable showing, a third. "That means that +for every stroke of work the producer does for himself he +does three for other people. It had been said that the +prevalent misery had been exaggerated by Socialists, but +according to the statistics of Mr. Charles Booth, who was no +Socialist, 180,000 families were living in London below the +level at which a family could subsist. City life debilitated +country stock, and the third and fourth generations of those +who have come into our great cities become valueless even +for capitalists to make tools out of." +</p> + +<p> +All this was misery due to capitalists and the system of +wagedom. On the other hand, the economic forms of +to-day were rapidly weakening, and the probability was that +capitalism would drift much sooner than was expected into +universal bankruptcy. "I long to see—I am not afraid +to repeat the words—a complete social revolution, which +shall transform our present society, by inevitable causes, +from senseless and miserable competition, in which men fight +and struggle with one another like pigs at a trough (the +biggest hog perhaps getting his nose in first, and, it may be, +upsetting the whole thing), into glorious and universal +co-operation where each shall work for all and all for each. +</p> + +<p> +"Even now, if it were not for competition, there would +be plenty, and more than plenty, for all. I say that the +economic forms are ready for the transformation I have +spoken of. But first, what is our position of to-day? The +old Malthusian delusions are gone. Everybody can see +that where the power to produce wealth is increasing a +hundredfold, at the same time the population is increasing +but one per cent. per annum. It is not over-population that +causes the difficulty, but the miserable system of distributing +the wealth which the population creates. What are the +conditions to-day? What are the powers of production +at the control of mankind? Never in the history of man +were they near what they were to-day. At this present +moment, Mr. Chairman, according to the evidence of the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P461"></a>461}</span> +American statist, Mr. Atkinson, on the great factory farms +in the west of America, four men, working with improved +and competent machinery upon the soil, will provide enough +food for 1000; and in every other department of industry it is +true in a like, or almost in a like degree. The power of man +to produce cloth, linen, boots, for instance, is infinitely +greater than ever before in the history of the race. What is +more, it has trebled, quadrupled, centupled within the last +fifty or a hundred years. What is then your difficulty at +the present moment? Not as in old times, a difficulty to +produce enough wealth, but the fact that your very machines +which are so powerful to make wealth for all, are used against +you in order to turn thousands of you out on the streets. +It is no longer, as at was in some earlier communities, the +power to produce wealth that is lacking. In Northampton +as in every industrial town in England, you see great mechanical +forces around you, but the workmen instead of controlling +the machines are controlled by them. And the products? +What is our theory? This. All production to-day is +practically social. Everything that is produced is produced +for exchange and in order to make profit. Commodities +are socially produced by co-operation on the farm, in the +great workshop, in the mine. But the moment the product +is produced it ceases to belong to those who have produced +it and goes into the hands of the employing capitalist, who +uses it in order that he may make out of it a personal gain. +Consequently, you have here a direct and distinct antagonism +between the form of production and the form of exchange. +On the one hand, you have got great mechanical forces +socially used simply for production for profit, whereas if +they were socially used and the product socially exchanged +every member of the community would benefit. To-day +every increase in the power of machinery may result, +frequently does result, in hundreds, or thousands, or tens of +thousands of hands being thrown out unemployed on the +market. Under the system of society we are inevitably +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P462"></a>462}</span> +coming to those very powers which will engender wealth, +happiness, and contentment for all." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere then rose and replied as follows: +</p> + +<p> +"As your Chairman has already told you, this meeting +is the outcome of a remark I made the other day when I was +down here. Some of those who entertain strong Socialist +views were asking me this or that question on the occasion +of my giving an account of my stewardship before the electors +of this town. I pointed out that Socialism was only one of +the subjects I had got to deal with, but if they would excuse +me from going into details then I should be able to come down +and discuss with them. I did not anticipate then that we +were to have the pleasure of Mr. Hyndman's company in +that discussion. I thought it was to be a sort of free-and-easy +between the Socialists and myself. But you have sent +for your big gun to demolish me. I can only lay before you +my own views and those of the Radical Party upon social +matters, and make a few observations, showing, as I think, +that Mr. Hyndman's system, a very millennial system it is no +doubt, is neither practicable, nor, if carried out, would effect +the ends which he anticipates. Now, Mr. Hyndman's system, +I fully admit, is for the entire regeneration—he has told +us so, I think—of the world. It is to be carried out by a +scheme which has never yet, since the commencement of the +world, been tried. No doubt, as Mr. Hyndman has stated, +there are evils, very great evils, and much misery in the world +under the present system. But it is not enough to prove that +to show that any particular remedy will do away with them. +There is, no doubt, a great deal of sickness in this world. That +we all admit. But we should be amused if a doctor came +forward and said: 'If you try this particular pill you will find +that all sickness will be driven away from the entire world. +You are a criminal, you are mistaken, if you don't take that +pill.' But Mr. Hyndman's plan goes much further than +the example of the pill. You must remember that if +Mr. Hyndman's plan were not successful it would ruin this +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P463"></a>463}</span> +country and everyone in it. Surely, then, it is our business +as practical men to look thoroughly and cautiously into this +plan before we adopt it. Mr. Hyndman himself will admit +that it is, at least, a leap in the dark. Mr. Hyndman has a +light in his hand, but this light is not sufficient to tell us +what would occur if we were to take this leap. I am not +going to say just now whether it would be successful or +unsuccessful; all I say is, we ought to look at this matter in +a thorough strict and business manner, not dealing with it in +vague generalities, but looking into it in all its details, +because when it comes to a question of any business, the real +consideration in deciding whether the business is a sound one +or an unsound one is not of generalities but essentially of +details. Now I think that Mr. Hyndman, whether his plan be +good or not, somewhat exaggerates the evils of the present +system. Mr. Hyndman told us just now that in towns labour was +in such a condition that those who engaged in labour faded +out in three generations. Well, I confess I was astonished at +that. I don't suppose you are all descended from Norman +ancestors or anything of that, but I put it to you. Many +of you can surely remember that you had great-grandfathers; +many of you had great-grandfathers who lived in Northampton. +There are many of you whose grandfathers, whose +fathers were engaged in labour. You are engaged in labour +yourselves. Do you feel yourselves such a puny miserable +body of men that you are going absolutely to die out? But +I forget. It is not that you are going to die out, you have +died out according to Mr. Hyndman. Then what do I see +before me? As the American says: 'Is there ghosts +here?' Are you human beings? There you stand; you have been +engaged in trade; you have been for many generations in +Northampton; I do think you have utterly deteriorated—that +you are absolutely worth nothing. But statistics prove +the contrary of what Mr. Hyndman says. If you take the +death-rate in any large town—Manchester, Birmingham, or +London, for instance—you will find that, so far from having +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P464"></a>464}</span> +gone up, it has gone down. Notwithstanding the misery +that no doubt exists, the towns are more healthy now than +before. Now, I do not think that Mr. Hyndman seems to +understand precisely the present system under which we live. +['How about yourself?'] My friend says 'How about +myself?' I am going to explain the present system. In an +argument it is always desirable to take some common ground, +and we may take this as a common ground: the end of all +government is to secure to the greatest numbers such a +condition of existence that all may obtain fair wages for a fair +day's work, and that all may be employed; and that the +government is good or bad in proportion as it approaches +to this goal. Now, gentlemen, there are Individualists and +there are Collectivists. Modern Radicalism, I would point +out to you, recognises this perfectly. It recognises perfectly +that while Individualism is a necessary basis for social +organisation, yet there is a very great deal that the State can do. +Modern Radicalism is in favour of both Collectivism and +Individualism. Now I will read to you some words I wrote +down some time ago—words that were used by a statesman +whom I do not always agree with on foreign politics, but who, +in domestic politics, is a very sensible man. Speaking +before some association, Lord Rosebery said this: +</p> + +<p> +"'Do not be frightened by words or phrases in carrying +out your designs, but accept help from whatever quarter it +comes. The world seems to be tottering now between two +powers, neither of which I altogether follow. The one +is Socialism, the other is Individualism. I follow neither +the one school nor the other, but something may be borrowed +from the spirit of each to get the best qualities of +each—to borrow from Socialism its large, general +conception of municipal life, and from Individualism to take +its spirit of self-respect and self-reliance in all practical +affairs.' +</p> + +<p> +"Upon that subject those are essentially my views; and +I would contend they are the views of the Radical Party +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P465"></a>465}</span> +as it at present exists. Now I am coming to our present +system. I am going to say something for this poor old +system. I have often, in different parts of Northampton, +attacked the details of the system. I am now going to say +there is something good in it. Mr. Hyndman seems to +consider that the world is composed of a great many men who +are engaged in labour on the one side, and on the other a +great many huge capitalists who exploit those men. +Mr. Hyndman told you that the man engaged in manual labour +only receives a third of the value of his labour, and that the +other two-thirds go to those horrible capitalists. Gentlemen, +I essentially and absolutely deny that such is the case. But +allow me to point first to these capitalists. Now a difference +is often made between the amount obtained by labour and +the amount obtained by those who do not engage in manual +labour. It is exceedingly difficult to arrive at exact figures, +and for this reason, that when you take what you call the +national income of the country it is often forgotten that the +national income is very much counted twice or three times +over. Take, in the first place, the income tax returns. I +want to show you how money is really distributed. There is +about £100,000,000 coming to individuals in England from +investments in foreign bonds. Very well, and you surely +will admit that that is not derived from the labour of +Englishmen. Then £49,000,000 is paid to officials. It sounds an +enormous quantity, this £49,000,000 paid to officials of the +imperial and local government. I have often thought that +a great many officials are paid a great deal too high, but we +are not entering into that this evening, and there must be +some officials; there must be some government, and payment +of the officials does not directly come from the sweat and +labour of working men. Then there is £143,000,000 derived +from public companies. Now these public companies are +all in shares. These shares, too, are held by small men, not +by great men. A vast number of men hold them. Remember +that the whole system of limited liability companies are +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P466"></a>466}</span> +really created in order to enable small men to act together +and hold their own against the very rich men. +</p> + +<p> +I now come to the real amount which is directly derived +from production and distribution, banking and such like; +which directly goes into their pockets from the labour of +working men. For this amount you must consult what is +called Schedule D of the Income Tax. That schedule puts +down the professions and trades. Altogether the total is +£147,000,000 on which the tax is raised. That is the amount +of the income. Now, if you take the professions, law, +medicine, art, etc., as producing £67,000,000—I believe that is +considered a fair amount—£80,000,000 is left for all the +traders, all the shopkeepers, all the bankers, and all the +middlemen of the entire country. Well now, you must remember +another thing. You must remember that these incomes are +not eaten by the men who have them, but really go back to +labour. ['No, no.'] Did I hear somebody say 'No'? You +do say 'No,' do you? Well, then, tell me what does become +of them? Let a man spend his money in luxuries as he +likes; these have to be produced; he is a consumer; it may +be a foolish one, but his money goes back and forms a +part of the entire wage fund of the country. When you +say they have not a right to waste and squander their +money, I think it would be better if they did not. But just +remember how much is spent in the drink trade in this +country. Let us look at ourselves a little, or I will trouble +you to look at yourselves a little. £132,000,000 is the +amount, I think, that is spent every year in drink. Of that +£80,000,000, it is estimated, is spent by the working classes. +I am not going into the question of drink, whether right or +wrong, foolish or proper; I only want to point out that every +class, to a very considerable extent, squanders a good deal of +its means. Gentlemen, there is no more incontrovertible fact +than this—that the more capital there is in the country the +better it is for the country and the better it is for labour. I +have already pointed out that it itself creates labour by those +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P467"></a>467}</span> +persons who have capital consuming the capital. For +instance, this £100,000,000 which comes from foreign +investments: would it be of any use that its owners should fly +from this country with their £100,000,000 per annum? It +is better that they should spend it here. +</p> + +<p> +"There are other advantages connected with capital. +Mr. Hyndman has pointed to the evils of competitions. +Now I am going to show you that competition is really to +the advantage of the working man. You will admit that +a certain amount of capital is necessary in order to fructify +industry. You have to have a factory, plant, and a wage +fund. All this requires capital. The cheaper capital is +obtained the more there remains for wage fund. On that +there can be no sort of difference. ['How is it we never get +it?'] Well, you are begging the question. I am going to +show you that you do get it. Owing to this country having +so much increased in wealth the interest upon capital has +gone down. There is perpetual competition going on among +capitalists themselves. This is proved by facts. In 1800 +the interest on money was about five per cent.; at the present +moment interest is rather less than four per cent. All +that is taken away from capital most unquestionably goes +to labour. It cannot go anywhere else. This is why countries +compete for capital. Look at our colonies and foreign +nations. Do not they all compete for capital? Of course +they do. There is a third reason: the greater number of +rich you have in a country, the greater the amount of wool +which you may shear for the national expenditure. Take +Northampton. Suppose twenty men came here, each with +£10,000 per annum. You would say it is an uncommonly +lucky thing they have come to Northampton. We'll levy +rates upon their houses, and they will spend money here and +benefit the town. Suppose these men came with £100,000 +and suppose they put up some hosiery factories. Surely +you admit that that would be a great advantage to the town +of Northampton. Evidently, the greater the amount of +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P468"></a>468}</span> +capital attracted to any one particular place the greater the +advantage to that place. The idea of driving away capital is +much like a farmer saying: I will drive away my sheep because +these sheep eat grass. They do eat grass. But the grass is +converted into mutton. In the same way the money of the +capitalists is converted into a labour fund for you. Well, +gentlemen, I say the only way for a country to be prosperous is to +encourage capital to go there, and the only way to encourage +capital to go there is to give some sort of security to capital. +</p> + +<p> +"What is the difference between this country and Persia, +or any other Eastern country? In the Eastern country a +despot is always laying hands on every atom a man can +save. A man therefore hides away, or runs away, from the +country with his savings. The result is that the country is +poor and the working men of that country are poor. Now +take the cases of China and this country. In China there +are 400,000,000 inhabitants. No doubt the Chinese work +very hard. There is, however, no capital there; there is no +safety for capital. And the consequence is that the Chinese +labourers do not produce so much as the comparatively few +million workers in England. Moreover, every fifteen Chinese +do not get the wage of one single working man in England. +The reason is that the Chinese are not industrially organised. +They have not the advantage of capital to aid them in +producing. Each works, so to say, on his own hand, with the +result that they are far worse off than the men in the factory +which has been brought into existence by capital. +</p> + +<p> +"Now, gentlemen, I will take a cotton factory, under the +present system. It has to be built and equipped. That +requires capital. There is capital required for the wage fund, +that is to say, to pay wages to the men during the year, +because of course the money does not come in until the end +of the year, and then capital is required to buy the raw +material. Mr. McCulloch says that for every adult +thousand men employed in such a factory £100,000 is required +for fixed capital, £60,000 is required for a wage fund, and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P469"></a>469}</span> +£200,000 is required for the purchase of raw material. The +total is £360,000. Now, gentlemen, the first charge is +obviously interest on capital. You must get the capital +in some way. Assume that you borrow it. You get interest +on capital. Another charge is the raw material. Raw +material you cannot alter because the cotton comes from +abroad. All you can do in order to increase the amount +going to the wage fund is to reduce the amount that goes as +interest on capital, and that which is called profit to the +undertaker of the concern. Now what is the profit in the +whole of the textile trade? The profit and the interest on +capital do not amount to more than four per cent. A +portion of that goes to the capitalist and the remainder for the +organising skill and intelligence of the man who brings the +whole thing together and works it. Well, you surely will +not tell me that that is excessive. It is rather too little. +For my part I have often wondered why in the world a man +takes the risks of trade instead of investing his money in +something that brings him in four per cent. Mr. Hyndman +talked of the gambling interests of the capitalists. Why, that +is all for your benefit. Each capitalist, call him a gambler +or a vain man, thinks himself cleverer than other people and +says, I am going to make a fortune. One does make twenty +per cent., and the other gets ruined. But if you take the +whole body of capitalists their profits come out at four per +cent. If it were not for the gambling chance, or the ability +shown by some undertaken in making this four per cent., +you would not get money at so low a rate of interest as now, +nor would you get a body of skilled organisers ready to take +so little as they do take at the present moment for their +ability and work. Now, Mr. Hyndman will, I think, admit +with me that the thousand men would not produce so much +were it not for the organising powers of some man, and also +for the capital employed. We know they would not. Each +man without the aid of capital would make so much a day. +With the organisation and with the capital employed in the +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P470"></a>470}</span> +business he makes a great deal more, so that he really +benefits—he gets more than he would from his own particular +separate work. He gets more that is from his collective +work by this application of capital and organisation than he +would be logically entitled to were he to work without the +aid of capital and machinery. +</p> + +<p> +"Now I am going to show you by a few figures what benefit +capital has been to the working man. Here, again, you +have a great difficulty with the figures. They are calculated +out by various men, but I think this conclusion is generally +accepted. In 1800 all that was earned, obtained, secured +in wages to working men was seventy millions sterling. In +1860 this had increased to 400 millions. In 1860 the numbers +engaged in manual labour were double those engaged in 1800, +so you must make a deduction for that. It would then +stand thus, that whereas a man got seventy pence, shillings, +or pounds for his work in 1800, in 1860 by the co-operation +of capital he received 200. But it is even more at the present +time, for he now receives 600 millions. There is a dispute as +to whether it is 500 millions or 600 millions. Mr. Giffen +says it is 600, Mr. Leone Levi says it is 531. Mr. Hyndman +says it is 300. Well, anyhow, that is two to one. I stand +by Mr. Giffen and Mr. Leone Levi and take the figure as +at 531. But here again is another way of putting it. In the +first year of the present reign, the gross income of the country +was 515 millions. Of this 235 millions went to labour. +Labour at the present time gets 531 millions according to +the lower estimate of Professor Leone Levi, consequently +labour now gets more than the income of the entire country +at the commencement of the present reign. +</p> + +<p> +"Gentlemen, there can be no more erroneous idea than to +suppose, as Mr. Hyndman apparently (as I gathered from +him) laid down, that the lot of the working man is not +bettered by machinery, or that machinery by doing part of the +work now done by working men either increases the number +of hours or reduces the wages of labour. My contention is +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P471"></a>471}</span> +that it reduces the number of hours and increases the wage +of the individual. Listen to this: Machinery, of course, is +revolutionising the labour market; but it is not found that +machinery, while it displaces labour, though opening up new +channels for the displaced workers, either increases the hours +of labour or decreases the remuneration. Before the +Sweating Committee it was stated that the wages of nailmakers in +this country was 12s. a week on the average. The American +nailer earns £6 a week; yet American nails are only half +the price of English. The explanation is that, owing to +excellent machinery and efficient labour, maintained by high +wages and short hours, the American produces 2½ tons of +nails while the English man or woman is making two cwt. +You say 'Shame!' I say, 'Why don't you do it?' Why +don't you follow the example of the Americans? +</p> + +<p> +"Take again the illustration of a Waterbury watch. So +exact is the machinery which cuts the different parts of this +watch that an assistant will put one of these instruments +together in a few minutes by selecting at random a piece +from as many heaps as there are parts in the watch. Yet +the workmen earn 45s. a week, and the watches can be sold +cheaper than those made by workmen earning 8s. or 9s. a +week in the Black Forest. How is this? Because by the +aid of his improved machinery the American completes 150 +watches in the same time as the European is painfully +manufacturing forty. You will say that some capitalist +wrote that; some man who was unfit to judge the matter. +I will tell you who the capitalist was. I got it out of +Reynolds's newspaper last Saturday. As I pointed out, in the +factory you have these diverse charges—the charge for +interest, the charge for ability in organising, and the charge +for the wage of the worker. The business, I hold, of the +wage worker is to see that he gets a fair wage; and it is +because the only way to do this is to combine in trade unions +that I am one of the strongest advocates of trade unionism +in the whole country. Then take distribution. I leave +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P472"></a>472}</span> +out the carriage and sale of the various articles in the shops. +Here again competition reduces prices. You know that as +well as I do. You know perfectly well that you see stuck +up in some shops: 'Come and buy here; things are half a +farthing less than anywhere else.' Shopkeepers compete +against each other. And there you have just the same reason +as in the case of factories why men go into the business of +shopkeeping, because each man thinks he is cleverer than his +neighbour; each one believes he is going to make his fortune +and his neighbour is not. But labour benefits by this +because the lower the price of the article the greater the demand +for it. I say that, taking the whole shopkeepers of this +country, taking their labour, taking the amount of capital +they put into their different shops, it is impossible to say +that they get an excessive profit from their trade. +</p> + +<p> +"Now, of late there has been a good deal of discussion in +regard to co-operation. I observe that Mr. Hyndman did +not allude to co-operation. But co-operation exists at +present, both in regard to production and in regard to +distribution. In order to carry out co-operation on the very +largest scale it would not be necessary to alter the whole basis +of society. Under the present despised system any working-men +may co-operate with each other, may be their own +employers, and in that way get every farthing that is derived +from their employment. Statistics show that co-operation, +just like other things, sometimes pays and sometimes does +not pay. In Lancashire, in Yorkshire and in the north of +England there is a great deal of co-operation both in regard +to production and in regard to distribution. The latest +returns show that about $15,000,000 is employed in this work. +As I have said, in some cases they pay and in some cases they +do not pay. I have observed some curious things in connection +with this. You would say that at a co-operative store +you would get an article cheaper than at a shop, whereas, as +a matter of fact, you do not get an article cheaper. It is a +curious thing that you don't, and the reason is this. The +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P473"></a>473}</span> +co-operators get together in shares a certain capital which +has to pay four or five per cent. Then each member gets +a <i>pro rata</i> return at the end of the year, a percentage upon +the amount he has paid in the store in connection with his +own particular trading. That is perfectly fair. Well, so +eager are they to get the return that they put up the price +of the goods against themselves. You must remember that +while I advocate co-operation, or while I say that co-operation +needs no Socialism to enable working-men to get every +farthing from the process of production and distribution, +I do not believe that co-operation in distribution is not +without certain evils. Why is it that shops still hold their own, +and I believe always will hold their own? By competition +in the first place prices in the shops are reduced to as little +as or less than the prices in the stores. Again, if a man wants +a red herring he don't walk to the middle of the town, near +where the stores have to be, but prefers going to a +neighbouring shop and buying it there. Moreover, we know that +a great many men have spent their wages before the end of +the week, and they want a little credit. You may depend, +upon taking all things into consideration, that no very great +benefit is to be got out of co-operative distribution. I +merely went into this question of co-operation, not to +discuss so much the advantages or disadvantages of co-operation, +as to point out to you that co-operation can exist, may +exist, and does exist among working men, whenever they +like it, under the present system. +</p> + +<p> +"Now I come to Mr. Hyndman's plan. I have said a few +words in favour of the present system. I have tried to +explain what that present system is, and how, as a matter +of fact, labour does benefit by the existence of capital and +capitalist. Mr. Hyndman's plan, I take it, is based upon +the notion that labour does not get its full share; that it +only gets one-third. ['It ought to get the lot.'] Very +well, I have often in the course of my life thought I ought to +get the lot, but I have never got it, I can tell you. Mr. Hyndman's +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P474"></a>474}</span> +idea is that if the State took upon itself the +functions performed by private capitalists everybody would +be fully employed and properly paid. Could this desirable +result be brought about? That is the real thing. If, +at once, under Mr. Hyndman's guidance we could enter upon +the millennium we should all be for entering. But the +question is whether we <i>should</i> enter it by this gate or whether +we should get somewhere else. +</p> + +<p> +"I have got here the programme of the Social-Democratic +Federation. I have extracted it from Justice. It is all +right. Mr. Hyndman pointed out that a great many things +in the programme were merely doctrines which had been +put forward by the Socialists, and had now been adopted by +the Radicals. I should say that there was a great deal in it +that was put forward by the Radicals and had always been +advocated by the Radicals; and we are exceedingly glad that +the Socialists agree with us so far. Now I like this +programme. What has been my trouble in talking with some +Socialists is that they never have the courage of their own +opinions. What are you hissing for? I am going to praise +you. As members of the Social-Democratic Federation +you are surely not going to take under your wing every +Socialist in the world. I have often had discussions with +Socialists, and I have found that they leave out certain +portions of their programme. I have said to them: That is a +necessary plank in your programme; knock out any of +these stones and you knock down the arch. You have done +nothing of the kind. You have fairly and squarely put this +as the Social Revolution in all its details. You see I am not +complaining of you, so don't cry out again before you are +hurt. Now, Number 7 says: 'The means of production, +distribution, and exchange to be declared as collective or +common property.' Now, what does this mean? That +all manufacturing, all shopkeeping, all shipping, all the +agricultural industry, and all banking ought to be done by +the State——" +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P475"></a>475}</span> +</p> + +<p> +<i>Mr. Hyndman</i>: "Community." +</p> + +<p> +<i>Mr. Labouchere</i>: "Or community. Every man, as I +understand it, is to do his bit of work, every man is to have +his share of the profit of the business. Have you ever +thought what amount of capital this would require? The +building of factories would require 1000 million pounds +for ten million workers. The wage fund would be 600 +millions; the raw material would be 200 millions; the +shipping, say about 500 millions. I am trying to underestimate +the amount. As to the shops, I suppose, if you took all +there are in the whole country, they would cost about 100 +millions. Then the agricultural buildings and machinery, +excluding the land itself, would be, say, 500 millions. This +would be very much under a proper estimate, but still the +whole amount runs up to something like 3000 millions. Are +all the factories to be seized? My friend says 'Yes.' That +will knock off 1000 millions at once. Are all the shops to be +seized? ['Yes, yes.'] This will knock off 100 millions +for the shops. Still, if you do this, you won't certainly +have done. Obviously you have to buy the raw material, +you have to have a wage fund, and a good deal to keep the +machinery in order even when you have laid hands on it in +the expeditious way your friend proposes. That would be +2000 millions. How are you going to get it? You would +borrow it. <i>Would</i> you borrow it? Let us suppose you +borrow it. To borrow it you have to get somebody to lend +it to you. I have known a great many persons ready to +borrow more than people are ready to lend. Another item, +which I am bound to say is not in the Radical programme of +the Social-Democratic Federation, is the repudiation of the +National Debt. Now, sure, if you repudiate the National +Debt you would find a difficulty in getting anybody to +lend you the money you want. Where are you going to +get it? Are you going to levy it upon property? What +property are you going to levy it upon? We'll allow that the +land and factories are to be seized. If they are not to be +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P476"></a>476}</span> +seized they are to be ruined; they are to be left high and dry. +No individual man is to work in them. You would have +a certain amount of portable property like the money that +comes in from foreign investments, but its owners would not +wait to have it taken. They would immediately clear out +of the country." +</p> + +<p> +<i>Mr. Hyndman</i>: "Hear, hear." +</p> + +<p> +<i>Mr. Labouchere</i>: "I am going from surprise to surprise. +I really do believe that Mr. Hyndman wishes that the men +with the 100 millions should clear out of the country. +These 100 millions are derived from investments made +abroad. The investments are already made, and the +money may be paid here or abroad just as its owners please. +Therefore you would absolutely have no control over it. +Its owners could walk off to America or France to-morrow, +or to one of our colonies, where they would be welcomed with +pleasure and where they would be able to live with their +100 millions and spend it just as they liked. The only +difference would be that they would not be consumers +here, they would not compete with their capital to reduce +the interest on the capital necessary to run the whole business +of the country. I am very curious to know, I cannot quite +make out, whether a man may save or not. It is not clear. +I see one of the articles is, 'the production and distribution +of wealth is to be regulated by society.' That leads me to +suppose he may not save. I should say myself that if you +are going to carry out this millennium you could only do it +by preventing any sort of saving: because if savings take +place you will have some men rich and some poor, evidently. +But how about the professions? What are they to be done +with? Are professional men not to be allowed to make any +savings? I see all justice is to be free. Well, that would +create a good deal of litigation; but I personally suffer a +good deal from justice, so that I don't know that I should +particularly object to that item. You would have, I +presume, these professions! You would have doctors and men +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P477"></a>477}</span> +engaged in art and so forth? They would be able to sell +their productions abroad, their skill abroad. Consequently +how would you regulate their fortunes? How are you going +to regulate the distribution of wealth in regard to these men? +I say the thing is absolutely and utterly impracticable. +You could not. Yet, gentlemen, it seems there is some idea +of saving, for I see this in another article: 'The extension of +the Post Office Savings Bank which will absorb all private +institutions that draw profit from money or credit!' Well, +but who would put into the Post Office? The Post Office, +if they did put it in, would have to incur all the risks of the +great business. But I told you that the National Debt was +to be repudiated. What is the fact? That the Post Office +Savings Bank has invested £5,599,000 of public savings, of +labour mainly, in consols. If, consequently, you were to +do away with the National Debt one of the things you would +do would be to repudiate five millions sterling saved by +labour. Now, I think it was some gentleman who was +discussing the matter with me in the <i>Reporter</i> who said that you +might save, but no man would be allowed to employ any +savings by making another man work for him. Allow me to +point out to you that indirectly one man must work for +another if he does not work for himself. Is he going, like that +wicked man in the Bible, to hide his talent in a napkin? +Not a bit. I suppose he will make a little interest on it. +He won't work for the interest himself, so somebody else +will. If you are going to try to distribute wealth you will +have continual disputes, for I deny that, so long as human +nature is what it is, so long as a man wants to lay by +something for his children, you will be able to prevent savings. +The only thing you would be able to do would be to frighten +savings away from this country, and cause them to be taken +to some other country, which would compete against you. +</p> + +<p> +"Let us suppose now that this initial difficulty of +obtaining the money is got over. Then there comes the +organisation. Well, who would organise? Who would be +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P478"></a>478}</span> +superintendents, and who would be workers? Who would +engage in the complicated business of exchange with foreign +countries? Remember, all skilled talent would disappear. +You say 'Ha, ha!' Do you really think that a man who +perhaps is a skilled organiser of labour, who could earn a +thousand or two thousand a year abroad or in the colonies, +would stay here and receive an exceedingly small sum, simply +because he was an Englishman? Of course he would go +away. I say you would deprive the country of its most +intelligent organisers. +</p> + +<p> +"There is another difficulty. Who would settle the +employment to be secured for each person? Here is a +shepherd. He would say: 'I want to be a shoemaker.' 'My +good friend,' they would say, 'we don't want you; go +and be a shepherd.' They'd say to me: 'We've got quite +enough newspapers without yours. We want a good +chimney sweep. Be that. Go to Newcastle.' They'd say to +our friend, Mr. Hyndman: 'We'll find employment for you +in hay-making in Somersetshire.' Mr. Hyndman may say +he likes that paternal arrangement; he likes hay-making. +I'll tell you one thing: I wouldn't go and sweep chimneys +in Newcastle. But you say that the State carries on the Post +Office, the Army, and the Navy, among other things; and +I say it carries them on exceedingly badly too. You will +find, taking ship for ship, that ships can be built in a private +yard much cheaper than in a public yard. As for the Post +Office, I agree with Mr. Hyndman in saying I do not know +any public Department so badly managed as the Post Office. +There is an enormous deal of sweating; the big men get too +big salaries, and the little men do not get enough. If the +Army, Navy, and Post Office be an exemplication of what +would be done under the paternal arrangement, Heaven +help us! +</p> + +<p> +"But, gentlemen, what really surpasses my understanding +is this, how in the world, if Mr. Hyndman's system were +adopted, any regular work, or shorter hours, or better pay, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P479"></a>479}</span> +or employment of all would be more easily obtained than +under the present system. I say your capital, if you did get +it, would be at a higher cost. I say that profit, if you take +profit, is almost reduced by competition to a minimum. +You would not make one shilling by the transaction. Supply, +surely, would depend upon demand. You could not alter +that. Take the foreign trade. You would not increase your +foreign trade, under this system. You would still have to +compete with foreign countries in China and elsewhere. +Foreign consumers would take goods from those from whom +they could buy them cheapest. The Socialists have +perceived this, and they have invented the idea of establishing +on the land an enormous number of labourers, who are to act +as consumers, and consequently take all the home surplus +products. And I see here it is proposed that the Municipal +or State army of labourers should be organised as on the great +farms in America. Mr. Hyndman alluded to what they did +on these bonanza farms. They send men down to them twice +a year, once to sow and once to reap. You might find if you +had the proposed armies that the product might be increased, +but the number of persons employed on the land, that is to +say, the consumers on the land, would be reduced. That is +why I have been in favour of small holdings. +</p> + +<p> +"As to the numbers of the agricultural labourers, those +labourers won us the election last time, remember. What +are you hissing at? Did you want the Conservatives to win? +You must take people as they are. These agricultural +labourers may be wrong, but their strongest desire is to +become possessors of small holdings. That has been the +aim and object of the Parish Councils Bill, which will slowly +and quietly nationalise the land by throwing the property, +little by little, and very quickly I think, into the hands of the +Parish Councils, who will let it to the villagers. You will +then get a large number of agriculturalists on the land, far +greater than now, consuming your products. At the same +time you would avoid their coming into the towns and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P480"></a>480}</span> +competing with you for labour. The subject is a very lengthy +one. As I said, you have to go into the question in all its +absolute details. I will only tell you one other reason why +I object to this system of making us all children in the hands +of the State. I say it would be the greatest danger to our +liberties. Why is the Anglo-Saxon race the master race in +the world? Why has the Anglo-Saxon race maintained its +liberties? It is because of that individualism, that +self-reliance, which exists in this country. I would trust no body +of men, not Mr. Hyndman and the leaders of the Social-Democratic +Federation—though I make no implication +against them—nor even a body of angels, with the power of +destroying and ruining, at one fell blow, the entire nation. +This unquestionably would be the case, and who would be +able to resist it? You would have some strong and powerful +man coming forward, supported by all the discontented, all +the men who were not prepared to accept this wondrous +dispensation, this dead level of equality. I say you would +have such a man; I say the risk is too great. Mr. Hyndman +has alluded to France. What did one great Frenchman, +M. Guizot, say? He said: 'The evil of France is that a +Frenchman must either be administered or an +administrator.' What is the consequence of that feeling? They +have no self-reliance. Every now and then they have a +Republic, and then comes one like Napoleon, who overturns +their Republic and seizes upon the whole thing. +</p> + +<p> +"I have almost finished now. I infinitely prefer listening +to Mr. Hyndman to speaking myself, but I had to make some +defence of the cause by which I stand. I do say that the +Radical Party as at present constituted, the modern Radical +Party, has adopted every reasonable idea of Socialism. And +the future of this country depends upon Socialism being +recognised within proper limits—Collectivism I would prefer +to call it—individualism being recognised, trade unionism +being recognised, co-operation being recognised. We must +all give up our little separate fads and all work together in +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P481"></a>481}</span> +the cause of Democracy, the rule, the absolute rule, of the +people, ruling for the benefit of the people." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Hyndman said in reply: +</p> + +<p> +"There are just one or two points I should like to deal +with in reply to Mr. Labouchere. To begin with I have +listened with the greatest surprise to-night to his constant +reference to the wage fund. Without any disrespect to him +I say that, as a matter of fact, that figment has been +abandoned by every political economist of any note for the last +thirty years. It was abandoned by Mr. John Stuart Mill, +in deference to the criticism of Long and Cairnes +twenty-five years ago. The bottom was knocked out of it by +Marx forty years ago. What is the wage fund, my friends? +The wage fund is provided by the labourer himself, who, +mark you, advances his labour to the capitalist before he +gets a farthing of wages. There is not a man in this hall, +however big an Individualist or Radical he may be, not a +single working man here who goes to work from week end to +week end that does not advance a week's labour to the +capitalist before he gets a sixpence in return. The fact of +the matter is that the capitalist has got in his possession the +value, and more than the value, far more than the value paid +as wages before he pays a sixpence of those wages. He can +go to his banker with the product he has got out of the +labourer and get an advance before he pays those wages. +Practically in getting the advance he realises the product of +his employees' labour. The fallacy of the wage fund theory +is recognised by every economist, and I defy Mr. Labouchere +to prove I am wrong. I will defy Mr. Labouchere to name +an economist who upholds it." +</p> + +<p> +At this point of Mr. Hyndman's speech Mr. Labouchere +rose and said: +</p> + +<p> +"I deny that there is one single economist of repute who +questions the effect of what I said about the wage fund. The +employer has either to provide himself with a wage fund, and +then he is entitled to interest on his money, or he has to +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P482"></a>482}</span> +borrow it from someone else, and then he has to pay interest. +The working-man, it is perfectly true, gives him credit for a +week—not always, but I am taking Mr. Hyndman's +statement—but the employer does not, I say—take the cotton +industry—the employer does not get back his money till the +end of the year. Consequently, whereas the working man +gives credit for a week, the employer has to give him credit +for fifty-one weeks. ['No, no.'] I say yes, there is no +question about it. All that I want to point out is that you +have to pay interest on this wage fund. Mr. Hyndman +admits it, because he says, what does he do? He goes and +obtains it from his banker. Does his banker give it to +him?" +</p> + +<p> +To which Mr. Hyndman retorted, not ineffectually: +</p> + +<p> +"I say that the security has been provided by the working +man before the capitalist is able to raise a sixpence on it, +and that all he does is to divide up the surplus value he has +got from the worker with the banker who has made the +advance. There is no such thing as a wage fund, except that +provided by the worker himself. And it is exactly the same +with the capital. Friends and fellow-citizens, where does +this capital come from? From the labourers themselves. +Where can the capital come from if not from the labour of +the workers? Did not the workers build every factory in +this country, from its base to its topmost storey? Did +they not put down every sleeper on the railways, and lay +down every mile of line? I say, therefore, that this idea of +the wage fund, which has been repudiated by John Stuart +Mill, by Cairnes, by Mr. Alfred Marshall, by every economist +of note, does not exist in economy, but is a figment of +the imagination. Now, friends, as to this question of +families fading out. Mr. Labouchere says that the death-rate +has lowered. That is perfectly true. On the average +the death-rate <i>has</i> lowered. But mark this. It has lowered +principally in the well-to-do districts. The death-rate in +St. George's, Hanover Square, is 11 per 1000; in several +districts of Lambeth it is 66." +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P483"></a>483}</span> +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere, evidently astonished, turned to the +Chairman and said, "Is that a fact?" Some one in the +audience shouted "Proof!" +</p> + +<p> +"Proof you must look up in the statistics; I can't bring +a library here with me. I say, friends, in addition to that, +that vitality is on a lower plane. For this, again, I give as +my authority passages quoted in Alfred Marshall's <i>Principles +of Economics</i>, where you will find the opinions of doctors. +I also refer you to reports of certifying surgeons for the +factories for the year 1875 and later dates. I say that when +I speak of families fading out, I mean that the physical and +mental vigour and initiative of those families are crushed +down in our great cities. I have never heard it disputed +before; I don't think I shall hear it disputed again. If you +ask any of the great contractors as to his supply of powerful +navvies, he will tell you he cannot get them out of the towns. +If you ask any of the recruiting officers he will tell you the +lads from the cities are physically useless. You will find +the standard of height for recruits has decreased five inches +during the present reign, and the chest measurement in +proportion. Consequently there is, I say, in our great cities, +which form the bulk of the population, a constant physical +deterioration going on, which will end in the fading-out of +the people unless we replace this system of robbery and +rascality and oppression that is going on at present by a +better. I cannot stop any length of time to dispute about +the way in which the wealth that is taken from the workers +is divided up. It matters not to me whether it is the Royal +Family, or the professional men, or the servants who divide +it, or in what proportion they divide it, after it has been +taken from the worker. That makes, I say, no difference +whatsoever. The workers never see it again. Four per +cent. also on £100,000,000 is forty per cent. on £10,000,000. +How is the amount of capital reckoned? Mr. Labouchere +knows perfectly well that a coal mine or factory which has +cost but £40,000 will frequently be capitalised at £200,000. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P484"></a>484}</span> +That is the way they put it in the Blue Books. I can give an +example of a mill in Rochdale where the freehold belongs to +the man who owns that mill, when and where every single +charge is met in a separate category, and then, after all these +are divided, the interest on the capital is reckoned over again +on the whole capitalised value. I say that four per +cent. does not represent the profits on cotton, even in these +comparatively bad days for the cotton industry. But the mere +fact that the profit is going down means that competition is +cutting its own throat, that we are no longer masters of the +markets of the world. And what does the capitalist do when +his profits go down? He tries to make another turn of the +screw on his labourers—and the result was the great cotton +strike which occurred a short time ago, when, for sixteen +weeks on end, the poor unfortunate spinners and weavers +stood out because they would not have that amount which +the capitalist was losing in the competitive market sweated +out of their very bone and blood. So much for your four +per cent. or your forty per cent. It is wrung out of the +workers, it can come from nobody else. As to the organiser, +what did the Roman slave-owner give to his villeins, who +stood in the same relation to the working slaves as the +capitalist organiser to the labouring classes to-day? He +paid him lower remuneration because his labours were less +exhausting. That is a positive fact. I say that if you want +organisers who to-day are appointed by the capitalist, let +them be appointed by the workers, who can pay them far +better than the capitalists, because you will have all the +capitalists' profits and all the amounts the capitalists sweat +out of their employees' labour as well to pay with. ['Don't +capitalists start as working men?'] Yes, and the more they +grab, the bigger they get. As to the amount received by +the working men as wages, Mr. Leone Levi was one of the +most unscrupulous and lying champions of the capitalist +class who ever wrote. He represented that the average +wages of working men and women throughout England +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P485"></a>485}</span> +were 32s. a week. That is a positive fact; it is on record in +his own books. Thirty-two shillings a week! I say that +is a deliberate lie. And that is how he made out his +amount of 531 millions. As a matter of fact, Mr. Giffen +and Mr. Mulhall both included in the wages of the working +classes all those paid to domestic servants, the soldiers and +sailors, all that is paid to your noble friends the police. I +say that, as a matter of fact, those are not producers in the +common sense of the word. They are simply encumbrances +upon the industrial community. I say, further, that out of +the amount paid in wages to the working classes, which I +reckon at £300,000,000 to £350,000,000, not a sixpence more, +one-fifth or one-fourth has to be paid as rent for the miserable +dwellings the workers occupy. That is, I say, the position of +the labouring portion of the community at the present time. +I am told that shopkeepers are a useful class. Well, surely +there are too many of them. You will find in one street half +a dozen people vending the same wares. The organisation +of any decent system of distribution would not allow such +a state of things to continue, but would turn the unnecessary +distributors into producers, and thus lighten the weight of +producing on the others. Mr. Labouchere does not seem +to understand that what we want is not money. You cannot +eat it; you cannot be clothed with it. What you want is +good hats, good homes, and good beefsteaks—enjoyment, +contentment in life, comfort, and beyond all these, public +amusements of every kind. I say that these have nothing +whatsoever to do with money. If you want to save, you +don't want to save money; you want to save those things +which are necessary to the support and continuance of life. +Mr. Labouchere seems to think that communism is unknown +on this planet. I say that human beings far lower in the +range of civilisation than we, with comparatively small and +puny means of production, live far more happily, in far +better conditions of life, than enormous proportions of our +great city population. Where? I will tell you. I say I +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P486"></a>486}</span> +have lived among communal tribes where, as a matter of +fact, the conditions are as I have told you. The inhabitants +of Polynesia, the Pueblas of New Mexico, and the people of +other places which I have not seen, live better, considerably +better, with all their small means of production, than the +proletariat of our great cities, and they produce, regard +being had to the productive powers at their command, articles +of clothing and domestic use as remarkable in their way as +the finest products of civilisation. More than that, all the +great bed-rock inventions of humanity, the wheel, the +potter's wheel, the smelting of metals, the canoe, the rudder, +the sail, every one of these and many more, the stencil plate +and weaving, to wit, were invented under communism and +no human being knows who invented them. That is a +sufficient answer to the supposition that under a Socialist +state of society there would be no progress in the invention. +But I am asked what the capitalists will do when the +transformation to a co-operative commonwealth is made. They +will go away with their capital. What is capital? Capital +is the means and instruments of production used by a class +to make profit out of labour. Can the capitalist roll up the +railways and take them away in his portmanteau? Will he +walk away with the factories in his waistcoat pocket? +Mr. Labouchere himself sees the futility of some of this. He +advocates the nationalisation of the railways because he +says that they will be better administered under the State +than to-day." +</p> + +<p> +<i>Mr. Labouchere</i>: "No, no." +</p> + +<p> +<i>Mr. Hyndman</i>: "Why then do you want to nationalise them?" +</p> + +<p> +<i>Mr. Labouchere</i>: "I very much doubt whether they would +be better managed in the sense that they would produce +more money than now. I hold that the roads of a country +ought to belong essentially to the State. It is better for the +general benefit that they should be held collectively. I do +object to their giving preferential rates to foreigners and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P487"></a>487}</span> +charging excessive amounts to persons sending goods a +short distance in England. That is the reason why I +think the railways would be better in the hands of the +State." +</p> + +<p> +<i>Mr. Hyndman</i>: "As a matter of fact, preferential rates +can be stopped without the nationalisation of the railways. +Mr. Labouchere can bring in a Bill when Parliament meets +to prevent them. Why, then, is he so Utopian as to demand +the nationalisation of the railways? I want, however, to +raise the discussion out of the minor points, and I say this, +that Socialism does not mean organisation by the State +under the control of Mr. Hyndman, or any one else, but the +entire organisation of industry, on the highest plane of +co-operation for the benefit of all. In that co-operative +commonwealth competition for profit will be unknown. +Mr. Labouchere has drawn a tremendous picture of what it will +cost to effect the change. What does the social system cost +you as it is going on to-day? Competition carried to its +logical issue must engender monopolies. These monopolies +have been given by the capitalist class to themselves in their +capitalist House of Commons. That assembly must be +re-constituted and turned to Social-Democratic purposes. +But then you will lose all those clever men who will not join +with you! Where will they go? We are stronger in France +than in England, and stronger in Germany than in France. +Will they go to China? That seems to me the last refuge +of the wandering individualist, the last place on the planet +where the individualist will be able to go. Socialism is +gaining ground in every country in the world, and mark this, +where the people are best educated, there we are most +powerful. Germany is the best educated country, and +Socialism is stronger there than in any other nation. +Whatever city in England has a body of educated workers, there +we make way quickly. Mr. Labouchere seems to think that +no one will serve his fellowmen unless he is able to grab from +them. His idea of humanity seems to me—I wish to say +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P488"></a>488}</span> +nothing that is in the least offensive, and I will withdraw it +at once if it is considered so." +</p> + +<p> +For about a minute there was disorder so great that +Mr. Hyndman was unable to proceed. The Chairman rose and +appealed for quietness during the two or three minutes that +remained to Mr. Hyndman. Silence having been restored, +Mr. Hyndman said: +</p> + +<p> +"I say, friends, that the representation that the men of +intelligence, of genius, of capacity, and the like would leave +us and go to other places means that they are not animated +by the idea of serving their species, but simply of making +their own fortunes. I say that mankind, as a whole, has +higher ideals than that. I say that all the great work done +on this planet, all the great books that have ever been +written, all the great inventions that have ever been made, +have not been made for money, but for something higher +than that. I say further, that when a man has been paid +all he requires to sustain a happy, contented, and wholesome +life, when he has around him a people living happily with +him, co-operating with him, when he sees that every effort +he makes tends to the advantage of the whole community +and to the drawback and domination of none, I say that +then, animated with a lofty public spirit, he will place +his whole power, his whole intelligence, his very faults, and +his life at the disposal of the community he benefits by his +existence." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Hyndman went on to point out that many of the +reforms adopted by the Radicals were in reality due to +Socialist inspiration. He instanced the eight hours day and +the nationalisation of railways, which Mr. Labouchere had +advocated, and concluded what must have been a stirring +and able speech as follows: +</p> + +<p> +"Now I repeat, friends and fellow-citizens, that we are +arguing for what is inevitable, that at the present moment +the capitalist system, like the feudal system before it, and +chattel slavery before that, heads back progress. I say +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P489"></a>489}</span> +that now, in many directions the force of electricity, and +various great mechanical and chemical inventions, which +might tend to the benefit of the race are being headed back +by low wages and vested private interests. I don't think +anybody can deny that. It must be admitted also that +universal commercial crises have occurred time after time +in this century, each one worse than the one before it. Since +the Baring crisis of 1890 there have been great financial +difficulties, and thousands and tens of thousands of people +have been thrown out of work. Why? Not because there +is not plenty of wealth to be produced, but because, as a +matter of fact, the power to produce it is taken from the +producers altogether. I say that, whether we like it or not, +a system of Socialism is being built up out of the facts of +to-day. From the misery we see around us there is necessarily +arising a glorious future, the golden age which all the +greatest of the sons of men from Plato and Moore onward +have desired and foreseen, an age in which wage-slavery and +competition having ceased, men will co-operate for the +greater advantage and enjoyment of all. Friends, that +which the great thinkers of old saw through a glass darkly +we see face to face. We are the inheritors of the martyrdom +of men to the forms of production and distribution throughout +the ages. I ask you to-night not to treat this question +as being brought down to you from on high, but as growing +up under your feet below. Consider it earnestly for the +sake of the men, women, and children who are being crushed +down in our cities, and whose lives may be rendered worthy +and happy. Let us uplift ourselves at once from the +question of twopenny and twopenny-halfpenny profit into a +higher, nobler, and more glorious sphere." +</p> + +<p> +Mr. J. G. Smith, on behalf of the Socialists, wound up +the proceedings by proposing a vote of thanks to both +speakers. He expressed his appreciation of the "sincerity +and honesty" with which Mr. Labouchere had met Mr. Hyndman. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P490"></a>490}</span> +</p> + +<p> +Opinions will probably differ as to who really got the +better of this encounter, nor shall I be rash enough to +award the palm. At least Mr. Labouchere's speech shows +the sort of way in which he approached the question. It +shows his dislike of theory, his determination to stick to the +concrete, and his distaste for rhetoric. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap18"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P491"></a>491}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER XVIII +<br><br> +MR. LABOUCHERE AS A JOURNALIST +</h3> + +<p class="t3"> +BY MR. R. BENNETT, EDITOR OF "TRUTH" +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere went into newspaper work with all the +best qualifications that a journalist can have, and +with many that no other journalist has ever had a chance of +possessing. He had an inborn gift for writing, using his +pen by sheer force of natural impulse. He took a lively and +unfailing interest in all the doings, sayings, and thoughts of +his fellow creatures, while looking at all human affairs with +critical but dispassionate detachment. His reflections, if +not very profound, were always acute, novel, and humorous; +and he had a method of expression, whether in speech +or writing, peculiarly his own—pithy, witty, and +unconventional. He was a great reader; he was at home in French, +German, and Italian; he had acquired a smattering of the +classics at Eton and Cambridge; and he had a retentive +memory. When he first took up journalism he was nearly +forty, and he had had an unrivalled experience of all phases +of life, extending from Jerusalem to Mexico. Among other +things, he had spent ten years as an attaché in six or eight +different capitals; he had gambled in nearly every casino +in Europe; he had travelled with a circus in America; he +had run a theatre in London; he had sat in the House of +Commons; he had dabbled in finance in the city. Add to +all this that he had a considerable aptitude for business, as +for most other things; lastly that he was never under any +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P492"></a>492}</span> +obligation to write a line except to please himself; and it is +not surprising that he made a distinguished mark in the world +of journalism. It is perhaps not too much to say that the +best work of his life was done as a journalist. +</p> + +<p> +Yet he seems to have tumbled into this work quite +accidentally, and in the most unusual fashion. He began +as a newspaper proprietor; he subsequently became an +editor; and he ended as a casual unpaid contributor. This +strange inversion of the normal career of a successful journalist +is in keeping with everything else in his life and character. +The story of his proprietorship of the <i>Daily News</i> and of his +association with Edmund Yates on the <i>World</i> has been told +elsewhere in this book. His work on those papers, extending +over seven years, had given Mr. Labouchere a useful and +varied experience of very different classes of journalism +when he decided, in 1876, to start a journal of his own. +There had been no quarrel of any kind between him and +Yates, and it was not in any spirit of antagonism to the +proprietor of the <i>World</i> that he decided to make his own +paper one of the same type. At that date there was rather +a reaction against the solidity and stolidity of the older +journalism, and out of it had sprung a class of journals +animated by a lighter spirit, and handling both men and +things in a free and easy style. <i>Vanity Fair</i> and the <i>World</i> +had been very successful in this line, and their spirit appealed +to Mr. Labouchere, who detested pretentiousness in every +shape, and to the end of his days never ceased to regard as a +ridiculous object the journalist who takes himself seriously. +"What is <i>Truth</i>?" asked some successor of jesting Pilate, +who had heard of the title proposed for the new paper. +"Another and a better <i>World</i>," replied Labouchere; and +the quip no doubt expressed correctly what he had in his +mind. The spirit in which he proposed to endow London +with a new journal is perhaps even better shown in the title +originally projected for this organ, which was, not "Truth," +but "The Lyre." It was in deference to the opinion of +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P493"></a>493}</span> +Horace Voules that Mr. Labouchere consented to abandon +"The Lyre" in favour of "Truth." Voules's business +instinct, which was highly developed, warned him that it is +better to assume a virtue if you have it not. No doubt he +was right. Nobody, so far as I know, has yet had the +courage to start a paper called "The Lyre," but Mr. Labouchere +would have done it had he been left to himself. +</p> + +<p> +The mention of Voules reminds one that Mr. Labouchere's +first step when he had decided upon his new venture +was to find a competent practical journalist to undertake the +"donkey work." In a lucky moment he fell upon Horace +St. George Voules, who eventually became his <i>alter ego</i> in +<i>Truth</i> office. Horace Voules himself was a man of very +remarkable personality and abilities. He was the son of a +well-known solicitor at Windsor, who, by a strange freak of +fortune, was the local Tory election agent, and as such had +been instrumental in unseating Mr. Labouchere when he +was returned for that borough. While still only a boy Voules +had formed an ambition to become a journalist, and, by way +of beginning at the beginning, had entered the great printing +and publishing house of Cassell, Fetter, and Galpin as a +printer's apprentice. He made his way upward with +extraordinary ability, and the partners formed such a high opinion +of him that when, in 1868, they started the <i>Echo</i>—the first +London halfpenny paper—they put Voules in as business +manager. He was then only four-and-twenty. He continued +to manage the <i>Echo</i> with remarkable success till the +summer of 1876, when it was acquired by the late Mr. Passmore +Edwards, and Voules resigned. He went away to take +a holiday, and a few weeks later received a letter from +Mr. Labouchere asking him to come and see him. This was the +beginning of an intimate association which lasted till Voules's +death in 1909. An agreement was entered into under which +Voules was to be "manager" of <i>Truth</i> at a very modest salary, +though with a percentage of the profits which ultimately +proved very valuable; and this agreement was the only one +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P494"></a>494}</span> +ever concluded between the proprietor and his second-in-command, +although for the last twenty-five years of Voules's +life the whole editorial and financial control of the paper was +in his hands alone. Another point of interest is that to meet +the expenses of the new paper Mr. Labouchere opened a +special account with his bankers and paid into it the sum of +£1000. Some time later, when the growth of the business +necessitated more capital, this sum was increased to £1500; +but for the first few years £1000 was the whole of the capital +that Mr. Labouchere invested in his venture, and practically +it was never touched; that is to say, the account which he +opened in 1876 with that credit remained with at least that +amount to its credit until he sold the paper in 1910. From +those details it may be gathered that neither the proprietor +nor his manager regarded themselves as entering upon an +enterprise of any great pith or moment, or imagined that +they were founding a journal which would become famous +over the whole world. It certainly did not occur to Horace +Voules, then an ambitious and remarkably successful young +man of thirty-two, that in becoming "manager" of this +undertaking at £600 a year he was taking a position that +would occupy him for the rest of his days. +</p> + +<p> +In such circumstances the first number of <i>Truth</i> made its +appearance in the first week of 1877. It was a decided success, +as success in that class of journals was reckoned at that date, +though the sale of the first number was only a fraction of the +figures reached fifteen or twenty years later. What was of +more consequence, and perhaps more surprising, the second +and following numbers were equally successful; for the +production of a new journal is rather like the production of a +new play—a full and enthusiastic house on the first night +does not necessarily mean a long run. Horace Voules was +fond of boasting that <i>Truth</i> had paid its way from the first, +and some of the credit of that result was undoubtedly due +to his great business abilities. Mr. Labouchere had not +gone into the venture with any idea of making money. +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P495"></a>495}</span> +He knew the history of the early difficulties of the <i>World</i>, +which have been referred to in an earlier chapter of this +volume, and it was probably an agreeable surprise to him +that he was not called upon to meet a loss on the first few +months' working of <i>Truth</i>. In an interview which appeared +in one of the monthly magazines a few years ago, Voules +described the scepticism with which his chief received the +balance-sheet presented to him at the end of the first six +months. It appeared to Labouchere too good to be true, +and he exercised his ingenuity in attempts to demolish it. +In later years his attitude towards balance-sheets was very +different. +</p> + +<p> +The combination of Labouchere and Voules was a very +powerful one. Few newspapers have ever had a more +remarkable pair of brains and personalities behind them—the +one acute, ready-witted, audacious, irresponsible, intent +only upon amusing himself and amusing his readers; the +other long-headed, business-like, strenuous, and pushful, +intent only upon making money. The time came when <i>Truth</i> +owed everything to the guidance and inspiration of Horace +Voules; but at the start it was Mr. Labouchere who made the +paper. This can easily be seen on looking back to the files +of the journal during the first two or three years of its +existence. There was nothing very striking or sensational in the +matter of its contents; in form and substance it did not differ +materially from the journals of the same class that had +preceded and followed it. But the hand and spirit of Labouchere +were all over it, and gave it a character and individuality +which were bound to make the fortune of any journal. His +literary activity at this period was amazing. As Voules used +to say, he was exactly like a child with a new toy; and after +playing with many toys he had found the one which exactly +suited him, for the handling of a pen was his greatest joy. +"He would have written the whole paper if he could," said +Voules. In point of fact for a time he did write a +considerable part of it every week. He poured out amusing +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P496"></a>496}</span> +paragraphic commentaries on every subject of the moment +that interested him, and flooded the paper with droll +reminiscences of his own adventures and the innumerable +distinguished people whom he had met in all parts of the world. +He "did" the dramatic criticism, and he never did anything +better; in this owing much, no doubt, to his personal +experience as a theatrical manager. He wrote every week a +"City" article—a very unconventional kind of City article, +quite unlike any product of financial journalism before or +since. It broke out occasionally in the most unexpected +directions; for example, one finds an irresistibly comic +account of his experiences among brigands in Mexico cropping +up in a survey of the financial position of that country. +Starting on another occasion to discuss the merits of +Greek stocks, he lapses into a disquisition upon the character +of the modern Greeks, especially the peasantry, illuminated +by reminiscences of his travels in their country. One of the +funniest things he ever wrote—a detailed account of his +journey through the Holy Land with the Rev. J. M. Bellew—made +its appearance as an integral part of a critique of some +new play. The connecting link between the two things was +that Mr. Bellew's son, the late Mr. Kyrle Bellew, had made +his debut on that first night. It is only when a man writes +for his own paper that he can do this sort of thing; what +would be the emotions of any normal editor on receiving from +his dramatic critic a three-column narrative of a journey in +Palestine as part of a notice of Mr. Bernard Shaw's last +masterpiece! It was the spontaneity, this unexpectedness, +the evident absence of all premeditation or effort, as well as +a sort of irresponsible indifference to the ostensible business +of the moment, that gave such a piquancy to Mr. Labouchere's +writing, as it did to his conversation. It was +something quite new in journalism, and it remains to this +moment absolutely unique. +</p> + +<p> +Another characteristic of Mr. Labouchere's which gave a +peculiar flavour to <i>Truth</i> was his frankness and disregard for +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P497"></a>497}</span> +the <i>convenances</i> in speaking about his contemporaries. He +had no taste for mere tittle-tattle and scandal-mongering in +print. Prying into the private life of well-known people +was rather a weakness of the "society journals" of the day, +among which <i>Truth</i> was classed, and Mr. Labouchere never +favoured it. But it must be admitted that in private +conversation he was an inveterate gossip, always well-posted +in whatever talk was current to the discredit of anybody +sufficiently known to be talked about; and when he found +occasion to speak about any person in print, all that he knew +about that person was apt to come out, with precisely the +same unconventional frankness that distinguished his own +personal confessions. Added to this he was not only +contemptuous of pretence, sham, and humbug in every shape, +hating "snobbism" in its widest sense as heartily as Thackeray +himself, but he was hopelessly devoid of the spirit of +reverence, even in regard to matters that usually receive +reverence on their merits. Nothing was sacred to him. +He seemed to discover instinctively the seamy side of what +other people admire, and to find a delight in calling attention +to it; and this mischievous habit of mind displayed itself +in his handling of men as well as things. Introduced into +journalism, and fortified with an extensive knowledge of life +picked up in the diplomatic service, the theatrical world and +the city, and in the ordinary social intercourse of a man of +good family related on all sides to distinguished people, +Mr. Labouchere's natural bent of mind and freedom of speech +led to the embellishment of <i>Truth</i> almost every week with +candid observations upon contemporary personages, which +might be open to criticism on the score of taste, but which +made extremely entertaining reading. +</p> + +<p> +Inevitably his pen got him into trouble. The only +wonder is that the trouble was not more serious, and for +this it may be safely assumed that Mr. Labouchere was much +indebted to Mr. Horace Voules. After a very few weeks +working together, the two men became very intimate friends, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P498"></a>498}</span> +and Mr. Labouchere, who rarely erred in his reading of men, +acquired a great respect for Voules's judgment, so much so +that, in characteristic fashion, he speedily turned over to his +friend all sorts of business quite unrelated to <i>Truth</i>. Voules +himself was essentially a fighting man, as he showed when he +obtained control of <i>Truth</i>, but he had the mind of a lawyer +as well as a man of business, and he had—though it may +sound paradoxical—a much greater interest in the profit +of the paper than the proprietor himself. From the first, +although nominally only concerned with the commercial side +of <i>Truth</i>, he read in proof every line of the paper, and he was +not the man to allow the proprietor or anybody else to tumble +accidentally into an indefensible libel action. He used to +say that he had often saved his chief from that fate, and no +one who knew them both would doubt him. Another thing +which often saved Mr. Labouchere was his invariable +readiness to apologise to anybody whom he had unintentionally +annoyed or injured. He did so on many occasions in the +early years of <i>Truth</i>, and he would always do it if he was +approached in the right way. Not only this, but if he was +once persuaded that he had been too hard on a man, or that +what he had intended as mere play had seriously wounded +the subject of his playfulness, he would often try afterwards +to make amends. In more than one instance he became +quite friendly with people whom he had more or less insulted +before he knew them. For better or worse, it was one of the +cardinal traits of Mr. Labouchere's character that he was +incapable of strong emotion, and, among others, of personal +malice. In one or two instances he conceived rather strong +antipathies to individuals—not without reason—but it was +entirely foreign to his nature to hurt a man for the sake of +hurting him; and a most remarkable thing about him was +that while he would strenuously attack a man's conduct or +ridicule unmercifully his speech or actions, he was quite +capable of meeting the same man in a perfectly friendly +spirit, and discussing what had been done on one side and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P499"></a>499}</span> +said on the other, not only without heat, but with a sincere +sympathy for the victim of his pen. This trait was essential +in his character—a result of that philosophic interest in his +fellow creatures which caused him to look at all of them alike +without any conventional bias in favour of one mode of life +or action rather than another. If he had encountered a +burglar in his house already loaded with valuables, his first +impulse would have been, not to call the police, but to engage +the intruder in conversation, and to learn from him something +of the habits of burglars, the latest and most scientific +methods of burgling, the average profits of the business, and +so forth. He would have been delighted to assist his new +acquaintance with suggestions for his future guidance in his +profession, and to point out to him how he might have +avoided the mistake which had on this occasion led to his +being caught in the act. In all this he would not by any +means have lost sight of his property; on the contrary, the +whole force of his intellect would have been surreptitiously +occupied with the problem of recovering it with the least +amount of inconvenience to his friend and himself. He +would have manœuvred to bring off a deal. If by sweet +reasonableness he could have persuaded the burglar to give +up the "swag," he would have been delighted to hand him +a sovereign or two, cheer him with refreshment, shake hands, +and wish him better luck next time; and he would have +related the whole story in the next week's <i>Truth</i> with infinite +humour and profound satisfaction. +</p> + +<p> +This is scarcely an effort of imagination. Something +very similar happened in <i>Truth</i> office in the 'nineties long +after Mr. Labouchere had ceased to take any active interest +in his paper. A money-lender who had been severely, but +not unjustly, handled in <i>Truth</i>, insisted upon seeing +Mr. Labouchere personally. By that time Horace Voules was +the only person who ever saw anybody who had business +with the editor, but he happened to be away, and Labouchere +consented to see the man. The money-lender arrived in a +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P500"></a>500}</span> +most truculent mood; but he was quickly disarmed by +Labouchere's ignorance—perfectly genuine—of the nature of +his grievance, and beguiled into telling his story with artless +confidence. What threatened at first to be a heated wrangle +developed into a friendly interchange of views, in which +Mr. Labouchere, showing a keen scientific interest in +money-lending operations, explained to his visitor exactly where he +was at fault in the management of his business, and gave +him a few practical hints which might assist him to make +larger profits without exposing himself to unfavourable +remark. The man seemed extremely pleased with the valuable +advice he received, and it was his own fault if he did not +depart very much the wiser for the interview. When +Mr. Labouchere was writing at large in the early days of <i>Truth</i>, +he made a great many people extremely angry, and some +never forgave him. But to be angry with him if you met him +face to face was only possible for the very stupid. Some +few years ago the late Mr. John Kensit made an unsuccessful +application to the High Court to commit the proprietor of +<i>Truth</i> for contempt. Considering all that had been said +about him in the paper, he had considerable ground for not +loving its proprietor, even if he had been aware, which he +was not, that Mr. Labouchere had never had a hand in what +had been said about him. But they sat next to one another +in the well of the court during the hearing of the motion, +and by the time the case was on they were chatting and +laughing together like old friends. "Good-bye, Mr. Labouchere, +said the Protestant champion at the end of the proceedings. +"This has been quite a pleasant meeting." "I hope you +have enjoyed it as much as I have," answered Labby. +"I am sorry that you have got to pay for it." And they +shook hands affectionately. +</p> + +<p> +On the other hand, Mr. Labouchere had a certain +combativeness of disposition, and he was from the first bent +upon using <i>Truth</i> for the exposure of abuses and frauds on the +public. Consequently, in a certain number of cases he +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P501"></a>501}</span> +deliberately laid himself out to attack individuals, regardless +of the penalties of the law of libel. His journal had not been +in existence many months before an action was commenced +by Mr. Robertson, the manager of the Royal Aquarium at +Westminster. Mr. Labouchere was a director of the company +owning that place, and he wrote very fully and frankly +about its affairs in <i>Truth</i>—in particular a humorous account +in his best manner, of an altercation between Robertson +and himself in the fair at Boulogne. The circumstances of +the action are of no interest now; but the case is memorable +as the first of the long series of libel actions that <i>Truth</i> has +successfully defended in the course of its existence, and further +as the occasion of one of the earliest forensic successes of +Charles Russell, afterwards Lord Russell of Killowen, and +an intimate friend of Mr. Labouchere's for the rest of his life. +Russell had not at that time taken silk, and was little known, +but Mr. George Lewis (as he then was) and Mr. Labouchere +had sufficient confidences in his abilities to brief him without +a leader, and the experiment was fully justified by the result. +The next legal proceeding in which Mr. Labouchere involved +himself was a <i>cause célèbre</i> of the first dimensions—his +prosecution by the proprietor of the <i>Daily Telegraph</i> on account +of a series of persistent and, it must be confessed, somewhat +vicious attacks upon the management of that journal. +Mr. Labouchere elected to defend himself, and he has rarely +acquitted himself in public with more address than he did +on that occasion, though he had a good deal of useful +assistance from the late Lord Justice Bowen, then a stuff +gowns-man, who was briefed for the printers of the paper. There +is no occasion at this date to revive other circumstances of +this personal encounter between two eminent representatives +of journalism. The jury disagreed, the case was not brought +to trial again, and the hatchet was buried. Mr. Labouchere +was released on his own recognisances, and many years later +he used to be fond of explaining that he was still in that +condition. Apparently he remained in it till his death. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P502"></a>502}</span> +</p> + +<p> +One other libel case of Mr. Labouchere's early journalistic +days may be recalled for the sake of the very characteristic +accident out of which it arose. Mr. Labouchere had written +something extremely dangerous. Voules noted it on the +proof, and after a consultation between them Mr. Labouchere +agreed to take the passage out. He accordingly drew his +pen through two or three of the incriminating lines, or +rather he attempted to do so; but his pen always worked in +rather an erratic way, and the marks he made on the proof +were as much under the words as through them. The +consequence was that the printer misunderstood the intention, +and the libellous passage which had alarmed Voules not only +appeared in the paper, but appeared with the additional +emphasis of italics! This was one of the accidents which had +to be repaired with an apology, though this did not prevent +the issue of a writ. If any other actions for libel were +commenced in the early years of Mr. Labouchere's editorship +they did not lead to serious fighting, and there was nothing +in them worth recalling now. But he certainly contrived +in the course of three or four years to give his paper a great +reputation for courageous plain speaking, and to convey the +impression that its proprietor was a dangerous man to fall +foul of, and a difficult man to tackle successfully. +</p> + +<p> +As for his work as an editor during that time, he seems to +have taken it very easily after the first few weeks. "I will +give him six months," Edmund Yates was reported to have +said when his friend was beginning with such a big splash; +and the thought was not begotten of a wish, but of Yates's +knowledge of his late contributor. The fatal weakness of +Mr. Labouchere's character—certainly during the second +forty years of his life, and probably during the first forty—was +incapacity for sustained effort. He quickly grew tired +of everything he took in hand, and he hated drudgery and +routine work. Horace Voules used to relate his amazement +at the zest with which his chief, at the first start, threw +himself into the work of reading copy and proofs, and criticising +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P503"></a>503}</span> +and planning improvements in the paper when it was +produced; and his equal amazement at the process by which +such editorial functions were one by one delegated to the +so-called "manager," never again to be resumed. The +same story is told by others who were familiar with the +inside of <i>Truth</i> office during its early days. From the first +Voules's position was that of an assistant-editor, and in +the course of a year or two he became very much more of an +editor than an assistant, while the editor lapsed into the +position of an adviser and an indefatigable contributor. It +must have been in 1878 or 1879 that Voules went away for +a holiday on the Continent, and received a letter in which +Mr. Labouchere informed him that there was very little +going on, and added, "I do not think I shall bring the paper +out next week." Voules believed him to be perfectly capable +of this enormity, and the mere thought of it filled him +with such dismay that he came back to London by the next +train. "You need not have worried yourself so about it," +said Mr. Labouchere when his colleague reached the office. +"Probably I should have brought the paper out all right." But, +unlike his employer, Voules was very given to worrying +himself, and this incident worried him so much that he never +left the proprietor in charge of his own paper again. At +holiday times he used always to take a house within easy +reach of London, and it is a fact that for fourteen or fifteen +years, until he had his first bad illness, he never missed seeing +<i>Truth</i> to press himself. This little incident, so very +characteristic of Mr. Labouchere, at least serves to justify the +observation that he soon learned to take his editorial functions +lightly; and it shows the waning of the zest with which +he had taken up the "new toy" a year or two previously. +</p> + +<p> +Until the general election of 1880, Mr. Labouchere +remained regular in his attendance at the office, and actively +interested in the affairs of his journal if his principal work +for it was purely literary. But after he was returned for +Northampton and began to make a figure in Parliament, which +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P504"></a>504}</span> +he did almost from the first, <i>Truth</i> began to have a secondary +place in his affections. In the course of the next year or two +he seems to have gradually relinquished the entire editorial +control into Voules's hands. He ceased to supply dramatic +criticism, and to write with any regularity on city matters. +On the other hand, he naturally began to write regularly on +politics, which up to that time he had done only now and then +and without expressing any strong opinions. At that date +the connection between the Press and Parliament was much +less intimate than it has since become. The journalistic +M.P., so familiar a figure in recent years, was virtually +unknown. There were only two or three newspaper +proprietors in the House of Commons; none in the House of +Lords. The descriptive reporter had not yet made his +appearance in the Press Gallery; the gentlemen there were +shorthand writers only. The Lobby correspondent had not +risen to that public importance for which he was destined. +Mr. Labouchere consequently had the field very much to +himself as a parliamentary journalist. Perhaps he did not +make as much use of the opportunity as he would have done +three or four years earlier, when journalism for its own sake +had such a hold upon his affections. He was always +extremely averse to using his parliamentary position for the +advantage of his own paper; indeed, so far did he carry this +feeling that in later years when any matter was under +ventilation in <i>Truth</i>, which naturally furnished matter for +the interrogation of a Minister, it was most difficult to obtain +his assistance, and quite impossible to persuade him to ask +a question himself. If he consented to give his help, he +nearly always got a friend to put the question down. From +first to last—to the intense annoyance of Horace Voules—his +disposition was always to use his own journal as an aid +to his schemes and ambitions in Parliament, never his +parliamentary position for the advantage of his journal. +</p> + +<p> +Nevertheless, the reputation that he speedily made for +himself in the House of Commons, his novel and individual +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P505"></a>505}</span> +style of handling politics and politicians—friends and foes +alike—and the audacity of the opinions which he was +always delivering with an air "that was childlike and bland," +necessarily had their effect upon the paper that he owned +and wrote for. As the organ of a rising M.P., constantly +before the public, and a mouthpiece of advanced Radicalism, +<i>Truth</i> gained more than it lost by the cessation of +Mr. Labouchere's exuberant literary activity. The circulation +of the paper, which had not increased to any great extent +between 1877 and 1880, now began to display considerable +buoyancy. At the same time Horace Voules was beginning +to make his hand felt. He enlisted many useful recruits to +fill the space left vacant by Mr. Labouchere. In particular +he developed the paper on the financial side, having a strong +fancy, as well as great aptitude, for that line of journalism. +In fact he may be considered a pioneer in it, for at that time +there was not a single financial daily paper in London, and +the financial articles in the general daily Press were framed +in a very bald and perfunctory style. With the assistance +of Mr. L. Brousson, who wrote for <i>Truth</i> with most valuable +results for nearly twenty years under the pseudonym of +"Moses Moss," Voules made the paper as strong in finance +as Mr. Labouchere made it in politics, and very much more +popular. Voules was a man of great enterprise, courage, and +resource, a sound judge of "what the public wants," and at +the same time a born fighter. He wrote little himself, but +he had a good eye for literary ability in others—at any rate +the kind of ability that he needed for his own purpose. +Following up the lead which Mr. Labouchere had given in +attacking frauds and abuses, he made during the 'eighties +several big journalistic coups by the exposure of financial +swindles. From this he passed on to the fertile field of +charity. By this time he had got together a fairly complete +and competent staff for dealing with such matters. He made +a thorough investigation of every subject he dealt with. He +interviewed witnesses himself; he inspired every line that +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P506"></a>506}</span> +was written for publication. Thus fortified, he threw down +the gauntlet to one swindler after another. Many were +routed and driven out of the field by the mere force of the +case made against them in <i>Truth</i>. Others, who defended +themselves by proceedings for libel, were met and overthrown +one after another in the Law Courts. The story of all these +personal encounters, which lasted almost continuously for +ten or twelve years, would fill a volume—and a volume +without any parallel in the history of journalism. The work +ended only because there was no more to be done. There +was no game left worth powder and shot. Horace Voules +had simply cleared out this particular field. Nor was his +activity confined to any one field. The public +services—particularly the Army—the Church, the administration of +justice, especially by justices of the peace, and indeed almost +every sphere of human activity where there was any wrong +or misconduct that required castigation, brought perennial +supplies of grist to the journalistic mill over which Horace +Voules ruled in Carteret Street. +</p> + +<p> +Thus it came about that towards the end of the last +century <i>Truth</i> had become a journal with a unique record, +an influence that was felt—mostly for good—all over the +English-speaking world, and incidentally a very valuable +property. Before the end of the 'eighties it must have begun +to yield Mr. Labouchere—a rich man independently of it—a +larger income than would have sufficed for all his +requirements, which were never extravagant. The attitude of the +parent towards his bantling, which had grown in such an +unexpected fashion, was very much like his attitude towards +everything else that happened to him in life. If he took any +pride in his offspring, he did not manifest it openly; in a +general way he betrayed no concern in its performances. +When he visited the office, which he usually did for an hour +or two on Monday and Tuesday mornings on his way to the +House of Commons, it was only to correct the proofs of his +own contributions—by this time almost entirely confined +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P507"></a>507}</span> +to politics, except when he went abroad in the autumn—to +consume a frugal lunch, and to chat about anything but the +business of his paper with anybody whom he could find to +talk to. +</p> + +<p> +A personal reminiscence of this period will show how +strangely uninterested he was in the affairs of the paper which +he was supposed by the public to direct. In the spring of +1893, Horace Voules had a bad illness, the first of many, and +as he kept the whole business of the office in his hands the +situation was rather serious. I went down to see him at +Brighton, where he lived for the last twenty years of his life, +and heard from his doctor that if he ever came back at all it +could not be for many weeks. On returning to town I went +straight to the House of Commons and reported this alarming +intelligence to Mr. Labouchere. If I had reported it to +the Speaker he could not have manifested less concern. +What chiefly interested Mr. Labouchere was the nature and +treatment of Voules's ailment; he was always prepared to +give advice, publicly or privately, on the preservation of +health. "You know Voules eats a great deal too much," he +said, which was no doubt true. "His doctor should do so and +so. I will write to him at once." I suggested to him that +it might be more useful if he would write something for <i>Truth</i>, +as we had not an editorial article in sight for next week. +"You can do very well for once without an article, can't +you?" was the staggering reply. I endeavoured to convey +to him that there was a great deal of work at the office which +somebody would have to do in Voules's absence, among +other things about fifty letters a day requiring to be attended +to. "I should not bother myself about answering letters +if I were you," said my employer. This did not surprise +me so much, for I had previously heard from Voules of our +proprietor's golden rule for dealing with correspondence: "I +never knew a letter yet, Voules, which would not answer +itself if you left it alone for two months." It did not take +many minutes' conversation to show that the editor was +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P508"></a>508}</span> +quite the last person from whom any assistance was likely to +be obtained in carrying on the paper in the emergency that +had arisen; at the same time I remember that we had a very +interesting talk about the Home Rule Bill before I left him. +I wondered afterwards what he would have said if I had +written to him in his own words to Voules, "I don't think I +shall bring the paper out next week." Probably it would +not have disturbed him seriously. It should be added that +he did write to Voules as he had promised—a very kind, +sympathetic letter, in which he begged Voules above all +things not to hurry back, and assured him that everything +would go on all right in his absence. I forget whether he +said that he would see to that, but it is quite possible that he +did. It is a fact that the following week—the first in which +Voules had been absent for about fifteen years—Mr. Labouchere +also omitted his customary visit to the office on a +Monday morning. I suppose he thought that as Voules was +away I should not have much time to talk to him. +</p> + +<p> +To those who were behind the scenes there was something +ludicrous and something supremely "Laboucherean" in the +contrast between this airy indifference to the fortunes of his +journal, and the public conception of the proprietor as an +indefatigable editor personally inspiring and directing all its +performances. Possibly it amused Mr. Labouchere himself, +but far more probably he never gave it a thought, for nothing +in his life that appeared to other people abnormal ever +presented itself in that light to him. To any one who knows +the <i>laissez-aller</i> spirit in which he treated every affair of life, +it cannot cause the slightest surprise that he allowed himself +to drift into a position which was, on the face of it, somewhat +equivocal. The best evidence of the view that he himself +took of this anomalous position is afforded by the way it +came to an end. Horace Voules chafed for a long time under +his own relation to the titular editor, and it is really more +difficult to understand his long acceptance of this position +than Mr. Labouchere's failure to do anything towards +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P509"></a>509}</span> +altering it. The explanation in his case, no doubt, is that +with the growth of the profits of the business he gradually +came into a very handsome income, and he was a man who +valued this a good deal more than personal glory. But he +certainly felt aggrieved, as most men would, that so much of +the credit of his work should go to another, and what +perhaps annoyed him more was Mr. Labouchere's characteristic +indifference to everything that was done in his name. Out +of this there grew up a coolness between them, and at last +Voules openly kicked. The moment the question of the +editorship was raised in this way, Mr. Labouchere instantly +conceded it, as Voules might have known he would. "My +dear Voules," he said, in mild surprise. "<i>I</i> don't want to be +the editor. You can call yourself the editor if you like." In +his own mind he probably said, "If you attach any value +to such an absurd trifle, why, in the name of wonder, did +you not say so before?" In this characteristic fashion, +Mr. Labouchere divested himself of the last rags of editorship. +Voules recounted the conversation to me immediately after +it took place. I cannot fix the date precisely, but it was +probably in 1897 or 1898. +</p> + +<p> +There remains little to be related of Mr. Labouchere's +career as a journalist. But it may assist the comprehension +of what appears difficult to understand, in his relation to the +real editorship of his paper during so many years, to refer +to what passed between him and Voules on a lamentable +occasion in 1902. At that time certain unfortunate +circumstances had come to light which made it impossible that +Mr. Brousson should remain on the staff of <i>Truth</i>, or that +Horace Voules should continue in the formal position of +editor; I trust I may be forgiven for referring in mere detail +to the indiscretion of an old and dear friend and the sad end +of a brilliant career. Mr. Labouchere, to whom the situation +must have been as painful as to anybody, took counsel with +Sir George Lewis, as a friend of both parties, and between +them they excogitated an announcement for publication to +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P510"></a>510}</span> +the effect that Mr. Voules had resigned the editorship of +<i>Truth</i>, but would remain associated with the paper. It was +the least that could have been announced under the +circumstances, but naturally poor Voules fought hard against it, +and a warm debate took place at Sir George Lewis's office. +Voules wanted to know who was to be appointed editor, and +in what capacity he himself was to be "associated with the +paper." He declined to submit to the humiliation of having +to serve under one of his own subordinates. Mr. Labouchere +told him that he did not see the necessity of appointing +another editor. "You can't seriously propose that the paper +is to be carried on without an editor," said Voules. "My +dear Voules," replied the proprietor, "I have now been +connected with newspapers over forty years, and I have never +yet discovered what an editor is. If you like, I will resume +the editorship, but it seems to me quite unnecessary." So +little did Voules understand his old friend even at that +date that he came to me at the end of the interview in a +terrible state of agitation, convinced that Labouchere was +playing with him, and that he and I were to change places. +Labouchere was, of course, perfectly serious, and for the +next seven years <i>Truth</i> remained without an editor. I +suppose that in all his life Mr. Labouchere never did a more +extraordinary thing than this, judging by what would be +considered ordinary conduct for a man in his position in such +a case. Yet surely the extraordinary course which he took +is an example of the way in which his habit of looking at +the essential things in life, and snapping his fingers at +conventions and traditions, guided him to the best possible +solution of a serious difficulty. He regarded it as essential +that Voules should not be formally and officially the man +in control of the paper. He regarded it as equally +essential—but how few would have done so!—that the man who had +served him so well and honourably for five-and-twenty +years should not be cast out to end his days in disgrace. So +he said: "I will have no editor in future. I see no necessity +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P511"></a>511}</span> +for it. Manage as best you can without one!" Is not this +really a stroke of genius, seeing that it is a solution of the +difficulty that no one else would ever have dreamed of, that +it is so perfectly simple, and that it effected everything that +was really necessary? It also becomes easier, I think, after +this to understand how Mr. Labouchere had previously +allowed his paper to go on for about seventeen years under +the editorship of its business "manager" without suspecting +that there was anything anomalous in this arrangement until +his manager surprised him by protesting against it. +</p> + +<p> +I feel that I cannot close this narrative of Mr. Labouchere's +relations with <i>Truth</i> without a reference to the +termination of his sole proprietorship of that journal, for it +was very characteristic of him. Slight as was the interest +that he evinced in his property in his later years, he never +seemed desirous of parting with it, naming a prohibitive price +when any one offered to buy it, as many did, including +Horace Voules. When, after poor Voules's death in 1909, +I myself pressed him to turn his proprietorship into a +company, he politely but firmly declined, observing that he +distrusted boards, and had always believed in finding a man +who can manage your business for you and leaving him to do +it. Undoubtedly that was the principle on which he had +conducted many of his affairs. But in the end I ventured to +suggest to him that it would be a great kindness to me and +other members of his staff, who had been connected with +the paper for many years, if he could see his way to put the +proprietorship on a permanent footing, and save us from the +possible results of a sale of the paper to the first bidder in +the event of his predeceasing us. His response was +instantaneous and most sympathetic. He practically offered me +an option on the paper at half the price he had asked Voules +a few years previously, and interested himself warmly in +explaining to me how I was to turn this opportunity to the +best advantage. When the proposed deal did not promise to +come off very speedily, he finally said that he would waive +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P512"></a>512}</span> +his objections to converting himself into a mere shareholder, +and leave us to form a company, taking from him or placing +with others such shares as we could. So ended Mr. Labouchere's +proprietorship of <i>Truth</i>—in an act of pure kindness of +heart. It is an exact parallel to his easy-going abdication +of the editorship at the first hint from Voules that the +existing position was rather hard on him. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere was a man of most extraordinary character. +"He was an extraordinary person!" is the exclamation +that one has heard a hundred times rising involuntarily +to the lips of those who knew him well. The story of his +connection with journalism is an extraordinary one, but as +loosely sketched in the foregoing reminiscences it can give +but an inadequate impression of what was most remarkable +about him. This would be equally true of any mere narrative +of the events of his career, or any collection of his +disjointed utterances. In writing of him one is always in +danger of conveying the impression that he was a mere +eccentric or freak. In reality he was something very much +more. Among other things he was one of the most prolific +and spontaneous writers that ever lived, and everything that +he wrote, however trivial the subject, bore some mark of +his own unique personality. His love of his pen was perhaps +his most vital characteristic; it resembled, indeed, his love of +his cigarette, and the two affections always came into play +simultaneously. He would take up a pen anywhere, and +commit his thoughts to paper without regard to external +circumstances—during a debate in the House of Commons, +during a children's party in Old Palace Yard, in a public +room of an hotel. When abroad on his holidays he used to +write contributions to <i>Truth</i> as regularly as if he were under +contract to supply so much copy each week—evidently +writing purely as a pleasure. Probably Mr. Labouchere is +the only man who ever wrote for publication, systematically +and voluminously, without ever being paid for what he +wrote. Indirectly, of course, as the proprietor of <i>Truth</i>, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P513"></a>513}</span> +he profited by his contributions to his own paper; but +nobody who knew him will suppose that this consideration +ever presented itself to him as a motive for exertion. Neither +was he actuated by that common weakness, love of seeing +himself in print. On the contrary, what became of anything +he wrote after he had produced it was a matter of profound +indifference to him. "I am the only person, I believe, on +the Press," he wrote in his later days, in answer to an apology +for consigning to oblivion a rather long-winded article +forwarded from Florence, "who does not care in the least +whether his lucubrations do or do not appear in print." He +wrote to me many times in the same strain, and it was +no doubt literally true. Frequently he would write an +article and omit to post it; sometimes he mislaid it +permanently, sometimes he accidentally destroyed it. Sometimes +he would send a second edition of an article already received +and printed, explaining that he could not remember whether +he had posted the first edition or torn it up by mistake. +From long experience of him, I doubt whether he ever looked +at anything he had written after it was printed and +published, unless some accidental circumstance gave him +occasion to refer to it. +</p> + +<p> +No man who ever wrote more strikingly exemplified the +aphorism "<i>le style c'est l'homme</i>." His style was entirely +his own—a pure, spontaneous growth, neither derived from +reading, nor formed by conscious effort. It reflected as +vividly as his conversation the characteristics of his intellect, +his lucidity of thought and expression, his quick apprehension, +his distaste for display, his unconventional habit of mind, his +dry humour, his naïve wit. A very good judge, and an old +acquaintance in Parliament, writing of him in the <i>Saturday +Review</i> after his death, said that "Mr. Labouchere's prose +was Voltairian." It was Voltairian because his mind was +Voltairian, and because he reproduced on paper, instinctively +and without effort, exactly what was in his mind. But it is +out of place to speak of anything that Mr. Labouchere did +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P514"></a>514}</span> +in terms of uncritical eulogy. On the technical side +Mr. Labouchere's literary work was marred by the failings which +beset him in everything he undertook—his repugnance to +"taking trouble," and his supreme indifference. Although +he would overhaul his proof mercilessly, and go on doing it +as often as a proof was submitted to him, the process was +generally that of expanding and rewriting, rarely of touching +up and improving what he had written. He thought as +little about "polishing up" a sentence for the sake of literary +effect as of brushing his hat before he went for a walk. The +consequence was that the inevitable blemishes in the work +of a man who wrote so fluently, but never had the patience +to read and correct his own manuscript, constantly made +their appearance in print. No one who reads his work, +knowing the way it was done, can doubt that he had it in +him to enrich English literature with veritable masterpieces. +It was the will that he lacked, not the ability, and so it was +with nearly everything he undertook. +</p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere was a man of genius—genius real, +original, and many-sided. The signs of it are evident in +almost everything he did, including his mistakes and his +eccentricities. But he had the misfortune to be born very +rich, and if he was not by nature indolent he acquired an +indolent habit of mind through never being under the necessity +of exerting his powers to their full capacity. His genius +was of the critical, not the creative order, and this also +contributed to his forming a view of life inconsistent with +strenuous exertion, for it led him to despise nearly everything +that men ordinarily prize, success in all its shapes included. +During all the time I knew him, his attitude towards life +was that of a man playing a game, interested in it certainly, +but only for the amusement it afforded him. It is worthy of +note that he confesses to having been in youth an inveterate +gambler, and having given up play because he found that it +was acquiring too much hold over him. To be interested in +everything, but too much interested in nothing, was a cardinal +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P515"></a>515}</span> +principle of his life. Few men have ever incurred more +obloquy, and many worthy people regarded him with +aversion; but it was only from misunderstanding or lack of +knowledge. To this he himself contributed by his perverse +habit of self-depreciation, his indifference to the opinions of +his fellow-men, and the amusement he found in mystifying +them. It is absurd to put him on a pedestal—a position +which he never allowed any one else, and which he took good +care to show he never desired for himself. But it was +impossible to be much in contact with him without +appreciating that he was a being of a rare order of intellect, +with something in him that placed him above the ordinary +failings and foibles of humanity, however much he might +try to magnify his own. It was my privilege to know him +pretty closely for over thirty years, and very intimately for +the last ten. Though he did in that time many things that +one would have wished he had not done, and said many that +would have been better left unsaid, I can look back to him +now only with admiration for his wisdom and his wit, and +affection for his drolleries and his indiscretions, no less than +for his many virtues. +</p> + +<p> +There comes back to me the last time I sat with him, by +the side of the lake at Cadennabia. "Let us get away from +this beastly band," he had said, in the hall of the hotel after +dinner, "one can't hear oneself speak." So we sat down +outside, and he rambled on: "I can't think why people +want bands when they come here. Wonderful place this +for stars! What I like about it is that you can see them in +the lake without craning your neck. I sit here and follow +Bacon's advice: look at the stars in the pond instead of in +the sky, and you won't tumble into the pond. There was a +Greek named Pythagoras—or some ass at any rate—who +comforted himself with the notion that in the future state +he would be able to hear the music of the spheres. Who +wants to hear the music of the spheres? Bother that band! +What strikes me most about the stars is that they do their +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P516"></a>516}</span> +work so quietly. Pythagoras picked up his notions in the +East—probably from the Jews. They imagined angels with +harps and a perpetual concert in heaven. Good God! +Think of having to sit at a concert for all eternity! Wouldn't +you pray to be allowed to go to hell? The only reason that +I can see for desiring immortality would be the chance of +meeting Pythagoras and the other asses, and having a few +words with them. Now Socrates was not an ass. He was +for banishing musicians from his republic. No doubt he +saw that this would get him a lot of republican votes. +Gladstone once said to me——" +</p> + +<p> +And then he dropped off to sleep. He was beginning by +that time to doze at odd times, though all his life it was +characteristic of him not to be able to take his sleep like an +ordinary mortal. And not long after I left him sitting there +by the lake, sleep finally overcame him, and he passed out +into the night, to learn more of the silence of the stars, and +to have it out, if possible, with Pythagoras. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap19"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P517"></a>517}</span></p> + +<h3> +CHAPTER XIX +<br><br> +THE CLOSING YEARS +</h3> + +<p> +Upon only one occasion in his life could a charge of +Jingoism have been brought against Mr. Labouchere. +The last long speech he made in the House of Commons was +against the second reading of the Women's Enfranchisement +Bill, in which he said that he objected to women being given +the vote because they could not be soldiers; in short, because +their physical limitations prevented them from being able to +take a place in the battlefield. A member pointed out that +the speaker himself was not a military man. With passion +he replied that, whereas there was not a man alive who could +not fight, and, if necessary, swim through seas of gore to +protect his native land, the other sex were incapable of +putting up with the hardships and privation involved in +warfare.[<a id="chap19fn1text"></a><a href="#chap19fn1">1</a>] +</p> + +<p> +It was in the third session of Mr. Balfour's Parliament +that Mr. Labouchere made his last speech in the House of +Commons. He was nearly seventy-four years old, and had +been hankering for some time after the delights of a reposeful +old age in the retirement of the beautiful villa he had bought +in the neighbourhood of Florence four years before. Sir +Henry Campbell Bannerman had written to him in the +previous December, when a rumour of his intended retirement +had reached him: "I hope you are not really thinking of +breaking off with Parliament, though I frankly say it is what +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P518"></a>518}</span> +I should do if I could, who have the advantage of a year or +two over you, but I think we old stagers with sound views +are wanted to steady the new-century gentlemen by a little +of our early Victorian wisdom." But Mr. Labouchere was +wise enough to know how dull it would be to exist in a modern +Parliament as almost the only survivor of the grand old +Victorian Radical party, whose sympathies and ideals, the +policy of the Labour members alone resembled, in the +remotest degree. His mind was made up, but he kept his own +counsel, except to his leader, because, as he wrote to +Mr. Robert Bennett at the time of his retirement, a man who is +known not to be going to stand again becomes a nonentity +in Parliament. +</p> + +<p> +In a letter to Mr. Edward Thornton, the month before +his withdrawal from public life, he gave his view of the +Parliamentary situation at that time: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +Just now politics are dead. When Parliament meets, the +Liberals will try to put the Government in a majority during the +session, and Balfour will try to carry on to the end of it. There +seems no reason why he should be beaten, provided that he can +keep his men in the House. But this is also our difficulty. The +individual M.P. never wants an election.... Campbell +Bannerman is now absolutely certain to be the next Premier unless +his health breaks down. All that you see about this or that man +in the Cabinet is only intelligent anticipation. He is not <i>de jure</i> +on the succession to the Premiership, there are no consultations, +and he has a wholesome distrust of his Front Bench friends who +almost all have intrigued against him. I know him intimately, +and he talks to me pretty freely, for I have expressed to him that +I want nothing. At seventy-four a man is a fool to be a Minister. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The news of Mr. Labouchere's retirement came as a +surprise to most of the world. The first intimation to the +public was his letter to the Liberal electors of Northampton +announcing his decision. It was written from Florence, and +dated December 14, 1905. It ran as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P519"></a>519}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +GENTLEMEN,—I have been elected by a majority of you to +represent you in six Parliaments. I have received no intimation +from any of the Radicals, to whose votes I have owed my having +been your member for twenty-five years, that they disapprove +of my Parliamentary action whilst serving them, or that they do +not wish me to be one of their candidates at the next general +election. Were I, therefore, to come forward again as a candidate +there is little doubt that I should be one of your representatives +in a seventh Parliament. But I am now seventy-four years old. +At that age a man is neither so strong nor active as he once was, +and any one who wishes to represent efficiently a large and +important constituency like yours in Parliament should be +strong in wind and limb. I feel therefore that I ought not to +take advantage of your consideration towards me in a matter +so vital to you in order to lag superfluous on the political stage. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I have delayed until now making this announcement because +it was impossible to know when a general election would take +place, and I thought that it would be more convenient to you +for me to wait until the date of the election was settled and near +at hand. I do not think that my withdrawal will affect the +position of parties in Northampton. In Dr. Shipman you have +a member whose Parliamentary action has been in accord with +the pledges that have already secured his return, and on whose +personal worth all are agreed. You will have no difficulty in +finding a man to replace me, as eager to promote the cause of +democracy as I am, and who will be better able to fight for the +cause than one in the sere and yellow leaf. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere remarked once, that he had on one +occasion only been asked by a constituent for a pledge with +regard to his Parliamentary action. He had unhesitatingly +given it, and been unflinchingly true to his word. The +elector's injunction had been, "Now, mind, I say, and keep +your hi on Joe." But whether the story is a slight exaggeration +of the confidence his constituents had in him to faithfully +represent their views at Westminster or not, it gives +elliptically a description of his attitude during the twenty-five +years he served the electors of Northampton. He became +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P520"></a>520}</span> +their member as an anti-Imperialist, in Lord Beaconsfield's +interpretation of the term, and he took his leave of them +as an anti-Imperialist, in the more modern, and what may +be called "Chamberlain" sense of the word. +</p> + +<p> +I shall quote Mr. T. P. O'Connor's farewell on the occasion +of his retirement, which he published under the title of +"The Passing of Labby," for, apart from its literary merit, +it is the fine appreciation of a friend of many years' standing, +who knew the value of Mr. Labouchere from the social as +well as the Parliamentary and journalistic points of view: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +There is no old member of the House of Commons who will not +feel a pang of personal regret at hearing that Labby is leaving that +Assembly. No one has a right to criticise a man for giving up an +active life at seventy-four years of age—he has done his work. +But Labby had become an almost essential part of the House of +Commons; and there never will be anybody who can quite take +his place there. That extraordinary combination of strong party +zeal, with a lurking desire to make mischief; the sardonic and +satirical spirit, mingled with a certain fierce, though carefully +concealed zeal for the public good; the mordant wit that was +equally the delight of the House and of the smoking room; the +world-wide and varied experience of all life in almost every +country and in almost every form—these are the possessions of +but one man, and his like we shall never see again. There are +two Labbys. There is the Labby who almost corrodes with his +bitter wit, and who seems to laugh at everything in life. There +is the other Labby who has strong, stern purpose, who hates all +shams, all cruelty, all imposture, all folly, and who has made war +on all these things for more than a quarter of a century. There +is even a third Labby—the man who hates to give pain even to +a domestic, and who is laughingly said to have run out of a room +rather than face the irritated looks of a maidservant whom he +had summoned by too vigorous a pull at the bell. One of the +reasons of the popularity Labby enjoyed in the House was his +tolerant amiability. I have seen him in the smoking room in the +most friendly converse with many a man whom in previous years +he had most fiercely attacked; he bore no ill will, and treated all +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P521"></a>521}</span> +those encounters as demanded by business, and as dismissable +when the fight was over. Finally Labby was a far straighter, +far more serious, far more effective politician than his own +persiflage would allow people to think. With all his light wit, +there was something stern and rigid in the man, as you could see +from the powerful mouth, with the full compressed lips. He was +perfectly honest in his hatred of extravagance, pretence, +vainglory. He preferred riding in a tramcar to riding in a coach and +four. He dressed so shabbily sometimes that his counsel used +to have to remonstrate with him when he had to answer a charge +of libel. He was an ascetic in eating. Once he dined quite +comfortably, when he was electioneering, on ham sandwiches with +sponge-cake for bread. He rarely, if ever, tasted wine; he +smoked incessantly the poorest and cheapest cigarettes. As he +was in private, so he was in public life. He derided all great +Imperial designs as snobbery and extravagance; he hated +ambition—in short, he was in both his personal habits and his +public opinions, a true devotee of the simple life. He did +immense service to his party in his time. During the heat of the +Home Rule controversy he spoke in scores of towns; took +journeys by night and by day, never spared himself exertion, +never complained of discomfort; in his laughing air, with his +assumed air of languor, he was a strenuous, manly, courageous +fighter. And he never changed, he never concealed, he never +explained away his opinion upon anything. And so I bid him +with regret farewell from a scene where he was a model of honest +good faith and courage.[<a id="chap19fn2text"></a><a href="#chap19fn2">2</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +So Labby goes! [mourned the <i>Morning Post</i>]. What Parliament +and public life will be without him, I hate to think. The +letter of cheery regrets to his Northampton constituents +subtracts the <i>sauce piquante</i> from the Parliamentary dish. The +House has long counted Labby as the last of its originals, has +prized him as a refreshing relish, has looked to him for the +unexpected flavour. All strangers would ask inevitably to have +him pointed out, and the House would fill at once when the word +went round the corridors and lobbies and smoking rooms that +Labby was "up" and holding forth from his customary corner +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P522"></a>522}</span> +seat below the gangway—the best of all positions from which to +address the House. So too the smoking room became suddenly +crowded when Labby was to be seen standing there with back +to fireplace, the eternal cigarette between his lips, ready for talk. +It gives a peculiar pang to realise that he will be seen there no +more. But the pang is lessened when one finds Labby—Labby +of all men—seriously pleading old age as a ground for his retirement. +It sounds like one of his little jokes, or, perhaps, it is a +genuine case of hallucination. Labby had possibly a touch of +old age at twenty, but he had also the sense to outgrow it. Since +then he has never relapsed, and now in the seventy-fifth year of +his youth, and with a pen several years younger, it is a vain and +commonplace and un-Labbyish thing to pretend that youth and +he are no longer "housemates still." An unbelieving world will +not accept that plea.... I daresay that, half a century ago, +Labby was, not unlike the wise youth Adrian in Meredith's +<i>Richard Feverel</i>, quite unnaturally cool and quizzical, long-headed +and non-moral, but an Adrian humanised by something of the +Bohemian spirit and a turn for careless pleasuring. And in those +days, no doubt—his Eton and Cambridge days—he struck his +contemporaries as really old. But no one, for fifty years, has +ever accused him of not having overcome his early weakness; +and it was the very last charge I ever expected to hear Labby +prefer against himself.[<a id="chap19fn3text"></a><a href="#chap19fn3">3</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +There was something about Mr. Labouchere's personality, +apart from his deeds and thoughts, which appealed almost +irresistibly to the affectionate sympathies of all mankind. +To find an ill-natured comment in any of the articles that +were published about him in the press when he left the House +of Commons is so difficult that, were such a one to be +recorded in this volume, it would give its author an almost +unenviable position of distinction. But in order to be +perfectly impartial, I shall merely quote the pleasant part +of the only one I could find, so that its writer need not feel +that he has been placed in an out-of-the-way corner with a +fool's cap on his head: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P523"></a>523}</span> +</p> + +<p> +On the whole Mr. Labouchere has done a great deal of good +in his life, more good and less evil than many so-called statesmen. +He has exposed swindlers and moneylenders and rotten companies. +He has obtained for the public the right to ride, drive, and +walk up and down Constitution Hill. No victim of cruelty +or injustice ever appealed to him for a hearing in vain. Above +all he wrote an English style of remarkable purity, logic, and +humour. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Letters of regretful farewell poured in upon Labby in +his Florentine home, and he possessed a kindly characteristic +common to nearly all frankly unpretentious human beings. +He loved his post. In his cosy armchair by the fire he read +his letters and enjoyed them, and what was more—he +proceeded to answer them. No pre-occupation, however +diverting, ever prevented him from, at the first available +moment sitting down to his writing-table, and, in the almost +illegible hand which he vainly tried to improve, penning +answers to his welcome correspondents. +</p> + +<p> +"I have been very sorry, but not surprised," wrote Sir +Henry Campbell Bannerman to him on Christmas Day, "to +read in the newspapers of your retirement. It is not over +kind of you to put it on the ground of age, for that hits some +of the rest of us hard. For my part, I confess my sentiment +when I read it was: <i>O si sic omnes</i>—and envy was the prevailing +feeling. But, seriously, we shall miss you greatly as one +always ready to hoist the flag of the old Liberalism, as +distinguishable from the less stout and stalwart doctrine which +passes for Liberalism with the moderns. +</p> + +<p> +"But now as you are going would you care to have the +House of Commons honour of Privy Councillor? If so +it would be to me a genuine pleasure to be the channel of +conveying it. You ought to have had it long ago. I may +add that in the highest quarter gratification would be felt. +I have taken soundings. I think we have done and are doing +pretty well. The Government are pretty well the pick of +the basket, though there are some good men left out, and I +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P524"></a>524}</span> +think we can make it a change of policy and not a mere +change of men. All seasonable wishes to you and +yours.—Yours always, +</p> + +<p class="noindent"> +"H. C. B." +</p> + +<p> +"Knowing you to be a wise man," wrote Lord Selby, +who had been Speaker of the House in three of the six +Parliaments of which Mr. Labouchere had been a member, +"I was not surprised to see that you had made up your mind +to eschew Westminster, and enjoy Florence and its climate, +but if I were still in the Chair I should miss you in the next +Parliament, and I am sure the smoking-room will be a forlorn +place without you; and I do not see how the loss is to be +repaired, for it takes a good many years to grow a plant of the +same kind. I wish you and Mrs. Labouchere long leisure +and much pleasure in your Italian home, seasoned with +occasional visits to England. The election may be said to +have begun with Balfour's speech at Leeds, and Campbell +Bannerman's at the Albert Hall...." +</p> + +<p> +The leader of the Irish party wrote from Dublin: +</p> + +<p> +"DEAR LABOUCHERE,—When writing the other day, I +did not know that you had any idea of retiring from Parliament. +I learned your intention with deep regret. You have +been so long one of the truest friends of Ireland that you will +be missed by us all, and at a time when we can badly spare +a real friend. With heartiest good wishes, and many thanks +for your advice and assistance on so many occasions, I remain +very truly yours, +</p> + +<p class="noindent"> +"J. E. REDMOND." +</p> + +<p> +"I have just read your farewell to Northampton," wrote +Sir Wilfrid Lawson, on December 17, "and it has troubled +me. I am going to stand again for Cockermouth (I am older +than you!) with a <i>fair</i> chance of success, but, if I win and +get back to the House, I shall feel that it is not exactly the +same place without you. I therefore just write this to say +how sorry I am to lose you. Certainly you have always held +up bravely and ably the banner of the Radicalism in which +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P525"></a>525}</span> +I believe, and it remains to be seen whether we shall get it +as well held up in the Parliament which is to be. Any way +those who believe in Government 'of, for, and by the people,' +ought to be grateful to you for your persistent preaching and +teaching of that doctrine. +</p> + +<p> +"The new Government promises well, but I remember a +story on which you trenchantly commented in <i>Truth</i> some +years ago. When Lord Dudley was married it was proposed +in the Kidderminster Corporation that they should give him a +wedding present, on which an old weaver rose and suggested +that it should be postponed '<i>till we see how he goes on</i>.' +</p> + +<p> +"Well, I hope that you will go on well and happily till the +end of your days, and, meantime, not forget to give outside +help to your old comrades, who for a bit longer are grinding +in the Parliamentary mill." +</p> + +<p> +Lord James of Hereford wrote: +</p> + +<p> +"The announcement of your departure from the House +of Commons seems almost to affect me personally. I recall +a day in the end of August, 1868, when you and I and John +Stamforth were sitting in front of the Kursaal at Homburg. +You and I were discussing our relative chances in Middlesex +and at Taunton, and then you asked Stamforth how he was +getting on at Athlone. "I am member for Athlone," +replied that unfortunate man, who afterwards, as you know, +polled one vote. +</p> + +<p> +"Well, the water has been flowing on since then. You and +I have seen a good deal of political life, and taken a fair +share in it. I hope we have not done much harm, but +Heaven only knows. I am very sorry that you are not +continuing in the fight.... +</p> + +<p> +"I know how little I can do, for I am three years older than +you are—but the House of Lords offers some opportunities +for easy going to an old one." +</p> + +<p> +"DEAR LABOUCHERE," wrote Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice,—"We +have enjoyed sweet converse together in the House +of Commons and in the woods of Marienbad on 'men and +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P526"></a>526}</span> +things.' We are both leaving the House of Commons at +the same time, so I send you a word of greeting—or farewell, +or by whatever other name it may be appropriate to describe +these words.... A short Parliament generally follows +a long Parliament, and I expect to see this canon once +more illustrated." +</p> + +<p> +"The <i>New York Herald</i> of this morning announces your +appointment as a P. C.," wrote Sir Edmund Monson from +Paris. "I am very glad that you have received this distinction, +which, in my own case, I have always regarded as the +most acceptable of all that have been bestowed on me.... +I can quite understand your relinquishing Parliament, and +I hope you may long enjoy the <i>otium cum dignitate</i> which no +place better than Florence can supply.... Believe +me, always your sincere old friend, +</p> + +<p class="noindent"> +"EDMUND MONSON." +</p> + +<p> +Lord Brampton wrote on the last day but one of the +year: "I have just received your note. Your reasons for +retirement from Parliament are unreasonable. But, as +far as I am concerned, although I have not a word of +objection to offer, still I remain <i>sorry</i>. With all my heart I +rejoice in to-day's <i>Times</i>, and offer to you, my right +honourable friend, my heartiest congratulations to you and all +yours, and every good wish for the coming New Year. I +wish I could avail myself of your invitation to Florence, +but I fear I have no chance, as I am very weak still and can +hardly hold a pen." +</p> + +<p> +Only one other letter must be quoted from the friends +of Labby's youth. Sir Henry Lucy wrote on Christmas +Day: +</p> + +<p> +"MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—You will find in the forthcoming +issue of <i>Punch</i> some reflections on 'The Sage of +Queen Anne's Gate,' from the Diary of Toby, M.P. I +believe they echo the feeling of the whole House of Commons, +irrespective of party, at the prospect of your withdrawal +from the scene. +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P527"></a>527}</span> +</p> + +<p> +"But why cut Westminster altogether? There is still the +House of Lords. If I might behold you walking out shoulder +to shoulder with the Archbishop of Canterbury to vote +'content' or 'not content' as the case might be, I should feel +I had not lived in vain.... With a warmth and friendship +dating back nearly thirty years—Eheu! we were colleagues +on the <i>World</i> staff in 1875." +</p> + +<p> +Toby, M.P., recalled in a pathetic little article in <i>Punch</i> +the way Mr. Gedge had tried to do Labby out of his corner +seat below the gangway, where Sir Charles Dilke had sat +beside him on one side of the House or the other ever since +Mr. Gladstone's Parliament of 1892. In order to secure a +seat in the House, members had to be present at the reading +of prayers, during which any one could slip a card with his +name upon it into the back of the place he wanted. Now +Labby was never at prayers, and yet, Mr. Gedge noticed, +he had always had the same seat secured to himself in the +orthodox manner. Accordingly, one day he allowed his +thoughts to wander whilst the House of Commons devotions +were proceeding, and his eyes followed his thoughts. +Between his fingers held devoutly before his face, he peeped, +and noticed Sir Charles Dilke, buried in prayer as usual. +Then he saw his devotion relax for a moment. Sir Charles +was slipping a card into the back of the seat which he intended +to secure for himself, and Mr. Gedge was horrified to see that +he proceeded to slip a card with Labby's name upon it into +the back of the next one—the coveted corner seat below the +gangway. Mr. Gedge subsequently drew the attention of +the House to this piece of underhand dealing, but +honourable gentlemen did not choose to take any notice of +what would clearly not have been observed, if Mr. Gedge +had been paying proper attention to his prayers. +</p> + +<p> +A propos to the seating accommodation in the House +of Commons, it should be remembered that as far back as +1893, when the disgraceful scrimmage for seats took place +at the introduction of Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P528"></a>528}</span> +Mr. Labouchere had begun to agitate for a new House of +Commons with seats for every member. He explained to a +journalist at the time his plan for an ameliorated House: +</p> + +<p> +"At present," he said, "a man goes before a constituency +and, after a lot of trouble and expense, wins a seat—so it is +called. He then comes up here to Westminster, and finds he +has gone through only half the preliminaries necessary for +securing a seat. He has taken only the first steps, which are +simply child's play to what he has yet to do. Getting +elected is simply nothing comparatively. First I wanted an +octagonal chamber," he proceeded, "but I find general +opinion will retain the present form. So my idea is to have +eight rows of seats on each side of the House, curving round +at the end opposite to the Speaker. If each row will seat +forty-two members, you will find that will provide a seat +for the whole six hundred and seventy-two. Then every +one could retain his seat throughout the session. The +difficulty about the square shape of the House is that it gives +you an equal number of seats for each party and the +Government is generally in a majority. That is why I would run +the seats round at one end—so that the supporters of the +Government could have the whole of one side, and as far as +the second gangway on the other. Having a broader House +would necessarily mean enlarging the Press and Strangers' +Galleries also. All the members are in favour of it, with the +exception of the front benches. They have got their seats +assured, so they say that the House is cosy, and to enlarge it +would force them to pitch their voices higher." The +journalist who was interviewing him commented on the extreme +moderation of his designs for an ameliorated House of +Commons. "Oh," remarked Mr. Labouchere, "these are +just the alterations we shall probably make. What I +personally should have liked would be to clear the Lords +out of their House, which is bigger than the House of +Commons, and install ourselves therein."[<a id="chap19fn4text"></a><a href="#chap19fn4">4</a>] Eight years +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P529"></a>529}</span> +later he went to Vienna, and poured forth in <i>Truth</i> the +story of his envy when he saw the Austrian House of +Deputies: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +I went to see the Parliament House, and, after inspecting it, +I felt that I could with pleasure join a mob to disinter the remains +of the eminent architect who built the Palace at Westminster +and hang his bones on a gibbet. The Vienna architect has +erected a building which is Parliament Architecture. Everything +is adapted to the wants and requirements of those who want to +use it. The members of each of the two Chambers sit in a +semi-circular room, and each member has an armchair and a desk +before him. The general objection made to this plan of a +deliberative room is that it obliges members to speak from a tribune. +But at Vienna they speak from their places, and, owing to the +excellent acoustic properties of the Chamber, they can be +perfectly heard. I went over the place in the company of a priest +who was visiting it at the same time. He perceived that I was +an Englishman, and asked me how the place compared with the +English Parliament House. "The members in England," I +said, "sit in an oblong room, in which there are only places for +half their number." "But what do the others do?" he asked. +"They do not listen to the debates," I replied; "they seldom +know what is under discussion. A bell rings and they come in, +and are told to vote as their leader orders them." As a good +Radical I felt it necessary to give a further explanation, so I +continued: "The majority of the members are the supporters of +the Government; it is one of the worst Governments with which +a country was ever cursed; it is called the 'stupid party,' and +it is composed of Junkers and men who have made much money. +They want the laws to be made for their benefit, and not for the +benefit of the poor." "But why," he said, "do they have a +majority, for I suppose that the poor have votes as well as the +rich, and there must be more poor than rich in England?" "They +gained their election by corruption and falsehood," I +answered. "Their wives and their daughters went about giving +the electors feasts, and they went about saying everywhere that +the Radicals wanted to destroy the Empire. In this way they +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P530"></a>530}</span> +bought some with gifts, and others they deceived with falsehoods. +Soon the electors discovered how they had been fooled, +and for five years they have wanted to take away the Government +from the 'stupids,' but, by our laws, a Parliament is elected for +seven years, and the country is still obliged to submit to the +disgrace of having such a Government for one or perhaps two more +years. Then there will be another election, and the 'stupids' +will be in a minority, and the Radicals who represent the +sense and intelligence of the country will become the +Government." "And the Radicals," he said, "will, I suppose, make a +Chamber large enough to hold all the members." "I am not +sure of that," I answered. This seemed to surprise him, but he +thanked me for having made clear to him the party differences +in England.[<a id="chap19fn5text"></a><a href="#chap19fn5">5</a>] +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +But my story is wandering backwards instead of forwards. +And so stories usually do in the City of Flowers, where the +present is so full of ease and pleasure that a man's mind is +free to linger where it will, either lazily in the middle ages, +or to stray with graceful discrimination in the bye paths of +memory to find the savour again of some of the deeds of a +gallant past. He may choose, perhaps, to grasp contentedly +and almost without effort, the gifts of the gods that lie +about in profusion, but he must always remember that care +and earnestness, strenuousness and ambition have no place +in Florence. It was of course a home after Mr. Labouchere's +own heart. He went to London in the January of 1906 +to be sworn in as a Privy Councillor, and, in February, he +came back with delight to his villa to enjoy the merry +continental <i>train de vie</i> he had always loved. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Whilst in London, he wrote to Mr. Edward Thornton, +who was then in India: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +I did not, as you see, stand. At seventy-four one gets bored +even with politics. I am only over here for a fortnight, as I have +to get sworn into the Privy Council. The Unionists have been +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P531"></a>531}</span> +beaten badly, because they seem to have gone out of their way +to court defeat. One never knows what may happen, but they +will remain in a minority for the next twenty years, if they run +on Protectionist lines. Joe swaggers and has captured the +machine, and Balfour would do well to fight him instead of +knocking under to him. The Chinese labour helped us greatly. They +ought to have known that the old anti-slavery feeling is still +strong, but they seem to imagine that every one has Rand +shares.... The really important thing connected with the +election is the rise of a Labour Party. I do not think, however, +that there are above six M.P.'s returned who are <i>bona fide</i> +and Socialists, they are all jealous of each other. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +He wrote to Mr. Thornton again on March 10: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +I had had enough of Parliament, for one gets bored with +everything.... I have not the slightest notion what a Privy +Councillor is, except that I had to take half a dozen oaths at a +Council, which were mumbled out by some dignitary, and then +Fletcher Moulton, who was also being sworn in, and I performed +a sort of cake walk backwards. I don't precisely know whither +we shall go in the summer—for it is such a relief to let the day +take care of the day. It is lucky C. B. has so large a majority, +otherwise things would have been difficult with the Labour +lot—far more difficult than with the Irish. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +Mr. Labouchere's most regular correspondent up till the +time of his death in January, 1911, was Sir Charles Dilke. +The friendship between them had continued uninterruptedly +since 1880. Two letters that Mr. Labouchere wrote to Sir +Charles Dilke in 1910 have an especial interest, bearing as +they do upon the problem that had always interested +Mr. Labouchere so keenly throughout the whole of his political +career, and which, in the first twentieth century Liberal +Parliament, had assumed a new aspect. The first of these +letters was written on February 11: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR DILKE,—What is the Government going to do in +regard to the Lords? I can understand a one-Chamber man, in +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P532"></a>532}</span> +default of getting directly what he wants, trying to get it indirectly, +by having a sham Upper Chamber. But if the Government has +to appeal to the country on a suspensory veto, I doubt this creating +much enthusiasm. If it be carried, this suspensory vote would, +of course, be used by the Peers for all that it is worth when a +Liberal Government is in to throw <i>batons dans leurs roues</i>. I +should have thought, with the experience of the last Parliament, +that it would be realised that Peer obstruction, cleverly managed, +could reduce any Liberal Government to ridicule and contempt. +So long as a Reform is hung up by the Lords, the electors have +no heart in further Liberal legislation, which, in its turn, would +also be hung up. A Party with a H. of C. majority at its back +cannot afford to be unable to carry through its measures. Why +not go at once for the abolition of the H. of Peers, and its being +replaced by some sort of an elected Upper Chamber? Nothing +is easier than to contrive one. The basis would be the constitution +of the U.S. Senate <i>mutatis mutandis</i>. It should have only +one half of the membership of the H. of C., and if the two Houses +cannot agree, then they should sit and vote together on the issue. +Notwithstanding the curious way in which Senators are elected +in the Senate of the U.S., I never heard of any serious proposal +to alter this. Its main strength is due to its executive powers, +and this we need not provide for in our Senate. With any +reasonable plan of election, and the members reduced to about +300, it is odds against there ever being a majority of one Party +of above 40 or 50. No Government at present can get on +long without a certain majority of slaves of more than this in +the Commons, so the Commons would always get their way. I +have been at times a President of and a member of several +Abolition of Lords Associations, and have advocated abolition +in thousands of speeches in the country. The feeling was +generally against hereditary Legislators, for this comes home to all +as an absurd abuse. If I were in the House I would move an +amendment on the Address against hereditary Legislators, and +the vast majority of the Government supporters would vote for +it, as they would most of them be afraid of their electors. What +surprises me is that the Unionists do not counter the plans of the +Government by many such an amendment. They are sacrificing +what is their interest to a lot of obscure Peers, who are of no +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P533"></a>533}</span> +importance. As for the House of Lords, with only a suspensory +veto, it is worthless to them, except for tactical obstruction in +order to discredit a Liberal Government. +</p> + +<p> +It is rather curious that if the H. of C. reflects the opinions +of the country there is a majority for Tariff Reform, as all the +National M.P.'s are Protectionists. As it is, they will find it +difficult to vote for the Budget, with O'Brien painting Ireland +red against it. He is a power in Ireland, and Redmond is +perfectly aware of it. Anyhow the manœuvring in the H. of C. and +the Debates will be amusing. There will be difficulties with +the Labour men, headed by Keir Hardie. If I were the Unionists +I would buy him.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +The second was written on November 17, and ran as +follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR DILKE,—... It is a curious thing that in the +discussions about Home Rule all round, no one has pointed out +that in the German Empire Bavaria occupies a peculiar position. +It has far more independent rights than any other State. It was +only on these terms that it came into the Empire, for there is no +great love lost between the Prussians and the Bavarians. Yet +it sends its quota of representatives to the Reichsrath. Therefore +there seems to me no particular reason why, if there be Home +Rule all round, the position of Ireland should not be that of +Bavaria. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +I confess that I do not think much of the Government proposal +in regard to the veto. It seems to me a stupid arrangement. +The Upper Chamber is a fifth wheel on the coach which only can +make itself a nuisance by persistent obstruction, which in two +years is swept aside automatically. My experience in going to +lots of anti-Lords Meetings led me to the conclusion that the +country hates an Upper Chamber on hereditary lines, but does +not quite believe in a Single Chamber which is absolute master. +Why does no one propose to "scrap" the H. of L. and to have an +elected Upper House, one-third of whose members are renewed +by election every two years, or some such period? This would +be on the lines of the U.S. Senate, only with a popular franchise, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P534"></a>534}</span> +instead of the strangely illogical one of the U.S. Such an Upper +Chamber would probably be conservative in the real, and not the +party sense of the word, and yet command respect. It would +rarely act except when the decision of the H. of C. was influenced +by a small minority, threatening to turn the Government out if +it did not knock under to it. Were the Unionists to come forward +with such a scheme, they might very probably get a +majority.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +After Sir Charles Dilke's death, Mr. Labouchere wrote the +following interesting letter to Lord Channing, dated Feb. 18: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +DEAR CHANNING,—No, I am not writing any memoirs. I +shall find it more agreeable to read yours than to do so.... +I knew him (Dilke) very well since his start in politics. When +in the House, he was the only man well up, particularly in +domestic legislature, and, really, it is thanks to him that many +useful measures were passed. In explaining them, however, he +was too apt to lose himself in minor details. In foreign politics +he never clearly knew what he wanted, and he was given to +believe in mares' nests which he thought he had picked up +abroad.... He fancied that he would be able to become +the leader of the Labour M.P.'s. They were ready to +profit by his speeches, but it soon became clear that they +would only have a Labour M.P. for their leader. We started +a sort of Labour Party with a Whip. But they came to me +and said that it must be understood that he was not to be +either President or Chairman. In the main this was due to +jealousy of him.... I did all that I could with Campbell +Bannerman for him to be in the Cabinet. Campbell Bannerman +hesitated. Then Morley made a speech asserting that the +Liberals would not be satisfied unless he was included. At once +the Bishop of Rochester and a head dissenter (I think it was +Clifford) published letters protesting. Campbell Bannerman +then pointed to these letters, and said that we should have a +split in the party if he were in the Cabinet. Personally, I quite +agree with you as to his ostracism from office, but you know +what the English are, and particularly the dissenters.... +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P535"></a>535}</span> +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +Why did you resign your seat? It was a perfectly safe one. +I resigned because I had got to an age, when I got tired out at +a long sitting. It is curious I was with Campbell Bannerman +and his wife and mine. She wanted him to give it up, as his +doctor had told him that he ought to. I urged him to go on. He +said that this was odd advice, when I had said that I should +do so, and he was younger than I was. I replied that it was +worth taking risks to be Prime Minister, but not for anything +else. And he is dead and I alive.... +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +If ever you want to rest calmly you must come down here +and see me. I have a big villa close to Florence, and live a +vegetable existence.—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +A great grief befell Mr. Labouchere in 1910. He and +Mrs. Labouchere had been spending the summer as usual at +Villa d'Este and Cadenabbia, and had returned to Florence +in the early days of October. Never had Mrs. Labouchere +appeared to be in better health and spirits. On the evening +of the 30th October, she had delighted every one with her +inimitable reading aloud of <i>David Copperfield</i>, and life at +Villa Cristina, on that day, had seemed, if possible, more +joyous and serene than usual. The next morning the blow +fell, but so gently as to be almost imperceptible. +Mrs. Labouchere, feeling a little giddy on rising, had returned to +her bed to allow the temporary sickness to pass off. By the +afternoon she was beginning to slip away into unconsciousness, +and before the bells in the neighbouring convent had +begun to welcome the dawn of the Tutti Santi, she had gone +forth alone on her last long journey. +</p> + +<p> +The winter of 1910 and 1911 passed quietly away for +Mr. Labouchere. His days were cheered by the constant +presence of his daughter, who had married Marchesa Carlo +di Rudini, the son of the former Prime Minister of Italy, and +Mr. Thomas Hart Davies stayed with him till Christmas +Day, returning to Florence again in the early spring. A +succession of visitors from England and Rome kept the house +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P536"></a>536}</span> +gay and lively as he loved to have it, always provided that +he had to take upon himself none of the activities or +responsibility of entertaining. "I am merely a passenger on the +ship," he would say, when he wanted to wriggle out of any +active participation in the organisation of whatever might +be going on. But it always happened to be towards the +corner of the ship where that particular passenger was +resting that the pleasure and interest of every one converged. +It was not so much the charm of his talk, that was, perhaps, +more entertaining in his old age than it had ever been, as the +extraordinarily youthful and never failing interest that +he continued to take in the affairs of every one else that +made him the best conversationalist in the world. +No little event of the smallest human interest was +too trivial to amuse him, and to awake the never +failing source of his mother wit. He passed the summer at +Villa Cristina and went to Villa d'Este in September. +Though his spirits were as gay and unflagging as ever +throughout the winter, it was easy to see that his +physical strength was beginning to weaken. The walk which +he took daily round his garden fatigued him so much that, +by Christmas, he had given up even that mild form of +exercise. +</p> + +<p> +He experienced another bereavement during the winter in +the death of his oldest and most intimately associated friend, +Sir George Lewis. He felt his loss very deeply, and I +remember that when he told me the news his voice was full +of emotion. He related that Sir George Lewis had always +looked upon him as his <i>mascotte</i>. "As long as you're alive +and flourishing, Labby," he used to say, "I shall be all right +too, so mind you take care of yourself." "Just shows what +nonsense all those things are," continued Mr. Labouchere, +"for here am I as well and strong as ever, and there is +poor Lewis dead and gone." The return of Mr. Hart +Davies to the Villa early in December cheered him up +immensely, and his devoted friend did not leave his side +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P537"></a>537}</span> +again, until the last sad morning when he bade farewell to +him on the hill of San Miniato. +</p> + +<p> +It was fitting perhaps that almost the last letter that +Mr. Labouchere should have written, should have been to one of +his old theatrical friends. Mr. Charles James Sugden, the +actor, wrote to him and asked him to write a preface to his +(Sugden's) forthcoming volume of Reminiscences. Here is +Mr. Labouchere's reply: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +VILLA CRISTINA, Jan. 4, 1912. +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +MY DEAR SUGDEN—You ask me to write a preface to your +forthcoming book. I don't think that I ever read one in my life, +for they always seem to be platitudes, impertinently thrust +forward by some person who has an exaggerated idea of his own +importance, in order to hinder me from getting at what I really +do want to read. Good wine needs no bush, and I shall be +greatly disappointed if I do not derive great pleasure from +reading yours, for you have been brought into close contact with so +many persons of note in their day, and some of whom are still +in this world, and can throw many sidelights on them, and know +many anecdotes about them. Pray bring it out as soon as +possible. I am now over eighty, and at about that age senile +imbecility commences, so I do not want it to make progress +before I have had the opportunity to read the book and can +appreciate it.[<a id="chap19fn6text"></a><a href="#chap19fn6">6</a>]—Yours truly, +</p> + +<p class="quote"> +H. LABOUCHERE. +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p> +But it was not until the beginning of the second week in +January that we all felt certain that he would never be well +again. He was sauntering along so gently and carelessly, +as only Labby knew how to saunter, towards the brink of +the dark river. When the little heaps of cigarettes, that +were arranged about his library so as to be always ready to +his hand, ceased to dwindle as usual, it became clear to each +and all that he must be very ill indeed. As simply as a child, +tired with play, he took to his bed on the 11th of January, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P538"></a>538}</span> +and did not get up again. He died peacefully at midnight +on January 15, 1912. +</p> + +<p> +The earliest remark of Mr. Labouchere's that I have +recorded in this book was a jest, and so was the last I heard +him utter. On the afternoon of the day before he died, as +I was sitting at his bedside, the spirit lamp that kept the +fumes of eucalyptus in constant movement about his room, +through some awkwardness of mine, was overturned. +Mr. Labouchere, who was dozing, opened his eyes at the sound of +the little commotion caused by the accident, and perceived +the flare-up. "Flames?" he murmured interrogatively, +"not yet, I think." He laughed quizzically, and went off +to sleep again. +</p> + +<p class="thought"> +* * * * * * * +</p> + +<p> +The words in which Mr. Hart Davies conveyed the news +of his end to Carteret Street are so beautiful in their simple +directness that no others can fitly replace them in this +biography: +</p> + +<p> +"His mind always remained perfectly clear. He took a +lively interest in the German elections, the political crisis in +France, and the events of the Italian-Turkish War. He was +ever one for whom nothing that concerned the human race +(<i>nihil humani</i>) was alien to his vivid intelligence. But his +bodily powers were constantly declining, and on Monday, +January 15, just before midnight, the end came, peacefully +and painlessly, a fitting termination to the career of one who +had ever been a fighter and ever in the forefront of the battle. +</p> + +<p> +"He was buried on Wednesday morning, under the cold +drizzling rain of the Florentine winter, at San Miniato, in the +same grave with his wife, who died some fifteen months before +him. There, his tomb, at the edge of the western battlement +of San Miniato, looks over the Tower of Galileo and the +dark cypresses of Arcetri. It may be said of him, as Heine +said of himself, that on his grave should be placed 'not a +wreath, but a sword, for he was a brave soldier in the war +for the liberation of humanity.'" +</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P539"></a>539}</span> +</p> + +<p> +Before his death, he had expressed a strong wish as to +the place of his burial. He wanted to rest beside his wife +at San Miniato. But, when the arrangements for the funeral +were about to be made, it was remembered that only +Catholics were permitted to lie in the beautiful cemetery of +the Florentines. The difficulty seemed insuperable, and the +preliminary steps had already been taken to bury him in the +Protestant graveyard. His daughter, however, determined +to leave no stone unturned so that she might carry out her +father's dying wishes. An appeal was made to some municipal +authority, and, by an extraordinary coincidence, that +seemed to make Labby's funeral fit in with all the rest of his +strange paradoxical career, it was ascertained that, just +at that moment, the possession of the cemetery was passing +out of the hands of the religious body to whom it had +hitherto belonged, and was becoming the property of the lay +ecclesiastical authority of the city, and there had been no +time for new regulations or restrictions to be formulated. +There were, therefore, from a legal point of view, none in +existence, and so it turned out that Mr. Labouchere was +permitted to lie in the spot that he had himself chosen. +</p> + +<p> +For many days after his death, the letters of condolence +and sympathy from all quarters of the globe continued to +pour into the deserted home. Of these one must assuredly +be published, for it bears witness to the loyalty and affection +that was unfailingly manifested to him by the borough he +had represented for twenty-five years in Parliament. It +was addressed to Marchesa di Rudini, by Mr. Edwin Barnes, +the Secretary of the Northampton Liberal and Radical +Association, and ran as follows: +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="quote"> +At a special meeting of the Executive Committee of the +above Association, held last night, the following resolution was +unanimously passed, which I was directed to send to you: "The +Liberals and Radicals of Northampton have heard with the +deepest regret of the death of the Right Hon. Henry Labouchere, +<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P540"></a>540}</span> +who, for more than a quarter of a century, faithfully represented +the Borough in the House of Commons. The members of the +Executive of the Northampton Liberal and Radical Association +hereby place on record the profound gratitude of all its members +for the loyal service which Mr. Labouchere rendered to the cause +of Democracy during so many years. Whoever faltered, he +stood firm, and it will always be a proud remembrance that +Northampton also stood firm, and that there was no break in +the mutual confidence of member and constituents. To his +daughter, the Marchesa di Rudini, and other members of +Mr. Labouchere's family, we offer our sincerest sympathy in the +irreparable loss that they have sustained, and trust they may +find some consolation in the warm tributes that have been paid +by men of all parties to his life, character, and work." Having +known Mr. Labouchere for many years, and being his agent in +the important election of 1900 (during the Boer War), allow me +to add my own personal sympathy and condolence with you. +</p> + +<p><br><br></p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap19fn1"></a> +[<a href="#chap19fn1text">1</a>] May 12, 1905. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap19fn2"></a> +[<a href="#chap19fn2text">2</a>] <i>M.A.P.</i>, Dec. 30, 1905. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap19fn3"></a> +[<a href="#chap19fn3text">3</a>] <i>Morning Post</i>, Dec. 23, 1905. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap19fn4"></a> +[<a href="#chap19fn4text">4</a>] <i>Penny Illustrated Paper</i>, Feb. 25, 1893. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap19fn5"></a> +[<a href="#chap19fn5text">5</a>] <i>Truth</i>, Sept. 21, 1900. +</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +<a id="chap19fn6"></a> +[<a href="#chap19fn6text">6</a>] <i>The Referee</i>, Jan. 21, 1912. +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p><a id="chap20"></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P541"></a>541}</span></p> + +<h3> +INDEX +</h3> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Abbeville, Labouchere at, <a href="#P141">141</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Abbot, Labouchere's action against, +<a href="#P108">108</a>, <a href="#P109">109</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Abdulal Pasha, exile of, <a href="#P221">221</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Abercorn, Duke of, <a href="#P85">85</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Aberdeen, Earl of, <a href="#P262">262</a>; Col. Turner +as <i>aide</i> to, <a href="#P361">361</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Adelphi Theatre, Green at the, <a href="#P29">29</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Affirmation Act, passing of the, <a href="#P160">160</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Afghan War, the, <a href="#P143">143</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Afrikanders, National League of, <a href="#P437">437</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Aix, Provence, Fouché exiled to, <a href="#P12">12</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Albert, Prince, <a href="#P67">67</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Albret, Jeanne d', founder of the +Protestant University at Orthez, <a href="#P1">1</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Alexander II., Emperor of Russia, +watches Labouchere at écarté, <a href="#P57">57</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Alexandria, bombardment of, <a href="#P71">71</a>, +<a href="#P194">194</a>, <a href="#P195">195</a>, <a href="#P196">196</a>, <a href="#P218">218</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Aliens Bill, <a href="#P170">170</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Alison on Mexico, <a href="#P33">33</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Alison, Sir Archibald, his command in +Egypt, <a href="#P209">209</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Alliance Loan, the, <a href="#P13">13</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Allsopp, Labouchere on, <a href="#P239">239</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +America, Bradlaugh in, <a href="#P161">161-64</a>; +Fenianism in, <a href="#P81">81</a>, <a href="#P170">170</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P309">309-10</a>, +<a href="#P385">385</a>; its constitution an example +for England and Ireland, <a href="#P237">237-8</a>, +<a href="#P293">293</a>, <a href="#P294">294</a>, <a href="#P298">298</a>, <a href="#P531">531-33</a>; its diplomats +in Paris during the siege, <a href="#P43">43</a>; its +interest in Labouchere's Paris +letters, <a href="#P96">96</a>; its labour system +compared with English, <a href="#P461">461</a>, <a href="#P471">471</a>, <a href="#P479">479</a>; +its surgery and its girls in the +Franco-Prussian War, <a href="#P44">44</a>, <a href="#P45">45</a>; its +system of education, <a href="#P42">42</a>; +Labouchere's prediction for, <a href="#P14">14</a>, <a href="#P41">41</a>, <a href="#P44">44</a>, +<a href="#P226">226</a>; Lord Taunton travels in, +<a href="#P14">14-15</a>; unpopularity of Parnell in, +<a href="#P378">378</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Amiens, Labouchere at, <a href="#P140">140</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Amsterdam, house of Hope at, <a href="#P2">2</a>, <a href="#P10">10</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Anarchist party, the, <a href="#P418">418</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Anglo-American War, <a href="#P9">9</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Anne, Queen, Labouchere on, <a href="#P245">245</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Antwerp, <a href="#P7">7</a>, <a href="#P10">10</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Appeals in the House of Lords, +Labouchere on, <a href="#P83">83</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Appropriation Act, the, <a href="#P354">354</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Arabi Pasha, exile of, <a href="#P203">203-9</a>, <a href="#P219">219-24</a>; +rebellion of, <a href="#P70">70-1</a>, <a href="#P195">195-98</a>, <a href="#P202">202</a>, <a href="#P215">215</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Arago, Mayor of Paris, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Arklow, Parnell at, <a href="#P258">258</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Armenian persecutions, the, <a href="#P435">435</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Arms Bill, the, <a href="#P172">172</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Army, Labouchere on the, <a href="#P478">478</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Arrears Bill, the passing of, <a href="#P176">176</a>, <a href="#P179">179</a>, +<a href="#P181">181</a>, <a href="#P183">183</a>, <a href="#P187">187</a>, <a href="#P252">252</a>, <a href="#P361">361</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ascot, Labouchere at, <a href="#P106">106</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ashbourne, his Irish policy, <a href="#P279">279</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Asquith, Rt. Hon. H. H., counsel for +Parnell <i>v.</i> Walter, <a href="#P374">374</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P407">407</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Assouan, <a href="#P209">209</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Athlone, Stamforth contests, <a href="#P525">525</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Atkinson, American statist, <a href="#P468">468</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Atkinson, counsel for the <i>Times</i>, <a href="#P374">374</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Audiffret-Pasquier, Duc d', <i>Histoire +de Mon Temps</i>, <a href="#P13">13</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Austen, Charles, correspondent in +Paris during the siege, <a href="#P141">141</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Australia, J. R. Cox in, <a href="#P223">223</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Austria, customs union with, <a href="#P418">418</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Austrian chargé d'affaires, in Stockholm, +Labouchere's duel with, <a href="#P50">50</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Austro-Prussian War, the, <a href="#P97">97</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Avebury, Lord, at Eton, <a href="#P18">18</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Aztecs, the, in Mexico, <a href="#P34">34</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Bacon, Lord, quoted, <a href="#P20">20</a>, <a href="#P515">515</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baden-Baden, Labouchere at, <a href="#P54">54</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baggallay, Lord Justice, his judgment +against Bradlaugh, <a href="#P157">157</a>; on +Labouchere in Hyde Park, <a href="#P364">364</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baker, his army in Egypt, <a href="#P199">199</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J., administration +of, <a href="#P438">438</a>, <a href="#P517">517</a>, <a href="#P518">518</a>, <a href="#P524">524</a>, <a href="#P531">531</a>; +Bannerman on, <a href="#P455">455</a>; Gladstone's +letters to, <i>re</i> Home Rule, <a href="#P289">289</a>, <a href="#P298">298</a>; +his coercive measures as Irish +Secretary, <a href="#P357">357-60</a>; Labouchere on +his philosophy, <a href="#P369">369</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ballantine, Serjeant, acts as counsel +for Labouchere, <a href="#P76">76</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P77">77</a>; at Evans', +<a href="#P29">29</a>; dines with Labouchere and +Orton, <a href="#P116">116</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Balloons, as letter carriers, during +the siege of Paris, <a href="#P128">128-35</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ballot Act, amendments of the, <a href="#P272">272</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Balston, Edward, Labouchere's house +master at Eton, <a href="#P18">18</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bannerman, Sir Henry Campbell, +his letters to Labouchere, <i>re</i> retirement, +<a href="#P517">517</a>, <a href="#P523">523</a>; his premiership, +<a href="#P518">518</a>, <a href="#P524">524</a>, <a href="#P531">531</a>; on Chamberlain's +South African policy, <a href="#P427">427</a>, <a href="#P448">448</a>, +<a href="#P449">449</a>, <a href="#P454">454</a>, <a href="#P455">455</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring, Alexander, partner in the +house of Hope, <a href="#P2">2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring, Rev. Alexander, his story of +P.-C. Labouchère, <a href="#P2">2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring Brothers, restore French +credit, <a href="#P12">12</a>, <a href="#P13">13</a>; their crisis in 1890, +<a href="#P489">489</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring, Dorothy, her marriage to +P.-C. Labouchère, <a href="#P2">2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring, Emily, marriage of, <a href="#P14">14</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring, Sir Evelyn. See Lord Cromer +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring, Hon. Francis Henry, <a href="#P3">3</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring, Sir Francis, consents to his +daughter's marriage, <a href="#P3">3</a>; his friendship +with Wellesley, <a href="#P5">5</a>, <a href="#P7">7</a>, <a href="#P8">8</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring, Lucy, daughter of Charles, +<a href="#P13">13</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring, Sir Thomas, his daughters' +marriages, <a href="#P14">14</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring, M.P., Thomas Charles, <a href="#P3">3</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Baring. See Lord Revelstoke +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Barnes, Edwin, Secretary of +Northampton Liberal and Radical +Association, <a href="#P539">539</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Barrère, Camille, on the staff of the +<i>World</i>, <a href="#P107">107</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Barrier, Jean Guyon, <a href="#P2">2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Barrow, Cavendish influence at, <a href="#P350">350</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Barton fights Labouchere at Eton, +<a href="#P18">18</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bass, Labouchere on, <a href="#P239">239</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bathurst, Lord, as Foreign Secretary, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bavaria, an example for Ireland, <a href="#P533">533</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bayonne, <a href="#P1">1</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bazaine, Marshal, at Metz, <a href="#P123">123</a>, <a href="#P124">124</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Beaconsfield, Earl of, advises +Northcote in the Bradlaugh case, <a href="#P154">154</a>; +arranges an Egyptian loan with +Rothschilds, <a href="#P190">190</a>, <a href="#P191">191</a>; attends the +Berlin Congress, <a href="#P191">191</a>, <a href="#P192">192</a>; +defeated at Taunton, <a href="#P13">13</a>, <a href="#P14">14</a>; his +administration, <a href="#P85">85</a>, <a href="#P86">86</a>, <a href="#P235">235</a>, <a href="#P520">520</a>; +his Imperialism, <a href="#P143">143</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bedford, Duke of, Burke's letter to, +<a href="#P231">231</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Beefsteak Club, the, Labouchere's +expulsion from, <a href="#P117">117</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Beit, Alfred, his complicity in the +Jameson Raid, <a href="#P426">426</a>, <a href="#P428">428</a>, <a href="#P431">431</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Belfast, manufacturers of, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P319">319</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Belgium, Egypt compared with, <a href="#P203">203</a>, +<a href="#P206">206</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bell, Moberley, manager of the <i>Times</i>, +<a href="#P436">436</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bellew, Kyrle, début of, <a href="#P111">111</a>, <a href="#P496">496</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bellew, Montesquieu, Labouchere +travels to Palestine with, <a href="#P111">111-13</a>, +<a href="#P496">496</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Belloc, Hilaire, as a conversationalist, +<a href="#P73">73</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bennett, Robert, editor of <i>Truth</i>, +<a href="#P518">518</a>; on Labouchere as a journalist, +<a href="#P491">491-516</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Berlin Congress, the, Disraeli and +Salisbury attend, <a href="#P191">191</a>, <a href="#P192">192</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Decree of, <a href="#P9">9</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Beza, Theodore, professor at Orthez, <a href="#P1">1</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bigham, <a href="#P427">427</a>. See Lord Mersey +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bingham, Captain Hon. D., in Paris +during the siege, <a href="#P138">138</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P141">141</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Birmingham, Chamberlain, M.P. +for, <a href="#P167">167</a>, <a href="#P241">241</a>, <a href="#P322">322</a>, <a href="#P323">323</a>; death-rate +of, <a href="#P463">463</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Birmingham Post</i>, <a href="#P455">455</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Biron, Mr., counsel for Labouchere, +<a href="#P76">76</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bishop Auckland, Labouchere at, +<a href="#P118">118</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bishops, Labouchere on, <a href="#P241">241</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bismarck, <a href="#P96">96</a> <i>n.</i>; as Ambassador at +St. Petersburg, <a href="#P62">62</a>; at the Berlin +Congress, <a href="#P192">192</a>; his <i>Memoirs</i>, <a href="#P70">70</a>; +threatens intervention in Egypt, +<a href="#P194">194</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Blackwood, Sir Arthur, at Eton, <a href="#P18">18</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Blake, his support of Labouchere, +<a href="#P427">427</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Blanc, Louis, Labouchere protected +by, <a href="#P132">132</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Blaquières, M. de, French controller +in Egypt, <a href="#P195">195</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bloemfontein, capture of, <a href="#P454">454</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Conference, the, <a href="#P455">455</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Blücher, General, <a href="#P57">57</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Blunt, Wilfrid Scawen, <i>Gordon and +Khartoum</i>, quoted, <a href="#P214">214</a>; his +reminiscences of Labouchere, <a href="#P69">69-73</a>; +his support of Arabi Pasha, <a href="#P204">204</a>, +<a href="#P222">222</a>; Labouchere's letters to, <i>re</i> +Arabi in exile, <a href="#P220">220</a>, <a href="#P224">224</a>; +Labouchere's letters to, <i>re</i> the Soudan +War, <a href="#P216">216-19</a>; on the death of +Gordon, <a href="#P212">212</a>; on Disraeli and +Salisbury, <a href="#P174">174</a>; on the English policy +in Egypt, <a href="#P193">193</a>, <a href="#P204">204</a>, <a href="#P214">214-15</a>; on +Labouchere as a politician, <a href="#P198">198</a>, +<a href="#P214">214</a>; <i>Secret History of the English +Occupation of Egypt</i>, quoted, <a href="#P190">190</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#P192">192</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Boadicea, <a href="#P244">244</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Boer War, the history of the, <a href="#P436">436-57</a>; +Labouchere's protests against, +<a href="#P436">436</a>, <a href="#P438">438-39</a>, <a href="#P540">540</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Boers, the, their resentment against +England, <a href="#P437">437</a>. <i>See also under</i> +Transvaal +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bologna, <a href="#P61">61</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bonn, <a href="#P32">32</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bonner, Mrs. Bradlaugh, <i>Life of +Mr. Bradlaugh</i>, <a href="#P142">142</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Booth, Charles, statist, <a href="#P460">460</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Booth, Sclater, Labouchere on, <a href="#P239">239</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Boston, Labouchere mistaken for an +Irish patriot, in, <a href="#P47">47</a>, <a href="#P48">48</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Boulogne, Labouchere at, <a href="#P500">500</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bourbon, the House of, <a href="#P8">8</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bowen, Lord Justice, <a href="#P501">501</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bower, Sir Graham, censure of, <a href="#P428">428</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bowles, Thomas Gibson, correspondent +in Paris during the siege, <a href="#P141">141</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Boycott, Captain, English agent of +Lord Mayo, <a href="#P165">165</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Boycotting, practice of, <a href="#P165">165</a>, <a href="#P176">176</a>, <a href="#P185">185</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Boyd, Charles, his interview with +Labouchere, <a href="#P435">435</a>, <a href="#P436">436</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bradford, election of 1886 at, <a href="#P326">326</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Forster, M.P. for, <a href="#P176">176</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bradlaugh, Charles, Gladstone's +tribute to, <a href="#P160">160-61</a>; his imprisonment, +<a href="#P154">154</a>; his struggle for the +right to affirm, <a href="#P145">145-64</a>; Labouchere's +defence of, <a href="#P148">148</a>, <a href="#P151">151</a>, <a href="#P156">156-64</a>; +returned for Northampton, +<a href="#P142">142-45</a>, <a href="#P158">158</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brampton, Henry, Lord, his letter +to Labouchere, <i>re</i> retirement, <a href="#P526">526</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bramwell, Lord Justice, his decision +against Bradlaugh, <a href="#P157">157</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brand, M.P. for Stroud, <a href="#P334">334</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brand, Sir Henry, <a href="#P238">238</a>; his rulings in +the Bradlaugh struggle, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P151">151-2</a>, +<a href="#P160">160</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brassey, Lord, Labouchere on, <a href="#P239">239</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brennan, his imprisonment, <a href="#P172">172</a>, +<a href="#P174">174</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brentford, election scenes at, in +1868, <a href="#P86">86</a>, <a href="#P90">90-2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Breslin, John, American Fenian, <a href="#P385">385</a>, +<a href="#P396">396</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Breteuil, Labouchere at, <a href="#P140">140</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brett, <a href="#P280">280</a>, <a href="#P289">289</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bridges, Sir Henry, his ditty, <a href="#P117">117</a>. +<i>See</i> Appendix +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brielle, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bright, John, his defence of +Bradlaugh, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P149">149-51</a>; Labouchere's +admiration of, <a href="#P171">171</a>, <a href="#P228">228</a>; opposes +coercive measures in Ireland, <a href="#P166">166</a>, +<a href="#P181">181</a>, <a href="#P187">187</a>; opposes the Egyptian +policy, <a href="#P220">220</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brighton, Labouchere at, <a href="#P269">269</a>, <a href="#P273">273</a>; +Voules at, <a href="#P507">507</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bristol, Lord, Labouchere's fag at +Eton, <a href="#P19">19</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +British South Africa Company, its +complicity in the Jameson Raid, +<a href="#P426">426-37</a>, <a href="#P438">438</a>, <a href="#P452">452</a>, <a href="#P454">454</a>; its +evacuation of Uganda, <a href="#P420">420</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +British virtue, Labouchere's +indictments of, <a href="#P105">105</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Broadley, A. M., <i>How We Defended +Arabi and His Friends</i>, quoted by +Arabi, <a href="#P222">222</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Broome Hall, Surrey, John Peter +Labouchere at, <a href="#P16">16</a>, <a href="#P31">31</a>, <a href="#P73">73</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Broue, Catherine de la, <a href="#P2">2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brough, Lionel, at New Queen's +Theatre, <a href="#P99">99</a>; bluffs Labouchere, <a href="#P94">94</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brousson, L., on the staff of <i>Truth</i>, +<a href="#P505">505</a>, <a href="#P509">509</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brownrigg, Inspector, Labouchere +on his conduct at Michelstown, +<a href="#P368">368-71</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bruce, Campbell, counsel, <a href="#P76">76</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brunner, Mr., at Michelstown, <a href="#P365">365</a>, +<a href="#P367">367</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Brunswick, House of, Bradlaugh's +impeachment of, <a href="#P148">148</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bryce, James, on the Coercion Bill, +<a href="#P182">182</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Buckenbrock, Labouchere's friendship +with, <a href="#P52">52</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Budget Bill of 1885, the, <a href="#P251">251</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Buenos Ayres, Labouchere's appointment +in, <a href="#P65">65</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Buffalo Bill's Wild West Show, +Indians in, <a href="#P40">40</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Buffon quoted, <a href="#P133">133</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bulgaria, Turks in, <a href="#P200">200</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Buller, his policy in Ireland, <a href="#P361">361</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Buller, Sir Henry, as Ambassador at +Constantinople, <a href="#P54">54</a>, <a href="#P63">63</a>, <a href="#P64">64</a>. <i>See</i> +Lord Dalling +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Buller, Sir Redvers, in Pretoria, <a href="#P440">440</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bunsen, Labouchere on, <a href="#P308">308</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Buonaparte, Jerome, <a href="#P9">9</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Buonaparte, Joseph, in Spain, <a href="#P8">8</a>, <a href="#P9">9</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Buonaparte, Louis, as king of Holland, <a href="#P5">5-9</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Bureaucracy, Labouchere on, <a href="#P122">122</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Burke, Under-Secretary for Ireland, +murder of, <a href="#P174">174</a>, <a href="#P175">175</a>, <a href="#P359">359</a>, <a href="#P372">372</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Burke, Edmund, his letter to the +Duke of Bedford, <a href="#P231">231</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Burmah as a political pawn, <a href="#P310">310-12</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Burnaby, Captain Fred, his reminiscence +of Labouchere, <a href="#P242">242</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Busch, <i>Our Chancellor</i>, <a href="#P53">53</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Butler, General Sir William, his +command in South Africa, <a href="#P437">437</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Buxton, Sidney, <a href="#P427">427</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Byrne, Frank, <a href="#P386">386</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Byron, H. J., <i>Dearer than Life</i>, <a href="#P99">99</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Cadenabbia, Labouchere at, <a href="#P418">418-21</a>, +<a href="#P423">423</a>, <a href="#P515">515</a>, <a href="#P535">535</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Caine, M.P., Labouchere on, <a href="#P350">350</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cairnes, quoted by Hyndman, <a href="#P481">481</a>, +<a href="#P482">482</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cairo, Arabi at, <a href="#P70">70</a>, <a href="#P204">204</a>; General +Gordon in, <a href="#P212">212</a>; Lord Wolseley in, +<a href="#P208">208</a>; Prefect of Police at, <a href="#P216">216</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Calais, Labouchere at, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Calcraft, hangman, <a href="#P115">115</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Caldwell's dancing rooms, <a href="#P105">105</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Callan, M.P., Mr., on Bright and +Bradlaugh, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cambridge, St. Peter's College, <a href="#P23">23</a>; +Trinity College, Labouchere at, +<a href="#P22">22-7</a>, <a href="#P251">251</a>, <a href="#P491">491</a>, <a href="#P522">522</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cambridge, Duchess of, her friendship +with Labouchere, <a href="#P54">54</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Campbell, secretary to Parnell, <a href="#P375">375</a>, +<a href="#P396">396</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Campbell, Sir George, <a href="#P208">208</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Canada, Dominion of, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P301">301</a>, <a href="#P304">304</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Canning, George, his duel with +Castlereagh, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Canrobert, Marshal, his corps, <a href="#P123">123</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cape Colony, Lord Milner as Governor +of, <a href="#P437">437</a>; Rhodes as Premier of, +<a href="#P427">427</a>, <a href="#P430">430</a>; war spirit in, <a href="#P437">437</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Capital <i>v.</i> Labour, discussed by +Hyndman and Labouchere at +Northampton, <a href="#P458">458-90</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cardwell, Mr., <a href="#P136">136</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Carey, James, informer, forged letters +to, <a href="#P372">372</a>, <a href="#P374">374</a>, <a href="#P375">375</a>, <a href="#P384">384</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Carlisle, Earl of, <a href="#P14">14</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Carnarvon, Lord, as Viceroy of Ireland, +<a href="#P251">251-56</a>, <a href="#P279">279</a>, <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P286">286</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Carrington, Lord, assaults Grenville +Murray, <a href="#P110">110</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Caspian Sea, the, <a href="#P135">135</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cassell, Petter, and Galpin, firm of, +<a href="#P493">493</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Castlereagh, his duel with Canning, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Catholic Emancipation, question of, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cattle-maiming in Ireland, <a href="#P165">165</a>, <a href="#P169">169</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cavendish family, the, their influence +at Barrow, <a href="#P350">350</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cavendish, Lord E., Chamberlain on, +<a href="#P271">271</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cavendish, Lord Frederick, <a href="#P146">146</a>; +murder of, <a href="#P174">174</a>, <a href="#P175">175</a>, <a href="#P188">188</a>, <a href="#P358">358</a>, <a href="#P359">359</a>, +<a href="#P372">372</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cavour, Gladstone on, <a href="#P419">419</a>; +Labouchere's reminiscences of, <a href="#P62">62</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ceylon, Arabi's exile in, <a href="#P204">204-9</a>, <a href="#P220">220-24</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Châlons, French camp at, <a href="#P122">122-23</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chamberlain, Joseph, as President +of the Local Government Board, +<a href="#P317">317</a> <i>n.</i>; Churchill on, <a href="#P209">209</a>; Healy on, +<a href="#P303">303</a>, <a href="#P363">363</a>; his alleged complicity +in the Jameson Raid, <a href="#P427">427</a>, <a href="#P431">431</a>, +<a href="#P446">446</a>, <a href="#P452">452</a>; his correspondence with +Labouchere <i>re</i> the Boer War, +<a href="#P446">446-54</a>; his correspondence with +Labouchere on Home Rule, <a href="#P261">261-356</a>; +his Egyptian policy, <a href="#P70">70</a>, <a href="#P211">211</a>, <a href="#P212">212</a>; +his Irish policy prior to the Home +Rule Bill, <a href="#P256">256-303</a>; his probable +Premiership, <a href="#P226">226</a>, <a href="#P227">227</a>, <a href="#P249">249</a>, <a href="#P280">280</a>, +<a href="#P319">319</a>, <a href="#P320">320</a>, <a href="#P349">349</a>; his responsibility, +as Colonial Secretary, for the Boer +War, <a href="#P437">437-38</a>, <a href="#P442">442-57</a>; his scheme +of Home Rule, <a href="#P255">255</a>, <a href="#P326">326</a>; his +secession from the Liberal party over +Home Rule, <a href="#P226">226-28</a>, <a href="#P318">318-355</a>; +Labouchere's admiration of, <a href="#P259">259</a>; +Labouchere's letters to, <i>re</i> +Bradlaugh, <a href="#P159">159</a>; Labouchere's letters +to, <i>re</i> the Egyptian policy, <a href="#P205">205-6</a>, +<a href="#P210">210</a>, <a href="#P211">211</a>; Labouchere's letters to, +<i>re</i> the Irish Coercion Bill, <a href="#P177">177-187</a>; +Labouchere's letters to, <i>re</i> +Radicalism, <a href="#P41">41-2</a>, <a href="#P226">226-27</a>; +Labouchere's opposition to, <a href="#P519">519</a>, <a href="#P531">531</a>; +on Gladstone's Irish policy, <a href="#P167">167</a>, +<a href="#P189">189</a>, <a href="#P226">226</a>, <a href="#P263">263</a>, <a href="#P266">266</a>, <a href="#P271">271</a>, <a href="#P306">306</a>; +on Herbert Gladstone, <a href="#P265">265</a>; on +the House of Lords, <a href="#P241">241</a>; on the +Land Question, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P292">292</a>; on the +Parnell Commission, <a href="#P383">383</a>; on +Salisbury's Irish policy, <a href="#P251">251</a>; opposes +the use of coercion in Ireland, <a href="#P165">165</a>, +<a href="#P173">173</a>, <a href="#P189">189</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chaplin, M.P., Henry, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a>; on +the Coercion Bill, <a href="#P187">187</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chartered Company. <i>See</i> British +South Africa. +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chatham, Earl of, his death, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chaumes, Prussian army at, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chelmsford, Morley at, <a href="#P322">322</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chesterfield, Philip, Earl of, his +<i>Letters to His Son</i>, <a href="#P29">29</a>; quoted, <a href="#P88">88</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chevreau, M., <a href="#P126">126</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chiala, Signor, on the relations +between England and Italy, <a href="#P410">410</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chicago, Healy in, <a href="#P310">310</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Childers, M.P., his Irish sympathies, +<a href="#P150">150</a>, <a href="#P260">260</a>, <a href="#P347">347</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +China, industrialism of, <a href="#P468">468</a>, <a href="#P479">479</a>, <a href="#P487">487</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chinese Labour question, the, +Labouchere on, <a href="#P531">531</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Chippeway Indians, Labouchere's +life among the, <a href="#P40">40-41</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Christina of Sweden, Queen, +Labouchere on, <a href="#P245">245</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Church of England, Disestablishment +of the. See Disestablishment. +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Church Patronage Bill, the, Labouchere +on, <a href="#P243">243</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Rates Abolition Act, <a href="#P81">81</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Churchill, Lord Randolph, at +Brighton, <a href="#P269">269</a>; at Twickenham, <a href="#P356">356</a>; +Chamberlain on, <a href="#P253">253</a>, <a href="#P264">264</a>, <a href="#P271">271</a>, +<a href="#P285">285-86</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P313">313</a>; Hartington's +quarrel with, <a href="#P278">278</a>, <a href="#P282">282</a>; Healy on, +<a href="#P274">274</a>, <a href="#P283">283</a>, <a href="#P285">285</a>, <a href="#P303">303</a>, <a href="#P313">313</a>, <a href="#P362">362</a>, <a href="#P363">363</a>; +his comment on Labouchere's +Michelstown speech, <a href="#P368">368</a>, <a href="#P397">397</a>; his +friendship with Labouchere, <a href="#P250">250</a>; +his illness, <a href="#P262">262</a>; his letters to +Labouchere <i>re</i> Home Rule, <a href="#P285">285</a>, <a href="#P289">289</a>, +<a href="#P298">298</a> ff., <a href="#P307">307</a>; his letter to Salisbury +<i>re</i> Home Rule, <a href="#P279">279</a>; in Ireland, <a href="#P282">282</a>; +in opposition, <a href="#P409">409</a>; Labouchere on, +<a href="#P315">315</a>, <a href="#P319">319</a>, <a href="#P344">344</a>; negotiates with the +Irish party, <a href="#P254">254-303</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>; on +Chamberlain, <a href="#P298">298</a>, <a href="#P308">308</a>; on the +Conservative party, <a href="#P248">248</a>; refers to +Labouchere as "the religious member," <a href="#P142">142</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Churchill, Winston Spencer, <i>Lord +Randolph Churchill</i>, quoted, <a href="#P280">280</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Civil List, the, Labouchere's attacks +on, <a href="#P233">233</a>, <a href="#P234">234</a>, <a href="#P239">239-40</a>, <a href="#P246">246</a>, <a href="#P409">409</a>, <a href="#P413">413</a>, +<a href="#P465">465-66</a>, <a href="#P478">478</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Clan-na-Gael, the, takes possession +of Parnell letters, <a href="#P386">386</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Clarendon, Earl of, <a href="#P67">67</a>; Viceroy of +Ireland, <a href="#P251">251</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Clarke <i>v.</i> Bradlaugh, action of, <a href="#P157">157</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Clayton, John, at New Queen's +Theatre, <a href="#P99">99</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cleave, Mr., <a href="#P76">76</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Clongowes, school at, <a href="#P404">404</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Clonmel, Mayor of, at Michelstown, +<a href="#P366">366</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Coalition Ministry, the, <a href="#P6">6</a>; of 1885 +proposed, <a href="#P268">268</a>, <a href="#P270">270</a>, <a href="#P295">295</a>, <a href="#P304">304</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cobden, Richard, on landlordism, +<a href="#P235">235</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cockermouth, Lawson M.P. for, <a href="#P524">524</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Coercion Bills, passing of the, <a href="#P171">171-179</a>, +<a href="#P238">238</a>, <a href="#P251">251</a>, <a href="#P256">256</a>, <a href="#P263">263</a>, <a href="#P313">313</a>, <a href="#P357">357-61</a>, +<a href="#P363">363</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Colenso, <a href="#P440">440</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Collectivism <i>v.</i> Individualism +discussed by Labouchere and +Hyndman, <a href="#P463">463</a>, <a href="#P464">464</a>, <a href="#P479">479</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Collings, Jes, <a href="#P333">333</a>; his amendment, +<a href="#P315">315</a>, <a href="#P316">316</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Communism, Hyndman on, <a href="#P485">485</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Condé, Prince de, his army, <a href="#P7">7</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Condorcet, his gambling system, <a href="#P66">66</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Connaught, Duke of, his allowance, +<a href="#P233">233</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Conservative party, the, Labouchere +on, <a href="#P247">247-48</a>, <a href="#P458">458</a>; their advances to +the Irish, <a href="#P251">251</a>, <a href="#P308">308</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Constantinople, Labouchere as +secretary of Embassy at, <a href="#P54">54</a>, <a href="#P62">62-5</a>; Lord +Stratford Ambassador at, <a href="#P62">62</a>, <a href="#P63">63</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Constitutional monarchy, Labouchere +on, <a href="#P230">230</a>, <a href="#P233">233</a>, <a href="#P242">242</a>, <a href="#P246">246</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cooke, Q.C., W. H., <a href="#P76">76</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Coombe, Gladstone at, <a href="#P214">214</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cooper, Labouchere's tutor at +Cambridge, <a href="#P22">22</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Co-operation, principle of, <a href="#P472">472</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cork, Mayor of, at Michelstown, <a href="#P366">366</a>, +<a href="#P367">367</a>; Parnell M.P. for, <a href="#P174">174</a>, <a href="#P378">378</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cortes in Mexico, <a href="#P34">34</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Corti, Count, on the Berlin Congress, +<a href="#P192">192</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +County Councils, establishment of, +<a href="#P302">302</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Covent Garden, Labouchere's life in, +<a href="#P28">28-30</a>, <a href="#P70">70</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Covington, Frederick, <a href="#P418">418</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cowper, Lord, Viceroy of Ireland, +his resignation, <a href="#P174">174</a>; urges coercion, +<a href="#P165">165</a>, <a href="#P166">166</a>, <a href="#P173">173</a>, <a href="#P175">175</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cox, M.P., J. R., his visit to Arabi, +<a href="#P223">223</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Crampton, Mr., British Minister at +Washington, <a href="#P46">46</a>, <a href="#P47">47</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Crawford, George Morland, leaves +Paris before the siege, <a href="#P119">119-120</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Crawford, Mrs., on Labouchere as a +diplomatist, <a href="#P66">66</a>, <a href="#P67">67-8</a>; on Labouchere +in Paris before the siege, <a href="#P119">119-120</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cremorne, Labouchere at, <a href="#P105">105</a>, <a href="#P129">129</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Crimean War, instigated by Lord +Stratford, <a href="#P63">63</a>; recruiting in America +for, <a href="#P45">45</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Crimes Bill. <i>See</i> Prevention of. +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Crimping, practice of, in America, +<a href="#P45">45</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cripps, Sir Alfred, on the Select +Committee on British South Africa, <a href="#P427">427</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cromer, Lord, as English Controller +in Egypt, <a href="#P195">195</a>, <a href="#P212">212</a>; in India, <a href="#P210">210</a>; +on General Gordon, <a href="#P212">212</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cross, Sir R. Assheton, <a href="#P150">150</a>; Labouchere +on, <a href="#P239">239</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Crown and Country, financial +relations between, <a href="#P42">42</a>, <a href="#P230">230</a>, <a href="#P232">232</a>, <a href="#P242">242</a>, +<a href="#P246">246</a>, <a href="#P413">413</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cuernava, Labouchere at, <a href="#P36">36</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cumming, Dr., impersonation of, <a href="#P82">82</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cunynghame, Sir Henry, member of +the Parnell Commission, <a href="#P373">373-74</a>, +<a href="#P395">395</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Cyprus, England's lease of, <a href="#P191">191</a>, <a href="#P192">192</a>, +<a href="#P197">197</a>, <a href="#P222">222</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Daily Chronicle</i>, Spender of, <a href="#P448">448</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Daily News</i>, affected by Birmingham +imperialism, <a href="#P96">96</a> <i>n.</i>; Churchill on, +<a href="#P279">279</a>, <a href="#P286">286</a>; Labouchere as a correspondent +of, <a href="#P43">43-44</a>, <a href="#P96">96</a>, <a href="#P114">114</a>, <a href="#P119">119-41</a>; +Labouchere's financial connection +with, <a href="#P95">95</a>, <a href="#P96">96</a>, <a href="#P492">492</a>; on Home Rule, +<a href="#P257">257</a>, <a href="#P274">274</a>, <a href="#P279">279</a>, <a href="#P299">299</a>, <a href="#P326">326</a>; on the +Parnell Commission, <a href="#P383">383-84</a>, <a href="#P393">393</a>; on +the Triple Alliance, <a href="#P411">411</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Daily Telegraph</i>, its action against +Labouchere, <a href="#P500">500</a>; Lawley, +correspondent in Paris, <a href="#P141">141</a> <i>n.</i>; on +Home Rule, <a href="#P256">256</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dalglish, Robert, <a href="#P76">76</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dallas, correspondent in Paris during +the siege, <a href="#P141">141</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dalling, Henry Bulwer, Lord, as +Ambassador at Constantinople, +<a href="#P54">54</a>, <a href="#P63">63</a>, <a href="#P64">64</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Damascus, Labouchere at, <a href="#P72">72</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Darmstadt, Court of, plays at whist, +<a href="#P55">55</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Darvill, Mr., town-clerk of Windsor, +<a href="#P75">75</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Darwin, Charles, Gladstone on, <a href="#P267">267</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Daunt, O'Neill, <a href="#P302">302</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Davitt, Michael, Healy on, <a href="#P254">254</a>; his +scheme for the nationalisation of +land, <a href="#P179">179</a>, <a href="#P182">182-83</a>; his letter to +Labouchere <i>re</i> Home Rule, <a href="#P257">257-58</a>; +Pigott forgeries of, <a href="#P395">395</a>, <a href="#P396">396</a>; speaks +against the Coercion Bill, <a href="#P363">363</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Davy on the Coercion Bill, <a href="#P182">182</a>, <a href="#P185">185</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Day, Sir Charles, member of the +Parnell Commission, <a href="#P373">373</a>, <a href="#P393">393</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Deacon, banker, <a href="#P16">16</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dead Sea, Labouchere at the, <a href="#P112">112</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Dearer than Life</i>, produced at New +Queen's Theatre, <a href="#P99">99</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +De Beers Consolidated Mines, the, +<a href="#P427">427</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Defence of Philosophic Doubt</i>, +Balfour's, <a href="#P369">369</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Delaney, his evidence in the Parnell +Commission, <a href="#P384">384</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Democracy, English government by +the, Labouchere on, <a href="#P238">238-39</a>, <a href="#P248">248</a>, +<a href="#P413">413</a>, <a href="#P418">418</a>, <a href="#P481">481</a>, <a href="#P540">540</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Derby, Lord, anecdotal photograph +of, <a href="#P68">68</a>; Grenville Murray's attacks +on, <a href="#P109">109</a>; his ministry, <a href="#P85">85</a>; retires +on the Egyptian loan, <a href="#P190">190</a>, <a href="#P191">191</a>, +<a href="#P193">193</a>; signs the Convention of 1884, +<a href="#P451">451</a>; travels in America, <a href="#P14">14</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +De Sartines, chief of police, wit of, <a href="#P4">4</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Devonshire, seventh Duke of, his +death, <a href="#P363">363</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Devonshire, eighth Duke of, on the +House of Lords, <a href="#P363">363</a>. <i>See</i> Lord +Hartington. +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Devonshire House, anti-Home Rule +meeting at, <a href="#P344">344</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Devoy, American Fenian, <a href="#P170">170</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dhakool, capture of, <a href="#P219">219</a>, <a href="#P220">220</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dickens, Charles, <i>David Copperfield</i>, +<a href="#P535">535</a>; <i>Household Words</i>, <a href="#P32">32</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Dictionary of National Biography</i>, +<a href="#P46">46</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Diet of Frankfort, the, Bismarck +Prussian representative at, <a href="#P52">52</a>, <a href="#P54">54</a>, +<a href="#P55">55</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Digby, Sir Kenelm, <a href="#P28">28</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dilke, Sir Charles, <a href="#P436">436</a>; as a member +of Gladstone's Government, <a href="#P196">196</a>, +<a href="#P200">200</a>, <a href="#P204">204</a>, <a href="#P228">228</a>, <a href="#P233">233</a>; his acquaintance +with foreign affairs, <a href="#P71">71</a>; his +Egyptian policy, <a href="#P71">71</a>, <a href="#P196">196</a>, <a href="#P200">200</a>, <a href="#P204">204</a>; his +return to Parliament, <a href="#P418">418</a>; +Labouchere's letters to, <i>re</i> the abolition +of the House of Lords, <a href="#P532">532-34</a>; +Labouchere's letters to, <i>re</i> the +Egyptian policy, <a href="#P198">198-200</a>; letters +to and from Labouchere <i>re</i> Home +Rule, <a href="#P325">325</a>, <a href="#P327">327-28</a>; secures +Labouchere's seat in the House, <a href="#P527">527</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dillon, Charles, at Michelstown, +<a href="#P365">365-67</a>; Healy on, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P362">362</a>; +imprisonment of, <a href="#P172">172</a>, <a href="#P174">174</a>; his speeches +<i>re</i> South Africa, <a href="#P438">438</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Diplomacy, Bismarck on German, +<a href="#P52">52</a>; Labouchere on English and +American, <a href="#P44">44</a>, <a href="#P53">53</a>, <a href="#P411">411</a>, <a href="#P452">452</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Disestablishment of the Church of +England advocated by Labouchere, +<a href="#P43">43</a>, <a href="#P226">226</a>, <a href="#P234">234</a>, <a href="#P243">243</a>, <a href="#P244">244</a>, <a href="#P248">248</a>, +<a href="#P417">417</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Disraeli, Benjamin. <i>See</i> Beaconsfield. +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dongola, <a href="#P434">434</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Donkey as a diet, <a href="#P139">139</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Donleath, Stuart, case of, <a href="#P187">187</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dorking, Mrs. Labouchere at +Oakdene, near, <a href="#P130">130</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P138">138</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Douay, Abel, death of, <a href="#P123">123</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Douglas, Akers, <a href="#P352">352</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dramatic, artists, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P101">101-102</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— critic, Labouchere as a, <a href="#P496">496</a>, <a href="#P503">503</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dresden, Labouchere as attaché at, +<a href="#P59">59</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Drink bill, national, <a href="#P466">466</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dublin, headquarters of the Land +League, <a href="#P181">181</a>, <a href="#P183">183</a>; Healy in, <a href="#P239">239</a>, +<a href="#P271">271</a>, <a href="#P273">273</a>, <a href="#P283">283</a>, <a href="#P289">289</a>, <a href="#P303">303</a>; Liberal +Unionists of, their responsibility +for the Pigott children, <a href="#P404">404</a>; +Parliament in, <a href="#P422">422</a>; Parnell at, <a href="#P256">256</a>; +Ph[oe]nix Park, <a href="#P174">174</a>, <a href="#P175">175</a>; proposed +Irish Parliament in, <a href="#P252">252</a>, <a href="#P306">306</a>, <a href="#P321">321</a>, +<a href="#P327">327</a>, <a href="#P339">339</a>; Redmond in, <a href="#P524">524</a>; trial +of the Land League in, <a href="#P166">166</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Dublin Daily Express</i>, <a href="#P279">279</a>, <a href="#P309">309</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Duclos, Maître, notary to Trochu, +<a href="#P136">136</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ducrot, General, in Paris, <a href="#P136">136</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dudley, Lord, marriage of, <a href="#P525">525</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Duelling, Labouchere's experience of, +<a href="#P50">50</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dufferin, Lord, his Egyptian policy, +<a href="#P207">207</a>, <a href="#P208">208</a>, <a href="#P223">223</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dumas, Alexandre, <i>père</i>, Labouchere +meets, at Genoa, <a href="#P113">113</a>, <a href="#P114">114</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dumas, Mlle. Maria, Labouchere at +the wedding of, <a href="#P114">114</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dunn, Parliamentary agent at Windsor, <a href="#P75">75</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Du Pre, Caroline, her marriage, <a href="#P14">14</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Du Pre, James, banker, <a href="#P16">16</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Du Pre, Rev. William Maxwell, his +marriage, <a href="#P14">14</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Durand's, Paris, <a href="#P120">120</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Durham, Bishop of, <a href="#P3">3</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Durrant, Mr., solicitor to Sir Henry +Hoare, <a href="#P76">76</a>, <a href="#P78">78-81</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dyke, Sir W. Hart, <a href="#P427">427</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Dynamite Concession, the, <a href="#P449">449</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Echo</i>, Voules as manager of, <a href="#P493">493</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Economy, Labouchere's political, <a href="#P409">409</a>, +<a href="#P410">410</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Eden, Frederick Morton, his reminiscence +of Labouchere at Eton, <a href="#P19">19</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Edict of Nantes, revocation of the, <a href="#P2">2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Edinburgh, Chamberlain at, <a href="#P323">323</a>; +represented by Goschen, <a href="#P264">264</a>, <a href="#P297">297</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Education, English national, +Carnarvon on, <a href="#P282">282</a>; Chamberlain on, +<a href="#P270">270</a>; Conservative support of +denominational, <a href="#P258">258</a>; Labouchere on, +<a href="#P42">42-43</a>, <a href="#P84">84</a>, <a href="#P234">234</a>, <a href="#P235">235</a>, <a href="#P248">248</a>; Mundella +as Minister of, <a href="#P286">286</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Edward VII., accession of, <a href="#P148">148</a>; as +Prince of Wales, defends Grenville +Murray, <a href="#P67">67</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Edwards, Passmore, acquires the +<i>Echo</i>, <a href="#P493">493</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Egan, Patrick, his forged +correspondence with Parnell, <a href="#P358">358</a>, +<a href="#P372">372-405</a>; treasurer of the Land League +in Paris, <a href="#P172">172</a>, <a href="#P181">181</a>, <a href="#P182">182</a>, <a href="#P186">186</a>, <a href="#P358">358</a>, +<a href="#P372">372</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Egypt, as a political pawn, <a href="#P310">310-13</a>; +English occupation of, <a href="#P70">70-71</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a>, +<a href="#P190">190-224</a>, <a href="#P248">248</a>, <a href="#P259">259</a>, <a href="#P434">434</a>; French +interest in, <a href="#P191">191</a>, <a href="#P192">192</a>, <a href="#P197">197</a>, <a href="#P203">203</a>, <a href="#P210">210</a>; +its occupation of the Soudan, <a href="#P209">209</a>; +its Soudanese frontier established, +<a href="#P215">215</a>, <a href="#P216">216</a>; national movement under +the Arabi in, <a href="#P195">195-98</a>, <a href="#P205">205</a>; rule of +Khedives in, <a href="#P190">190-97</a>, <a href="#P205">205</a>, <a href="#P207">207-8</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Elandslaagte, battle of, <a href="#P440">440</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Electoral districts, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P229">229</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Elephant as a diet, <a href="#P138">138</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Elgin, Lord, Governor of Canada, at +Washington, <a href="#P45">45</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Elizabeth, Queen, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P245">245</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ellenborough, Lady, in Palestine, <a href="#P72">72</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ellis, John, <a href="#P427">427</a>, <a href="#P455">455</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ellis, T. E., at Michelstown, <a href="#P365">365</a>, <a href="#P367">367</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +El Obeid, the Mahdi at, <a href="#P209">209</a>, <a href="#P210">210</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Enfield, Lord, his quarrel with +Labouchere during the Middlesex +election, <a href="#P85">85-93</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +England, house of Hope transferred +to, <a href="#P4">4</a>; its relations with America, +<a href="#P81">81</a>; its relations with Turkey, <a href="#P196">196-7</a>, <a href="#P199">199</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +English, abroad, Labouchere on, <a href="#P95">95</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— diplomatists in Paris during the +siege, <a href="#P43">43-44</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— institutions contrasted with the +American, <a href="#P41">41</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— system of education contrasted +with the American, <a href="#P42">42-43</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ephesus, Council of, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Escott, T. H. S., contribution to the +<i>World</i>, <a href="#P107">107</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Established Church of England, <i>See</i> +Disestablishment +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Eton, education at, <a href="#P42">42</a>; Labouchere +at, <a href="#P18">18-21</a>, <a href="#P251">251</a>, <a href="#P491">491</a>, <a href="#P522">522</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Eugenie, Empress, in Paris, <a href="#P124">124</a>, <a href="#P126">126</a>, +<a href="#P134">134</a>; her letter derided, <a href="#P134">134</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Evans', Convent Garden, <i>habitués</i> of +<a href="#P28">28</a>, <a href="#P29">29</a>; Labouchere in residence +at, <a href="#P28">28-31</a>, <a href="#P70">70</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Eversley, Lord, <i>Gladstone and +Ireland</i>, quoted, <a href="#P358">358</a> <i>n.</i>; on the Land +League, <a href="#P172">172</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Evidence Amendment Act, the, <a href="#P145">145</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Expenses of Voters, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P83">83</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Fagan, Captain, received by Wellesley, <a href="#P7">7</a>, <a href="#P12">12</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fagging, Labouchere's views on, <a href="#P20">20</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fairfield, Mr., <a href="#P431">431</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fakenham, Rev. John Labouchere +of, <a href="#P21">21</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Farnham Castle, <a href="#P2">2</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fatherland, production of, <a href="#P103">103</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Favre, Jules, member of the +Provisional Government, <a href="#P127">127</a>, <a href="#P128">128</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fawcett, Professor, <a href="#P136">136</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fenianism in America, <a href="#P81">81</a>, <a href="#P170">170</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, +<a href="#P310">310-11</a>; in Ireland, <a href="#P171">171</a>, <a href="#P183">183</a>, <a href="#P186">186</a>, +<a href="#P275">275</a>, <a href="#P276">276</a>; Labouchere on, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P278">278</a>, +<a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P292">292</a>, <a href="#P316">316</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fenwick, Mr., directs the case against +Labouchere for cribbing, <a href="#P24">24-25</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ferdinand VII. of Spain, Napoleon's +treatment of, <a href="#P8">8</a>, <a href="#P10">10</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ferguson, Sir James, <a href="#P410">410</a>, <a href="#P412">412</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fermoy, Labouchere at, <a href="#P365">365</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ferry, Jules, member of the +Provisional Government, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Feudalism, Labouchere on, <a href="#P241">241</a>. <i>See +also</i> Land System +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Finance, economical, Labouchere's +efforts on behalf of, <a href="#P246">246</a>, <a href="#P494">494-95</a>, +<a href="#P505">505</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Financial Reform Almanack, the, +quoted, <a href="#P232">232</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fitzgibbon, Churchill visits, <a href="#P282">282</a>, +<a href="#P289">289</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond, his letter +to Labouchere <i>re</i> retirement, <a href="#P525">525-26</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fletcher Moulton, Privy Councillor, +<a href="#P531">531</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Florence, flight of the Grand Duke +from, <a href="#P61">61</a>; Labouchere in, <a href="#P60">60-62</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a>, +<a href="#P95">95</a>, <a href="#P513">513</a>, <a href="#P517">517-23</a>, <a href="#P530">530-39</a>; Unione +Club, <a href="#P61">61</a>; <i>Florence Herald</i>, quoted, +<a href="#P62">62</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Flower, Mr., retires from the +candidature of Windsor, <a href="#P75">75-80</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Foljambe, Chamberlain on, <a href="#P271">271</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fond du Lac, Labouchere at, <a href="#P41">41</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Forbes, Archibald, on the staff of the +<i>World</i>, <a href="#P107">107</a>; war correspondent to +the <i>Daily News</i>, <a href="#P96">96</a>, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Foreign Office, Archives, examples of +telegrams in, <a href="#P53">53</a>, <a href="#P54">54</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— —— messengers, their expense, +<a href="#P54">54</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Forster, M.P., R. N., seconds Sir +H. D. Wolff, <a href="#P148">148</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Forster, W. E., Chief Secretary for +Ireland, allusions to, in Parnell's +supposed letters, <a href="#P372">372</a>; blackmailed +by Pigott, <a href="#P393">393</a>; Healy on, <a href="#P303">303</a>; +his arrest of Parnell, <a href="#P172">172</a>, <a href="#P254">254</a>; his +resignation, <a href="#P174">174</a>, <a href="#P188">188</a>, <a href="#P267">267</a>, <a href="#P276">276</a>; +Labouchere on, <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P297">297</a>; urges +coercive measures in Ireland, <a href="#P165">165-73</a>, +<a href="#P176">176</a>, <a href="#P182">182</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Fortnightly Review</i>, Chamberlain on +Home Rule, in the, <a href="#P255">255</a>; "Radicals +and Whigs" quoted, <a href="#P41">41</a>, <a href="#P42">42</a>, <a href="#P228">228-29</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fottrell, <a href="#P302">302</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Foucault threatens the Protestants +of Orthez, <a href="#P1">1</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fouché negotiates his own downfall, +<a href="#P5">5-12</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Fowler, Sir Henry, his speech inspired +by Labouchere, <a href="#P350">350</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +France, financial situation of, in +1817, <a href="#P12">12</a>, <a href="#P13">13</a>; Guizot on, <a href="#P480">480</a>; +inauguration of the Third Republic, +<a href="#P126">126</a>, <a href="#P127">127</a>, <a href="#P191">191</a>; its interests in +Egypt, <a href="#P190">190</a>, <a href="#P192">192</a>, <a href="#P197">197</a>, <a href="#P203">203</a>, <a href="#P210">210</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Franchise, Act of, 1884, the, <a href="#P256">256</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— extension of the, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P244">244-46</a>, <a href="#P248">248</a>. <i>See also</i> Suffrage +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Law for the Transvaal, <a href="#P442">442</a>, +<a href="#P448">448-49</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Franckfort, Bismarck in, <a href="#P52">52</a>, <a href="#P53">53</a>; +Labouchere as attaché in, <a href="#P52">52</a>, <a href="#P54">54</a>, +<a href="#P60">60</a>, <a href="#P69">69</a>, <a href="#P119">119</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Franco-Prussian War, <a href="#P116">116</a>, <a href="#P191">191</a>; +Labouchere's correspondence during, +<a href="#P43">43-44</a>, <a href="#P96">96</a>, <a href="#P119">119-41</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Freehold Land Society, its work in +Northampton, <a href="#P143">143</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Freeman's Journal</i>, the correspondence +between Egan and Pigott in, +<a href="#P375">375</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Free Trade for Ireland, Davitt on, +<a href="#P256">256-57</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +French, journalism during the siege +of Paris, Labouchere on, <a href="#P133">133-36</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— wars, allusions to, <a href="#P287">287</a>, <a href="#P296">296</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Froisard, General, defeat of his Army +Corps, <a href="#P124">124</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Galveston, Healy in, <a href="#P310">310</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gambetta, member of the Republican +Government, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gambling, Labouchere's system in, +<a href="#P65">65-66</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Garter, Order of the, <a href="#P241">241</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Gaulois</i>, its address to the Prussians, +<a href="#P134">134</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gave, the river, <a href="#P1">1</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gedge, Mr., tries to do Labouchere +out of his seat in the House, <a href="#P527">527</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Genealogist, The</i>, the Labouchere +pedigree, <a href="#P14">14</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Genoa, Labouchere and Dumas at, +<a href="#P113">113</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +George III., <a href="#P296">296</a>; at Kew, <a href="#P409">409</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +George V., his installation as K.G., <a href="#P246">246</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +George, Mr., his scheme for the +nationalisation of land, <a href="#P235">235</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +German, Empire, its proposed +intervention in Egypt, <a href="#P194">194</a>; position +of Bavaria in, <a href="#P488">488</a>; Socialism in, +<a href="#P487">487</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— people, Labouchere's dislike of, +<a href="#P51">51</a>, <a href="#P52">52</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Zollverein, principle of the, <a href="#P294">294</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gibbon, Edward, <a href="#P88">88</a>, <a href="#P151">151</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gibraltar, English tenure of, <a href="#P199">199</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gibson, M.P., Mr., <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Giffen, Mr., quoted, <a href="#P470">470</a>, <a href="#P485">485</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Girondists, the, compared with the +Irish Nationalists, <a href="#P293">293</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gladstone, Mrs., <a href="#P282">282</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gladstone, Herbert, Lord, Chamberlain +on, <a href="#P265">265</a>; negotiates between his +father and Labouchere, <a href="#P214">214-17</a>, +<a href="#P261">261-303</a>, <a href="#P312">312-55</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gladstone, William Ewart, <a href="#P407">407</a>; his +Egyptian policy, <a href="#P71">71</a>, <a href="#P189">189</a>, <a href="#P190">190</a>, +<a href="#P194">194-219</a>; his first administration, +<a href="#P85">85</a>, <a href="#P86">86</a>, <a href="#P136">136</a> <i>n.</i>; his position in the +Bradlaugh case, <a href="#P148">148</a>, <a href="#P151">151-55</a>, <a href="#P158">158</a>, +<a href="#P160">160</a>; his tribute to Bradlaugh, +<a href="#P160">160-61</a>; Labouchere dubs him "Grand +Old Man," <a href="#P158">158</a>; opposes coercive +measures in Ireland, <a href="#P165">165</a>, <a href="#P166">166</a>, +<a href="#P173">173-75</a>, <a href="#P225">225</a>, <a href="#P236">236</a>, <a href="#P238">238</a>; Labouchere's +admiration of, <a href="#P171">171</a>, <a href="#P176">176</a>; adopts +coercive measures in Ireland, +<a href="#P175">175-189</a>; his second administration, +<a href="#P194">194</a>, <a href="#P297">297</a>; rebukes Labouchere, +<a href="#P219">219</a>; Chamberlain regarded as the +successor of, <a href="#P225">225</a>, <a href="#P227">227</a>, <a href="#P249">249</a>, <a href="#P281">281</a>, +<a href="#P318">318</a>, <a href="#P321">321</a>, <a href="#P348">348</a>; his resignation in +1885, <a href="#P251">251</a>; his Irish policy prior +to the Home Rule Bill, <a href="#P252">252-320</a>, +<a href="#P361">361</a>; in Norway, <a href="#P257">257</a>; Labouchere +on his motives in the Irish +question, <a href="#P262">262</a>, <a href="#P281">281</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P298">298</a>, <a href="#P304">304</a>, +<a href="#P308">308</a>, <a href="#P313">313</a>, <a href="#P318">318</a>, <a href="#P326">326</a>, <a href="#P329">329</a>, <a href="#P419">419</a>; his +capacity for mystification, <a href="#P265">265</a>, +<a href="#P278">278</a>, <a href="#P283">283</a>, <a href="#P335">335</a>, <a href="#P347">347</a>, <a href="#P350">350</a>; his third +administration, <a href="#P269">269</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P283">283</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>, +<a href="#P317">317</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P357">357</a>; submits Home Rule +scheme to the Queen, <a href="#P270">270</a>, <a href="#P287">287</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#P288">288</a>; Healy on, <a href="#P272">272</a>, <a href="#P274">274</a>, +<a href="#P283">283-86</a>, <a href="#P290">290</a>, <a href="#P303">303</a>, <a href="#P314">314</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>, <a href="#P361">361-63</a>; +Parnell on, <a href="#P278">278</a>; his desire for +office, <a href="#P281">281-82</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>; his letters to +Balfour <i>re</i> Home Rule, <a href="#P289">289</a>, <a href="#P298">298</a>; +Chamberlain on, <a href="#P298">298-300</a>, <a href="#P326">326</a>, +<a href="#P334">334-35</a>, <a href="#P340">340</a>, <a href="#P342">342</a>, <a href="#P346">346</a>; his popularity, +<a href="#P305">305</a>, <a href="#P351">351</a>; Chamberlain secedes +from, <a href="#P318">318-355</a>; introduces the Land +Bill, <a href="#P321">321</a>; his first Home Rule Bill, +<a href="#P319">319-357</a>, <a href="#P413">413</a>, <a href="#P416">416</a>, <a href="#P419">419</a>, <a href="#P420">420</a>; his +letters to Labouchere <i>re</i> the Triple +Alliance, <a href="#P411">411</a>; his fourth administration, +<a href="#P412">412</a>, <a href="#P420">420</a>, <a href="#P423">423</a>; his letters +to Labouchere <i>re</i> his exclusion from +his Cabinet, <a href="#P412">412-18</a>; his second +Home Rule Bill, <a href="#P421">421</a>, <a href="#P422">422</a>, <a href="#P528">528</a>; +his final view of the House of Lords, +<a href="#P422">422-23</a>; his retirement, <a href="#P96">96</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P274">274</a>, +<a href="#P315">315</a>, <a href="#P354">354</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Glasgow, Chamberlain at, <a href="#P323">323</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Home Government Association +of, <a href="#P156">156</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Globe</i>, its interview with Labouchere +on the fall of Rosebery's Ministry, +<a href="#P424">424</a>; publishes the Cyprus Convention, <a href="#P192">192</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Godin, Stephen Peter, <a href="#P14">14</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gold fields of South Africa, <a href="#P427">427</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Goldney, M.P., Sir Gabriel, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gonesse, <a href="#P140">140</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Goodenough, Sir William, death of, +<a href="#P437">437</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gordon, Colonel Bill, his conversation on Egypt, <a href="#P72">72</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gordon, General, <a href="#P72">72</a>; Arabi on, <a href="#P222">222</a>; +as Governor-General of the Soudan, +<a href="#P209">209</a>; his death at Khartoum, +<a href="#P212">212-15</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gordon, Sir Arthur, <a href="#P222">222</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gorst, Sir John, Healy on, <a href="#P284">284</a>; +opposes Gladstone's motion in favour +of Bradlaugh, <a href="#P155">155</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gortschakoff, Prince, at the Berlin +Congress, <a href="#P192">192</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Goschen, Viscount, negotiates with +Hartington, <a href="#P281">281</a>, <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P297">297</a>, <a href="#P348">348</a>; +on the Coercion Bill, <a href="#P185">185</a>; returned +for Edinburgh, <a href="#P265">265</a>; unpopularity +of, <a href="#P262">262</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Goschen-Joubert arrangement with +Egypt, the, <a href="#P191">191</a>, <a href="#P206">206</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gosling, Sir Audley, his reminiscences +of Labouchere, <a href="#P39">39</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Got, of the Comédie Française, <a href="#P120">120</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Graduated Income Tax, the, Labouchere +on, <a href="#P246">246</a>, <a href="#P247">247</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Graham, General, his command in +the Soudanese War, <a href="#P213">213</a>, <a href="#P219">219</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Graham, W., counsel for the <i>Times</i>, +<a href="#P374">374</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Grant, Parliamentary agent at Windsor, <a href="#P75">75</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Grantham, M.P., Mr., <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Granville, Lord, <a href="#P121">121</a>; consulted by +Gladstone <i>re</i> Arabi, <a href="#P204">204</a>; denies +responsibility for the defeat of +Hicks Pasha, <a href="#P209">209</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Grattan, his Parliament, <a href="#P254">254</a>, <a href="#P258">258</a>, <a href="#P306">306</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gravelotte, battle of, <a href="#P124">124</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Greeks, Labouchere on the, <a href="#P191">191</a>, <a href="#P496">496</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Green, Paddy, waiter at Evans', <a href="#P29">29</a>, <a href="#P70">70</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Greene, Conynghame, British agent +at Pretoria, <a href="#P442">442-43</a>, <a href="#P444">444</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Gregory, Sir William, his interest in +Arabi, <a href="#P221">221</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Grenville, Lord, ministry of, <a href="#P6">6-7</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Grey, Albert, his amendment of the +Church Patronage Bill, <a href="#P243">243</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Grey, Lord, director of the British +South Africa Company, <a href="#P428">428</a>; ministry of, <a href="#P6">6-7</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Griffiths, his valuations in the Land +Court, <a href="#P181">181</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Grosvenor, Captain, M.P., for Westminster, <a href="#P80">80</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Grosvenor, Lord Richard, Government +Whip, <a href="#P146">146</a>; Healy on, <a href="#P314">314</a>; +Labouchere on, <a href="#P305">305</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>, <a href="#P316">316</a>; on +the Coercion Bill, <a href="#P179">179</a>, <a href="#P180">180</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Guinness, Lord, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P239">239-40</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Guizot, M., on France, <a href="#P292">292</a>, <a href="#P480">480</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Haag, Frères, <i>La France Protestante</i>, <a href="#P1">1</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Habeas Corpus Act, question of its +suspension in Ireland, <a href="#P165">165-70</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hague, The, birth of P.-C. Labouchère at, <a href="#P2">2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Halliday, dramatic author, <a href="#P99">99</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hame, General, surrenders Laon, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hamilton, Lord George, his election +for Middlesex in 1868, <a href="#P85">85-92</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hammond, Anthony, <a href="#P19">19</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hanbury, M.P., Robert, death of, <a href="#P83">83</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hannen, Sir James, President of the +Parnell Commission, <a href="#P373">373</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hanover, Crampton, envoy at, <a href="#P45">45</a>; +Napoleon's plans for, <a href="#P9">9</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Hansard</i>, speeches of Labouchere in, +<a href="#P197">197</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Harcourt, Sir William, <a href="#P407">407</a>; at his +best in Opposition, <a href="#P409">409</a>, <a href="#P424">424</a>; Healy +on, <a href="#P260">260</a>, <a href="#P274">274</a>, <a href="#P289">289</a>; his Coercion Bill, +<a href="#P170">170</a>, <a href="#P175">175</a>, <a href="#P180">180</a>, <a href="#P181">181</a>, <a href="#P184">184</a>, <a href="#P188">188</a>; Labouchere +on, <a href="#P287">287</a>, <a href="#P313">313</a>, <a href="#P323">323</a>, <a href="#P334">334</a>, <a href="#P344">344</a>; +moves a new Address, <a href="#P425">425</a> <i>n.</i>; on +the Michelstown meeting, <a href="#P365">365</a>; +sits on the Committee on British +South Africa, <a href="#P427">427</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hardie, Keir, Labouchere on, <a href="#P533">533</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Harold, Canon, <a href="#P404">404</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Harper's Magazine</i>, biographical +sketch of Labouchere in, <a href="#P38">38</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Harrington, <a href="#P312">312</a>; Healy on, <a href="#P276">276</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Harris, Rutherford, director of the +South Africa Company, <a href="#P426">426</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Harrison, Morley on his Irish scheme, +<a href="#P309">309</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Harrow, education at, <a href="#P42">42</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hart Davies, Thomas, visits Labouchere +in Florence, <a href="#P535">535-37</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hartington, Lord, as Secretary for +War questioned on the Egyptian +policy, <a href="#P213">213</a>, <a href="#P214">214</a>, <a href="#P219">219</a>, <a href="#P220">220</a>; Chamberlain +on, <a href="#P264">264</a>, <a href="#P270">270</a>, <a href="#P271">271</a>, <a href="#P286">286</a>, <a href="#P329">329</a>; +Churchill on, <a href="#P269">269</a>, <a href="#P281">281</a>; Goschen +negotiates with, <a href="#P348">348</a>; Healy on, +<a href="#P260">260</a>, <a href="#P283">283</a>, <a href="#P363">363</a>; his Irish policy prior +to the Home Rule Bill, <a href="#P257">257-98</a>; +his meeting <i>re</i> Home Rule, <a href="#P344">344</a> <i>n.</i>; +his quarrel with Churchill, <a href="#P278">278</a>, +<a href="#P282">282</a>; Labouchere on his position +in the Home Rule split, <a href="#P268">268</a>, <a href="#P278">278</a>, +<a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P287">287</a>, <a href="#P297">297</a>, <a href="#P304">304</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>, <a href="#P318">318</a>, <a href="#P324">324</a>, +<a href="#P329">329</a>, <a href="#P344">344</a>, <a href="#P351">351</a>; Parnell forgeries +shown to, <a href="#P375">375</a>, <a href="#P406">406</a>; secedes from +the Liberal party, <a href="#P228">228</a>, <a href="#P249">249</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hastings, Labouchere at, <a href="#P338">338</a>, <a href="#P339">339</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hatfield, Lord R. Churchill at, <a href="#P286">286</a>, +<a href="#P287">287</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hatton, Joseph, his biographical +sketch of Labouchere, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P40">40</a>, <a href="#P103">103</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Haussman, M., <a href="#P126">126</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Havana, <a href="#P31">31</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hawarden Castle, Gladstone at, <a href="#P301">301</a>, +<a href="#P415">415</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Manifesto, issue of the, <a href="#P257">257</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hawkesley, Mr., solicitor, his +correspondence with Chamberlain, <a href="#P429">429</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#P452">452-53</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hawtrey, Dr., headmaster of Eton, +<a href="#P18">18</a>; Labouchere on, <a href="#P20">20-21</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Healy, Timothy Michael, agitates for +Home Rule, <a href="#P254">254-303</a>; Davitt on, +<a href="#P258">258</a>; his amendments of the +Coercion Bill, <a href="#P177">177</a>, <a href="#P179">179</a>, <a href="#P181">181</a>, <a href="#P185">185</a>, <a href="#P186">186</a>; +his attack on Chamberlain's article, +<a href="#P255">255</a> <i>n.</i>; his letters to Labouchere +<i>re</i> coercive measures in Ireland, +<a href="#P361">361-64</a>; his letters to Labouchere +<i>re</i> Home Rule, <a href="#P252">252</a>, <a href="#P256">256</a>, <a href="#P259">259-60</a>, +<a href="#P271">271-72</a>, <a href="#P273">273-74</a>, <a href="#P283">283-85</a>, <a href="#P289">289-90</a>, +<a href="#P301">301-3</a>, <a href="#P309">309-15</a>; on Parnell, <a href="#P253">253-54</a>, +<a href="#P266">266</a>, <a href="#P280">280</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Heath, Labour candidate for Nottingham, <a href="#P93">93</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Heim, Van Der, Dutch statesman, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Heine, Heinrich, <a href="#P538">538</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Herbert, Dr. Alan, in Paris during +the siege, <a href="#P120">120</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Herbert, Edward, at Constantinople, +<a href="#P63">63</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Herschell, Farrer, his mediation views +on the Home Rule question, <a href="#P338">338</a>, +<a href="#P340">340-43</a>, <a href="#P347">347</a>; Solicitor-General, <a href="#P146">146</a>, +<a href="#P150">150</a>, <a href="#P186">186</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hesse family, the, <a href="#P54">54</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hibbert, John Tomlinson, <a href="#P76">76</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hicks Beach, Sir Michael, as Chief +Secretary for Ireland, <a href="#P357">357</a>; +Bannerman on, <a href="#P455">455</a>; Churchill's scheme +for, <a href="#P270">270</a>; his Amendment of the +Budget Bill, <a href="#P251">251</a>; on the Select +Committee on British South Africa, +<a href="#P427">427</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hicks Pasha, defeat and death of, +<a href="#P210">210-11</a>, <a href="#P213">213</a>, <a href="#P214">214</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hill, Dr. Birkbeck, contributes to the +<i>World</i>, <a href="#P107">107</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hill, Frank, editor of the <i>Daily +News</i>, <a href="#P96">96</a>, <a href="#P286">286</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hill, M.P., Staveley, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hillyer, Mrs., sister of Henry Labouchere, <a href="#P17">17</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hoare, Sir Henry, contests Windsor +and is unseated, <a href="#P75">75-82</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hodson, Henrietta, appears at the +New Queen's Theatre, <a href="#P99">99</a>; +Labouchere's letters from Paris to, <a href="#P129">129</a>. +<i>See</i> Mrs. Labouchere. +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Holborn Casino, the, <a href="#P105">105</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Holker, M.P., Sir John, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Holland, invasion of, <a href="#P4">4</a>; Louis +Buonaparte as king of, <a href="#P4">4-9</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Homburg, Labouchere at, <a href="#P54">54</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>, <a href="#P69">69</a>, +<a href="#P72">72</a>, <a href="#P95">95</a>, <a href="#P119">119</a>, <a href="#P242">242</a>, <a href="#P419">419</a>, <a href="#P525">525</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Home Rule Bill, introduction of, <a href="#P527">527</a>; +Labouchere on, <a href="#P167">167</a>, <a href="#P189">189</a>, <a href="#P225">225</a>, <a href="#P236">236-39</a>, +<a href="#P508">508</a>, <a href="#P521">521</a>. See also Ireland. +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Home Rule Split, the, its effect on +Labouchere, <a href="#P227">227</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hope, M.P., Beresford, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hope, house of, its dealings with +America, <a href="#P15">15</a>; John Peter Labouchere +as a partner in, <a href="#P16">16</a>; P.-C. Labouchère +as a partner in, <a href="#P2">2-5</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hope, John, takes P.-C. Labouchère +into partnership, <a href="#P2">2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hopwood, M.P., Mr., member of +Select Committee on Bradlaugh +case, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +House of Lords, abolition of the, +advocated by Labouchere, <a href="#P226">226</a>, +<a href="#P230">230-33</a>, <a href="#P238">238-42</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Household Suffrage Act, the, its +effect in Northampton, <a href="#P143">143</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Houston, E. C., his purchase of +letters from Pigott, <a href="#P375">375</a>, <a href="#P380">380</a>, <a href="#P385">385</a>, +<a href="#P386">386</a>, <a href="#P389">389</a>, <a href="#P396">396</a>, <a href="#P405">405</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Howard, Lady Mary, her marriage, +<a href="#P14">14</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hudson, Sir James, English Minister +at Turin, <a href="#P61">61</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hugessen, Mr. Knatchbull-, Labouchere on, <a href="#P239">239</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hungarians, English enthusiasm for, +<a href="#P284">284</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hunter, Mr., in Hyde Park, <a href="#P363">363</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hyde Park, demonstration against +the Coercion Bill in, <a href="#P363">363</a>; Labouchere on, <a href="#P84">84</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hylands, P.-C. Labouchère settles at, +<a href="#P13">13</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Hyndman, Mr., defends Socialism +against Labouchere at Northampton, <a href="#P459">459-90</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Iddesleigh, Lord. <i>See</i> Northcote, +Sir Stafford. +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Illingworth, Radical M.P., <a href="#P345">345</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Illinois, educational system of, <a href="#P42">42</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Imperial Parliament, Labouchere on +an, <a href="#P293">293</a>, <a href="#P299">299-301</a>, <a href="#P304">304</a>, <a href="#P336">336</a>, <a href="#P422">422</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— South African Association, the, +<a href="#P436">436</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Income Tax, the, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P207">207</a>, <a href="#P246">246</a>, <a href="#P249">249</a>, <a href="#P466">466</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Independence Belge</i>, <a href="#P429">429</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +India, English rule in, <a href="#P135">135</a>; Labouchere +on, <a href="#P197">197</a>, <a href="#P201">201</a>, <a href="#P204">204</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Individualism <i>v.</i> Collectivism, +discussed by Labouchere and +Hyndman, <a href="#P464">464</a>, <a href="#P465">465</a>, <a href="#P480">480</a>, <a href="#P487">487</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Industrial Commission of South +Africa, <a href="#P447">447</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +International Law, studied by Labouchere, <a href="#P81">81</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ipswich, Labouchere at, <a href="#P333">333</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ireland, agriculture in, <a href="#P292">292</a>; Churchill +in, <a href="#P283">283</a>, <a href="#P289">289</a>; disestablishment +of the Anglican Church in, <a href="#P86">86</a>, <a href="#P88">88</a>; +Labouchere's political sympathy +for, <a href="#P72">72</a>, <a href="#P225">225</a>, <a href="#P247">247</a>, <a href="#P248">248</a>, <a href="#P508">508</a>, <a href="#P521">521</a>, +<a href="#P523">523</a>; landlordism in, <a href="#P261">261</a>, <a href="#P264">264-65</a>, +<a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P292">292</a>, <a href="#P361">361-62</a>; Protection in, +<a href="#P258">258</a>, <a href="#P261">261</a>, <a href="#P276">276-77</a>; question of +coercive measures in, <a href="#P165">165-89</a>, <a href="#P225">225</a>, +<a href="#P251">251-52,313</a>, <a href="#P318">318-19</a>, <a href="#P329">329</a>, <a href="#P358">358-72</a>; +question of Home Rule for, <a href="#P167">167</a>, +<a href="#P189">189</a>, <a href="#P225">225</a>, <a href="#P236">236-39</a>, <a href="#P416">416-17</a>, <a href="#P419">419</a>, +<a href="#P421">421-22</a>, <a href="#P508">508</a>, <a href="#P521">521</a>, <a href="#P523">523</a>; correspondence +on, <a href="#P250">250-356</a>; secret societies +in, <a href="#P171">171</a>, <a href="#P177">177</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Irish Nationalist party, the, <a href="#P266">266</a>, <a href="#P293">293</a>; +Conservative advances to, <a href="#P251">251</a>, +<a href="#P252">252</a>; English feeling against, +<a href="#P165">165-66</a>, <a href="#P175">175</a>, <a href="#P240">240-41</a>, <a href="#P258">258</a>, <a href="#P285">285-86</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— patriots in Boston, Labouchere +among, <a href="#P47">47</a>, <a href="#P48">48</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— police force, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P292">292</a>, <a href="#P316">316</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Privy Council, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P277">277</a>, <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P294">294</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Irish World, The</i>, <a href="#P310">310</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Irishman</i>, Parnell's purchase of the, +<a href="#P374">374</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Irving, Sir Henry, appears at the +New Queen's Theatre, <a href="#P99">99</a>, <a href="#P102">102</a>; +mistaken for the defeated candidate +at Brentford, <a href="#P92">92</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Irwin, District Police Inspector, <a href="#P370">370</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ismail, Khedive, his claim on the +Soudan, <a href="#P209">209</a>; his rule in Egypt, +<a href="#P190">190-95</a>, <a href="#P209">209</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ismail Bey Jowdat, W. S. Blunt on, +<a href="#P215">215</a>, <a href="#P216">216</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ismail Sadyk, murder of, <a href="#P193">193</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ismailia, Lord Wolseley at, <a href="#P208">208</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Italian-Turkish War, the, <a href="#P538">538</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Italian unity, England's support of, +<a href="#P284">284</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Italy, England's relations with, in the +Triple Alliance, <a href="#P410">410</a>, <a href="#P411">411</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Jackson, Mr., <a href="#P427">427</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Jackson, M.P., Sir Henry, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Jacobin party, the, <a href="#P293">293</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Jamal-ed Din, Sezzed, W. S. Blunt +on, <a href="#P216">216</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +James, of Hereford, Henry, Lord, +<a href="#P351">351</a>; Attorney-General, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P148">148</a>, +<a href="#P150">150</a>; counsel for the <i>Times</i>, <a href="#P374">374</a> <i>n.</i>; +his letter to Labouchere <i>re</i> retirement, <a href="#P525">525</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Jameson, Dr., history of his Raid, +<a href="#P426">426-36</a>, <a href="#P438">438</a>, <a href="#P452">452</a>, <a href="#P454">454</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Jerrold, Douglas, at Evans', <a href="#P29">29</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Jerusalem, Labouchere at, <a href="#P111">111</a>, <a href="#P112">112</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Jeyes, S. H., <i>Mr. Chamberlain</i>, <a href="#P189">189</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Joan of Arc, <a href="#P244">244</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Johannesburg, capture of, <a href="#P454">454</a>; grievances +of Englishmen in, <a href="#P426">426</a>, <a href="#P427">427</a>, +<a href="#P431">431-34</a>, <a href="#P442">442</a>, <a href="#P443">443</a>, <a href="#P451">451</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Johnson, Dr. Samuel, <i>Life of</i>, <a href="#P29">29</a>; +quoted, <a href="#P108">108</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Jordan, the, Labouchere at the +source of, <a href="#P112">112</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Joubert, his arrangement with Goschen,191 +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Journalistic London</i>, by Joseph Hatton, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P104">104</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Jowdat, Ismail Bey, W. S. Blunt on, +<a href="#P216">216</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Justice, <a href="#P474">474</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Kensit, John, his action against +Labouchere, <a href="#P500">500</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kératry, Prefect of Police, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kerry, Buller in, <a href="#P361">361</a>, <a href="#P362">362</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kew Bridge, Labouchere at, <a href="#P91">91</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Palace, Labouchere on, <a href="#P409">409</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Khalil Pasha, outwitted at whist, <a href="#P58">58</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Khartoum, <a href="#P72">72</a>; Gordon at, <a href="#P212">212-14</a>; +the Mahdi at, <a href="#P216">216</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Khedival Domains Loan, the, <a href="#P193">193</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Khedives, rule of the, <a href="#P193">193-200</a>, <a href="#P205">205</a>, +<a href="#P207">207-8</a>, <a href="#P224">224</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kidderminster, <a href="#P525">525</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kilkenny, <a href="#P265">265</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kilmainham Gaol, Parnell's imprisonment +in, <a href="#P172">172-74</a>, <a href="#P187">187</a>, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P372">372</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kimberley, relief of, <a href="#P441">441</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kinglake, W., his history of the +Crimean War, <a href="#P62">62</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kingstown, Pigott's home at, <a href="#P376">376</a>, +<a href="#P402">402</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kipling, Rudyard, his <i>Lest We Forget</i> +parodied, <a href="#P448">448</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kirkcaldy, Campbell M.P. for, <a href="#P208">208</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kitawber, Labouchere joins a circus +at, <a href="#P39">39</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kolli, Baron, police agent, <a href="#P10">10</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kordofan, the Mahdi at, <a href="#P209">209</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Kruger, President of the Transvaal, +<a href="#P435">435</a>, <a href="#P442">442</a>, <a href="#P446">446</a>, <a href="#P448">448</a>, <a href="#P453">453</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Labouchere, Henry, his inheritance +from his uncle, <a href="#P14">14</a>, <a href="#P250">250</a>; his +recollections of Talleyrand, <a href="#P14">14</a>; +mistaken for a son of Lord Taunton, +<a href="#P15">15</a>; his love for America, <a href="#P14">14-15</a>, +<a href="#P41">41-42</a>, <a href="#P44">44</a>, <a href="#P225">225</a>; his birth and +education, <a href="#P16">16-22</a>, <a href="#P491">491</a>; his alleged +cribbing at Cambridge, <a href="#P22">22-27</a>; his +propensity for gambling, <a href="#P22">22</a>, <a href="#P29">29</a>, <a href="#P30">30</a>, <a href="#P35">35</a>, +<a href="#P47">47</a>, <a href="#P55">55</a>, <a href="#P65">65-66</a>, <a href="#P70">70</a>, <a href="#P491">491</a>, <a href="#P514">514</a>; his life +at Evans', <a href="#P28">28-31</a>, <a href="#P70">70</a>; at Wiesbaden, +<a href="#P30">30</a>; travels in South America, <a href="#P31">31-38</a>, +<a href="#P496">496</a>; follows a circus, <a href="#P39">39</a>, <a href="#P40">40</a>, <a href="#P491">491</a>; +lives with the Chippeway Indians, +<a href="#P40">40-41</a>, <a href="#P45">45</a>; imbibes Radicalism in +America, <a href="#P41">41</a>, <a href="#P226">226</a>; as attaché at +various embassies, <a href="#P53">53-60</a>, <a href="#P66">66</a>, <a href="#P69">69</a>, +<a href="#P412">412</a>, <a href="#P491">491</a>; lives in Florence during +his appointment to Parana, <a href="#P60">60-62</a>; +as Secretary in Constantinople, +<a href="#P62">62</a>; elected for Windsor and +unseated, <a href="#P75">75-83</a>; as M.P. for +Middlesex, <a href="#P83">83-93</a>; his protests against +extravagant finance, <a href="#P84">84</a>, <a href="#P246">246-47</a>, +<a href="#P409">409</a>; contests Nottingham, <a href="#P93">93</a>; +his proprietorship of the <i>Daily +News</i>, <a href="#P95">95</a>, <a href="#P492">492</a>; his managership of +the New Queen's Theatre, <a href="#P98">98-104</a>, +<a href="#P491">491</a>, <a href="#P496">496</a>; as financial editor of the +<i>World</i>, <a href="#P106">106</a>, <a href="#P491">491</a>, <a href="#P492">492</a>; his editorship +of <i>Truth</i>, <a href="#P110">110</a>, <a href="#P117">117</a>, <a href="#P492">492-512</a>; +visits the Holy Land with +Bellew, <a href="#P11">11-12</a>, <a href="#P496">496</a>; his reminiscences +of Dumas, <a href="#P113">113-14</a>; his curiosity +as a journalist, <a href="#P114">114-18</a>; his +lawsuits, <a href="#P117">117</a>, <a href="#P500">500-2</a>; his experiences +in Paris during the siege, <a href="#P43">43</a>, <a href="#P96">96</a>, +<a href="#P106">106</a>, <a href="#P119">119-41</a>; as member for +Northampton, <a href="#P142">142</a> <i>et seq.</i>; his support +of Bradlaugh, <a href="#P144">144-64</a>; opposes +coercion in Ireland, <a href="#P166">166-90</a>, <a href="#P225">225</a>, +<a href="#P363">363-64</a>; his Egyptian policy, <a href="#P196">196-204</a>, +<a href="#P205">205-20</a>; his defence of Arabi, +<a href="#P203">203</a>, <a href="#P204">204-5</a>, <a href="#P207">207</a>, <a href="#P220">220-26</a>; his +conception of Radical government, +<a href="#P225">225-49</a>, <a href="#P530">530-34</a>; his admiration +for Chamberlain, <a href="#P225">225-26</a>; his +Parliamentary influence, <a href="#P250">250</a>, <a href="#P520">520</a>, +<a href="#P521">521</a>; negotiates between the Irish +party and the Liberals, <a href="#P252">252-356</a>, +<a href="#P421">421-22</a>; <i>see also under</i> Chamberlain, +Gladstone, Hartington, Parnell, +etc.; at Twickenham, <a href="#P356">356</a>; at +Michelstown, <a href="#P365">365-71</a>; discovers +Pigott's forgeries, <a href="#P360">360</a>, <a href="#P371">371-406</a>; +hoaxes practised on, <a href="#P406">406-8</a>; at his +best in Opposition, <a href="#P409">409</a>, <a href="#P423">423</a>; on +the Triple Alliance, <a href="#P410">410</a>, <a href="#P418">418</a>; his +exclusion from the Cabinet in +1892, <a href="#P412">412-18</a>, <a href="#P527">527</a>; at Cadenabbia, +<a href="#P418">418-21</a>, <a href="#P423">423</a>, <a href="#P515">515</a>, <a href="#P533">533-34</a>; his desire +to become Minister at Washington, +<a href="#P423">423</a>; his opposition to Lord +Rosebery's administration, <a href="#P423">423</a>, <a href="#P424">424</a>; +his report on the Jameson Raid, +<a href="#P426">426-32</a>; on the Chartered +Company of British South Africa, +<a href="#P431">431-34</a>; opposes the Boer War, +<a href="#P438">438-457</a>; discusses Socialism with +Hyndman at Northampton, <a href="#P459">459-90</a>; +his chief characteristics, <a href="#P496">496-499</a>, +<a href="#P512">512-15</a>; his retirement and home +at Florence, <a href="#P517">517-36</a>; his appointment +as Privy Councillor, <a href="#P523">523</a>, +<a href="#P526">526</a>, <a href="#P530">530-31</a>; on the seating of the +House of Commons, <a href="#P527">527-30</a>; his +death and burial, <a href="#P536">536-40</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Labouchere, Henry, son of Pierre-César, +his political career, <a href="#P13">13-15</a>. +<i>See</i> Taunton, Baron +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Labouchere, John Peter, father of +Henry, <a href="#P14">14</a>, <a href="#P16">16</a>; his death, <a href="#P130">130</a> <i>n.</i>; +visits his son at Cambridge, <a href="#P27">27</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Labouchere, Rev. John, <a href="#P21">21</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Labouchere, Matthieu, <a href="#P2">2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Labouchere, Mrs., mother of Henry, +letters from Paris to, <a href="#P128">128</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P130">130</a>, +<a href="#P138">138</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Labouchere, Mrs., wife of Henry, at +the New Queen's Theatre, <a href="#P99">99</a>; +death of, <a href="#P535">535</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Labouchère, Pierre-César, +grandfather of Henry, his partnership +in the house of Hope, <a href="#P2">2-5</a>; his +portrait, <a href="#P2">2</a> <i>n.</i>; his two sons, <a href="#P13">13</a>, <a href="#P16">16</a>; +negotiates for peace between +England and France, <a href="#P4">4-12</a>; restores +French credit, <a href="#P12">12</a>, <a href="#P13">13</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Labour party, rise of the, <a href="#P518">518</a>, <a href="#P531">531</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Labour <i>v.</i> Capital, discussed by +Hyndman and Labouchere at +Northampton, <a href="#P460">460-90</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +La Bruyère, on married life, <a href="#P93">93</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ladies' Land League, work of the, +<a href="#P173">173</a>, <a href="#P186">186</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ladysmith, relief of, <a href="#P440">440-41</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lambri Pasha, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lancashire opposes Home Rule, <a href="#P280">280</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Land Bill, the, <a href="#P159">159</a>, <a href="#P421">421-22</a>; +amendments of, <a href="#P187">187</a>; Chamberlain on, +<a href="#P329">329</a>; Labouchere on, <a href="#P292">292</a>, <a href="#P318">318</a>, <a href="#P320">320</a>, +<a href="#P332">332</a>; Healy on, <a href="#P309">309</a>; rejection of, <a href="#P357">357</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Land League, the, establishes +Boycotting, <a href="#P165">165</a>; its "no Rent" +manifesto, <a href="#P172">172</a>; its suppression, <a href="#P172">172-75</a>; +its useful functions, <a href="#P171">171</a>, <a href="#P358">358</a> <i>n.</i>; +prosecution of, <a href="#P166">166</a>; the <i>Times</i> on, +<a href="#P360">360</a>, <a href="#P382">382</a>; two sections of, <a href="#P182">182</a>, <a href="#P186">186</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Land system, English, Labouchere +on the, <a href="#P231">231</a>, <a href="#P234">234</a>, <a href="#P235">235</a>, <a href="#P241">241</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Landlordism in Ireland, Labouchere +on, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P292">292</a>, <a href="#P295">295</a>, <a href="#P318">318</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Laon, Prussian army at, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lascelles, Sir Frank, announces the +deposition of Ismail, <a href="#P194">194</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Last, Parliamentary agent at Windsor, +<a href="#P76">76</a>, <a href="#P81">81</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Last Days of Pompeii</i>, produced at +the New Queen's Theatre, <a href="#P100">100</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Latham, examiner at Cambridge, <a href="#P24">24</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lausanne, Pigott at, <a href="#P385">385</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lawley, Frank, correspondent in +Paris during the siege, <a href="#P120">120</a>, <a href="#P138">138</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#P140">140</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lawson, Lionel, at Evans', <a href="#P29">29</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lawson, Mr. Justice, <a href="#P277">277</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lawson, Sir Wilfrid, his amendment +seconded by Labouchere, <a href="#P205">205</a>, <a href="#P213">213</a>; +his letter to Labouchere, <i>re</i> +retirement, <a href="#P524">524-25</a>; seconds +Labouchere's resolution against the +House of Lords, <a href="#P241">241</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Laycock, contests Nottingham, <a href="#P93">93</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Leech, John, at Evans', <a href="#P29">29</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Leeds, Balfour at, <a href="#P524">524</a>; Herbert +Gladstone at, <a href="#P263">263</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Leeds Mercury</i> on Home Rule, <a href="#P256">256</a>; +publishes Gladstone's Home Rule +scheme, <a href="#P277">277</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lefevre, Shaw, <a href="#P266">266</a>; Labouchere on, +<a href="#P200">200-1</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Legislation, the technique of, +Labouchere on, <a href="#P229">229</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Leicester, Chamberlain at, <a href="#P270">270</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lennox, Lord Henry, his opposition +to Bradlaugh, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a>, <a href="#P156">156</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Levi, Leone, quoted by Labouchere, +<a href="#P470">470</a>, <a href="#P484">484</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lewis, Sir George, as solicitor to +Labouchere, <a href="#P108">108</a>, <a href="#P501">501</a>, <a href="#P510">510</a>; as +solicitor to Parnell, <a href="#P375">375-79</a>, <a href="#P386">386-89</a>, +<a href="#P393">393-98</a>; his death, <a href="#P536">536</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Liberal, party, its breach with the +Irish, <a href="#P172">172</a>, <a href="#P179">179</a>, <a href="#P187">187</a>, <a href="#P252">252-53</a>; its +policy in Egypt, <a href="#P190">190</a>, <a href="#P194">194-224</a>; +its treatment of Gladstone, <a href="#P284">284</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Unionist party, the, <a href="#P422">422</a>; +Chamberlain joins, <a href="#P228">228</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Licences, Brewers', Labouchere on, +<a href="#P83">83</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Life of Parnell</i>, O'Brien's, <a href="#P174">174</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Limited Liability Companies, +Labouchere on, <a href="#P465">465-67</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lincoln, Mass., Egan at, <a href="#P381">381</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Linton, Mrs. Lynn, on the staff of the +<i>World</i>, <a href="#P107">107</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lobengula, raid on King, <a href="#P433">433</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Local Government, Chamberlain on, +<a href="#P264">264</a>, <a href="#P265">265</a>, <a href="#P311">311</a>; Labouchere on, +<a href="#P167">167</a>, <a href="#P265">265</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lockwood, Mark, <a href="#P455">455</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +London, death-rate of, <a href="#P463">463</a>, <a href="#P482">482-83</a>; +Ismail Bey Jowdat in, <a href="#P216">216</a>; +Labouchere's homes in: Albany, <a href="#P78">78</a>; +Bolton Street, <a href="#P110">110</a>, <a href="#P116">116</a>; Hamilton +Place, <a href="#P13">13-14</a>; Old Palace Yard, +<a href="#P39">39</a>, <a href="#P224">224</a>; Portland Place, <a href="#P16">16</a>; +Queen Anne's Gate, <a href="#P71">71</a>, <a href="#P158">158</a>, <a href="#P177">177</a>; +Labouchere's knowledge of, <a href="#P104">104</a>, +<a href="#P105">105</a>; P.-C. Labouchère's mission in, <a href="#P4">4</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Londonderry, Lord, as Viceroy of +Ireland, <a href="#P357">357</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Long, quoted by Hyndman, <a href="#P481">481</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Louis XIV., religious persecutions of, <a href="#P1">1</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Louis XVIII., his ministers, <a href="#P12">12</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Louis of Bavaria, King, in Munich, +<a href="#P49">49</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lowe, Mr., his clause in the Public +Schools Bill, <a href="#P84">84</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lowther, James, his Irish policy, +<a href="#P176">176</a>, <a href="#P178">178</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lucy, Sir Henry, <i>More Passages by +the Way</i>, <a href="#P3">3</a> <i>n.</i>; on Labouchere's +political influence, <a href="#P250">250</a>; on +Labouchere's retirement, <a href="#P526">526</a>, <a href="#P527">527</a>; on +the staff of the <i>World</i>, <a href="#P107">107</a>, <a href="#P527">527</a>; +<i>The Balfourian Parliament</i>, <a href="#P440">440</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lugard, Captain, in Uganda, <a href="#P421">421</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lumley, Augustus, cotillon leader in +St. Petersburg, <a href="#P57">57</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lush, Lord Justice, his judgment +against Bradlaugh, <a href="#P157">157</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lydon, John and Margaret, <a href="#P168">168</a>, <a href="#P169">169</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lying Clubs, Labouchere on, <a href="#P117">117-18</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lynch, Quested, in Paris, during the +siege, <a href="#P138">138</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lyons, Lord, in Paris and Tours, +<a href="#P121">121</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lyons, M.P., Dr., on the membership +for Northampton, <a href="#P149">149</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Lyre, The</i>, proposed title for <i>Truth</i>, +<a href="#P493">493</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Lytton, Lord, his information <i>re</i> the +Berlin Congress, <a href="#P192">192</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Maamtrasna, affair of, <a href="#P263">263</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +M'Carthy, Justin, Churchill on, <a href="#P279">279</a>, +<a href="#P286">286</a>; <i>Daily News Jubilee</i>, <a href="#P128">128</a> <i>n.</i>; +Healy on, <a href="#P276">276</a>; his defence of +Arabi, <a href="#P196">196</a>; on the staff of the +<i>Daily News</i>, <a href="#P279">279</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +M'Carthy, Rev. Mr., at Michelstown +<a href="#P366">366</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +McCulloch, Mr., quoted, <a href="#P408">408</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +McCurdy, C. A., on Labouchere and +Bradlaugh, <a href="#P162">162-63</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Macdonald, <i>Diary of the Parnell +Commission</i>, quoted, <a href="#P383">383</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P384">384</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#P393">393</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P402">402</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +McKinley, President, <a href="#P439">439</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Macmahon, Marshal, at Metz, <a href="#P123">123-24</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Madelin, Louis, <i>Fouché</i>, <a href="#P10">10</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Madras, <a href="#P221">221</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Madrid, British Embassy in, <a href="#P83">83</a>; +Pigott's suicide in, <a href="#P401">401</a>, <a href="#P405">405</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Magersfontein, <a href="#P445">445</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Maguire, Mr., <a href="#P428">428</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mahdi, the, rebellion of, <a href="#P208">208-20</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Malet, Sir Alexander, British +representative at the Diet of Frankfort, +55,69 +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Malet, Sir Edward, <a href="#P69">69</a>; as +Consul-General in Egypt, <a href="#P209">209</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mallet, T. L.; his journal, <a href="#P13">13</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Malta, negotiations for the possession +of; <a href="#P8">8</a>; reinforcement of its garrison, <a href="#P197">197</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Malthusianism, Bradlaugh's views +on, <a href="#P144">144</a>; Hyndman on, <a href="#P460">460</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Manchester, <a href="#P97">97</a>; Chamberlain at, +<a href="#P323">323</a>; death-rate of, <a href="#P463">463</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Manchester Guardian</i> on Home Rule, +<a href="#P256">256</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Manning, Cardinal, supports Bradlaugh, <a href="#P156">156</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>M.A.P.</i>, <a href="#P117">117</a>; on Labouchere's retirement, <a href="#P521">521</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Marburg, Labouchere in, <a href="#P59">59</a>, <a href="#P60">60</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Marcy, Mr., American Secretary of +State, his love of whist, <a href="#P49">49</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Marie Louise, Empress, her marriage, +<a href="#P4">4</a>, <a href="#P5">5</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Marienbad, Campbell Bannerman at, +<a href="#P455">455</a>; Labouchere at, <a href="#P526">526</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Marseillaise</i>, the, <a href="#P127">127</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Marshall, Alfred, <i>Principles of +Economics</i>, quoted, <a href="#P482">482</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Marvin, translator of the Cyprus +Convention, <a href="#P192">192</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Marx, Carl, quoted by Hyndman, +<a href="#P481">481</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Maryborough prison, <a href="#P384">384</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mashonaland, occupation of, <a href="#P433">433</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Massey, W. H., M.P., <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Matabele War, the, <a href="#P433">433</a>, <a href="#P434">434</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Matthew, Mr. Justice, his judgment +against Bradlaugh, <a href="#P157">157</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Matthews, Mr., counsel, <a href="#P76">76</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Maxau, <a href="#P122">122</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Maxwell, Sir Benson, superintends +Egyptian tribunals, <a href="#P209">209</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Maxwell, Sir William of Monteith, <a href="#P16">16</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +May, Sir Thomas Erskine, Clerk of +the House, <a href="#P145">145</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mayo, Lord his English agent, <a href="#P165">165</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Meagher, Irish patriot, Labouchere +mistaken for, <a href="#P48">48</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Medicine, Labouchere's interest in +the science of, <a href="#P60">60</a>, <a href="#P507">507</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Melbourne, Lord, his <i>laissez-faire</i> +policy, <a href="#P229">229</a>; ministry of, <a href="#P13">13</a>; on +the Garter, <a href="#P241">241</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Meredith, George, <i>Richard Feverel</i>, +<a href="#P522">522</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Merewether, lawyer, contests +Northampton, <a href="#P144">144</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Merivale, Herman, his anecdote of +Labouchere and his uncle, <a href="#P82">82</a>; his +<i>Time and the Hour</i> produced at the +New Queen's Theatre, <a href="#P98">98</a>, <a href="#P99">99</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mersey, Lord, <a href="#P428">428</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Metz, Napoleon III. at, <a href="#P122">122</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P123">123</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mexico, Labouchere in, <a href="#P32">32-38</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a>, +<a href="#P100">100</a>, <a href="#P496">496</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Michael Angelo, Labouchere modernises +the villa of, <a href="#P72">72</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Michelstown, police charge at, <a href="#P365">365-70</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Middlesex, Labouchere as member +for in 1867, <a href="#P83">83-86</a>, <a href="#P99">99</a>, <a href="#P143">143</a>; +Labouchere contests unsuccessfully in +1868, <a href="#P85">85-93</a>, <a href="#P525">525</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Middlesex Coal Dues, the, Labouchere on, <a href="#P85">85</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mijwel el Mizrab, Sheykh, <a href="#P72">72</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Milan, decree of, <a href="#P9">9</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Military Knights of Windsor, Labouchere on, <a href="#P83">83</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mill, John Stuart, quoted, <a href="#P247">247</a>, <a href="#P481">481</a>, +<a href="#P482">482</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Miller, Joaquin, <a href="#P40">40</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Milner, Alfred, Lord, as Commissioner +for South Africa, <a href="#P435">435</a>, <a href="#P442">442</a>; +as Governor of Cape Colony, <a href="#P437">437</a>, +<a href="#P442">442</a>, <a href="#P445">445</a>, <a href="#P448">448</a>, <a href="#P456">456</a>; his <i>England +in Egypt</i> quoted, <a href="#P210">210</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Minneapolis, Labouchere at, <a href="#P41">41</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mississippi steamboats, the, <a href="#P106">106</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Modern Egypt</i>, Lord Cramer's, <a href="#P213">213</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mohamed Ahmed. <i>See</i> Mahdi +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Molière, Marie-Madeleine, <a href="#P2">2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mollerus, Dutch statesman, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Moltke, rumour of his death, <a href="#P134">134</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Monarchy, English, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P230">230-31</a>, <a href="#P233">233</a>, <a href="#P242">242-43</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Moncrieff, Colonel Scott-, directs the +irrigation of Egypt, <a href="#P209">209</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Monson, Sir Edmund, his letter to +Labouchere <i>re</i> retirement, <a href="#P526">526</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mont Blanc, <a href="#P44">44</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Monteith, Maxwell of, <a href="#P16">16</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Montes, Lola, <a href="#P49">49</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Montreal, Healy at, <a href="#P310">310</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Moonlighting in Ireland, <a href="#P173">173</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Moore, Messrs. Telbin and, <a href="#P98">98</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +More's <i>Utopia</i>, <a href="#P489">489</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Morgan, Osborne, his speeches on +Ireland, <a href="#P260">260</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Morley, Arnold, his mediation on the +Home Rule question, <a href="#P322">322</a>, <a href="#P334">334</a>, +<a href="#P338">338-43</a>. <a href="#P347">347</a>; part proprietor of +the <i>Daily News</i>, <a href="#P95">95</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Morley of Blackburn, John, Earl, +Chamberlain on, <a href="#P299">299</a>, <a href="#P302">302</a>, <a href="#P326">326</a>; +Davitt on, <a href="#P257">257-58</a>; his letters to +Labouchere <i>re</i> Home Rule, <a href="#P317">317</a>, +<a href="#P327">327</a>, <a href="#P331">331</a>; his <i>Life of Gladstone</i> +quoted, <a href="#P365">365</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P371">371</a>, <a href="#P382">382</a>, <a href="#P422">422</a>; his +resignation, <a href="#P325">325</a>; his views on +Home Rule, <a href="#P309">309</a>, <a href="#P322">322</a>, <a href="#P329">329</a>, <a href="#P332">332</a>, +<a href="#P333">333</a>; Labouchere on, <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P324">324</a>, <a href="#P327">327</a>; +on Gladstone's Egyptian policy, +<a href="#P190">190</a>; opposes coercion in Ireland, <a href="#P173">173</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Morning Post</i>, Bowles correspondent +in Paris of the, <a href="#P141">141</a> <i>n.</i>; Grenville +Murray as correspondent of, <a href="#P67">67</a>; +on Labouchere's retirement, <a href="#P521">521-22</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +"Moss, Moses," <a href="#P505">505</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mott's Foley Street rooms, <a href="#P105">105</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Moulton, Mr. Gladstone's letter to, +<a href="#P353">353</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mountmorres, Lord, murder of, <a href="#P165">165</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mudford, journalist, <a href="#P278">278</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mulgrave, Lord, Viceroy of Ireland, +<a href="#P251">251</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mulhall, Mr., statistician, <a href="#P485">485</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Mundella, Minister for Education, +<a href="#P285">285</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Munich, Labouchere as attaché in, +<a href="#P49">49</a>, <a href="#P50">50</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Murat, Joachim, as King of Naples, +<a href="#P8">8</a>, <a href="#P9">9</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Murphy, David, cashier, <a href="#P396">396</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Murphy, Serjeant, at Evans', <a href="#P29">29</a>; +counsel for the <i>Times</i>, <a href="#P374">374</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Murray, Grenville, betrays official +secrets in the <i>Morning Post</i>, <a href="#P67">67-68</a>; +his action against Lord Carrington, +<a href="#P110">110</a> <i>n.</i>; on the staff of the <i>World</i>, +<a href="#P109">109</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Nantes, P.-C. Labouchère at, <a href="#P2">2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Napier, Mr., his defence of Arabi, +<a href="#P222">222</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Naples, kingdom of, <a href="#P8">8</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Napoleon I., his ideal woman, <a href="#P246">246</a>; +Labouchere on, <a href="#P480">480</a>; negotiates for +peace with England, <a href="#P5">5-12</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Napoleon III. at Metz, <a href="#P122">122</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P123">123-24</a>; +his imprisonment, <a href="#P122">122</a>, <a href="#P124">124-25</a>, +<a href="#P126">126</a>; his plan of campaign, <a href="#P122">122</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#P123">123</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Natal, war spirit in, <a href="#P437">437</a>, <a href="#P438">438</a>, <a href="#P449">449</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +National, debt, Labouchere on the, +<a href="#P475">475</a>, <a href="#P477">477</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— income, the, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P465">465</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>National Reformer</i>, Bradlaugh's statement +of his case in the, <a href="#P146">146-47</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Nationalisation, of land, Labouchere +on the, <a href="#P235">235</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— of railways, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P486">486</a>, <a href="#P487">487</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Navy, Labouchere on the, <a href="#P478">478</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Neutrality Law, Labouchere on the +inadequacy of the English, <a href="#P81">81</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Newcastle, <a href="#P478">478</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Newgate, Labouchere's description +of, <a href="#P114">114-15</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Newman, Cardinal, his position in +regard to Bradlaugh, <a href="#P156">156</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Newmarket, Labouchere at, <a href="#P22">22</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +New Mexico, Pueblas of, <a href="#P486">486</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +New Queen's Theatre, Labouchere +as manager of, <a href="#P98">98-104</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Newton, Mr., censure of, <a href="#P428">428</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +New Windsor, Labouchere's election +for, <a href="#P75">75-82</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +New York, <a href="#P106">106</a>; Healy in, <a href="#P310">310</a>; +Labouchere in, <a href="#P41">41</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>New York Herald</i>, <a href="#P382">382</a>, <a href="#P526">526</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Nice, Labouchere at, <a href="#P95">95</a>, <a href="#P97">97</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Nicholas, Emperor, Lord Stratford's +hatred of, <a href="#P63">63</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Nicholson's Nek, <a href="#P440">440</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Nineteenth Century</i>, Cardinal +Manning's article in the, <a href="#P156">156</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Nolan, M.P., Colonel, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a>; his +returns, <a href="#P302">302</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Nolte, Vincent, his reminiscences of +P.-C. Labouchère, <a href="#P3">3</a>, <a href="#P4">4</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Nonconformists, their anti-Irish feeling, <a href="#P306">306</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Norfolk, Labouchere in, <a href="#P22">22</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Norman, Henry, <a href="#P278">278</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>North Briton</i>, <a href="#P164">164</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +North Camberwell, Labouchere at, +<a href="#P247">247</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Northampton, Bradlaugh returned +for, <a href="#P142">142-45</a>, <a href="#P149">149</a>, <a href="#P151">151-52</a>, <a href="#P157">157</a>; +Hyndman at, <a href="#P459">459</a>; industrialism +of, <a href="#P462">462</a>, <a href="#P467">467</a>; Labouchere, M.P. for, +<a href="#P14">14</a>, <a href="#P105">105</a>, <a href="#P106">106</a>, <a href="#P116">116</a>, <a href="#P142">142-45</a>, <a href="#P148">148-49</a>, +<a href="#P158">158</a>, <a href="#P159">159</a>, <a href="#P161">161</a>, <a href="#P167">167</a>, <a href="#P225">225</a>, <a href="#P410">410</a>, <a href="#P415">415-18</a>, +<a href="#P459">459</a>, <a href="#P465">465</a>, <a href="#P503">503</a>; Labouchere's +retirement from, <a href="#P518">518-527</a>; Liberal +and Radical Association, its tribute +to Labouchere, <a href="#P539">539-40</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Northampton Echo</i> quoted, <a href="#P162">162</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Northampton Mercury</i> quoted, <a href="#P143">143</a>, +<a href="#P144">144</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Northbrook, Lord, <a href="#P13">13</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Northcote, Sir Stafford, his motion +against Bradlaugh, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P152">152-55</a>; +his motion on the Egyptian policy, +<a href="#P213">213</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Norway, Gladstone in, <a href="#P257">257</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Nottingham, contested by Labouchere, <a href="#P93">93</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Nubar, his Premiership, <a href="#P193">193-94</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +O'Brien, R., Barry, his articles on +the Irish question, <a href="#P257">257</a>; his <i>Life +of Lord Russell of Killowen</i>, <a href="#P391">391</a> <i>n.</i>; +his <i>Life of Parnell</i> quoted, <a href="#P252">252</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#P257">257</a> <i>n.</i>; on the murder of Lord +F. Cavendish, <a href="#P174">174-75</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +O'Brien, Smith, his Irish rising, <a href="#P48">48</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +O'Brien, W., <a href="#P312">312</a>; Healy on, <a href="#P276">276</a>, +<a href="#P363">363</a>; his influence in Ireland, <a href="#P533">533</a>; +his Irish policy, <a href="#P256">256</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +O'Connor, John, at Michelstown, <a href="#P365">365</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +O'Connor, Mrs. T. P., her reminiscence +of Labouchere among the +Indians, <a href="#P40">40-41</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +O'Connor, T. P., on the Coercion Bill, +<a href="#P178">178</a>; on Labouchere's retirement, +<a href="#P520">520-21</a>; supports the Tories <i>re</i> +Home Rule, <a href="#P261">261</a>, <a href="#P266">266</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Odessa, Grenville Murray as Consul +at, <a href="#P68">68</a>, no +</p> + +<p class="index"> +O'Donnell, F. H., his case against +the <i>Times</i>, <a href="#P372">372-74</a>, <a href="#P392">392</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +O'Donoghue, The, on Labouchere, <a href="#P169">169</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +O'Kelly, James, Pigott forgeries of +his letters, <a href="#P386">386</a>, <a href="#P394">394</a>, <a href="#P396">396</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ollivier, French Premier, resignation +of, <a href="#P124">124</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Onslow, M.P., David, <a href="#P146">146</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Oppenheim, Henry, <a href="#P287">287</a>; part +proprietor of the <i>Daily News</i>, <a href="#P95">95</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Orange Free State, annexation of the, +<a href="#P445">445</a>, <a href="#P449">449</a>, <a href="#P454">454</a>, <a href="#P456">456</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Orangemen oppose Home Rule, <a href="#P291">291</a>, +<a href="#P294">294</a>, <a href="#P345">345</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Orinoco</i>, s.s., <a href="#P31">31</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Orthez, home of the Labouchere +family, <a href="#P1">1</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Orton, Arthur, dines with Labouchere, <a href="#P116">116</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +O'Shea, Captain, Healy on, <a href="#P276">276</a>; his +supposed share in the forged letters, +<a href="#P373">373</a>, <a href="#P381">381</a>; negotiates between +Parnell and Gladstone, <a href="#P173">173</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +O'Shea, J. Augustus, correspondent +in Paris during the siege, <a href="#P141">141</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Osman Digna captures Tokar, <a href="#P213">213</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ostrogotha, Duchess of, her baby's +birth, <a href="#P53">53</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Otrante, Duc d'. <i>See</i> Fouché. +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ouvrard, tool of Fouché, <a href="#P10">10-12</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Oxford, Henry Labouchere the elder +at, <a href="#P13">13</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Palikao, Count, French Premier, +<a href="#P124">124</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>, Bingham +correspondent in Paris for, <a href="#P141">141</a> <i>n.</i>; +inspired by Gladstone, <a href="#P278">278</a>; +Morley's editorship of, <a href="#P173">173</a>; refuses +Pigott forgeries, <a href="#P375">375</a>, <a href="#P406">406</a>; Stead's +letter in, <a href="#P411">411</a>; W. S. Blunt's +defence of Arabi in, <a href="#P222">222</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Palmerston, Lord, <a href="#P46">46</a> <i>n.</i>; his +agreement with Murray, <a href="#P67">67-68</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Palmyra, Labouchere at, <a href="#P72">72</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Palto at Twickenham, <a href="#P356">356</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Parana, Republic of, Labouchere's +appointment to, <a href="#P60">60</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Paris, British Embassy in, <a href="#P83">83</a>, <a href="#P120">120</a>; +death of Grenville Murray in, +<a href="#P110">110</a> <i>n.</i>; headquarters of the Land +League in, <a href="#P172">172</a>, <a href="#P181">181</a>, <a href="#P182">182</a>, <a href="#P186">186</a>; +Labouchere in, <a href="#P30">30</a>, <a href="#P31">31</a>; +Labouchere's letters to London during +the siege of, <a href="#P43">43</a>, <a href="#P44">44</a>, <a href="#P96">96</a>, <a href="#P106">106</a>, <a href="#P119">119</a>, +<a href="#P124">124-41</a>; Louis Buonaparte in, <a href="#P8">8</a>; +Parnell letters in, <a href="#P385">385</a>, <a href="#P386">386</a>, <a href="#P389">389</a>; +P.-C. Labouchère summoned by +Napoleon to, <a href="#P11">11-12</a>; Pigott in, +<a href="#P394">394-95</a>, <a href="#P396">396</a>, <a href="#P401">401</a>; public parks of, <a href="#P84">84</a>; +Queen Christina in, <a href="#P245">245</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Parish Councils Bill, the, <a href="#P422">422</a>, <a href="#P479">479</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Parliament, House of Commons, +extravagance of, <a href="#P410">410</a>; payment +of members of, <a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P230">230</a>; reasons +for entering, <a href="#P74">74</a>; seating +accommodation of, <a href="#P527">527-30</a>; triennial +election of, <a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P248">248</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Parliament, House of Lords, abolition +of, <a href="#P226">226</a>, <a href="#P230">230-33</a>, <a href="#P238">238-42</a>, <a href="#P248">248</a>, <a href="#P417">417</a>, +<a href="#P422">422</a>, <a href="#P425">425</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P527">527</a>, <a href="#P531">531-34</a>; its +obstruction of the Home Rule Bill, +<a href="#P290">290</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Parliamentary, journalist, Labouchere as, <a href="#P504">504</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Oaths Act, the, its bearing in the +case of Bradlaugh, <a href="#P145">145</a>, <a href="#P151">151</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>, +<a href="#P157">157</a>, <a href="#P160">160</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Parnell, Charles Stewart, speaks in +favour of Bradlaugh, <a href="#P153">153</a>; as +president of the Land League, <a href="#P165">165</a>, +<a href="#P166">166</a>, <a href="#P177">177</a>, <a href="#P182">182</a>, <a href="#P358">358</a> <i>n.</i>; his imprisonment +and release, <a href="#P172">172-74</a>, <a href="#P252">252</a>, <a href="#P254">254</a>; +his position as Irish leader during +the Home Rule struggle, <a href="#P173">173-189</a>, +<a href="#P236">236</a>, <a href="#P237">237</a>, <a href="#P252">252-356</a>; his confidence +in Labouchere, <a href="#P250">250</a>; Lord +Carnarvon treats with, <a href="#P252">252</a>; his +motives discussed by Healy, <a href="#P254">254</a>, <a href="#P266">266</a>, +<a href="#P271">271</a>, <a href="#P274">274</a>, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P285">285</a>, <a href="#P290">290</a>, <a href="#P362">362</a>; Davitt +on, <a href="#P257">257-58</a>; Chamberlain on, <a href="#P266">266-67</a>, +<a href="#P317">317</a>; Labouchere on, <a href="#P273">273</a>, <a href="#P280">280</a>, +<a href="#P312">312</a>, <a href="#P314">314-17</a>, <a href="#P332">332</a>, 337: his letters to +Labouchere <i>re</i> Home Rule, <a href="#P275">275-76</a>; +on Gladstone, <a href="#P278">278</a>; introduces the +Land Bill, <a href="#P357">357</a>; publication of his +supposed letters in the <i>Times</i>, +<a href="#P359">359-60</a>, <a href="#P361">361</a>, <a href="#P371">371</a>; his amendment to the +Speech from the Throne, <a href="#P369">369</a>; +denies the authorship of his +supposed letters, <a href="#P372">372-73</a>, <a href="#P397">397</a>; his +defence by Sir C. Russell, <a href="#P374">374</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#P375">375</a>, <a href="#P392">392-98</a>; his unpopularity in +America, <a href="#P378">378</a>; his letters to Labouchere +<i>re</i> the Pigott forgeries, <a href="#P383">383-84</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Parnell Commission, the, history of, +<a href="#P360">360</a>, <a href="#P373">373-97</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Parnell, Miss, president of the Ladies +Land League, <a href="#P173">173</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Paul, Herbert, <i>A History of Modern +England</i>, quoted, <a href="#P195">195</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P209">209</a> <i>n.</i>; on +Arabi, <a href="#P195">195-96</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Peace Preservation Bill, the, <a href="#P172">172</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pearl, Cora, in the siege of Paris, <a href="#P43">43</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pease, Maker, <a href="#P353">353</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Peel, Arthur Wellesley, <a href="#P76">76</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P270">270</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pelletan, M., member of the +Provisional Government, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pemberton, M.P., Mr., <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Peninsular War, the, <a href="#P5">5-8</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Penny Illustrated Paper</i>, interview +with Labouchere in, <a href="#P529">529</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Perceval, Mr., ministry of, <a href="#P6">6-7</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Percy, Lord, his attitude to +Bradlaugh, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P149">149</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Persia, despotism of, <a href="#P469">469</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Peruvian bondholders, <a href="#P212">212</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Peter the Hermit, <a href="#P217">217</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Petty Bag, office of, Clerk of the, <a href="#P246">246</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Phillips, Lionel, director of the South +Africa Company, <a href="#P426">426</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Phipps, brewer, contests Northampton, <a href="#P144">144</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Picard, Ernest, member of the +Republican Government, <a href="#P117">117</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Piccadilly Saloon, the, <a href="#P105">105</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pichegru invades Holland, <a href="#P4">4</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pigott, Richard, Healy on, <a href="#P309">309-10</a>; +his sale of the <i>Irishman</i> to Parnell, +<a href="#P374">374</a>; his forgery of the Parnell-Egan +correspondence, <a href="#P373">373-406</a>; his +confession to Labouchere, <a href="#P394">394</a>, <a href="#P402">402</a>; +his flight and suicide, <a href="#P394">394</a>, <a href="#P402">402-406</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pisani, Alexander, as head of the +Diplomatic Chancellerie, Constantinople, <a href="#P64">64</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pitt, William, <a href="#P287">287</a>; his graduated +income-tax, <a href="#P247">247</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Plato, <a href="#P489">489</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Plunkett, Mr., <a href="#P410">410</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Poland, English sympathy with, <a href="#P284">284</a>; +Ireland compared with, <a href="#P189">189</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Polynesia, industrialism of, <a href="#P486">486</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ponsonby, Sir H., <a href="#P319">319</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pope, Alexander, his villa at Twickenham, <a href="#P40">40</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Portland, Duke of, ministry of, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Port Said, occupation of, <a href="#P201">201</a>, <a href="#P267">267</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Portugal, destiny of, <a href="#P9">9</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Post Office, Labouchere on the, <a href="#P478">478</a>; +nomination of Labouchere for, <a href="#P412">412</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— —— Savings Bank, Labouchere +on the, <a href="#P477">477</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pretoria, British agent in, <a href="#P442">442</a>; +capture of, <a href="#P440">440</a>, <a href="#P445">445-46</a>, <a href="#P454">454</a>; Jameson's +imprisonment in, <a href="#P434">434</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Prevention of Crimes in Ireland Bill, +passing of the, <a href="#P175">175</a>, <a href="#P185">185-190</a>, <a href="#P248">248</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Primrose League, the, its misstatements +<i>re</i> Pigott, <a href="#P404">404</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Privy Council, the, Labouchere +becomes a member of, <a href="#P523">523</a>, <a href="#P526">526</a>, <a href="#P530">530</a>, +<a href="#P531">531</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Procedure Resolutions, the, <a href="#P187">187</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Promissory Oaths Act, the, <a href="#P155">155</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Protection, Labouchere on, <a href="#P531">531</a>, <a href="#P533">533</a>; +Parnell's attitude to, <a href="#P258">258</a>, <a href="#P261">261</a>, <a href="#P276">276-77</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— of Life and Property in Ireland, +Forster's Bill for, <a href="#P166">166-74</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Prussia, Crown Prince of, advances +on Paris, <a href="#P123">123</a>, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Public Schools Bill, the, Labouchere +on, <a href="#P84">84</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Puebla di los Angelos, Labouchere at, +<a href="#P34">34</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Punch</i>, reminiscences of Labouchere +in, <a href="#P526">526</a>, <a href="#P527">527</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pursebearer, office of, <a href="#P246">246</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Pythagoras, Labouchere on, <a href="#P515">515</a>, <a href="#P516">516</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Queen's Messenger</i>, Labouchere's +proprietorship of the, denied, <a href="#P110">110</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Queensberry, Sybil, Lady, <a href="#P72">72</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Quotla di Amalpas, Labouchere at, +<a href="#P36">36</a>, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P62">62</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Radical Party, the, Chamberlain's +secession regarded as its fall, <a href="#P228">228</a>, +<a href="#P250">250</a>, <a href="#P318">318</a>, <a href="#P319">319</a>, <a href="#P352">352</a>, <a href="#P354">354</a>; its attitude +to the Egyptian policy, <a href="#P196">196</a>, <a href="#P198">198-200</a>, +<a href="#P212">212</a>, <a href="#P215">215</a>, <a href="#P217">217-19</a>, <a href="#P249">249</a>; its +attitude to Socialism, <a href="#P462">462-89</a>; its +sympathy with Ireland, <a href="#P72">72</a>, <a href="#P225">225</a>, +<a href="#P248">248</a>, <a href="#P252">252</a>, <a href="#P318">318</a>; its treatment by the +Irish, <a href="#P252">252</a>; Labouchere as +unofficial leader of, <a href="#P196">196</a>, <a href="#P198">198</a>, <a href="#P525">525</a>; +Labouchere's ideals for, <a href="#P225">225-48</a>, +<a href="#P259">259</a>, <a href="#P304">304</a>, <a href="#P318">318</a>, <a href="#P319">319</a>, <a href="#P525">525</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Radical principles, Labouchere's, +their divergence from Whig principles, <a href="#P42">42</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rawson, Henry, part proprietor of +the <i>Daily News</i>, <a href="#P97">97</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Reade, Charles, as a dramatic author, +<a href="#P101">101-2</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Recruiting, system of, in America for +the Crimean War, <a href="#P45">45</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Redmond, J. E., as leader of the Irish +party, <a href="#P524">524</a>, <a href="#P533">533</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Redpath, American Fenian, <a href="#P170">170</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Reed, correspondent of the <i>Leeds +Mercury</i>, <a href="#P272">272</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Referee, The</i>, <a href="#P537">537</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Reform Club, the, Labouchere at, +<a href="#P75">75</a>, <a href="#P89">89</a>, <a href="#P182">182</a>, <a href="#P198">198</a>, <a href="#P228">228</a>, <a href="#P318">318</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Registration Laws, the English, <a href="#P448">448</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Reid, Wemyss, <a href="#P393">393</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Reitz, Dr., Secretary of State for +the Transvaal, <a href="#P444">444</a>, <a href="#P447">447</a>, <a href="#P451">451</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Religious Disabilities Removal Bill, +the, <a href="#P160">160</a>, <a href="#P163">163-4</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rent Act, <a href="#P421">421</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Reporter</i>, interview with Labouchere +in, <a href="#P477">477</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Representation of the People Bill, +the, Labouchere on, <a href="#P244">244</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Revelstoke, Lord, as a politician, +<a href="#P240">240</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Reynolds's newspaper, <a href="#P471">471</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rhodes, Cecil, his complicity in the +Jameson Raid, <a href="#P426">426-30</a>, <a href="#P452">452</a>, <a href="#P453">453</a>; +his Imperialism, <a href="#P435">435</a>; Labouchere's +personal admiration of, <a href="#P430">430</a>, <a href="#P435">435</a>, +<a href="#P436">436</a>; Labouchere's public condemnation of, <a href="#P430">430-1</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rhodesia, <a href="#P435">435</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Riaz Pasha, administration of, <a href="#P195">195</a>, +<a href="#P221">221</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ripon, Lord, his government in +India, <a href="#P210">210</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Roberts, Earl, at Eton, <a href="#P18">18</a>; his +command in South Africa, <a href="#P441">441</a>, <a href="#P445">445</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Robertson, manager of the Royal +Aquarium, his libel action against +Labouchere, <a href="#P501">501</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Robertson, M.P., J. M., his account +of Bradlaugh's parliamentary struggle, <a href="#P142">142</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Robinson, Lionel, on Labouchere's +financial interest in the <i>Daily News</i>, +<a href="#P96">96</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Robinson, Sir John, <i>Fifty Years of +Fleet Street</i>, quoted, <a href="#P133">133</a> <i>n.</i>; +manager of the <i>Daily News</i>, <a href="#P96">96</a>, <a href="#P120">120</a>, +<a href="#P128">128</a> <i>n.</i>; on the syndicate of the <i>Daily +News</i>, <a href="#P95">95</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rochdale, <a href="#P484">484</a>; Chamberlain at, <a href="#P322">322</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rochefort, Henri, release and triumph +of, <a href="#P127">127</a>, <a href="#P130">130</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Roell, Dutch statesman, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Roman Catholicism in Ireland, Labouchere on, <a href="#P86">86</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Roman Catholics delighted by +Gladstone's article against Darwin, <a href="#P267">267</a>; +support Bradlaugh, <a href="#P156">156</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rome, <a href="#P535">535</a>; Fouché, Governor of, +<a href="#P11">11</a>, <a href="#P12">12</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ronan, counsel for the <i>Times</i>, <a href="#P374">374</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rosebery, Earl of, as Foreign +Secretary, <a href="#P420">420</a>, <a href="#P423">423</a>; Chamberlain on +his Home Rule policy, <a href="#P298">298</a>; his +letters to Labouchere <i>re</i> Home +Rule, <a href="#P268">268</a>, <a href="#P277">277</a>, <a href="#P283">283</a>, <a href="#P287">287</a>, <a href="#P307">307</a>; his +Premiership, <a href="#P423">423</a>, <a href="#P424">424</a>; Labouchere on, <a href="#P224">224</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rosmead, Lord, his work as +Commissioner in South Africa, <a href="#P428">428</a>, +<a href="#P429">429</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rossa, O'Donovan, <a href="#P284">284</a>, <a href="#P310">310</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rothschild, Baron, as a politician, +<a href="#P240">240</a>; his Egyptian loans, <a href="#P190">190</a>, <a href="#P191">191</a>, +<a href="#P193">193</a>, <a href="#P194">194</a>, <a href="#P206">206</a>; procures Labouchere a pass, <a href="#P140">140</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rouen, Labouchere at, <a href="#P120">120</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rouher, M., on the French army, <a href="#P123">123</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rousby, Mrs. Wybert, appears at +the New Queen's Theatre, <a href="#P99">99</a>, <a href="#P102">102</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rousseau, J.-J., on his own education, +<a href="#P21">21</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rovigo, Duc de, Napoleon's aide-de-camp, <a href="#P11">11</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Royal Aquarium, Westminster, Robinson +manager of, <a href="#P501">501</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Royal Parks and Pleasure Grounds, +Labouchere on the upkeep of, <a href="#P84">84</a>, +<a href="#P409">409</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rudini, Marchesa di, daughter of +Labouchere, <a href="#P535">535</a>, 539~40 +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Rumbold, Sir Horace, meets Labouchere +at Constantinople, <a href="#P63">63</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ruppenheim, Schloss of, Labouchere +at, <a href="#P54">54</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Russell, Charles (Lord Russell of +Killowen), his defence of Labouchere, +<a href="#P501">501</a>; his defence of Parnell, +<a href="#P374">374</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P375">375</a>, <a href="#P378">378</a>, <a href="#P384">384</a>, <a href="#P389">389-98</a>, <a href="#P402">402</a>; +on the Coercion Bill, <a href="#P182">182</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Russell, Lord John, Foreign +Secretary, appoints Labouchere to +Buenos Ayres, <a href="#P65">65</a>; checks Labouchere's +information from St. Petersburg, <a href="#P59">59</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Russell, Odo, in Paris during the +siege, <a href="#P120">120</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Russians, the, Labouchere's opinion +of, <a href="#P56">56</a>, <a href="#P57">57</a>; their method of playing cards, <a href="#P58">58</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ryder, Mr., in <i>The Last Days of +Pompeii</i>, <a href="#P100">100-1</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Saarbrück, French Army Corps at, +<a href="#P124">124</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +St. Anthony's Falls, <a href="#P41">41</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +St. Augustine, <i>Confessions of</i>, <a href="#P21">21</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +St. Cloud, Napoleon at, <a href="#P10">10</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +St. James's Club, Labouchere's +membership of, <a href="#P70">70</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +St. James's Hall, Home Rule meeting +at, <a href="#P324">324</a>, <a href="#P327">327</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +St. Martin's Hall, <a href="#P98">98</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +St. Patrick, Order of, <a href="#P241">241</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +St. Paul, Labouchere at, <a href="#P40">40</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +St. Petersburg, Crampton Ambassador +at, <a href="#P46">46</a> <i>n.</i>; Labouchere as +attaché in, <a href="#P52">52</a>, <a href="#P55">55-60</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +St. Thomas, Labouchere at, <a href="#P32">32</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sala, George Augustus, at Evans', <a href="#P29">29</a>; +his reminiscences of Labouchere, +<a href="#P99">99</a>, <a href="#P116">116</a>; witnesses Pigott's confession, <a href="#P394">394</a>, <a href="#P398">398-401</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sale of Liquor on Sundays Bill, the, +<a href="#P83">83</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Salisbury, Marquis of, attends the +Berlin Congress, <a href="#P191">191</a>, <a href="#P192">192</a>; his +Egyptian policy as Foreign Secretary, +<a href="#P191">191-4</a>, <a href="#P221">221</a>, <a href="#P223">223</a>; Irish policy +of his first administration, <a href="#P251">251</a>, +<a href="#P257">257</a>, <a href="#P270">270</a>, <a href="#P271">271</a>, <a href="#P274">274</a>, <a href="#P286">286</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P305">305</a>; +Churchill's letter to, <i>re</i> Home Rule, +<a href="#P279">279-80</a>, <a href="#P298">298</a>; his defeat and +resignation, <a href="#P317">317</a> <i>n.</i>; as leader of the +Opposition, <a href="#P319">319</a>, <a href="#P344">344</a>, <a href="#P347">347</a>; his +second administration, <a href="#P357">357</a>, <a href="#P406">406</a>, +<a href="#P409">409</a>, <a href="#P411">411</a>; his third administration, +<a href="#P438">438</a>; on the Transvaal, <a href="#P441">441</a>, <a href="#P450">450</a>, +<a href="#P451">451</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sampson, city editor of the <i>Times</i>, +Labouchere's attacks on, <a href="#P107">107</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +San Francisco, Healy in, <a href="#P310">310</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sardinia, kingdom of, <a href="#P61">61</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sardou, <i>La Patrie</i>, <a href="#P103">103</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Saturday Review</i> on Labouchere, <a href="#P513">513</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Saunders, Labouchere on, <a href="#P352">352</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sazary, Napoleon's aide-de-camp, <a href="#P11">11</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Schalk, Burger, President, <a href="#P456">456</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Scholl, Aurélien, <a href="#P120">120</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Schreiner, Mr., <a href="#P449">449</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Schwarzenberg, Prince, Premier of +Austria, Palmerston's grudge +against, <a href="#P67">67</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Scudamore, F. I., on the staff of the +<i>World</i>, <a href="#P107">107</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sculthorpe Rectory, Fakenham, <a href="#P21">21</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Seagrove, Captain, at Michelstown, +<a href="#P368">368</a>, <a href="#P369">369</a>, <a href="#P372">372</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Secret Societies in Ireland, <a href="#P171">171</a>, <a href="#P177">177</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sedan, battle of, <a href="#P125">125</a>, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Selby, Lord, his letter to Labouchere +<i>re</i> retirement, <a href="#P524">524</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sexton, his imprisonment, <a href="#P172">172</a>, <a href="#P174">174</a>; +his services in the Irish party, <a href="#P260">260</a>, +<a href="#P261">261</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>, <a href="#P363">363</a>; on the Coercion +Bill, <a href="#P178">178</a>, <a href="#P187">187</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sezzed Jamal ed Din, <a href="#P216">216</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Shakespearian revivals announced +by Labouchere, <a href="#P104">104</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Shannon, solicitor, Pigott's letter to, +<a href="#P395">395</a>, <a href="#P401">401</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Shaw, George Bernard, <a href="#P496">496</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sheffield, attaché in Paris, <a href="#P120">120</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Sheffield Telegraph</i> on Bradlaugh, +<a href="#P145">145</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Shekan, battle of, <a href="#P210">210</a>, <a href="#P212">212</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sheppard, Jack, relics of, in Newgate, +<a href="#P115">115</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sherif Pasha, administration of, <a href="#P209">209</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Shipman, Dr., M.P. for Northampton, <a href="#P519">519</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sicily, kingdom of, <a href="#P8">8</a>, <a href="#P9">9</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Simla, Lord Lytton at, <a href="#P192">192</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Simon, Jules, member of the +Provisional Government, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Simon, M.P., Serjeant, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a>; +defends Forster's Irish Bill, <a href="#P169">169</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Simpson, Palgrave, part author of +<i>Time and the Hour</i>, <a href="#P98">98</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Sixty Years in the Wilderness</i>, by +Sir H. Lucy, quoted, <a href="#P250">250</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Smith, Barnard, his complaint against +Labouchere for cribbing, <a href="#P23">23-26</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Smith, J. G., at Northampton, <a href="#P489">489</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Smith, Librarian in the House of +Commons, <a href="#P301">301</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Smith, Sir Archibald Levin, member +of the Parnell Commission, <a href="#P373">373</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Smith, W. H., on the Coercion Bill, +<a href="#P187">187</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Soames, Mr., solicitor, concerned in +the Parnell forgery case, <a href="#P360">360</a>, <a href="#P385">385</a>, +<a href="#P389">389</a>, <a href="#P395">395</a>, <a href="#P401">401</a>, <a href="#P405">405</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Social Democratic Federation, +programme of the, <a href="#P474">474-76</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Socialism, Labouchere's attitude to, +<a href="#P418">418</a>, <a href="#P458">458-89</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Socrates, Labouchere on, <a href="#P516">516</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Soissons, <a href="#P123">123</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Soudan, the, Gordon as Governor-General +of, <a href="#P209">209</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— War, the, <a href="#P209">209-18</a>, <a href="#P434">434</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +South Africa, Labouchere's sympathy with, <a href="#P259">259</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +South African Republic. <i>See</i> Transvaal. +</p> + +<p class="index"> +South America, Labouchere's visit +to, <a href="#P31">31-8</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Southampton, <a href="#P441">441</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Southwark, representation of, <a href="#P93">93</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Spain, kingdom of, <a href="#P8">8</a>, <a href="#P199">199</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Spencer, Lord, as Viceroy of Ireland, +<a href="#P174">174</a>, <a href="#P178">178</a>, <a href="#P181">181</a>, <a href="#P184">184</a>, <a href="#P186">186</a>, <a href="#P267">267</a>, <a href="#P317">317</a>, +<a href="#P320">320</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Spender, James, Montagu White on, +<a href="#P447">447</a>, <a href="#P448">448</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Spezia, Labouchere at, <a href="#P109">109</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Spion Kop, <a href="#P441">441</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stael, Madame de, questions Napoleon +on his ideal woman, <a href="#P246">246</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stamforth, John, contests Athlone, <a href="#P525">525</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Standard, The</i>, on Home Rule, <a href="#P256">256</a>; +O'Shea correspondent in Paris for, +<a href="#P141">141</a> <i>n.</i>; publishes Gladstone's Home +Rule scheme, <a href="#P277">277</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P286">286</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stanley, Hon. Frederick, <a href="#P76">76</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stansfield, <a href="#P338">338</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stead, William, his letter in the <i>Pall +Mall Gazette</i>, <a href="#P411">411</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stewart, Colonel, his information <i>re</i> +Hicks Pasha, <a href="#P210">210</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stewart, Patrick, <a href="#P170">170</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stockholm, Labouchere's duel while +attaché in, <a href="#P50">50</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stormberg, <a href="#P440">440</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Strassburg, French army at, <a href="#P122">122</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord, as +Ambassador at Constantinople, <a href="#P62">62</a>, +<a href="#P63">63</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stratford-on-Avon, Mr. Flower of, +<a href="#P75">75</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stroud, Labouchere at, <a href="#P332">332</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Stuart, Professor James, speaks +against the Coercion Bill, <a href="#P363">363</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Suakim, political importance of, <a href="#P214">214-18</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Suez Canal, the, political importance +of, <a href="#P199">199</a>, <a href="#P201">201</a>, <a href="#P204">204</a>, <a href="#P206">206</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Suffrage, Adult Manhood, Labouchere +on, <a href="#P229">229-48</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Woman, Labouchere's +opposition to, <a href="#P244">244-46</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sugden, Charles James, Labouchere's +letter to, <i>re</i> prefaces, <a href="#P537">537</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Swansea, Chamberlain at, <a href="#P189">189</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sweating Committee, the, <a href="#P471">471</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— in Government offices, <a href="#P478">478-79</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sweden, Queen of, <a href="#P53">53</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Swift, Dean, on cattle-maiming, <a href="#P169">169</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Sydney, N.S.W., <a href="#P393">393</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Talana, battle of, <a href="#P440">440</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Talavera, battle of, <a href="#P7">7</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Talleyrand, Prince, presents +Labouchere with a box of dominoes, <a href="#P14">14</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tariff Reform, Labouchere on, <a href="#P532">532</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Taunton, Henry Labouchere the +elder M.P. for, <a href="#P13">13</a>, <a href="#P14">14-15</a>; Sir +Henry James M.P. for, <a href="#P525">525</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Taunton, Henry, Baron, differentiates +between himself and his +brother, <a href="#P16">16</a>; is invited to assist his +nephew at Windsor, <a href="#P82">82</a>; Labouchere +declines to inherit his +title, <a href="#P251">251</a>; political career of, <a href="#P13">13-15</a>, +<a href="#P67">67</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Taxation on food and drink, Labouchere on, <a href="#P236">236</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Taylor, Tom, <i>Joan of Arc</i>, <a href="#P102">102</a>; <i>Twixt +Axe and Crown</i>, <a href="#P99">99</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Telbin and Moore, Messrs., <a href="#P98">98</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tel-el-Kebir, battle of, <a href="#P70">70</a>, <a href="#P198">198</a>, <a href="#P218">218</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Temple Bar</i>, "Over Babylon to Baalbek," <a href="#P113">113</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Temps, Le</i>, on Lord Rosebery, <a href="#P420">420</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Terry, Ellen, at Twickenham, <a href="#P356">356</a>; +in the <i>Double Marriage</i>, <a href="#P99">99</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tewfik, Khedive, his rule in Egypt, +<a href="#P194">194</a>, <a href="#P211">211</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Thackeray, W. M., <a href="#P497">497</a>; at Evans', +<a href="#P29">29</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Theatre-goers, Labouchere on, <a href="#P101">101</a>, +<a href="#P102">102</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Therapia, British Embassy in, <a href="#P83">83</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Thérèse Raquin</i>, <a href="#P338">338</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Thesiger, Q.C., acts as counsel for +Abbot <i>v.</i> Labouchere, <a href="#P108">108</a>, <a href="#P109">109</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Thiers, <i>Histoire du Consulat et de +l'Empire</i>, <a href="#P10">10</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Thistle, Order of the, <a href="#P241">241</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Thornton, banker, <a href="#P16">16</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Thornton, Edward, Labouchere's +letters to, <a href="#P518">518</a>, <a href="#P530">530-31</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Thornton, Godfrey, <a href="#P14">14</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Thornton, Rev. Spenser, <a href="#P14">14</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tichborne case, the, Labouchere's +reminiscences of, <a href="#P116">116</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Time and the Hour</i>, production of, +<a href="#P98">98-99</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Times, The</i> Arabi's letter to, <a href="#P222">222</a>; +Bell manager of, <a href="#P436">436</a>; denunciations +of its city edition by Labouchere, +<a href="#P108">108</a>; its case against O'Donnell, +<a href="#P371">371-74</a>, <a href="#P392">392</a>; its case against +Parnell, <a href="#P377">377-94</a>; its correspondents +in Paris during the siege, <a href="#P141">141</a> +<i>n.</i>; Labouchere denies proprietorship +of <i>Queen's Messenger</i> in, <a href="#P110">110</a>; +Labouchere's letters in, <i>re</i> his +exclusion from the Cabinet, <a href="#P415">415</a>; +Labouchere's letters to, <i>re</i> Home Rule, +<a href="#P291">291-98</a>, <a href="#P304">304</a>, <a href="#P309">309</a>, <a href="#P356">356</a>; Labouchere's +letters to, <i>re</i> the Income Tax, <a href="#P246">246</a>; +on Home Rule, <a href="#P256">256</a>, <a href="#P293">293</a>; on +Labouchere's letters from Paris, <a href="#P119">119</a>; +on the Middlesex election of 1868, +<a href="#P87">87-89</a>, <a href="#P92">92</a>; on "Parnellism and +Crime," <a href="#P358">358-60</a>, <a href="#P364">364-65</a>, <a href="#P367">367</a>, <a href="#P371">371</a>; +on the Windsor election petition, +<a href="#P78">78-80</a>; publishes Gladstone's Home +Rule scheme, <a href="#P277">277</a> <i>n.</i>; publishes +supposed letters from Parnell, +<a href="#P359">359</a>, <a href="#P371">371-75</a>, <a href="#P405">405</a>; quoted, <a href="#P438">438</a>; +report of Soudanese War in, <a href="#P219">219</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Times' History of the War in South +Africa, The</i>, quoted, <a href="#P429">429</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P437">437</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#P456">456</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tipperary, <a href="#P135">135</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tokar, conquest of, <a href="#P213">213</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tonsley, Mr., <a href="#P415">415</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Toole, J. L., plays at New Queen's +Theatre, <a href="#P99">99</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tory democrats, Labouchere on, <a href="#P248">248</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Toulba Pasha, exile of, <a href="#P221">221</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tours, Crawford correspondent at, +<a href="#P120">120</a>, <a href="#P121">121</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Trades Unionism, Labouchere on, +<a href="#P471">471</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Trainbearer, office of, <a href="#P246">246</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Transvaal, English population of, +<a href="#P426">426</a>, <a href="#P428">428</a>, <a href="#P436">436</a>, <a href="#P437">437</a>; its invasion by +Dr. Jameson, <a href="#P426">426-37</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Trevelyan, Sir George, <a href="#P150">150</a>, <a href="#P407">407</a>; +Healy on, <a href="#P267">267</a>, <a href="#P303">303</a>; on the +Coercion Bill, <a href="#P180">180</a>, <a href="#P188">188</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Triple Alliance, the, Labouchere's +opinions on, <a href="#P410">410</a>, <a href="#P418">418</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Trochu, General, Commander-in-chief +in Paris, <a href="#P125">125</a>, <a href="#P129">129</a>; Labouchere's +estimate of, <a href="#P136">136</a>, <a href="#P137">137</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Truth</i>, Grenville Murray's "Queer +Stories," <a href="#P109">109</a>; Horace Voules as +manager and editor of, <a href="#P493">493-512</a>; +Labouchere's editorship of, <a href="#P14">14</a>, <a href="#P106">106</a>, +<a href="#P109">109</a>, <a href="#P110">110</a>, <a href="#P117">117</a>, <a href="#P493">493-511</a>; Labouchere's +reminiscences of youth in, +<a href="#P17">17</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P20">20</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P30">30-46</a>, <a href="#P53">53</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P91">91</a>; libel +actions against, <a href="#P472">472</a>, <a href="#P499">499-502</a>; on the +Boer War, <a href="#P445">445</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P446">446</a>, <a href="#P455">455</a>, <a href="#P457">457</a>; on +Bradlaugh, <a href="#P161">161</a>; on Chamberlain, +<a href="#P228">228</a>; on the Chartered Company of +B.S.A., <a href="#P431">431-34</a>; on the Egyptian +policy, <a href="#P200">200</a>, <a href="#P202">202</a>, <a href="#P204">204-5</a>; on his +exclusion from the Cabinet, <a href="#P415">415</a>; on +hoaxes, <a href="#P405">405-8</a>; on Home Rule, <a href="#P287">287</a>, +<a href="#P315">315</a>; on the House of Commons, +<a href="#P529">529-30</a>; on India, <a href="#P200">200</a>; on the +Irish question, <a href="#P187">187-89</a>; on Lord +Dudley, <a href="#P525">525</a>; on the Michelstown +murders, <a href="#P369">369</a>, <a href="#P370">370</a>; on the Pigott +forgeries, <a href="#P375">375</a>, <a href="#P404">404</a>, <a href="#P405">405</a>; on owning +a dog, <a href="#P419">419</a>; parody of <i>Lest We Forget</i>, +in, <a href="#P448">448</a>; Queen Victoria's dislike +to Labouchere's proprietorship of, +<a href="#P414">414</a>; "The Ghastly Gaymarket," +<a href="#P105">105</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tryon, Sir George, at Eton, <a href="#P18">18</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tunis, French occupation of, <a href="#P192">192</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Turin, Nationalist sympathies in, <a href="#P61">61</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Turkey, its intervention in Egypt, +<a href="#P194">194-202</a>; its relations with England, +<a href="#P196">196-97</a>, <a href="#P199">199</a>; leases Cyprus to +England, <a href="#P191">191</a>, <a href="#P192">192</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Turner, Colonel, in Ireland, Healy +on, <a href="#P361">361</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Tuscany, deposition of the Grand +Duke of, <a href="#P61">61</a>, <a href="#P62">62</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Twickenham, Labouchere at, <a href="#P40">40</a>, <a href="#P323">323-28</a>, +<a href="#P333">333</a>, <a href="#P354">354</a>, <a href="#P356">356</a>, <a href="#P408">408</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Twixt Axe and Crown</i>, produced at +New Queen's Theatre, <a href="#P99">99</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Uganda, English policy in, Labouchere +on, <a href="#P421">421</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Uitlanders, grievances of the, <a href="#P426">426</a>, +<a href="#P427">427</a>, <a href="#P437">437</a>, <a href="#P442">442</a>, <a href="#P451">451</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Ulster, opposition to Home Rule in, +<a href="#P280">280</a>, <a href="#P284">284</a>, <a href="#P291">291</a>, <a href="#P299">299</a>, <a href="#P345">345</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>United Ireland</i>, <a href="#P255">255</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P257">257</a>, <a href="#P309">309</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +United States of America, salary of +the President, <a href="#P42">42</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Usedom, Countess d', caricature of, +<a href="#P70">70</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Valencay, Kolli at, <a href="#P10">10</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Vandort, Dr., physician to Arabi +Pasha,220 +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Vanity Fair</i>, <a href="#P492">492</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Vansittart, Mr., contests Windsor, +<a href="#P76">76</a>, <a href="#P77">77</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Venezuela, <a href="#P434">434</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Venice, Labouchere at, <a href="#P111">111</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Vera Cruz, Labouchere at, <a href="#P32">32-35</a>, <a href="#P38">38</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Verdun, Bazaine at, <a href="#P124">124</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Versailles, Labouchere at, <a href="#P139">139</a>, <a href="#P140">140</a>; +Prussian army at, <a href="#P127">127</a>, <a href="#P128">128</a>, <a href="#P139">139</a>, +<a href="#P140">140</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Victor Emmanuel II., Labouchere's +reminiscences of, <a href="#P62">62</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Victoria, Queen, <a href="#P85">85</a>; Gladstone +submits scheme for Home Rule to, +<a href="#P270">270</a>, <a href="#P277">277</a>, <a href="#P286">286</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P288">288</a>; her Civil List, +<a href="#P234">234</a>; her objection to Labouchere's +inclusion in the Ministry, +<a href="#P67">67</a>, <a href="#P413">413-15</a>; King Louis of Bavaria +inquires for, <a href="#P49">49</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Vienna, Grenville Murray attaché +in, <a href="#P68">68</a>; Labouchere in, <a href="#P529">529</a>; public +parks of, <a href="#P84">84</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Villa d'Este, Labouchere at, <a href="#P535">535</a>, <a href="#P536">536</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Vinoy, General, in Paris, <a href="#P128">128</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#P136">136</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Vivian, Lord, as Consul-General in +Egypt, <a href="#P194">194</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Voisin's, Paris, <a href="#P139">139</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Voltaire, Labouchere's neutrality +compared with, <a href="#P220">220</a>, <a href="#P513">513</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>Voltaire</i> on Labouchere, <a href="#P412">412</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Voters' Bill, a, Healy on, <a href="#P273">273</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Voules, Horace, his editorship of +<i>Truth</i>, <a href="#P493">493-512</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Vulpera Tarasp, Labouchere at, +<a href="#P45">45</a>, <a href="#P454">454</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Vyse, Colonel, contests Windsor, <a href="#P76">76</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Waddington, M., at the Berlin Congress, <a href="#P192">192</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wady Halfa, <a href="#P217">217</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wagner, F.S.A., Henry, his "Labouchere Pedigree," <a href="#P14">14</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +"Wait and See" policy, the, Chamberlain on, <a href="#P300">300</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Walcheren, expedition to, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Walker, John F., <a href="#P106">106-7</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Walpole, Sir Robert, declines a decoration, <a href="#P241">241</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Walpole, M.P., Spencer, chairman of +Select Committee on Bradlaugh +case, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Walsh, Archbishop of Dublin, +Churchill on, <a href="#P282">282</a>; his relations +with Pigott, <a href="#P381">381</a>, <a href="#P392">392</a>, <a href="#P404">404</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Walter, case of O'Donnell <i>v.</i>, <a href="#P372">372</a>, +<a href="#P373">373-74</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +War Loan Bill, the, <a href="#P441">441</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Warr, Lord de la, his interest in +Arabi, <a href="#P221">221</a>, <a href="#P223">223</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Warrington, Chamberlain at, <a href="#P257">257</a>, <a href="#P258">258</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wars of Religion, the, <a href="#P1">1</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Warton, M.P., Mr., on Bradlaugh, +<a href="#P149">149</a>, <a href="#P163">163</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Washburne, Elihu, American Ambassador +in Paris during the siege, +<a href="#P43">43</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Washington, Labouchere as attaché +at, <a href="#P39">39</a>, <a href="#P45">45-46</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a>; Labouchere's +ambition to become Ambassador at, +<a href="#P71">71</a>, <a href="#P423">423</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Waterhouse, Major, <a href="#P76">76</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Waterloo, battle of, <a href="#P42">42</a>, <a href="#P57">57</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Webster, Sir Richard, Attorney-General, +on Parnell's supposed +letters, <a href="#P372">372-73</a>, <a href="#P386">386</a>, <a href="#P395">395</a>, <a href="#P397">397</a>, <a href="#P406">406</a>; +his examination of Pigott, <a href="#P386">386-89</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Weissenburg, battle of, <a href="#P123">123</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Welby, Lord, on Labouchere at Eton, +<a href="#P18">18</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wellesley, Lord, English Foreign +Secretary, P.-C. Labouchère's mission to, <a href="#P5">5-10</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wellington, Arthur, first Duke of, +in the Peninsula, <a href="#P7">7</a>; on the battle +of Waterloo, <a href="#P42">42</a>, <a href="#P57">57</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +West, Sir Algernon, at Eton, <a href="#P18">18</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Westminster, Duke of, on the Irish +party, <a href="#P315">315</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +—— Hall, Women's Suffrage Petition +in, <a href="#P246">246</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Westmoreland, Earl of, as Ambassador in Vienna, <a href="#P68">68</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Whalem, Bridget and Patrick, <a href="#P168">168-69</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wharton, Mr., <a href="#P427">427</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Whewell, Master of Trinity, +encounters Labouchere, <a href="#P27">27-28</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Whig party, the, Labouchere on, <a href="#P229">229</a>, +<a href="#P248">248</a>, <a href="#P305">305</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Whig principles, their divergence +from Radical principles, <a href="#P42">42</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Whist as a diplomatist's game, <a href="#P49">49</a>, +<a href="#P55">55</a>, <a href="#P58">58</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Whitbread, M.P., Mr., <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +White, Mr., on the Triple Alliance, +<a href="#P411">411</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +White, Montagu, Labouchere's +correspondence with, <a href="#P446">446-49</a>, <a href="#P451">451</a>, <a href="#P455">455</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wicklow, Parnell at, <a href="#P258">258</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wiesbaden, Labouchere at, <a href="#P30">30</a>, <a href="#P54">54</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wigan, Alfred, comedian, part +manager of the New Queen's Theatre, +<a href="#P98">98</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wilkes, John, his struggle for +political liberty, <a href="#P163">163</a>, <a href="#P164">164</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Williams, M.P., Watkin, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Williams, Deacon, Thornton and +Labouchere, bank of, <a href="#P16">16</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Willoughby, Captain, his part in the +Jameson Raid, <a href="#P426">426</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wilson, Sir Rivers, as English +Commissioner and Finance Minister in +Egypt, <a href="#P193">193</a>, <a href="#P194">194</a>, <a href="#P206">206</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wilton Park, Bucks, <a href="#P16">16</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Winchilsea, Lord, on the staff of the +<i>World</i>, <a href="#P107">107</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Winchester, Thorold, Bishop of, <a href="#P2">2</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Windsor, Labouchere elected for, and +unseated, <a href="#P70">70</a>, <a href="#P74">74-83</a>, <a href="#P95">95</a>, <a href="#P493">493</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wingfield, Lewis, in Paris during the +siege, <a href="#P138">138</a> <i>n.</i> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Winterbotham, chairman at Stroud, +<a href="#P332">332</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wodehouse, English Ambassador in +Paris during the siege, <a href="#P43">43</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Woking, Dilke at, <a href="#P327">327</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wolff, Sir Henry Drummond, his +motion against Bradlaugh, <a href="#P146">146</a>, +<a href="#P147">147</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a>, <a href="#P163">163</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wolseley, Garnet, Viscount, his +mission in Egypt, <a href="#P197">197</a>, <a href="#P208">208</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wolverhampton, Lord. <i>See</i> Fowler, +Sir H. +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wolverton, Lord, on Chamberlain +and the Irish party, <a href="#P337">337</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Women, votes for, Labouchere's +opposition to, <a href="#P244">244-47</a>, <a href="#P517">517</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wood, Sir Evelyn, his command in +Egypt, <a href="#P209">209</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Woollaston, examiner at Cambridge, +<a href="#P24">24</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Woolwich, Chamberlain at, <a href="#P323">323</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +<i>World, The</i>, Labouchere's connection +with, <a href="#P94">94</a>, <a href="#P106">106-11</a>, <a href="#P492">492</a>, <a href="#P495">495</a>, <a href="#P527">527</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wörth, battle of, <a href="#P124">124</a>, <a href="#P127">127</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wyndham, Charles, at New Queen's +Theatre, <a href="#P99">99</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Wyndham, George, member of the +South Africa Commission, <a href="#P427">427</a>, <a href="#P435">435</a>, +<a href="#P436">436</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Yarmouth, <a href="#P6">6</a> +</p> + +<p class="index"> +Yates, Edmund, at Evans', <a href="#P29">29</a>; +editor of the <i>World</i>, <a href="#P492">492</a>, <a href="#P502">502</a>; on +Labouchere as a contributor, <a href="#P106">106-11</a> +</p> + +<p><br></p> + +<p class="index"> +Zanzibaris, troop of, in Uganda, <a href="#P421">421</a> +</p> + +<p><br><br><br></p> + +<p class="transnote"> +[Transcriber's Note: Unusual and incorrect spellings +have been left as printed.] +</p> + +<p><br><br><br><br></p> + +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75377 ***</div> +</body> + +</html> + + + diff --git a/75377-h/images/img-126.jpg b/75377-h/images/img-126.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..6b4cb8f --- /dev/null +++ b/75377-h/images/img-126.jpg diff --git a/75377-h/images/img-cover.jpg b/75377-h/images/img-cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..3dcb251 --- /dev/null +++ b/75377-h/images/img-cover.jpg diff --git a/75377-h/images/img-front.jpg b/75377-h/images/img-front.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..df04ef2 --- /dev/null +++ b/75377-h/images/img-front.jpg |
